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COUNTIRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS
PRACTICES FOR 1997
REPORT
SUBMITTED TO THE
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
AND THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
U.S. SENATE
BY THE
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
IN ACCORDANCE WITH SECTIONS 116(d) AND 502B(b) OF THE
FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT qgCJf^^^.^.^^lffN^y H^^j^-p^
COLLECTION "
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r:versity of Massachusetts
Depository Copy
MARCH 1998
Printed for the use of the Committees on International Relations of the
U.S. House of Representatives and Foreign Relations of the U.S. Senate
respectively
"m'^S^" } JOINT COMMITTEE PRINT
COUNTOY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS
PRACTICES FOR 1997
REPORT
SUBMITTED TO THE
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
AND THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
U.S. SENATE
BY THE
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
IN ACCORDANCE WITH SECTIONS 116(d) AND 502B(b) OF THE
FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961, AS AMENDED
MARCH 1998
Printed for the use of the Committees on International Relations of the
U.S. House of Representatives and Foreign Relations of the U.S. Senate
respectively
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
45-909 CC WASHINGTON : 1998
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
WILLIAM GOODLING, Pennsylvania
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska
CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey
DAN BURTON, Indiana
ELTON GALLEGLY, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina
DANA ROHRABACHER, California
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California
PETER T. KING, New York
JAY KIM, California
STEVEN J. CHABOT, Ohio
MARSHALL "MARK" SANFORD, South
Carolina
MATT SALMON, Arizona
AMO HOUGHTON, New York
TOM CAMPBELL, California
JON FOX, Pennsylvania
JOHN McHUGH, New York
LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina
ROY BLUNT, Missouri
JERRY MORAN, Kansas
KEVIN BRADY, Texas
RiCHARD J. Garon, Chief of Staff
Michael H. Van Dusen, Democratic Chief of Staff
LEE HAMILTON, Indiana
SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
TOM LANTOS, California
HOWARD BERMAN, California
GARY ACKERMAN, New York
ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
Samoa
MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
ROBERT ANDREWS, New Jersey
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
CYNTHIA A. MCKINNEY, Georgia
ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PAT DANNER, Missouri
EARL HILLIARD, Alabama
WALTER CAPPS, California
BRAD SHERMAN, California
ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
STEVE ROTHMAN, New Jersey
BOB CLEMENT, Tennessee
BILL LUTHER, Minnesota
JIM DAVIS, Florida
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
JESSE HELMS, North Carolina, Chairman
RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana
PAUL COVERDELL, Geoiigia
CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska
GORDON H. SMITH, Oregon
CRAIG THOMAS, Wyoming
ROD GRAMS, Minnesota
JOHN ASHCROFT, Missouri
BILL FRIST, Tennessee
SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas
James
Edwin K.
JOSEPH R. BIDEN, Jr., Delaware
PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland
CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut
JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts
CHARLES S. ROBB, Virginia
RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin
DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California
PAUL D. WELLSTONE, Minnesota
W. Nance, Staff Director
Hall, Minority Staff Director
(II)
CONTENTS
Page
Foreword vii
Letter of Transmittal ix
Preface xi
Introduction xiii
Africa:
Angola 1
Benin 10
Botswana 16
Burkina Faso 21
Burundi 27
Cameroon 36
Cape Verde 46
Central African Republic 50
Chad 57
Comoros 64
Congo, Democratic Republic of 67
Congo, Republic of 78
Cote dlvoire 83
Djibouti 91
Equatorial Guinea 98
Eritrea 105
Ethiopia 110
Gabon 120
Gambia, The 125
Ghana 132
Guinea 143
Guinea-Bissau 153
Kenya 158
Lesotho 175
Liberia 181
Madagascar 193
Malawi 198
Mah 205
Mauritania 211
Mauritius 223
Mozambique 227
Namibia 241
Niger 249
Nigeria 257
Rwanda 277
Sao Tome and Principe 284
Senegal 287
Seychelles 293
Sierra Leone 297
Somalia 311
South Africa 316
Sudan 327
Swaziland 338
Tanzania 345
Togo 355
Uganda 362
Zambia 376
Zimbabwe 384
(III)
IV
Page
Latin America and the Caribbean:
Antigua and Barbuda 397
Argentina 400
Bahamas 407
Barbados 412
BeUze 416
Bolivia 421
Brazil , 429
Chile 443
Colombia 451
Costa Rica 475
Cuba 481
Dominica 494
Dominican Republic 497
Ecuador 505
El Salvador 512
Grenada 523
Guatemala 526
Guyana 539
Haiti 546
Honduras 556
Jamaica 565
/ Mexico 570
^ Nicaragua 591
Panama 601
Paraguay 614
Peru 621
St. Kitts and Nevis 641
Saint Lucia 644
St. Vincent and the Grenadines 647
Suriname 651
Trinidad and Tobago 656
Uruguay 661
Venezuela 666
East Asia and the Pacific:
Australia 679
Brunei 634
Burma 689
Cambodia 699
China (includes Hong Kong) 713
China (Taiwan only) 754
Fiji 764
Indonesia 770
Japan 800
Kiribati 810
Korea, Democratic People's Republic of 813
Korea, Republic of 822
Laos 831
Malaysia 837
Marsnall Islands 849
Micronesia, Federated States of 852
Mongolia 856
Nauru 860
New Zealand 863
Palau 867
Papua New Guinea 870
Philippines 876
Samoa 891
Singapore 894
Solomon Islands 905
Thailand 908
Tonga 918
Tuvalu 921
Vanuatu 923
Vietnam 927
y
Page
Europe and Canada:
Albania 939
Andorra 951
Armenia 953
Austria 963
Azerbaijan 968
Belarus 977
Belgium 991
Bosnia and Herzegovina 996
Bulgaria 1009
Canada 1023
Croatia 1029
Cyprus 1046
Czech Republic 1054
Denmark 1065
Estonia 1067
Finland 1075
France 1078
Georgia 1085
Germany 1094
Greece 1102
Hungary 1115
Iceland 1121
Ireland 1124
Italy 1130
Kazakhstan 1135
Kyrgyz Republic 1151
Latvia , 1159
Liechtenstein 1169
Lithuania 1172
Luxembourg 1179
Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 1182
Malta 1190
Moldova 1193
Monaco 1200
Netherlands, The 1203
Norway 1208
Poland 1212
Portugal (includes Macau) 1227
Romania 1237
Russia 1244
San Marino 1268
Serbia-Montenegro 1271
Slovak Republic 1280
Slovenia 1291
Spain 1295
Sweden 1308
Switzerland 1314
Tajikistan 1319
Turkey 1329
Turkmenistan 1353
Ukraine 1360
United Kingdom 1374
Uzbekistan 1389
Near East and North Africa:
Algeria 1403
Bahrain 1415
Egypt 1424
Iran 1440
Iraq 1449
Israel and the occupied territories 1462
Jordan 1491
Kuwait 1502
Lebanon 1513
Libya 1522
Morocco 1530
VI
Page
Near East A^fD North Africa — Continued
Western Sahara 1542
Oman 1544
Qatar 1551
Saudi Arabia 1556
Syria 1567
Tunisia 1576
United Arab Emirates 1587
Yemen 1594
South Asia:
Afghanistan 1605
Bangladesh 1614
Bhutan 1628
India 1636
Maldives 1656
Nepal 1662
Pakistan 1672
Sri Lanka 1694
Appendixes:
A. Notes on preparation of the reports 1711
B. Reporting on worker rights 1713
C. International human rights conventions 1715
D. Explanation of chart in Appendix C 1720
E. FY 1996 U.S. economic and military assistance — actual obligations 1721
F. 53rd session of the U.N. Human Rights Commission voting record 1725
G. United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1728
FOREWORD
The country reports on human rights practices contained herein
were prepared by the Department of State in accordance with sec-
tions 116(d) and 502B(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as
amended. They also fulfill the legislative requirements of section
505(c) of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended.
The reports cover the human rights practices of all nations that
are members of the United Nations and a few that are not. They
are printed to assist Members of Congress in the consideration of
legislation, particularly foreign assistance legislation.
Benjamin A. Oilman,
Chairman, Committee on International Relations.
Jesse Helms,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations.
(vii)
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Department of State,
Washington, DC, January 29, 1998.
Hon. Benjamin A. Oilman,
Chairman, Committee on International Relations.
Hon. Newt Gingrich,
Speaker, House of Representatives.
Dear Sirs: On behalf of the Secretary of State, I am transmit-
ting to you the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for
1997, prepared in compliance with sections 116(d)(1) and 502B(b)
of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, and section
505(c) of the Trade Act of 1974, as amended.
We hope this report is helpful. Please let us know if we can pro-
vide any further information.
Sincerely,
Barbara Larkin,
Assistant Secretary, Legislative Affairs.
Enclosure.
(ix)
PREFACE
1997 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORTS
Why The Reports Are Prepared
This report is submitted to the Congress by the Department of
State in compHance with sections 116(a) and 502(b) of the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961 (FAA), as amended, and section 505(c) of the
Trade Act of 1974, as amended. As stated in section 116(d)(1) of the
FAA: "The Secretary of State shall transmit to the Speaker of the
House of Representatives and the Committee on Foreign Relations
of the Senate, by January 31 of each year, a full and complete re-
port regarding the status of internationally recognized human
rights, within the meaning of subsection (A) in countries that re-
ceive assistance under this part, and (B) in all other foreign coun-
tries which are members of the United Nations and which are not
otherwise the subiect of a human rights report under this Act." We
have also included reports on several countries that do not fall into
the categories established by these statutes and that are thus not
covered by the congressional requirement.
The responsibility of the United States to speak out on behalf of
international human rights standards was formalized in the early
1970's. In 1976 Congress enacted legislation creating a Coordinator
of Human Rights in the U.S. Department of State, a position later
upgraded to Assistant Secretary. In 1994 the Congress created a
position of Senior Advisor for Women's Rights. Congress has also
written into law formal requirements that U.S. foreign and trade
policy take into account countries' human rights and worker rights
performance and that country reports be submitted to the Congress
on an annual basis. The first reports, in 1977, covered only coun-
tries receiving U.S. aid, numbering 82; this year 194 reports are
submitted.
How The Reports Are Prepared
In August 1993, the Secretary of State moved to strengthen fur-
ther the human rights efforts oi our embassies. All sections in each
embassy were asked to contribute information and to corroborate
reports of human rights violations, and new efforts were made to
link mission programming to the advancement of human rights
and democracy. In 1994 the Bureau of Human Rights and Humani-
tarian Affairs was reorganized and renamed as the Bureau of De-
mocracy, Human Rights, and Labor, reflecting both a broader
sweep and a more focused approach to the interlocking issues of
human rights, worker rights, and democracy. The 1997 human
rights reports reflect a year of dedicated effort by hundreds of State
(xi)
Xll
Department, Foreign Service, and other U.S. Government employ-
ees.
Our embassies, which prepared the initial drafts of the reports,
gathered information throughout the year from a variety of sources
across the political spectrum, including government officials, ju-
rists, military sources, journalists, human rights monitors, academ-
ics, and labor activists. This information-gathering can be hazard-
ous, and U.S. Foreign Service Officers regularly go to great lengths,
under trying and sometimes dangerous conditions, to investigate
reports of human rights abuse, monitor elections, and come to the
aid of individuals at risk, such as political dissidents and human
rights defenders whose rights are threatened by their governments.
After the embassies completed their drafts, the texts were sent
to Washington for careful review by the Bureau of Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor, in cooperation with other State Depart-
ment offices. As they worked to corroborate, analyze, and edit the
reports, the Department officers drew on their own sources of infor-
mation. These included reports provided by U.S. and other human
rights groups, foreign government officials, representatives from
the United Nations and other international and regional organiza-
tions and institutions, and experts from academia and the media.
Officers also consulted with experts on worker rights issues, refu-
gee issues, military and police matters, women's issues, and legal
matters. The guiding principle was to ensure that all relevant in-
formation was assessed as objectively, thoroughly, and fairly as
possible.
The reports in this volume will be used as a resource for shaping
policy, conducting diplomacy, and making assistance, training, and
other resource allocations. They will also serve as a basis for the
U.S. Government's cooperation with private groups to promote the
observance of internationally recognized human rights.
The Country Reports on Human Rights Practices cover inter-
nationally recognized individual, civil, political, and worker rights,
as set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. These
rights include freedom from torture or other cruel, inhuman, or de-
grading treatment or punishment; from prolonged detention with-
out charges; from disappearance due to abduction or clandestine
detention; and from other flagrant violations of the right to life, lib-
erty, and the security of the person.
Universal human rights aim to incorporate respect for human
dignity into the processes of government and law. All people have
the inalienable right to change their government by peaceful means
and to enjoy basic freedoms, such as freedom of expression, associa-
tion, assembly, movement, and religion, without discrimination on
the basis of race, religion, national origin, or sex. The right to join
a free trade union is a necessary condition of a free society and
economy. Thus the reports assess key internationally recognized
worker rights, including the right of association; the right to orga-
nize and bargain collectively; prohibition of forced or compulsory
labor; minimum age for employment of children; and acceptable
work conditions.
INTRODUCTION TO THE 1997 HUMAN RIGHTS
REPORT
I. The Universality of Basic Freedoms
In 1948, in the aftermath of the deadliest war in human history
and in the first chill of a new Cold War, delegates to the U.N. Com-
mission on Human Rights carefully crafted the language of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights — the first international
agreement on the rights of humankind. Working under the leader-
ship of the head of the United States delegation, Eleanor Roosevelt,
they came from all continents, representing a broad spectrum of
cultures. The document proclaims the "inherent dignity and . . .
equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family."
The enduring strength of the Declaration is its universality. Its
core freedoms are the entitlement of all people, not just some
groups or cultures. They are not a new invention. Sophocles wrote
about them 2,500 years ago when he had Antigone declare that
there were ethical laws higher than the laws of Theban kings. The
Chinese delegation at the time of the drafting of the Declaration
pointed out that Confucius articulated these values in ancient
China. These rights begin, as Eleanor Roosevelt said, in the "world
of individual persons . . . the places where every man, woman, and
child seeks equal justice, equal opportunity, equal dignity without
discrimination."
On Human Rights Day, December 10, 1997, the international
community began a year-long celebration of the 50th anniversary
of the adoption of the Universal Declaration by the General Assem-
blv of the United Nations without a single dissenting vote. In the
following half century the Declaration's principles have entered the
consciousness of people around the world, providing inspiration for
laws, constitutions, and numerous efforts to safeguard basic lib-
erties. They have provided a universal yardstick for measuring our
progress and showing what remains to be done.
Although the world has changed much in the past 50 years, the
Declaration's universal principles remain fully valid. The Cold War
is history and communism has been discredited, but threats to free-
dom and human rights persist. As we saw this year in sectarian
and ethnic violence in manv places around the globe, people every-
where remain capable of dehumanizing others while leaders con-
tinue to exploit this human failing for their own ends. Democracy
was betrayed by violence in Cambodia, despite the international
community's strong involvement. Political opposition and individ-
uals belonging to ethnic and religious minorities still face state-
sanctioned discrimination and murder in too many parts of the
world.
The universality of the Declaration's principles requires that we
"expand the circle of full human dignity to all people," as First
(xiii)
XIV
Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton stated in her speech at the United
Nations on Human Rights Day. Exceptions to the principle of uni-
versality threaten to undermine the human dignity of all. Repres-
sive governments and their apologists always have rationalized
why they should be exempted from the Declaration's principles.
From the tortured explanations for apartheid in South Africa to ap-
peals to the Burmese Government's slogan of "disciplined democ-
racy," repressive governments have sought exceptions for them-
selves. A perennial argument is that people in a given society are
not yet "ready" for democracy and human rights. In 1997 the Dec-
laration came under attack when Malaysian Prime Minister
Mahathir proposed a review of the Declaration, although he later
asserted that it was not his intention to "dilute" the Declaration.
Some Western scholars have argued that advocates do more
harm than good to press democracy and human rights at the wrong
stage of socioeconomic development. Autocratic governments, so the
argument goes, are insulated from interest group politics and have
greater freedom to impose economic discipline on behalf of long-
term development.
While some authoritarian governments may have maintained po-
litical stability and produced economic gain in the short run, this
short-term stability has been purchased at the price of repression.
These governments lack the ingredients for continued success: the
open information and incentives for risk-taking produced by an
open society, and the accountability that comes with political plu-
ralism and democracy — which fosters transparency in the manage-
ment of economic institutions. This involves the freedoms pro-
claimed in the Declaration, including political and economic plural-
ism, a free press, freedom of association, free and fair elections,
and the rule of law.
The argument that economic development must precede democ-
racy and human rights ignores evidence from recent history. The
experiences of Poland, Costa Rica, the Philippines, and Botswana
demonstrate that the roads to prosperity and democracy are one
and the same. The evolution toward democracy is a complex proc-
ess involving many factors, with no particular order or sequence of
events that must be followed. International efforts to promote de-
mocratization and basic freedoms are best addressed to as many in-
stitutions of civil society as possible, including legislatures, judi-
ciaries, executive agencies, local governments, trade unions, press
and media, and NGOs. Of course, democracy cannot be imposed
from the outside. It must find its own roots within any given soci-
ety. But as we look around the world, we see those roots almost
everywhere, even starting to develop under repressive conditions in
places such as China, Nigeria, and Burma.
Building democratic culture and support for human rights is
never easy, and there are always setbacks. But that is no reason
for the international community to doubt the universality of the
Declaration's principles, nor to hold back from trying to expand the
circle of human dignity. Fifty years after adoption of the Universal
Declaration, it is clear that people in all cultures and at all stages
of development want their voices to be heard and their dignity to
be assured. The year 1997 brought several impressive examples. In
places as diverse as Mali, Albania, Guatemala, Kuwait, Yemen,
XV
Oman, Georgia, and South Korea, the actions of people in the ad-
vancement of their own human rights and democracy reaffirmed
the viability and universality of the Declaration's principles.
Several regional organizations also took steps in 1997 that un-
derscored the universality of human rights. In Asia ASEAN post-
poned Cambodia's admission after the democratic process broke
down. In Africa the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) was active in supporting the proposed International Crimi-
nal Court. Addressing the SADC, South African President Nelson
Mandela stressed that respect for state sovereignty could not limit
the SADC members'common concern for democracy and human
rights. The Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) intervened against a coup in Sierra Leone.
II. Year in Review
a. — Repressive Governments. — Strong authoritarian governments
in many parts of the world kept themselves in power through the
systematic abuse of the human rights of their citizens. The dismal
scenario is all too familiar.
In China there were positive steps on human rights, although se-
rious problems remained. Chinese authorities continued to commit
widespread and well-documented human rights abuses, in violation
of internationally accepted norms. Abuses included torture and
mistreatment of prisoners, forced confessions, arbitrary arrest, and
lengthy incommunicado detention. The Government continued to
use intimidation, administrative detention, imposition of prison
terms, house arrest or exile to control dissent. Thousands remained
in prison for the peaceful expression of their political, social, or reli-
gious views, or ' counterrevolutionary" crimes. In Tibet repressive
social and political controls of ethnic Tibetans risk undermining Ti-
bet's unique cultural, linguistic and religious heritage.
However, the Government's response to dissent was somewhat
more tolerant than in recent years. A number of dissidents, aca-
demics, and former officials issued public statements, letters or pe-
titions challenging the Government's policies or advocating political
reform. The authorities released a few political prisoners, including
Wei Jingsheng. China also made progress in legal reform efforts in
1997. As a result of economic and social changes, average Chinese
citizens now go about their lives with more personal freedom than
ever before. However, those Chinese who openly express dissenting
political and religious views still live in an environment filled with
repression.
In Burma the Government changed its name from the State Law
and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to the State Peace and De-
velopment Council (SPDC) but not its restrictive practices. Security
forces continued to commit extrajudicial killings, beatings, and
rape. The Government continued its restrictions on basic rights of
free speech, the press, assembly, association, and privacy.
In Nigeria despite General Sani Abacha's announced timetable
for transition to multiparty rule, there was no meaningful progress
toward democracy. The March 15 elections were deeply flawed. In
April the Government issued Decree Number 7, which allows for
the removal at will of any elected official by the Head of State.
Other elections were postponed. The winner of the annulled 1993
XVI
presidential election, Chief Moshood K.O. Abiola, remained in de-
tention on charges of treason, as did other prominent politicians
and pro-democracy activists. Abacha announced on November 17
that he would release some political detainees but at year's end he
had not done so. Security forces continue to commit extrajudicial
killings, use excessive force, torture, harass human rights and
prodemocracy groups, and sexually abuse female suspects and pris-
oners. Prison conditions remain life threatening. Government tribu-
nals operating outside the constitutional court system undermine
the judicial process. Restrictions on freedoms of speech, the press,
assembly, and association continue.
Cuba attracted positive attention by agreeing to a visit from the
Pope in early 1998. Castro's totalitarian structure, however, re-
mains unchanged. Police continued to use excessive force, occasion-
ally resulting in deaths. Freedom of speech, the press, assembly,
association, and the right to privacy are denied. North Korea, de-
spite economic catastrophe, still clings to its totalitarian isolation-
ism.
The aging dictatorship in Libya survived another year through
intimidation and the denial of basic rights. In Syria there was
scant progress in opening up the autocratic system. In Iraq the
Government forced the displacement of tens of thousands of Kurds,
Shi'a, and other minorities, and there were credible reports of mass
extrajudicial killings of perceived political opponents. In Iran seri-
ous human rights abuses persisted, although its new president,
Seyyed Mohamad Khatami, has publicly pledged his support for
the rule of law and increased personal freedoms. In Saudi Arabia
restrictions on freedoms, including the basic freedoms of women,
continued.
b. Countries in Conflict. — Conflict posed an increasing threat to
civilians in a number of countries in 1997. In the Great Lakes re-
gion of Africa Hutu insurgents in Rwanda, Burundi, and the east-
ern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DROC) have organized alli-
ances that include the openly genocidal ex-FAR and Interahamwe,
and the Burundian Palipehutu. The security-conscious govern-
ments in the region are snaring arms and intelligence. There are
extremely serious abuses on all sides. In the DROC the human
rights situation has remained extremely volatile, despite the depar-
ture of former President Mobutu. Many serious problems remain,
especially allegations of civilian massacres during President
Kabila's campaign to take power, which the U.N. has sought unsuc-
cessfully to investigate.
The alarming brutality of the massacres and sexual violence
against women in Algeria commanded the world's attention. At the
end of the year, as many as 1,000 civilians were being killed each
month. Civil war, as well as slavery and forced conscription of chil-
dren continued in Sudan. The Government continued to use
extrajudicial killings, disappearances, torture, and the harassment
of suspected opponents to stay in power. Military forces summarily
tried and punished civilians. Afghanistan remains in a state of
near anarchy, with arbitrary and summary law enforced by the
armed factions in territories under their control. The repressive
Taliban control the majority of territory. Human rights for women
and girls declined drastically in Taliban-controlled areas, where
XVll
they were denied the right to education; prohibited from working
outside the home, except in Hmited circumstances in the health
care field; and prohibited fi-om appearing outside the home, unless
accompanied by a male family member and wearing a covering
from head to toe.
Colombia has increasing human rights problems. Security forces,
paramilitary forces, and guerrillas all committed extrajudicial
killings and kidnapings, almost always with impunity. Guerrillas
disrupted local elections and threatened and killed candidates.
Paramilitaries at times, with the collaboration or acquiescence of
the military, were responsible for massacring unarmed civilians.
c. — Countries in Transition. — Countries in transition presented a
mixed picture of progress and backsliding. On the hopeful side,
democratic government, despite significant remaining obstacles,
seemed to be taking root in Romania and Bulgaria, as reforming
governments tackled difficult structural economic problems.
As countries emerge from these transitions, women continue to
have particular burdens, leaving their basic needs unmet. In such
situations, women lack shelter, food, and the ability to provide for
their children. These circumstances put an additional strain on
women's ability to participate in the economic and political rebuild-
ing of their country.
When Albania stood on the brink of chaos following the collapse
of the pyramid investment schemes, the international community
coordinated an effective response. The Italian-led multinational
force provided security, while the Organization for Security and Co-
operation in Europe (OSCE) oversaw election preparations. Despite
physical danger and other obstacles, the Albanian people bravely
responded to the international community's assistance by turning
out in force for the June 29 parliamentary election. In a massive
protest vote, the opposition Socialists defeated the increasingly au-
thoritarian President Berisha. Although much still can go wrong,
the international community worked with the Albanian people to
help put the country back on the democratic track, and under the
coordination of the OSCE, remains engaged in the strengthening of
human rights and democratic initiatives in Albania.
Liberia held presidential and parliamentary elections on July 19,
which international observers deemed free and transparent.
Bosnia continued haltingly to put in place elements of the Day-
ton Accords, most notably, successful municipal elections in Sep-
tember supervised and monitored by the OSCE. More indicted war
criminals were brought to justice. In July SFOR members arrested
one war criminal and killed another in self-defense. On October 10,
indicted Croat war criminals surrendered to the International
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia; the majority of Croat
war criminals are now in custody. The Dayton-mandated Human
Rights Commission strengthened its role, and the International
Commission on Missing Persons continued to help families deter-
mine the fate of their loved ones. The United Nations International
Police Task Force expanded its work of training and vetting multi-
ethnic police units in the Federation and, to a far lesser extent, in
the Republika Srpska, where local authorities often proved unco-
operative. The growing political influence of President Plavsic and
her supporters in the Republika Srpska demonstrated that indicted
XVlll
war criminal Radovan Karadzic does not, in fact, hold the alle-
giance of most Bosnian Serbs. Bosnia still has a long way to go,
however, to fulfill the promise of Dayton, The pace of integration
remains disappointingly slow, as mutual suspicions far exceed mu-
tual trust. The pace of refugee returns remains minimal, as refu-
gees rightly fear to return to areas where they would be members
of a minority. More progress is needed on freedom of movement,
freedom of the media, joint institutions, and the creation of multi-
ethnic police units. Perhaps the major factor underlying the slow
pace of Bosnia's healing is that the majority of indicted war crimi-
nals are still at large in Bosnia and some, like Karadzic, are influ-
encing policies in the Republika Srpska. The healing and reconcili-
ation process can only be slowed by their presence.
There was a marked decline in human rights abuses in Guate-
mala, but problems remained in some areas, including extrajudicial
killings. Lynching and mob attacks continued. Haiti's human rights
progress continued under President Rene Preval, its second demo-
cratically-elected leader. However, the political situation remained
unsettled following disputed local elections in April and the June
resignation of the Prime Minister, with no replacement by year's
end.
Georgia began a second stage of economic reforms to complete
the transition to a free market economy. Senior government offi-
cials openly acknowledged human rights problems, and the routine
abuse and torture of prisoners and detainees continued. However,
increased citizen awareness of democratic values and the growing
assertiveness of the Parliament provided some check on the ex-
cesses of law enforcement agencies.
Egypt made incremental improvements in its human rights situ-
ation, although continuing major problems include restrictions
under the Emergency Law (in response to terrorist activity), mass
arrests, torture, limits on press freedom, and discrimination
against women and Christians.
Indonesian authorities maintained their tight grip on the politi-
cal process and controlled the May parliamentary elections. Secu-
rity forces continued to be responsible for extrajudicial killings, dis-
appearances, and torture. Restrictions on freedom of speech and as-
sociation, as well as government influence over the judiciary, are
exemplified by the trial of trade union organizer Muchtar
Pakpahan, which still continues after 14 months. Vietnam's human
rights record, although somewhat improved, continued to be poor,
with significant restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, asso-
ciation, religion, and the right to privacy.
Some countries took certain steps this year that raise particular
concerns. In Turkey widespread human rights violations continued,
including torture, restrictions on freedom of expression, 'Tionor"
murders of women, and the excessive use of force by security offi-
cials in the southeast. The Government adopted some reforms to
address its torture problem and sent some positive signals on lift-
ing restrictions on free speech. Prime Minister Yilmaz made signifi-
cant human rights commitments in a series of statements in late
1997. Early in 1998, however, the judiciary issued a ruling banning
Refah, Turkey's largest political party.
XIX
In contrast with its generally favorable climate for freedom of ex-
pression, Russia took a step backward with the passage of a law
restricting freedom of religion. In another area, Russia still has not
adequately addressed pervasive sexual and domestic violence
against women.
A number of countries in transition slid backward toward greater
authoritarianism. Another unfortunate trend for countries in con-
flict is increased criminal activity due to the lack of a strong
central government. For example, the deplorable increase in traf-
ficking of women and girls, poses a serious threat to the social and
economic structure of emerging democracies. Victims are left with-
out adequate legal, economic, and social protection as this criminal
activity expands.
After tremendous efforts by internal proponents of democracy,
supported by the international community, Cambodia reversed
course during widespread violence in July, following which vir-
tually all opposition leaders fled the country. The Government lim-
ited freedoms of the press, assembly, association, and the right to
a fair trial.
The situation continued to worsen in Belarus as President
Lukashenko harassed independent political parties, the media,
trade unions, human rights groups, and NGOs. The Soros Founda-
tion was forced out of the country. Under sustained international
pressure, Lukashenko reluctantly accepted establishment of an
OSCE mission. However, the degree of government cooperation
with the mission remains to be seen.
In Croatia an authoritarian government headed by Franjo
Tudjman used domination of the media and control of the judiciary
and the electoral process to harass and isolate most democratic op-
position. The OSCE monitored and reported on the problems with
the elections.
In Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan, leg-
islatures and judiciaries remain subordinate to powerful presi-
dents. Basic freedoms are curtailed in Uzbekistan, under the per-
sonality cult regime in Turkmenistan, and to a lesser extent in
Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.
III. Early Warning, Preventive Diplomacy, and Justice
The movement to strengthen and expand international institu-
tions of justice gained momentum in 1997. International organiza-
tions, such as the United Nations and the OSCE, work with states
and NGrO's to promote the basic rights of those most vulnerable.
Their efforts to deal with violations track the process of conflict res-
olution in three different dimensions: early warning, preventive di-
plomacy, and justice.
The OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights (ODIHR) plays an important role in promoting basic human
rights in the emerging democracies of Central and Eastern Europe
and the former Soviet Union. It is active in monitoring elections
and developing national electoral human rights institutions. The
OSCE also monitors implementation of human rights as set down
in the Helsinki Final Act. Helsinki implementation was reviewed
in November at a 3-week meeting organized by ODIHR. In 1997
the OSCE established a Representative on Freedom of the Media,
XX
who will focus on compliance with OSCE principles and commit-
ments regarding freedom of expression and free media.
U.N. mechanisms for promoting and protecting human rights in-
clude working groups, special rapporteurs, and experts who inves-
tigate and report on alleged violations. Over the past year, the
U.N. has strengthened the capacity of the High Commissioner for
Human Rights to play a major role in advancing human rights
worldwide. As part of his effort to strengthen the role of the High
Commissioner, Secretary (General Kofi Annan appointed Marv Rob-
inson, who was then President of Ireland, to that office following
the resignation of Jose Ayala Lasso of Ecuador. She has committed
herself to advancing international human rights norms through
moral persuasion and practical methods designed to produce tan-
gible results. As part of his Track Two reforms, Secretary General
Annan consolidated the Center for Human Rights into the office of
the High Commissioner for Human Rights and has made the High
Commissioner a participant in his executive committees. These
moves raise the profile of human rights within the U.N. and affirm
that the High Commissioner is the primary liaison for human
rights mechanisms within the U.N. system. The United States is
working with the international community to strengthen the High
Commissioner's office through more efficient management and ad-
ditional resources.
Over the past 4 years, early warning activities have been ad-
vanced through the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Human Rights and the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees. The two high commissioners have managed field oper-
ations in Rwanda, Bosnia, Burundi, Georgia, Colombia, Cambodia,
Vietnam, Haiti, Guatemala, and elsewhere, which advanced U.N.
early warning capabilities. In Central and Eastern Europe and the
countries of the former Soviet Union, the OSCE, through its field
missions and High Commissioner for National Minorities, plays a
similar early warning role. In addition, the United States and the
European Union have taken the lead on a public awareness cam-
paign to warn potential trafficking victims of the dangers involved
in this criminal activity.
Once forewarned of the possibility of new or renewed violent con-
flict, preventive diplomacy can take a number of forms. Measures
like visa restrictions, arms restrictions, denial of access to inter-
national financing, and economic sanctions all can be deployed to
contain a conflict or to put pressure on the leaders who are stimu-
lating it, as was done throughout 1997 to support the peace process
in Bosnia by keeping the pressure on Pale, Zagreb, and Belgrade.
Sometimes conflicts can be ended or mitigated, such as in Guate-
mala, Haiti, and El Salvador, where the U.N. and the OAS helped
negotiate an end to conflicts that involved massive human rights
abuses. Such preventive diplomacy often registers successes that go
unreported, as in Estonia, where the OSCE sponsored a series of
local open forums on minority rights that helped generate greater
understanding between Estonians and ethnic Russians.
If early warning and preventive diplomacy fail, appropriate ac-
tion must be considered by the international community, especially
when large numbers of civilians are threatened by violence. In
1997 the rapid and effective intervention of the Italian-led multi-
J
XXI
national force helped to rescue Albania from the brink of chaos.
With the OSCE playing the leading role, the international commu-
nity contributed to a successful election process in June in which
the Albanian people chose a new government to begin to lead them
out of their crisis. This international role was facilitated by the co-
operation of most Albanian political leaders. In contrast, govern-
ment resistance prevented international human rights missions
from being effectively deployed in Algeria and played a role in hold-
ing up the U.N. mission in the DROC.
Sustaining peace once it has been restored requires justice.
Those guilty of crimes against humanity must be punished or, at
least, exposed if the victims and their survivors are to be reconciled
with their countrymen. Affixing individual responsibility also
serves as an effective warning to others who might be tempted to
engage in similar acts. For this reason, the U.S. has been the
strongest political and logistical supporter of the U.N. War Crimes
Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, including sup-
porting the inclusion of rape as a war crime.
Although the Tribunals made progress in 1997, both still face
major challenges. In July the SFOR made its first arrest of indicted
war criminals, capturing one and killing another in self-defense.
Under diplomatic and economic pressure from the international
community, Croatia surrendered 10 indicted Croats, thereby plac-
ing most of the wanted Croatians behind bars. However, 52 persons
indicted by the Tribunal remain at large, including Ratko Mladic
and Radovan Karadzic. The Rwanda Tribunal has been more suc-
cessful in gaining custody of indicted war criminals and made sig-
nificant progress in 1997 in overcoming administrative, staffing,
and morale problems. The Rwanda Tribunal made history in 1997
when it filed its first indictment for rape and sexual abuse. These
Tribunals are unique in trying to bring justice to ongoing conflicts
as a way of seeking to end them, something that no otner inter-
national institution of justice has ever attempted. Although their
work is far from complete, the Tribunals helped pave the way for
progress in 1997 toward a permanent International Criminal Court
(ICC). President Clinton has called for the Court to be established
before the century ends. A treaty establishing the ICC is expected
to be drafted in Rome in the summer of 1998. The ICC would have
its own judges, prosecutors, and investigators to try individuals for
genocide, war crimes, or crimes against humanity, including crimes
of sexual violence against women, if national courts failed to do so.
IV. Religion
Freedom of religion is a universal human right that demands
international attention. Religious persecution not only is an intoler-
able invasion of an individual's basic human rights, but it can lead
to grave consequences for political and economic stability. If people
lack the freedom to practice their faith, it is likely that other
human rights will be restricted and that intolerance and violence
will be more prevalent. Lack of these rights also impedes efforts to
establish societies that promote liberty and justice.
In Sudan a bloody civil war fueled by religious intolerance
against Animists, Christians, and some Muslims continued
unabated. Iran's religious minorities continue to experience dis-
XXll
crimination and persecution, particularly Evangelical Christians
and Baha'is. Burma's persecution of the Rohingya Muslim minority
resulted in refugees fleeing to Bangladesh.
In China nonapproved religious groups, including Protestant and
Catholic groups, experienced varying degrees of official interference
and repression as the Government continued to enforce its 1994
regulations requiring all religious organizations to register with the
Government and come under the supervision of official "patriotic"
religious organizations. There was evidence that the authorities,
guided by national policy, in some areas made strong efforts to con-
trol the activities of unapproved Catholic and Protestant churches.
In some cases, authorities have used detention, arrest, and reform-
through-education sentences to enforce regulations. Despite this
pressure, the number of religious adherents in many churches,
both registered and unregistered, continued to grow at a rapid
pace. Citizens worshipping in officially sanctioned churches
mosques, and temples reported little or no day-to-day interference
by the government. In Xinjiang and Tibet, tight controls on religion
continued and, in some cases, intensified.
Evidence of fear and suspicion of minority religions grew in Eu-
rope, in both former Communist countries and those with long tra-
ditions of democracy and tolerance. Motivated in part by fear of
deadly movements such as Solar Temple and Aum Shinri-kyo,
some European countries have sought to restrict freedoms for a dis-
parate group of minority faiths, lumping them all together as
cults," and have begun to compile lists of ' cults" for closer observa-
tion.
This trend also has been particularly strong in countries where
the Orthodox Church has lobbied the government to restrict minor-
ity religions. In Russia President Yeltsin signed a law that imposes
severe restrictions on minority religions, including some offshoot
Orthodox groups. Some of these religious communities may be
forced to wait up to 15 years before attaining full legal status,
which is a requirement for owning property, publishing literature,
inviting foreign guests, operating schools, and conducting chari-
table activities. The law also imposes onerous religious restrictions
on noncitizens and erects barriers against foreign missionaries. The
impact of the new law on religious freedom will be measured, in
part, by the implementing regulations, which are expected to be
completed in early 1998. Already, however, some local officials have
seized on the passage of the law to pressure unpopular religions in
their districts. Bulgaria and Romania also have religion laws.
While Bulgaria has implemented its law in a manner that has re-
sulted in violations of religious freedom, Romania has done so in
a manner more consistent with international norms of religious
freedom. A similar law before the Austrian parliament would be
more restrictive than the Russian law.
V. Women
Celebrations of the Universal Declaration's 50th Anniversary at
the close of 1997 proclaimed the human rights progress of women
worldwide while calling attention to the many obstacles that re-
main to be overcome. In 1997 women took action to increase and
protect their human rights. The momentum of the U.N. Fourth
XXlll
World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995 continued to en-
courage governments to fulfill their commitments to take progres-
sive actions to secure rights for women. The Conference's call to ac-
tion motivated governments and NGOs to increase programs and
activities focused on women's human rights.
Women's NGO's around the world led the way in 1997 by taking
issues to their governments and to international organizations. Due
to their strong advocacy, governments and international organiza-
tions, such as the U.N., have become more responsive. NCX) s, gov-
ernments and international organizations formed partnerships to
explore women's issues and bring about change. For example, fe-
male democracy builders met in Vienna for strategic planning in
areas of law, leadership, politics, and business, while workshops in
South Asia examined the magnitude of the problem of trafficking
in women and girls. Female political leaders in Central Asia gath-
ered in Kazakhstan to coordinate approaches to increase women's
political participation in that region. The First Lady gave the key-
note address at that conference.
This year more countries joined the ranks of those placing wom-
en's human rights on their national agendas. The Dominican Re-
public passed a new penal code that specifically prohibits domestic
violence. The Egyptian Supreme Court upheld a ban on female gen-
ital mutilation, and New Zealand voters elected their first female
prime minister. Bulgaria raised the penalty for trafficking in
women and girls and created an interagency body to address the
issue. Namibian parliamentarians spoke out forcefully in protest of
violence against women, and Mauritania, which continued to main-
tain many barriers against the advancement of former female
slaves, developed limited programs to further the education of girls.
Despite this increased willingness to address women's human
rights violations, women around the world continued to encounter
barriers of political, economic, and social discrimination, often codi-
fied in the law. For example, in Bangladesh women still are victims
of dowry-related killings. Women in Tanzania still may be pun-
ished for not bearing children, and women in Guinea-Bissau have
limited access to education. Although Kuwait, Oman, and Yemen
have taken important steps toward democratic reform, Kuwaiti
women do not have the right to vote, and women in Oman and
Yemen, as in Saudi Arabia, must obtain permission from a male
relative before applying for a visa or leaving the country. Married
women in the United Arab Emirates cannot obtain employment
without their husband's written consent. In Turkey loopholes in the
legal system remain, which result in lesser sentences in cases of
rape if the woman was not a virgin prior to the rape or the judge
deems the woman to have acted provocatively.
Women around the world continue to face enormous obstacles
that prevent their participation in political and economic life. In
large part due to governments' laws and practices, women are dis-
proportionately poor, denied the right to privacy, discriminated
against in employment opportunities outside the home, and forced
into sexual slavery. Throughout 1997 many laws designed to pro-
tect the human rights of women remained unenforced. Continuing
legal obstacles remain to women's fair and open ownership of land
and inheritance rights.
XXIV
Algerian women suffered extreme oppression and atrocities by
militant groups this year, including rape, forced prostitution, "tem-
porary marriages," and beatings and beheading for failure to wear
head coverings.
The blatant abuse of women continued in Afghanistan. Women
were beaten for violating increasingly restrictive Taliban dress
codes, which require women to be covered from head to toe. Women
were strictly prohibited from working outside the home, and
women and girls were denied the right to an education. Women
were forbidden from appearing outside the home unless accom-
panied by a male family member. Beatings and death resulted for
failure to observe these restrictions.
Violence against women, both inside and outside the home, re-
mains a widespread and entrenched violation of women's human
rights around the world. Domestic violence continues to be a prob-
lem in virtually every country. The continued violent and harmful
practice of female genital mutilation violates women's human
rights with devastating physical health and psychological con-
sequences. Increasing numbers of women and girls are trafficked
and exploited for the purpose of prostitution, domestic servitude
and forced labor. Women's voices often remain silenced. In short,
despite the strides taken by women, governments, and inter-
national organizations in 1997, there is much work to be done to
assure that women's human rights are respected throughout the
world.
VI. Worker Rights
An international consensus exists, based on several key Inter-
national Labor Organization (ILO) Conventions, that certain work-
er rights constitute core labor standards. These include freedom of
association — which is the foundation on which workers can form
trade unions and defend their interests; the right to organize and
bargain collectively; freedom from gender and other discrimination
in employment; and freedom from forced and child labor.
Notwithstanding this consensus, free trade unions continued in
1997 to face harassment and repression in many countries. The
ILO's annual review of worker rights complaints led it to adopt
"special paragraphs" condemning violations by Burma, Iran, Mo-
rocco, Nigeria, Sudan, and Swaziland. The ILO also expressed
grave concern about worker rights violations in a number of other
countries, including Belarus, Colombia, and Indonesia. These unac-
ceptable practices have taken place as the international community
prepares to strengthen universal recognition of worker rights, witn
the anticipated adoption in 1998 of an ILO Declaration on Core
Labor Standards. Much will depend on the mechanisms that ILO
member nations devise to monitor and improve their progress to-
ward compliance with these standards.
In Mexico blatant discrimination against women took the form of
mandatory pregnancy testing during preemployment physicals and
the exposure of pregnant women to hazardous conditions to make
them quit.
The ILO also expects to consider a new Convention in 1998 to
eliminate the most intolerable forms of child labor. As the 1997
Country Reports make clear, the exploitation and abuse of society's
XXV
youngest and most vulnerable members continues all too frequently
around the globe. Public outrage over the use of unpaid or cheaply
paid children to produce goods for export prompted a reaction by
consumers in several developed countries, including boycotts and
selective buying campaigns. In the United States, public reaction
contributed to congressional enactment of the "Sanders Amend-
ment," emphasizing an intent to bar goods made by forced or in-
dentured child labor from entering the U.S. market. To accelerate
international efforts to end child labor and move children out of
harmful work situations and into education, a growing list of coun-
tries contributed to the ILO's International Program on the Elimi-
nation of Child Labor.
Dramatic financial and exchange rate developments in the sec-
ond half of 1997 battered the economies of several East Asian na-
tions where restrictions on freedom of association exist. These de-
velopments highlighted the problem of limitations on democratic
activity that can preclude the development of institutional checks
on botn governmental and private economic decisionmaking, aggra-
vating the consequences of error.
VII. Conclusion
Over the past half-century the 30 articles of the Universal Dec-
laration of Human Rights have formed a constellation of principles
to which all people can aspire. They have entered the consciousness
of people around the world. They are increasingly invoked in con-
stitutions and courts. They set a standard by which to measure
fundamental rights.
The protection and advancement of the Declaration's principles
are in the interest of all humanity, of nations as well as of individ-
uals.
Men and women from Cambodia to Romania, South Africa to
Russia, and Haiti to India, have shown that, regardless of the eco-
nomic condition of a nation or its historical or cultural legacy, basic
freedoms are a universal aspiration. They are not, contrary to what
critics of the Declaration say, a Western luxury or a form of cul-
tural imperialism. As First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton put it in
her address to the United Nations Greneral Assembly on Human
Rights Day, 1997:
"The beliefs inscribed in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights were not invented 50 years ago. They are not the work of
a single culture or country. They have been with us forever, from
civilization's first light. . . . The belief that we must respect our
neighbors as we would respect ourselves resides at the core of the
teachings of all the major faiths of the world, . . . If I were to tear
up this Declaration, its values would abide."
John Shattuck,
Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor.
AFRICA
ANGOLA
The Republic of Angola continued its ongoing transition from a single party state
to a multiparty democracy. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola
(MPLA) has ruled Angola since its independence from Portugal in 1975. The Con-
stitution was revised in 1991 to provide for elections and for the protection of basic
human rights, but the Government generally does not respect its provisions in prac-
tice. In 1992 President Jose Eduardo dos Santos received a plurality of votes in An-
fola's first elections, which United Nations observers declared to be free and fair,
'he second round of the election was not held due to the repudiation of the first
round results by the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)
and the subsequent return to civil war. In 1994 the Government and UNITA signed
the Lusaka Protocol in an effort to formally end 20 years of civil war. In April
UNTTA joined with the MPLA and 10 smaller opposition parties to form a Govern-
ment of Unity and National Reconciliation (GURN). As specified in the Lusaka Pro-
tocol, UNITA finally filled in April the 70 National Assembly seats won in 1992. The
judiciary, where it mnctions, is not independent of the President and the MPLA.
The Government and UNITA continued to implement the Lusaka Protocol's provi-
sions for a cease-fire, including the disarming and quartering of 70,000 UNITA
troops, the integration of some UNITA soldiers into the Angolan armed forces, and
the demobilization of remaining combatants. This process is taking place under the
auspices of the U.N. Observer Mission in Angola (MONUA — the follow-on force to
the U.N. Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM III). Three observer countries (Por-
tugal, Russia, and the United States) are also monitoring the implementation of the
Lusaka Protocol. In July the newly integrated Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) were
officially inaugurated. Some 10,000 of the FAA's 90,000 troops are former UNITA
soldiers.
The Ministry of the Interior is responsible for internal security. It exercises this
function through the National Police. The Paramilitary Rapid Intervention Police,
(PIR), created in 1992 as an elite paramilitary force, was restricted to barracks as
part of the 1994 Lusaka Protocol; that quartering ended in October. The armed
forces are responsible for external security. Prior to implementation of the Lusaka
Protocol-mandated cease-fire, they were primarily engaged in fighting the civil war
against UNITA. While civilian authorities generally maintain enective control of the
security forces, there were frequent instances in which the security forces acted
independently of government authority. Members of the security forces committed
numerous, serious human rights abuses, especially in areas to which the Gk)vern-
ment recently extended its administration.
Angola's developing economy is in transition from a centrally-directed to a mar-
ket-based model. There are extensive natural resource reserves and rich agricultural
lands which have not yet been exploited. Principal exports are petroleum and dia-
monds, which together with foreign aid, are the country's leading sources of foreign
exchange. Oil revenues for 1997 exceeded $4 billion, and diamond revenues were es-
timated at $850 million. Subsistence agriculture, the traditional livelihood for the
majority of the country's approximately 12 million citizens, was constrained severely
by the extensive use of land mines in 23 years of civil conflict, as well as by govern-
ment and UNITA restrictions on freedom of movement. In 1997 approximately 1.2
million internally displaced persons (IDPs) still relied on emergency food aid sup-
plied by the international donor community. About 1 million Angolan IDPs had re-
turned to their homes by late 1997. Areas under government control suffered from
hyperinflation, scarcity of consumer goods, massive unemployment and under-
employment, crumbling infrastructure, and continuing pervasive corruption. While
the Government took some measures to increase the availability and control the
prices of consumer staples, these unsustainable initiatives did not remedy the root
causes of economic instability. Areas controlled by UNITA experienced scarcities of
(1)
consumer goods along with massive unemployment and underemployment. Annual
per capita gross national product is approximately $450, but the overwhelming por-
tion of the country's wealth remains concentrated in the hands of a small elite. The
average monthly salary of wage earners (a small minority of the labor force) was
approximately $10 in rural areas and $50 to $160 in Luanda, a level that falls well
short of providing a decent standard of living.
Although there was some improvement, the Government's human rights record
continued to be poor, and it continued to commit numerous serious abuses. Members
of the security forces committed extrajudicial killings, arbitrarily and secretly ar-
rested and detained persons, and often tortured and beat detainees. The Govern-
ment did not take effective action to punish abusers. The Government continued to
inhibit independent investigations of human rights abuses. Government leaders
cited the 20-year civil war as a justification for allowing emergency considerations
to override concerns about human rights abuses. Prison conditions were life threat-
ening. Arbitrary arrest and detention are problems. The judiciary does not ensure
due process and only functions in parts of the country. The Government infringed
on citizens' privacy rights. The Government restricted freedom of expression, the
press, assembly, and association. While some improvements were made, citizens'
freedom of movement continues to be restricted. The judiciary, where it functions,
is not independent from the FVesident and the MPLA. Although Angola is nominally
a multiparty democracy, citizens have no effective means to change their govern-
ment. Parliamentary elections due to be held in 1996 were postponed for between
2 and 4 years under the terms of the Lusaka Protocol; presidential elections are not
to be held until the United Nations determines that appropriate conditions exist.
Discrimination and violence against women were widespread. Children and the dis-
abled continued to suffer as a result of the civil war and poor economic conditions.
The Government continued to dominate the labor movement, and there was no im-
provement in the poor worker rights situation.
The human ri^ts situation in territories controlled by UNITA was poor, with nu-
merous extrajudicial killings, disappearances, incidents of torture, arbitrary arrests
and detentions, denial of fair public trial, forced conscription, and attacks on civilian
populations. UNITA tightly restricted freedom of speech, the press, assembly, asso-
ciation, and movement. UNITA did not cooperate with independent investigations
of human rights abuses by United Nations human rights monitors, the only such
monitors in the country.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Politically and economically moti-
vated violence by state security forces and conmion criminal violence were often in-
distinguishable. A large number of violent crimes including robbery, vehicle hijack-
ings, assault, kidnaping, rape, and murder were committed by members of the mili-
tary and police forces both in and out of uniform. For example, the Government's
so-called antibanditry campaign late in the year in the provinces of Benguela, Huila,
and Huambo had to be abandoned when even the Government acknowledged that
its own security forces were out of control. Although most criminal activity was com-
mitted by poorly and irregularly paid rogue elements of the security forces, there
were credible reports that some of these attacks were carried out under orders from
the Government. The Government did not take any effective action to punish abus-
ers, especially in areas to which government authority had recently been extended.
Frequent gun battles between members of the military and police, and fighting
among soldiers, police, and bandits in streets, suburbs, and open air markets of
major urban centers resulted in numerous civilian casualties.
Many prisoners died as a result of inadequate food, poor sanitary conditions, and
lack of medical treatment (see Section I.e.).
The 1995 killing of independent journalist Ricardo de Mello remains unsolved, as
do the October 1995 murder of state-owned-television journalist Antonio Casmiro in
Cabinda (see Section 2.a.) and the 1994 killing of the Vice-Govemor of Malange
Province. The results of the investigation into the November 1993 death of opposi-
tion politician Carlos Simea were never released. It is widely believed that these
persons were killed for political reasons.
Civilians reportedly were killed in the cross-fire between the Angolan National
Army and the armed factions of the Cabinda Enclave Liberation Front (FLEC).
Fighting is concentrated in the northern areas of Tandu-Zinze, Kuku-Zau, and
Belize.
UNITA forces also continued to kill civilians (see Section l.g.). It has been
credibly alleged that dozens of prisoners died in UNITA custody (see Sections I.e.
and l.d.).
There was no investigation of the mass grave site found in June 1996 in Soyo,
Zaire Province. The Joint Commission determined that the killings took place prior
to the signing of the Lusaka Protocol in November 1994 and that UNAVEM, and
later MONUA, did not have the mandate to investigate.
Two mass grave sites were discovered in Huambo Province in November, but
MONUA has yet to determine the circumstances and timing of the deaths. The Joint
Commission issued a declaration that these sites should not be disturbed until the
situation on the ground allows for a proper forensic investigation.
b. Disappearance. — The Government and UNITA continued to accuse each other
of abductions and disappearances of civilians including traditional leaders (Sobas)
and party activists. MONUA investigates all alleged cease-fire violations and human
rights abuses that are reported to it by the (jovemment, UNITA, and private indi-
viduals. It divides allegations into confirmed and unconfirmed and pending, and it
assigns responsibility of confirmed incidents to the Government, UNITA, or bandits.
WhOe the cases reported to MONUA represent only part of the offenses that oc-
curred in 1997, a pattern of government and UNITA disregard for the human rights
of civilian populations can be discerned. For example, MONUA confirmed 100 cease-
fire violations by the (Government and UNITA (plus 36 acts of banditry) in the last
quarter of the year, of which 41 were serious human rights incidents committed by
either the Government or UNITA. A total of 18 incidents involved attacks on com-
munities, another 16 involved the detention, harassment, or disappearance of civil-
ians, and 7 involved the theft of property.
There were no developments m the August 1994 disappearances of two individ-
uals associated with Africare, Vincent Douma and Oliveira Lemba. The Inter-
national Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the human rights division of
MONUA, as well as civilian police, continued searching for them throughout the
year.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There were credible firsthand reports that the police committed torture. In many
cases the police beat and then release detainees rather than make an effort to pre-
pare a formal court case. Security forces also committed rapes.
UNITA forces continued to attack the civilian population and also committed
rapes.
Prison conditions constituted a serious threat to the health and life of prisoners.
The Government and the National Assembly Committee on Human Rig'hts have ac-
knowledged that conditions are inhuman. Cells are overcrowded and lack basic sani-
tary facilities. Many prisons, lacking financial support from the (jovemment, were
unable to supply prisoners with adequate food and health care. There were credible
reports that many prisoners died of malnutrition and disease.
Prison officials routinely beat detainees. Prisoners depended on families, friends,
and international relief organizations for basic support. On August 4, Vice Minister
of the Interior Jeronimo Marcolino visited Bentiaba prison in Namibe Province and
acknowledged that the conditions were harsh and life threatening. Tribunals are not
functioning, and there are persons who have been in preventive detention for longer
than the 135-day period allowed by law and who have not yet been put on trial.
Ten UNITA members died in the custody of the National Police in Malange in
November. A government report on the incident claimed that 9 had died as a result
of fighting among a group of over 50 prisoners, and 1 had committed suicide. The
Government report absolved the National Police of any responsibility. However, the
prisoners were held for over 24 hours in inhuman conditions, and international and
other observers believed that they died of asphyxiation. The Government refused to
perform autopsies and declined to return the bodies to the families of the deceased.
The Government also refused to allow the exhumation of the bodies.
The (jovemment permitted prison visits by MONUA human rights monitors.
It has been credibly alleged that dozens of prisoners died in UNITA custody (see
Section l.d.)
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Arbitrary arrest and detention are prob-
lems. Under the law a person caught in the act of committing a crime may be ar-
rested and detained immediately. Otherwise, the law requires that an arrest war-
rant be signed by a judge or a provincial magistrate. Arrest warrants may also be
signed by members of tne judicial police ana confirmed within 5 days by a mag-
istrate. The Constitution provides for the right to a prompt judicial determination
of the legality of the detention. Under the law, the prosecution and defense have
90 days before trial to prepare a case, although this deadline may be extended by
attorneys general but only under extenuating circumstances. The Constitution also
provides prisoners with the right to receive visits by family members. However, a
scarcity of resources and the lack of qualified and motivated personnel in the judi-
cial system, limited the exercise of these rights.
Although in 1993 the Council of Ministers decided to transfer control of the judi-
cial process and prison system from the Interior Ministry to the Justice Ministry,
the oecision had not been implemented as of year's end. Interior Ministry personnel
continued to systematically, arbitrarily, and secretly arrest and detain persons for
all categories of crime for indefinite periods of time, often without any apparent in-
tent of bringing the detainees to trial.
Throughout 1996, UNAVEM III human rights monitors visited 12 prisons and
found that more than half of all inmates were awaiting trial. This figure was as
high as 90 percent in Luanda. Under Angolan law, a prisoner may not be legally
held for longer than 135 davs without trial. In reality most prisoners awaiting trial
have been incarcerated for longer than 135 days. In many cases the police beat and
then release detainees rather than make an effort to prepare a formal court case.
According to the Government there are no political prisoners in government cus-
tody. However, the security services routinely are used to serve the interests of the
ruling MPLA, including detention and harassment of oppositionists.
UNlTA continues to detain persons against their will. The number of such per-
sons is unknown, though a number of confirmed cases exist: Eugenio Manuvakola
(former UNITA Secretary General and signer of the Lusaka Protocol), Germana
Malaquias, Linda Arthur Chipuku, Shita Nkongo Artur Danda, Carlos Emerson
Artur Danda, and Telma Nunda. Manuvakola was kept under house arrest for 3
years, escaping to Luanda in August, where he recounted the harsh conditions of
his illegal detention and torture, and gave credible reports of substantial numbers
of people under UNITA house arrest.
The Lus^a Protocol provides for the release, under ICRC auspices, of persons de-
tained for war-related reasons. As of September 10, 1996, the ICRC reported that
535 prisoners reported by the Government (369) and by UNITA (166) had been re-
leased. However, the ICRC has reclassified 78 prisoners originally reported to the
ICRC by UNITA as "disappeared" because UNITA claimed that they were no longer
in its possession. It was credibly alleged that most or all of these individuals died
in UNITA custody. In October 1996, the ICRC arranged the release of 205 political
detainees in government and UNITA custody. There have been no cases filed with
ICRC since.
The Government did not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but in practice the court system lacked the means, experience, and training
to be truly independent from the influence of the President and the ruling MPLA.
The President has strong appointive powers, including appointment of Supreme
Court justices, with no requirement for confirmation by the National Assembly. The
judicial system was largely destroyed during the civil war and during 1997 did not
function in large areas of the country.
The court system comprises the Supreme Court at the appellate level, and munici-
pal and provincial courts of original jurisdiction under the authority of the Supreme
Court. As of the end of the year, 9 of the 12 seats on the Supreme Court haa been
filled. The Court serves as an appellate tribunal for questions of law and fact, but
it does not have authority to interpret the Constitution. The Constitution reserves
this role for a constitutional court, an entity that had not yet been set up as of
year's end. The Constitution provides for the creation of an office of the 'Provider
of Justice," or ombudsman, designated by the National Assembly for a 4-year term,
to defend citizens' rights and liberties. Tnis office also had not yet been constituted
at year's end.
Trials for political and security crimes are handled exclusively by the Supreme
Court. There were no known political or security trials.
The Constitution provides defendants with the presumption of innocence, the
right to a defense and legal assistance, and the right of appeal. Amendments to the
Code for Penal Process in 1991 provided for public trials, established a system of
bail, and recognized the accused's right to counsel. However, the Government does
not respect these rights in practice. Municipal courts deal rapidly with routine civil
and misdemeanor cases on a daily basis. Judges are normally respected laymen, not
licensed lawyers. The judge and two laymen selected by the full court act as jury.
Routine cases are usually settled by a court within 3 months. The verdict is pro-
nounced the day following the conclusion of the trial in the presence of the defend-
ant. More than half of all prisoners in jail are awaiting trial (see Section I.e.).
UNITA has established a military and a civilian court system in territories under
its control and claims that its civil code is equivalent to the Portuguese civil code
currently used by the Government. UNITA President Jonas Savimbi appoints judges
personally, and UNITA trials are not open to the public. Juries consist of male el-
aers chosen from the community. The accused reportedly has the right to a lawyer.
There are credible reports that the Government holds political prisoners; however,
the number is unknown. There are numerous confirmed cases of UNITA-held politi-
cal prisoners. It is unknown if persons detained by UNITA have been convicted by
some judicial procedure. Even if they were, decisions made by self-styled UNITA
courts have no standing under the legal system of the Republic of Angola or other
protections of rule of law.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government maintained a sophisticated security apparatus dedicated to surveil-
lance, monitoring, and wiretapping of certain groups, including journalists, opposi-
tion party leaders, members and suspected sympathizers of UNITA, National As-
sembly deputies, and foreign diplomats. Legal requirements for search warrants are
routinely oisregarded.
Both the Government and UNITA continued to forcibly conscript civilians for mili-
tary duty (see Section l.g.). There were credible reports that military-aged Rwandan
refugees, including minor children, were forcibly conscripted into UNITA's forces
when they entered areas of Angola under UNITA control in July and August. On
July 6, UNITA forcibly conscripted 200 youths in Cubal, Benguela Province, part
of a continuing pattern.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— Land mines planted during the civil war to gain military advantage and to
restrict the free circulation of people and goods continued to kill and maim thou-
sands of people. Many major roads were demined and reopened as a consequence
of government and UNITA commitments to allow the free circulation of people and
goods throurfiout Angola. However, new mines were planted late in the year in Bie,
Uige, and Moxico provinces. In October a group of deminers were attacked, and six
people killed in Chongoroi in Benguela Province. While the perpetrators were not
identified, the deaths followed threats by local UNITA supporters against deminers
in a nearby area. In many areas local authorities and military commanders of both
parties continued to restrict free and safe passage of local populations, humani-
tarian organizations providing relief assistance, and United Nations observers. Free-
dom of movement was particulariy constricted in the northeastern provinces of
Lunda Norte and Lunda Sul. UNITA forced demobilized soldiers to go to areas of
its choosing rather than to their home villages. On May 30, Vice Minister of Terri-
torial Administration N'Zau Puna and UNITA Joint Commission delegate Isaias
Samakuva were publicly attacked and injured in Quibala by more than a dozen in-
dividuals known to be UNITA supporters.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of expres-
sion and of the press, and specifically provides that the press cannot be subject to
political, ideological, or artistic censorsnip. However, the Government does not al-
ways respect these rights in practice. Citizens, including Deputies in the National
Assembly, expect reprisals for public criticism of the Government or the MPLA. The
formation of the GURN and the seating of 70 UNITA members in the National As-
sembly opened the political process to greater debate. The Government intimidates
journalists, sometimes with death threats, into practicing self-censorship.
Ricardo de Mello, editor of Imparcial Fax, was killed in 1995 following the publi-
cation of an article on government corruption, which named Minister of the Interior
Santana Andre Pitra Petroff as one corrupt official. There has been no investigation
of this killing by the Government. Angola's open involvement in the October fighting
in the Republic of Congo was never reported in the ofTicial media. The Government
runs and tightly controls the only daily newspaper, the only television station, and
the major radio station. It tightly restricts opposition leaders' access to these media.
Five commercial radio stations, three private weeklies, and one twice-weekly news-
paper all practice some measure of self-censorship. Low-circulation newsletters that
openly criticize government policy and highlight growing socioeconomic problems
have thus far been allowed to operate. The Government allows UNAVEMMONUA
to broadcast a series of "Roads of Peace" television and radio programs each week,
although it continues to deny UNAVEM/MONUA the right to establish its own radio
station.
Media policv and censorship are controlled by a committee composed of the Min-
ister of Social Communication; the press spokesperson for the presidency, and the
directors of the state-owned radio, television, and newspaper. The state-controlled
national radio headquarters in Luanda reviewed programs broadcast on national
radio stations in provincial capitals.
The Government generally was less restrictive with foreign news agencies such
as the Voice of America, the British Broadcasting Corporation, and the Cable News
Network, although it continues to prohibit direct retransmission. Foreign journalists
require authorization from the Minister of Interior in order to obtain access to gov-
ernment ofTicials or travel within Angola. Both the Government and UNITA invited
journalists to planned press events and to visit areas under their control.
UNITA runs the Voice of the Resistance of the Black Cockerel (VORGAN), which
often broadcasts hostile propaganda against the Government, contrary to the provi-
sions of the Lusidia Protocol. For example, a UNITA broadcast in July accused the
MPLA of declaring war against the people of Angola and urged the people to resist.
However, the use of hostile propaganda declined towards year's end. Under the pro-
tocol, UNITA is obliged to transform Radio VORGAN into a nonpartisan private
commercial station. UNITA's newspaper. Terra Angolana, follows a strictly pro-
UNTTA line and could not be found in government-controlled areas. UNITA pro-
hibits the press from freely entering UNlTA-controlled territory.
Academic life has been severely circumscribed by the civil war, but there is aca-
demic freedom, and academics do not practice self-censorship.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the rights of assembly, association, and protest, but the Government does not re-
spect these rights in practice. The Government strictly controls both assembly and
association. Legislation allows the Government to deny registration to private asso-
ciations on security grounds, and the Government arbitrarfly limits organized activi-
ties deemed inimical to its interests. The law also requires a minimum of 3 days'
prior notice to authorities before public or private assemblies are scheduled to be
held, and it makes participants liable for "offenses against the honor and consider-
ation due to persons and to organs of sovereignty".
In May 1996, Konrad Leibsher, a Catholic priest working with Luanda's poor, was
arrested and tried for "crimes against the security of the state" for displaying plac-
ards decrying deteriorating economic conditions in Luanda. The Government pros-
ecutor argued that crowds drawn by the priest's placards violated the law on meet-
ing and demonstrations that requires prior government approval of gatherings that
have the potential to endanger public order. The defense argument that freedom of
speech protections are enshrined in the Constitution prevailed.
Legislation allows the Government to deny registration to private associations on
security grounds, and the Government arbitrarily limits organized activities deemed
inimical to its interests.
The Constitution provides for the right of association, but the Government does
not respect this right in practice. The Government strictly controls freedom of asso-
ciation.
UNITA did not allow free assembly and association in areas under its control.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, includ-
ing the separation of church and state, and the Government respects this right in
practice.
During the May 1996 trial of Catholic priest Konrad Leibsher (see Section 2.b.),
the government-controlled newspaper published a front page editorial accusing the
priest of subversive activities, ordering the Church to stay out of social affairs, and
insisting that sovereignty and order must be safeguarded. The Angolan Catholic
Church issued a response supporting the priest, calling it the duty of every religious
minister to confront issues of social justice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement and residence with-
in Angola and freedom of exit from and entry into the country, but the Government
does not respect these rights in practice. As part of the peace process, both the Gov-
ernment and UNITA committed themselves to allow the free circulation of people
and goods, but local authorities and military commanders continued to restrict
movement in many areas. The Government and UNITA continue to operate illegal
checkpoints in many areas of the country that limit freedom of movement and eco-
nomic activity. Nevertheless, many major roads were demined and opened to traffic.
Hourly a fifth of Angola's 1.2 million internally displaced persons returned home;
as did a third of the 325,000 Angolan refugees living in neighboring countries. Re-
mining of roads in areas of the country under UNITA control, or adjacent to such
areas, caused additional civilian casualties as well as new restrictions on the free-
dom of movement.
Angola is a party to both the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Ref-
ugees and its 1967 Protocol and Organization of African Unity Convention on Refu-
gees, and the Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refu-
gees (UNHCR). The Government provides first asylum to refugees. An eligibility
committee to evaluate asylum claims was established on paper in 1990, was first
staiTed in 1995, and now meets regularly to evaluate asylum requests. There are
approximately 9,600 refugees from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, at least
1,000 of whom have been ofTicially granted refugee status. There were no reports
of the forced expulsion of persons with valid claims to refugee status. As of October,
there were some 2,000 reiugees in Luau, Moxico Province, an area that reverted to
government control in September. The Government agreed not to arbitrarily expel
or forcibly repatriate this group of Rwandan and Burundian refugees and allowed
the UNHCR to provide all appropriate assistance.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides all adult citizens with the right to vote by secret ballot
in direct, multiparty elections to choose the President of tne Republic and the depu-
ties of the National Assembly. However, in practice, citizens have no effective means
to change their government.
The President is elected by absolute majority. If no candidate obtains a majority
of votes cast, there is a runoff between the two candidates with the highest number
of votes. The National Assembly consists of 220 deputies, 130 elected on a national
ballot and 90 elected to represent the provinces. The Electoral Law also provides
for the election of three additional deputies to represent Angolans living abroad;
however, these positions were not fillea in the 1992 elections. Ruling power is con-
centrated in the President who appoints the Prime Minister and other members of
the Council of Ministers, through which the President exercises executive power.
The Council can enact decree-laws, decrees, and resolutions, thereby controlling
most functions normally associated with the legislative branch. The National As-
sembly has, since its inception, served as a rubber stamp for the Council of Min-
isters. However, the seating of 70 UNITA deputies in April fostered for the first
time substantive debates on issues ranging from the peace process to the Govern-
ment's budgeting priorities and accountability. Subsequently, all parties called for
the National Assembly to assume greater powers.
Citizens exercised their constitutional right to elect the President and members
of the National Assembly in the country's first free election, held under U.N. aus-
pices in 1992. President dos Santos won 49.5 {percent of the vote and should have
faced UNITA leader Savimbi, who won just over 40 percent of the vote, in a con-
stitutionally mandated runoff election. UNITA and other parties accused the Gov-
ernment oi massive electoral fraud, but U.N. and other international observers de-
clared the elections generally free and fair and called on UNITA to accept the re-
sults. The civil war resumed after UNITA rejected the election results, and the run-
off in the presidential elections was postponed indefinitely. The U.N. is authorized
by the Lusaka Protocol to declare that requisite conditions have been met to hold
the second round of presidential elections.
In April the MPLA, UNITA, and 10 small opposition parties, joined to form a gov-
ernment of unity and national reconciliation. All 70 UNITA deputies took their seats
in the National Assembly for the first time since the 1992 elections. UNITA officials
assumed the posts of Ministers of Geology and Mines, Trade, Health, and Hotel and
Tourism; Deputy Minister of Defense, Home Affairs, Finance, Agriculture, Public
Works, Social Reintegration, and Mass Communication. UNITA cabinet oflicials
have been allowed considerable freedom within their areas of direct responsibility,
but they have had little input on overall government policy. UNITA leader Jonas
Savimbi has so far refused to assume the duties of leader of the largest opposition
party, a position created for him by the National Assembly in April. The measure
creating the position was never published in the government gazette, as required
by Angolan law, and was automatically nullified 10 days after passage.
The National Assembly began to conduct substantive debates on national policy.
In July military preparations in the provinces of Lunda Norte and Lunda Sul led
to often acrimonious debates which were broadcast on national radio. During the
August debate on the national budget, the National Assembly passed a resolution
criticizing the Council of Ministers for the small amount spent on education and
health.
There are no legal barriers to the participation of women in the political process;
however, only 10 of 83 cabinet positions, 35 of 220 seats in the National Assembly,
and 0 of 9 seats on the Supreme Court are held by women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government generally cooperated with UNAVEM/MONUA human rights
monitors. The Angolan Human Rights Association, the only Angolan human rights
group, and the Human Rights Committee of the National Assembly remained weak
4.S.QnQ QR - 0
8
and ineffective. UNITA reports its human rights concerns through its Lisbon-based
Association of Surviving Angolans (ACAS). The Dominican Order of the Roman
Catholic Church is building a cultural center on the outskirts of Luanda that is to
have a human rights component.
The UNAVEIVLTVIONUA Human Rights Monitoring Group (HRMG) established of-
fices in six provinces, conducted human rights training for U.N. Forces, and inves-
tigated individual cases of human rights abuses. Human rights committees were es-
tablished in Namibe, Benguela, Huambo, Kwanza Sul, Uige, and Cunene. Comniit-
tees consist of representatives from government and civic organizations. In Uige
both government and UNITA representatives participate. To date, the committees
have done little investigative work, though their establishment is considered a posi-
tive first step.
The HRMG'S work was hampered by insufficient staff throughout much of 1997,
ranging from 3 to 10 investigators, and other difficulties. The arrival of 55 MONTJA
human rights officers in September greatly increased the HRMG's capacity.
UNITA impedes independent investigations of human rights abuses in territory
that it controls. It denied attempts by UNAVEM/MONUA to investigate complaints
of human rights violations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Under the Constitution all citizens are equal before the law and enjoy the same
rights and responsibilities regardless of color, race, ethnicity, sex, place of birth, reli-
gion, ideology, degree of education, or economic or social condition. The Government
does not have the ability to enforce these provisions effectively.
Women. — Violence against women was widespread. In March a Ministry of
Women was created to deal specifically with this problem. In the last half of the
year, a series of national conlerences on violence against women, partially funded
with foreign assistance, were held which resulted in resolutions calling on the Gov-
ernment to reform the civil code to end women's legal inequality; to hire more fe-
male police officers giving them responsibilities for domestic abuse cases; and to cre-
ate a social welfare program.
The Constitution and Family Code provide for equal rights without regard to race,
religion, gender, national origin, ideology, level of education, or socioeconomic condi-
tion. However, a portion of Angola's civil code dates back to colonial times and in-
cludes discriminatory provisions against women in the areas of inheritance, property
sales, and participation in commercial activities.
The maternal mortality rate during 1996 was 1,500 per 100,000 live births. There
is no effective means to enforce child support laws, and women carry the major re-
sponsibility for raising children. Due to dire economic circumstances, increasing
numbers of women engaged in prostitution. Credible evidence indicated that a sig-
nificant proportion of homicides were perpetrated against women, usually by their
spouses.
Despite constitutional protections, women suffered from discrimination. The law
provides for equal pay for equal work, but in practice women are not compensated
equally. Some women held senior positions in tne military (primarily in the medical
field) and civil service, but women were mostly relegated to low-level positions in
state-run industries and in the small private sector. In much of the country in re-
cent years women swelled the ranks oi the disabled because they often set ofi" land
mines while foraging in the fields for food and firewood. Adult women may open a
bank account, accept employment, and own property without interference from their
spouses. Women also have the right to inherit property. Upon the death of a male
head of a household, the widow automatically is entitled to 50 percent of any estate
with the remainder divided equally among legitimate children.
Children. — The Grovernment gave only marginal attention to children's rights and
welfare, in spite of the fact that over half the population is under the age of 15.
The Education Ministry barely functions due to a meager education budget. Low to
nonexistent pay has resulted in a shortage of teachers. There is a net enrollment
rate of 40 percent of the school-age children, down from 42 percent in 1992, with
an 18-point gap between boys and girls to the detriment of girls. In 1996 it was esti-
mated that 872,575 school-age children were out of school. The public school net-
work in its present state cannot absorb these children. Most educational infrastruc-
tures arc partially or totally damaged and lack basic equipment and teaching mate-
rials. A highly successful nationwide antipolio campaign in 1996 and 1997 was an
important exception to the lack of government health programs for children.
The peace process has allowed the successful demobilization and reintegration of
over 8,000 child soldiers from both government and UNITA forces. However, UNITA
has impeded planned follow-up assistance to most of its underage demobilized sol-
diers. An increase in the number of street children in Luanda and other cities re-
sulted from the breakdown of family structure caused by the resumption of the civil
war in 1992 and the continuing deterioration of the economy. UNICEF estimates
that there are approximately 5,000 street children in Luanda alone. Living condi-
tions in government youth hostels were so poor that the majority of homeless chil-
dren preferred to sleep on city streets. Street children wash cars, shine shoes, and
cairy water, but also beg, steal, pick through garbage, and prostitute themselves in
order to survive. The Christian Children's Fund, a nongovernmental organization
working with children, estimates that there are approximately 500 to 1,000 pros-
titutes under the age of 18 in Luanda.
The government-sponsored National Institute for Children is a well-intentioned
organization, but it lacks the capacity to adequately assist efibrts by international
nongovernmental organizations to assist dispossessed youth. There are no active pri-
vate children's rights advocacy groups, although the Association of Women Jurists
has signaled its intention to take up these issues. Minister of Justice Paulo Tjipilica
has been an outspoken advocate of children's rights and has launched a nationwide
campaign to register 3 million children.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), is widely condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health. There is very little evi-
dence of the practice of FGfM in Angola. It reportedly occurs rarely in remote areas
of Moxico Province, bordering the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia.
People With Disabilities. — The number of physically disabled includes an esti-
mated 78,000 people who were disabled by land mine explosions. While there is no
institutional discrimination against people with disabilities, the Government is
doing little to improve their physical, financial, or social conditions. There is no leg-
islation mandating accessibility for the disabled to public or private facilities, and,
given the degradation of the nation's infrastructure and the high unemployment
rate, it is difficult for the disabled to find employment or participate in the edu-
cation system.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Angola's population includes 1 to 2 percent
of Khoisan and other linguistically distinct hunter-gatherer tribes scattered
throughout the southern provinces of Namibe, Cunene, and Cuando Cubango. There
is no evidence that they suffer from official discrimination or harassment, but they
do not participate actively in the political or economic life of the country and have
a marginal ability to influence government decisions concerning their interests.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right to form and
join trade unions, engage in union activity, and strike, but the Government does not
consistently respect these rights in practice. Although the Government dominated
the National Union of Angolan Workers (UNTA), wnich is the labor organ of the
ruling MPLA, the General Center of Independent and Free Labor Unions of Angola
(CGSILA) remained relatively independent. SIMPROF (Sydicatos de FVofessores), a
nationwide teachers' union, staged strikes demanding better pay for teachers, and
met with some limited success. The law requires that labor unions be recognized
by the Government. Restrictions on civil liberties potentially prevent any labor ac-
tivity not approved by the Government. However, the major impediment to orga-
nized labor's ability to advocate on behalf of workers is the 80 percent unemploy-
ment rate.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike, and legislation passed in 1991
provides the legal framework for, and strictly regulates the exercise of, that right.
The law prohibits lockouts and worker occupation of places of employment and pro-
vides protection for nonstriking workers. It prohibits strikes by military and police
personnel, prison workers, and firemen. The law does not effectively prohibit em-
ployer retrioution against strikers.
Employees of the Ministry of Health, including medical personnel, as well as
teachers staged strikes during the year. Stevedores and other port personnel also
threatened to strike. In 1996 there were strikes against the Government by teach-
ers, doctors, and nurses, among others. The Health and Education Ministries nego-
tiated settlements but repeatedly failed to honor them because of lack of resources.
On Labor Day, May 1, 1996, the Government deployed paramilitary police in all
public spaces in Luanda to deter rumored labor demonstrations.
Unions have the right to affiliate internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides for
the right to organize, and the law provides for collective bargaining, but the Govern-
ment does not respect these rights in practice. The Government dominates the econ-
omy through state-run enterprises. The Ministry of Public Administration, Employ-
ment, and Social Security sets wages and benefits on an annual basis. In 1996 the
10
Government failed to honor a February 1996 agreement between the teachers' union
and the Education Ministry to provide teachers an indexed wage. In the small pri-
vate sector, wages are based on multiples of the minimum salary set by the Govern-
ment. Legislation prohibits discrimination against union members. Union members'
complaints are adjudicated in the regular civil courts. Employers found guilty of
antiunion discrimination are required to reinstate workers fired for union activities.
TTiere are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Current law authorizing forced
labor for breaches of worker discipline and participation in strikes has been cited
by the International Labor Organization as a violation of its Convention 105. The
laws prohibit forced or bonded child labor, but the Government does not have the
capacity to enforce these provisions. According to the General Employment Law and
complimentary legislation of 1981, children under the age of 14 cannot be employed.
Children between the ages of 14 and 18 mav not work at night, in dangerous condi-
tions, or in occupations that require great physical effort. However, these provisions
are generally unenforced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum age for employment is 14 years. The Inspector Greneral of the Ministry
of Public Administration, Employment, and Social Security is responsible for enforc-
ing labor laws. This Ministry maintains employment centers where prospective em-
ployees register, and the centers screen out applicants under the age of 14. How-
ever, many younger children work on family farms, as domestic servants, and in the
informal economy. Family-based child labor in the subsistence agricultural sector is
common. Poverty and social upheavals have brought large numbers of orphaned and
abandoned children into the unregulated urban informal sector. Laws exist that pro-
hibit child labor, but the Government does not enforce them (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage set by the Ministry of
Public Administration, Employment and Social Security was roughly $30 per month
before erosion of the currency by inflation (with the rapid devaluation of the
kwanza, the dollar value of the minimum wage was $2 a month at the end of 1995).
However, the Government does not enforce this standard. Neither the minimum
wage nor the average monthly salary, which ranges in Luanda from approximately
$50 to $160, is sufficient to provide a decent living for a worker and family. As a
result, many wage earners depend on the thriving informal sector, subsistence farm-
ing, theft, corruption, or support from relatives abroad in order to survive.
A 1994 government decree established a 37-hour workweek. However, inadequate
resources prevented the Ministry of Public Administration, Employment, and Social
Security from enforcing this standard or from enforcing occupational health and
safety standards. Workers cannot remove themselves from dangerous work situa-
tions without jeopardizing their continued employment.
BENIN
The Republic of Benin is a constitutional democracy headed by President Mathieu
Kerekou, who was inaugurated on April 4, 1996, after elections generally viewed as
free and fair. President Kerekou, who ruled Benin as a Socialist military dictator
from 1972-1989, succeeded his democratically elected predecessor and continued the
civilian, democratic rule begun in the 1990-1991 constitutional process that ended
his previous reign. There are 18 political parties represented in the unicameral, 82-
member National Assembly; no party or political grouping commands a majority of
seats. The Government respects the constitutional provision for an independent judi-
ciary; however, the judiciary is inefficient and susceptible to corruption.
The civilian-controlled security forces consist of the armed forces, headed by a
Minister Delegate for Defense Matters in the office of the President, and the police
force under the Interior Minister. The two Ministers also share authority over the
gendarmerie, which exercises police functions in rural areas. The armed forces con-
tinued to play an apolitical role in government affairs despite concerns about morale
within its ranks and its ethnic imbalance.
An extremely poor country with average yearly per capita income below $450, the
economy is based largely on subsistence agriculture, cotton production, regional
trade (including transshioment of goods to neighboring countries), and small-scale
offshore oil production. Tne port of Cotonou serves as a major conduit for goods en-
tering neighboring Nigeria legally and illegally. The new Administration continued,
and in some cases stepped up, the austerity program begun by its predecessor;
privatized state-owned enterprises; reduced fiscal expenditures; and deregulated
trade. In spite of its bloated and inefficient bureaucracy, high debt servicing costs.
11
and widespread unemployment, Benin's economic recovery continues under liberal
economic policies instituted since the return to democracy. Inflation in 1997 was less
than 3 percent with real growth estimated at between 5 and 6 percent.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens. The major
human rights problems continued to be the failure by police forces to curtail acts
of vigilantism and mob justice; serious administrative delays in processing ordinary
criminal cases with attendant denial of timely, fair trials; judicial corruption; harsh
and unhealthy prison conditions; societal discrimination and violence against
women; and the trafficking in and abuse of children. The practice of female genital
mutilation (FGM) is also a problem. The Constitutional Court continued to dem-
onstrate independence. In one high-profile case, it struck down provisions of the new
media law as unconstitutional.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings by government officials. However, a rising crime rate and
a lack of police responsiveness led to more reports of mob justice. Vigilantism re-
portedly resulted in several cases of suspected criminals being killed or severely in-
jured, particularly thieves caught in the act. Although a number of these incidents
took place in urban areas and were publicized in the press, the Government appar-
ently made no concerted attempt to mvestigate or prosecute anyone involved. Some
press accounts suggested that the police deliberately ignored vigilante attacks.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices and there were no reports that officials
employed them. The Government continued to make payments to victims of torture
under the military regime which ruled from 1972 to 1989.
Prison conditions continue to be extremely harsh. Extensive overcrowding and
lack of proper sanitation and medical facilities pose a risk to prisoners' health. The
prison diet is seriously inadequate with malnutrition and disease common. Prisoners
are allowed to meet with visitors such as family members, lawyers, and others. In
conjunction with nongovernmental organizations (NGO's), the Government has set
up a plan for prison renovation and rehabilitation.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention or exile, however, at times the authorities arbitrarily arrested and
detained persons. The Constitution prohibits detention for more than 48 hours with-
out a hearing by a magistrate whose order is required for continued detention. How-
ever, there were credible reports that authorities exceeded this 48-hour limit in
many cases, sometimes by as long as a week, using the accepted practice of holding
a person without specified time limit "at the disposition of the public prosecutor's
oflice before presenting the case to a magistrate. Approximately 75 percent of pris-
oners are pretrial detainees. Arbitrary arrest is not routine but does occur occasion-
ally.
The National Assembly approved, and the President promulgated, a law on Sep-
tember 3 to grant amnesty to some 50 individuals convicted of crimes against na-
tional security during the previous administration. All amnestied individuals im-
prisoned in Benin were released.
The Constitution prohibits forced exile of citizens. Many citizens who went into
exile prior to the establishment of democratic rule have returned.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary and the Government generally respects this provision in practice. However,
the executive has important powers in regard to the judiciary.
The President appoints career magistrates as judges in civil courts, and the Con-
stitution gives the Ministry of Justice administrative authority over judges, includ-
ing the power to transfer them. Inadequate facilities, poorly-trained staff, and over-
crowded dockets result in slow administration of justice. The low salaries of mag-
istrates and clerks have a demoralizing effect on their commitment to efiicient and
timely justice and makes them susceptible to corruption.
The legal system is based on French civil law and local customary law. The Con-
stitution provides for the right to a fair public trial. A defendant enjoys the pre-
sumption of innocence and has the right to be present at trial and to representation
by an attorney, at public expense if necessary. In practice the court provides indi-
gent defendants with court-appointed counsel upon request. A defendant also has
the right to confront witnesses and to have access to government-held evidence.
12
Trials are open to the public, but in exceptional circumstances the President of the
court may decide to restrict access to preserve public order or to protect the parties.
A civilian court system operates on the national and provincial levels. Military
disciplinary councils deal with minor offenses by military members, but have no ju-
risdiction over civilians. There is only one court of apoeals. The Supreme Court is
the court of last resort in all administrative and judicial matters. The Constitutional
Court is charged with passing on the constitutionality of laws and disputes between
the President and the National Assembly and with resolving disputes regarding
presidential and National Assembly elections. Its rulings against both the executive
and legislative branches indicated its independence from both these branches of
Government. The Constitution also provides for a High Court of Justice to convene
in the event of crimes committed by the President or government ministers against
the State. Implementing legislation to create the High Court of Justice was passed
in June 1996. Although the legislation was passed, the Constitutional Court later
found some of its provisions to oe unconstitutional. As of year's end, the le^slature
had not passed revisions to bring the law into compliance with the Constitutional
Court ruling.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices and government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions in practice. Police are required to obtain a judicial warrant before
entering a private home, and they usually observed this requirement in practice.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. The govern-
ment entity with oversight responsibility for media operations is the High Authority
for Audio-visual Media and Communications (HAAC), which requires broadcasters
to submit weekly lists of planned programs and requires publishers to deposit copies
of all publications with it. The requirement, however, is not observed by the media
in practice.
There is a large and active privately owned press consisting of about a dozen
newspapers. These publications criticize the Government freely and often, but their
effect on public opinion is limited because of their urban concentration. The majority
of Beninese are illiterate.
The National Assembly approved legislation on August 11 to privatize Benin's
electronic news media. The law was submitted to the Constitutional Court for re-
view and then promulgated by the President. The HAAC announced requirements
to obtain commercial broadcasters licenses, and established October 10 as the dead-
line for applications. Private radio and television stations began broadcasting in De-
cember.
The Grovemment, however, continued to own and operate the media most influen-
tial in reaching the public. Until December the only radio stations that transmitted
locally were government owned: The Benin Office of Radio and Television (ORTB)
transmits in FM, AM, and short wave, in French and local languages. Radio France
International (RFI) also transmits over a local FM band under an agreement with
the Government. Five rural radio stations governed by local committees broadcast
several hours a day exclusively in local languages. These stations receive support
from ORTB. Radio is probably the most important information medium.
A similar arrangement is in place for television transmissions: ORTB broadcasts
5 hours per day on a signal that is easily received in urban areas. Approximately
80 f>ercent of ORTB's television programming is in French. TVS, a commercial ven-
ture with investments by television broadcasting organizations in France, Canada,
Belgium, and Switzerland, broadcasts locally 24 hours a day entirely in French
under an agreement with the Government. Although neither television station
broadcasts partisan programs in support of or unduly critical of the Government,
the vast majority of news programming centers on government officials' activities.
The Government does not censor works by foreign journalists, authors, or artists.
HAAC regulations govern satellite reception equipment and movie and video
clubs. There is little enforcement of these regulations.
In general academic freedom is respected. University professors are permitted to
lecture freely, conduct research, and publish their work.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government generally respects them in practice. The Govern-
ment requires permits for use of public places for demonstrations and requires asso-
ciations to register. It routinely grants such permits and registrations. The Govern-
ment did not take any actions against nonregistered organizations for failure or re-
fusal to register.
13
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
In August the legislature voted to establish a national day to observe traditional
religious practices, thereby affording traditionalist beliefs a status similar to that
of more established religions, such as Christianity and Islam and implicitly rec-
ognizing them as part of domestic culture. The designation does not convey special
status to traditional beliefs. President Kerekou, an evangelical Christian, has been
criticized in the press for public statements against certain traditional religious
practices and for expressing views that might violate the principle of separation of
church and State.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government gen-
erally respects them in practice. However, the presence of police, gendarmes, and
illegal roadblocks impedes domestic movement. Although ostensibly meant to en-
force automotive safety and customs regulations, many of these checkpoints serve
as a means for officials to exact bribes from travelers. The Government maintained
previously implemented measures to combat such petty corruption at roadblocks.
The Government's policy toward transhumance allows migratory Fulani herdsmen
from other countries to enter freely; it does not enforce designated entry points The
local press reported that a cattle dispute on March 14 resulted in the destruction
of a Fulani camp and the deaths of several herdsmen. Government authorities did
not issue an official statement, nor have there been reports regarding official action
to punish the guilty.
The Government does not restrict international travel for political reasons, and
those who travel abroad may return without hindrance.
Historically, the Government has cooperated closely with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in as-
sisting refugees, including those in need of first asylum. The Government provided
first asylum to up to 200,000 citizens of Togo during the 1993 political violence in
that country. While most have returned to Togo, 1,653 (UNHCR estimate) remain.
Despite severe economic pressures that limit its ability to provide education for its
children, the Government has allowed these Togolese to enroll their children in local
schools and to participate in some economic activities.
In late spring, the Government informed the UNHCR that it could no longer guar-
antee the safety of eight prominent Togolese dissidents and their families living in
Benin under UNHCR auspices. The UNHCR found sponsors for the refugees in the
Netherlands and Sweden, and they left Benin in June. UNHCR officials stated that
the Government did everything reasonably possible to protect the eight Togolese dis-
sidents; the UNHCR faults the dissidents for refusing to curtain their activities in
Benin against the Togolese Government as the reason for their perceived insecurity
and subsequent relocation.
In contrast some 995 Ogoni refugees from Nigeria, handicapped because they do
not speak French, cannot work in Benin, nor can their children attend Beninese
schools. UNHCR officials have warned them to remain within the confines of the
refugee camp.
In addition there are refugees from Nigeria, Algeria, Burundi, Cameroon, the
Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethi-
opia, Niger, Liberia, Rwanda, Sudan, and Sierra Leone. Their treatment is com-
parable to that accorded the Togolese and Ogonis.
There were no reports of forced expulsion of persons having a valid claim to refu-
gee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right peacefully to change their gov-
ernment. Citizens exercised this right in legislative elections in 1991 and 1995, and
in presidential elections in 1991 and 1996, all considered free and fair. The Con-
stitution provides for a 5-year term of office for the President (who is limited to two
terms) and 4-year terms for National Assembly members (who may serve an unlim-
ited number of terms).
Women participate actively in the political parties, but are underrepresented in
Government positions. There is now 1 woman in the 19-member Cabinet. The pre-
vious Government had four female cabinet members. There are 6 female deputies,
including the leader of the opposition, in the 82-member unicameral National As-
sembly. The President of the Constitutional Court is a woman; the HAAC and the
Economic and Social Council have female members.
14
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups — both domestic and international^perate
without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on
human rights cases. Government officials are generally cooperative and responsive
to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, and religion, but so-
cietal discrimination against women continues.
Women. — While no statistics are available, violence against women, including wife
beating, occurs. The press sometimes reports incidents of abuse of women, but
judges and police are reluctant to intervene in domestic disputes, considering such
disputes a family matter.
Although the Constitution provides for equality for women in the political, eco-
nomic, and social spheres, women experience extensive societal discrimination, espe-
cially in rural areas where they occupy a subordinate role and are responsible for
much of the hard labor on subsistence farms. In urban areas, women dominate the
trading sector in the open-air markets. By law women have equal inheritance and
property rights, but local custom in some areas prevents them from inheriting real
property. Women do not enjoy the same educational opportunities as men, and fe-
male literacy is about 16 percent (compared with 32 percent for males).
There are active women's rights groups that have been efTective in drafting a fam-
ily code that would improve the status of women under the law. The draft code was
scheduled for review by the National Assembly in late 1997, but by year's end it
had not been passed. Tne code is designed to bring about significant enhancements
to the human rights of women and children.
Children. — The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs is responsible for the protec-
tion of children's rights, primarily in the areas of education and health. In particu-
lar the Government is trying to boost primary school enrollment, which is only
about 66 percent. In some parts of the country, girls receive no formal education.
Some traditional practices inflict hardship and violence on children, including
most prominently the custom of "vidomegon," whereby poor, often rural, families
place a child, primarily girls, in the home of more wealthy families. A privately
owned newspaper reported in February that the daughter-in-law of a prominent
government ofiicial was in pretrial detention for beating to death her 12-year old
maid in November 1996. A medical report certified that the child was severely
abused before being admitted to the hospital. At year's end, there was no indication
of government action against the assailant.
Other traditional practices include the killing of deformed babies, breach babies,
and one of two newborn twins (all of whom are thought to be sorcerers in some rural
areas). There is also a tradition in which a groom abducts and rapes his prospective
child (under 14 years of age) bride. Criminal courts mete out stifT sentences to crimi-
nals convicted of crimes against children, but many such crimes never reach the
courts.
Trafficking in children, always a problem in Benin, was the subject of consider-
able media coverage. Most victims are abducted or leave home with traffickers who
promise educational opportunities or other incentives. They are taken to foreign
countries (according to the press, principally Nigeria, Cameroon, and Gabon) and
sold into servitude to work in agriculture, as domestics, or as prostitutes (see Sec-
tion 6.C.). The police stated that between January 1 and February 28, they thwarted
attempts to smuggle out of Benin 297 children ranging in age from 8 to 15 years.
The Government in concert with NGO's, made serious efforts to combat child
abuse and trafficking in children, including media campaigns, programs to assist
street children, and greater border surveillance. Despite such efforts the abuse of
children is a serious human rights problem.
The Government has been less successful in combating female genital mutilation
(FGM), which is not illegal. FGM is widely condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health. FGM, or excision, is
practiced on females ranging from infancy through 30 years of age. Studies vary
widely and suggest that as Tew as 5 percent or as many as 50 percent of women
are affected by this practice, mostly in the northern provinces. The actual incidence
probably falls somewhere between these estimates. A prominent NGO, the Benin
chapter of the Inter-African Committee, has made progress in raising awareness of
the dangers of the practice; the Government has cooperated with its efforts. Accord-
ing to recent research, there is a strong profit motive in the continued practice of
FGM by those who perform the operation, usually older women. In March the Gov-
15
eminent in cooperation with the World Health Organization unveiled an action plan
to eliminate FGM.
People With Disabilities. — Although the Constitution provides that the State look
after the handicapped, the Government does not mandate accessibility for disabled
persons. It operated a number of social centers for disabled persons to assist their
social integration. Nonetheless, many are unable to find employment and must re-
sort to begging to support themselves.
National/ Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — There is a long history of regional rivalries.
Although Southerners dominate the Government's senior ranks, Northerners domi-
nate the military. The South has enjoyed more advanced economic development, a
larger population, and has traditionally held favored status. In the 1996 elections,
a Northerner was elected President.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides workers with the freedom
to organize, join unions, meet, and strike, and the Government usually respects
these rights m practice. The labor force of about 2 million is primarily engaged in
subsistence agriculture and other primary sector activities, witn less than 2 percent
of the population engaged in the modern (wage) sector. Approximately 75 percent
of the wage earners belong to labor unions. There are four union confederations, and
unions are generally independent of government and political parties. The Economic
and Social Council, a constitutionally mandated body establisned in 1994, includes
four union representatives. Teachers in public, technical, and vocational institutions
went on 48-hour strikes in April and May to back up demands for a revision of their
employment status and for payment of arrears. Strikes did not occur at all schools.
In April port workers held a sit-in to privatize port operations. Speculation that a
major fire in the port at the time of the protest actions had been set by labor agi-
tators was subsequently disproved.
There were no Known instances of efforts by the Government to retaliate against
union activity. Laws prohibit employer retaliation against strikers, and the Govern-
ment enforces them effectively.
Unions may freely form or join federations or confederations and affiliate with
international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code provides for
collective bargaining, and workers freely exercised these rights. Wages in the pri-
vate sector are set in negotiations between unions and employers. A tripartite
group, composed of unions, employers, and the Government, discussed and agreed
to revisions in the Labor Code in 1995, but the new code had not been enacted into
law by year's end. The Government sets wages in the public sector by law and regu-
lation.
The Labor Code prohibits employers from taking union membership or activity
into account regarding hiring, work distribution, professional or vocational training,
or dismissal. The Government levies substantial penalties against employers who
refuse to rehire workers dismissed for lawful union activities.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code prohibits forced
or compulsory labor. Forced and bonded labor by children is specifically prohibited.
However, some financially desperate parents indenture their children to "agents" re-
cruiting farm hands or domestic workers, often on the understanding that money
paid to the children would be sent to the parents. According to press reports, in
some cases, unscrupulous individuals take the children to neighboring countries.
The Government has taken steps to educate parents and to prevent such kidnaping
of children. Also many rural children are sent to cities to live with relatives or fam-
ily friends, often on the understanding that in return for performing domestic
chores, they will be given an education. Host families do not always honor their part
of the bargain and abuse of child domestic servants occurs. The Government has
taken steps to curb abuses.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The
Labor Code prohibits the employment or apprenticeship of children under 14 years
of age in any enterprise. However, the Ministry of Labor enforces the code in only
a limited manner (and then only in the modem sector), due to the lack of inspectors.
To help support their families, children continue to work on rural family farms, in
small businesses, on construction sites in urban areas, and as domestic servants.
Children also commonly work as street vendors.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but is unable to
enforce these prohibitions except in the modern sector (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government administratively sets mini-
mum wage scales for a number of occupations. On April 10, the Government in-
16
creased the minimum wage by 8 percent from $35 (cfa francs 20,300) per month to
$38 (cfa francs 21,924). The decision was made in consultation with trade unions.
However, this increase is not sufficient to cover the costs for food and housing even
of a single worker. Many workers must supplement their wages by subsistence
farming or informal sector trade. Most workers in the wage sector, however, earn
more than the minimum wage.
The Labor Code establishes a workweek of from 40 to 46 hours, depending on the
type of work, and provides for at least one 24-hour rest period per week. The au-
thorities generally enforce legal limits on workweeks in the modem sector. The
Labor Code establishes health and safety standards, but the Ministry of Labor does
not enforce them effectively. The Labor Code does not provide workers with the
right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations without jeopardy to con-
tinued employment. The Ministry of Labor has the authority to require employers
to remedy dangerous work conditions but does not do so effectively.
BOTSWANA
Botswana is a long-standing, multiparty democracy. Constitutional power is
shared between the President, Sir Ketumile Masire, and the 44-member, popularly
elected lower house of Parliament. The ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP)
continued to dominate the National Assembly, holding 31 of 44 seats. The opposition
Botswana National Front (BNF) holds the remaining 13 seats. In October 1994, the
President was reelected in free and fair elections for a third 5-year term. The Gov-
ernment respects the constitutional provisions for an independent judiciary.
The civilian Government exercises efTective control over the security forces. The
military, the Botswana Defense Force (BDF), is responsible for external security.
The Botswana National Police (BNP) are responsible for internal security. Members
of the security forces occasionally committed human rights abuses.
The economy is market oriented with strong encouragement for private enter-
prise. Healthy diamond revenues and effective economic and fiscal policies resulted
in improved growth, with the economy growing at a robust annual rate of approxi-
mately 7 percent following a downturn from 1991 to 1993. Per capita gross domestic
product was approximately $2,800 in 1997. Over 50 percent of the population is em-
ployed in the informal sector, largely subsistence farming and animal husbandry.
Rural poverty remains a serious problem, as does a widely skewed income distribu-
tion.
The Constitution provides for citizens' human rights, and the Government gen-
erally respects those rights in practice, although there were some continuing prob-
lems. There were credible reports that the police sometimes mistreated criminal sus-
pects in order to obtain evidence or coerce confessions. The authorities have taken
action in some cases against persons responsible for abuses. In many instances the
judicial system did not provide timely fair trials due to a serious backlog of cases.
Women continued to face legal and societal discrimination, and violence against
women is a continuing problem. The Government met with nongovernmental oi^ani-
zations (NGO's) to formulate a long-term plan of action to implement its national
policy on women, which is designed to address these problems. Some Batswana, in-
cluding groups not numbered among the eight "principal tribes" identified in the
Constitution because they live in remote areas, still do not enjoy full access to social
services and, in practice, are marginalized in the political process. Trade unions con-
tinued to face some legal restrictions, and the Government did not always ensure
that labor laws were observed in practice.
The Government continued to address human rights problems. There were in-
stances of abuse by police, including intimidation of suspects to obtain evidence or
elicit confessions.
Parliament ratified nine international labor conventions and adopted national
policies on children and on care of the disabled. However, the Government's 1995
plan to construct a separate detention facility for asylum seekers whose refugee
claims have been rejected continued to be delayed pending resolution of a dispute
between two government ministries over development of the property. The facility
is referred to by the Government as the Center for Illegal Immigrants. Until the
Center is completed, refused asylum seekers continue to be detained in prison. Refu-
gees and asylum seekers refused under Botswana's "first country of asylum" policy
are housed at Dukwe Refugee Camp.
17
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
Police continue to investigate the circumstances surrounding the 1996 suffocation
death of a burglary suspect in which six members of the BDF military Intelligence
unit were implicated. Due to insufficient evidence, no charges have as yet been filed.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution explicitly forbids torture, inhuman, and degrading treatment or
punishment. The authorities generally respect this prohibition in practice and, in
some cases, have taken disciplinary or judicial action against persons responsible for
abuses. However, instances of abuse do occur. While coerced confessions are inad-
missible in court, evidence gathered through coercion or abuse may be used in pros-
ecution. There were credible reports that police sometimes used intimidation tech-
niaues in order to obtain evidence or elicit confessions. In the past police sometimes
suiiocated criminal suspects with a plastic bag. In general, however, beatings and
other forms of extreme physical abuse remained rare.
Student riots in February 1995 over police handling of a ritual murder case re-
sulted in some injuries. The Attorney General's office pursued charges against some
of the rioters, charging them with unlawful rioting and assault. However, they were
acquitted in 1997.
Customary courts continued to impose corporeal punishment sentences in the
form of lashings on the buttocks. There were jieriodic press reports of floggings, par-
ticularly of young offenders in villages, imposed by customary courts for vandalism,
theft, hooliganism, and other infractions. The Government has refused to adopt a
motion submitted by the House of Chiefs to reinstate flogging across the back rather
than the buttocks. The House of Chiefs is an advisory body only.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, although overcrowding
is a problem. Women in custody are placed in the charge of female omcers. The Gov-
ernment permits visits by human rights monitors after a detailed inquiry procedure.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Under the Constitution "every person in
Botswana" is entitled to due process, the presumption of innocence, and freedom
from arbitrary arrest. The authorities respected these guarantees in practice. Sus-
pects must be informed of their legal rights upon arrest, including the right to re-
main silent, to be allowed to contact a person of their choice, and generally to be
charged before a magistrate within 48 hours. A magistrate may order a suspect held
for 14 days through a writ of detention, which may be renewed every 14 days. Most
citizens charged with noncapital offenses are released on their own recognizance;
some are released with minimal bail. Detention without bail is highly unusual, ex-
cept in murder cases, where it is mandated.
Detainees have the right to hire attorneys of their choice.
Poor police training and poor communications in rural villages make it difficult
for detainees to obtain legal assistance, however, and authorities do not always fol-
low judicial safeguards. The Government does not provide counsel for the indigent,
except in capital cases. Two nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) — the Univer-
sity of Botswana Legal Assistance Center and the Botswana Center for Human
Rights — provide free legal services, but their capacity is limited. Constitutional pro-
tections are not applied to illegal immigrants, although the constitutionality of deny-
ing them due process has not been tested in court.
The Government neither forcibly repatriates nor deports failed asylum seekers,
but it detains and incarcerates them alongside convicted felons (see Section 2.d.).
The (jovemment does not use exile for political purposes.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The judiciary consists of both a civil court (including magistrates' courts, a High
Court, and a Court of Appeal) and a customary (traditional) court system. The law
provides for the right to a fair trial. The civil courts remained unable to provide for
timely, fair trials in rnany cases, however, due to severe staffing shortages and a
backlog of pending cases. The courts are making a major effort to clear this backlog,
especially in murder cases.
Most trials in the regular courts are public, although trials under the National
Security Act (NSA) may be held in secret. Those charged with noncapital crimes are
tried without legal representation if they cannot afford an attorney. As a result,
many defendants may not be informed of their rights in pretrial or trial proceedings.
Most citizens encounter the legal system through the customary courts, under the
authority of a traditional leader. These courts handle minor offenses involving land,
18
marital, and property disputes. In customary courts the defendant does not have
legal counsel ana there are no precise rules of evidence. Tribal judges, appointed
by the tribal leader or elected by the community, determine sentences, which may
be appealed through the civil court system. The quality of decisions reached in the
traditional courts varies considerably. In communities where chiefs and their deci-
sions are respected, plaintiffs tend to take their cases to the customary court; other-
wise, people seek justice in the civil courts.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family. Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the protection of privacy and the security of the person,
and government authorities generally respect these rights.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and the Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of ex-
pression, both individual and corporate, and the Government generally respects this
right in practice. Botswana has a long tradition of vigorous, candid, and unimpeded
public discourse.
The independent press is small, but lively and freouently critical of the Govern-
ment and the President. It reports without fear of closure or censorship. Concern
was expressed, however, over proposed legislation to regulate print and broadcast
media that would have vested government officials with considerably expanded
power over the press. Local and regional media organizations also objected to the
80 percent citizen ownership requirement contained in the proposal. Government of-
ficials agreed to review the draft bill in consultation with media representatives be-
fore submitting it to Parliament.
The Government subsidizes a free daily newspaper which depends heavily on the
official Botswana Press Agency (BOPA) for its material. The broadcast media re-
main a government monopoly, with radio the most important medium of information
in this highly dispersed society. Radio Botswana follows government policies and
draws most of its stories from BOPA. Opposition leaders have access to the radio,
but they complain — with some justification — that their air time is significantly lim-
ited. The only television station is privately owned and broadcasts to viewers in the
capital city. Independent radio and television from neighboring South Africa are
easily received.
On occasion the Government has taken steps, under loosely defined provisions of
the NSA, to limit publication of national security information.
Academic freedom is not restricted.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no formal barriers to domestic and international travel or mi-
gration. Some human rights organizations claimed that the Government pressured
several Basarwa (Bushmen) communities within the central Kalahari Game Reserve
(CKGR) into relocating to partially built new settlements outside of the Reserve.
Government officials maintained that the "voluntary" resettlement was necessary in
order to provide the Basarwa with better public services and to avoid conflicts be-
tween wildlife and humans within the CKGR. When the Basarwa arrived at the
new settlements, services and facilities were substandard or nonexistent. Although
conditions later improved, they remain very basic. It is not clear whether resettled
Basarwa would be permitted to return to their former villages inside the CKGR
should they choose to do so.
The Government cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organiza-
tions in assisting refugees. Botswana has maintained a policy of considering reset-
tlement requests only from refugees from bordering countries. The Government has,
however, permitted failed asylum seekers to remain in the country either at the
Dukwe Refugee Camp or in jail.
There were no confirmed reports of forced return of persons to a country where
they feared persecution. Refugees and asylum seekers refused under Botswana's
"first country of asylum" policy are housed at Dukwe Refugee Camp until they are
resettled or repatriated.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal adult (21 years of age) suffrage. The Bot-
19
swana Democratic Party continued to dominate Parliament following the October
1994 elections, ensuring the reelection of BDP leader Sir Ketumile Masire as Presi-
dent. The opposition Botswana National Front, the only opposition party to win
seats, increased its representation from 3 to 13 seats. Following parliamentary ap-
proval, the public voted in a referendum held in October to lower the voting age
to 18 and permit voting by absentee ballots. Parliament also approved the constitu-
tional clarification limiting presidential terms to two 5-year terms. A referendum
was not required to enact this procedural provision.
The House of Chiefs, an advisory upper chamber of Parliament with limited pow-
ers, is constitutionally restricted to the eight "principal tribes" of the Tswana nation.
Consequently, other groups (e.g., The Basarwa "bushmen," Herero, Kalanga,
Humbukush, Baloi, or Lozi) are not represented there. Given the limited authority
of the House of Chiefs, the impact of excluding other groups of Botswana citizens
is largely symbolic, but it is viewed as important in principle by some non-Setswana
speakers. Members of the National Assembly are required to be able to speak Eng-
lish. This restriction has never been challenged in court.
In practice, women are underrepresented in the political process. Although women
constitute just over 50 percent of the population, there are only 4 women among the
44 members of the National Assembly, and only 2 female ministers in the Cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Domestic and international human rights groups operate without government re-
striction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Govern-
ment officials are generally cooperative and responsive to such inquiries.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and Penal Code forbid discrimination on the basis of ethnicity,
nationality, or creed, but do not address discrimination based on sex. These provi-
sions are implemented in practice by the government authorities.
Women. — Violence against women, primarily beatings, remains a serious problem.
Under customary law and in common rural practice men have the right to "chastise"
their wives. Statistics are believed to underreport the levels of abuse against
women. Police are rarely called to intervene in cases of domestic violence. The Attor-
ney General's office attributed an increase in the number of reported domestic vio-
lence cases, including rape, to greater public awareness and improved legal protec-
tion for victims. Under a law adopted by Parliament in all rape cases are tried in
private. Two domestic violence homicide cases are awaiting trial before the High
Court.
Women in Botswana do not have the same civil rights as men. However, the Gov-
ernment and relevant NGO's met to formulate a long-term plan of action for imple-
menting the National Policy on Women adopted in July 1996. The plan identifies
six critical areas of concern, prioritized as follows: 1) women and poverty, 2) women
and powersharing and decisionmaking, 3) education and training of women, 4)
women and health, 5) the girl child, and 6) violence against women. The Women's
Affairs Department of the Ministry of Labor and Home Affairs cosponsored a work-
shop on a national gender program to promote a comprehensive and integrated ap-
proach to implementing the goals of the national policy on women. Booklets are
being printed for distribution to the public. The Government is also working with
the United Nations Development Program to develop a "marketing plan" to ensure
that the gender program and overall policy on women are incorporated into policy-
making and budgeting and planning decisions. The plan also aims to develop capac-
ity within the Government and NGO's to implement the program and overall policy.
In April female political leaders in conjunction with a local NGO launched the Bot-
swana Caucus for Women Councillors and Parliamentarians to work for equal rep-
resentation of men and women in local government and Parliament, both as elected
members and as participating citizens.
A number of otner laws, many of which are attributed to traditional practices, re-
strict civil and economic opportunities for women. A woman married in "common
property" is held to be a legal minor, requiring her husband's consent to buy or sell
property, apply for credit, and enter into legally binding contracts. Under a law
adopted by Parliament, women married in "community of property" are now per-
mitted to own immovable property in their own name; however, their husbands still
retain considerable control over jointly-held assets of the marriage. In community
of property, property is jointly owned by the couple, but the right to manage it is
almost exclusively reserved to the husband. The law adopted in 1996 was a step to-
20
ward equalizing a husband's and a wife's legal control over property held in commu-
nity of property. , . « r
Women nave, and are increasingly exercising, the right to marriage out of com-
mon property," in which case they retain their full legal rights as adults. Polygyny
is still legal under traditional law and with the consent of the first wife, but it is
rarely practiced. Consultants have been reviewing existing laws to identify provi-
sions that may discriminate against women and plan to submit a report to the Min-
istry of Labor and Home Affairs next year.
Well-trained urban women enjoy growing entry level access to the white collar Job
market, but the number of opportunities (fecreases sharply as they rise in seniority.
Discrimination against women is most acute in rural areas where women work pri-
marily in subsistence agriculture.
A number of women's organizations have emerged to promote the status of
women. The Government has entered into a dialog with many of these groups.
While some women's rights groups reportedly felt that the Government has been
slow to respond concretely to their concerns, women's NGO's say that they are en-
couraged by the direction of change and by the increasingly collaborative relation-
ship with government authorities. Within the Ministry of Labor and Home Affairs,
the Women's Affairs unit, which is charged with handling women's issues, was up-
graded from a division to a department.
Children. — The Government provides 7 years of primary education for children al-
though it is not compulsory. The rights of children are addressed in the Constitution
and the 1981 Children's Act. Under the act Botswana has a court system and social
service apparatus designed solely for juveniles. There is no societal pattern of abuse
against children, although incest and other forms of child abuse have recently re-
ceived increased attention from the media and from local human rights groups. The
Government launched a 10-year program of action for children in 1997, incorporat-
ing the seven major global goals identified at the 1990 U.N. World Summit for Chil-
dren. In addition, the Ministry of Labor and Home Affairs is reviewing laws pertain-
ing to children to align them with the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not discriminate on the basis of
physical or mental disability, although employment opportunities for the disabled
remain limited. The Government does not require accessibility to public buildings
and public conveyances for People with disabilities, and the NGO community has
only recently begun to address the needs of the disabled. In February Parliament
adopted a national policy that provides for integrating the needs of disabled persons
into all aspects of government policy-making. The Government funded NGO's pro-
viding rehabilitation services and supported small-scale work projects by disabled
workers.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Tswana majority, of which the Constitu-
tion recognizes eight principal tribes, has a tradition of peacefully coexisting with
"minor" tribes. Each of the eight principal tribes is represented in the advisory
House of Chiefs, while the other groups are permitted only a subchief, who is not
a member of the House. Other than the lack of schooling in their own language and
representation in the House of Chiefs, Botswana's Bantu minorities and nonindige-
nous minorities, such as the white and Asian communities, are not subject to dis-
crimination. However, the nomadic Basarwa remain marginalized; they have lost ac-
cess to their traditional land and are vulnerable to exploitation. Their isolation, ig-
norance of civil rights, and lack of representation in local or national government
have stymied their progress.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of associa-
tion. In practice all workers, with the exception of government employees, are free
to join or organize unions of their own choosing. Government workers may form as-
sociations that function as quasi-unions but without the right to negotiate wages.
The industrial or wage economy is small, and unions are concentrated largely in the
mineral and to a lesser extent in the railway and banking sectors. There is only one
major confederation, the Botswana Federation of Trade Unions (BFTU), but there
are no obstacles to the formation of other labor federations.
The Government ratified nine International Labor Organization (ILO) conventions
in 1997, including five characterized by the ILO as core human rights conventions.
Unions are independent of the Government and are not closely allied with any
political party or movement. Unions may employ administrative staff, but the law
requires elected union officials to work full time in the industry the union rep-
resents. This severely limits union leaders' professionalism and effectiveness and
has been criticized by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
(ICFTU).
21
The law also severely restricts the right to strike. Legal strikes are theoretically
possible after an exhaustive arbitration process, but in practice none of the country's
strikes to date has been legal.
Unions may join international organizations, and the BFTU is affiliated with the
ICFTU. The Minister of Labor must approve any affiliation with an outside labor
movement, but unions may appeal to the courts if an application for affiliation is
refused.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^The Constitution provides for
collective bargaining for unions that have enrolled 25 percent of a labor force. In
reality only the mineworker unions have the organizational strength to engage in
collective bargaining.
Workers may not oe fired for union-related activities. Dismissals may be appealed
to labor officers or civil courts, but labor offices rarely do more than order 2-months'
severance pay.
Botswana has only one export processing zone — in the town of Selebi-Phikwe —
which is subject to the same labor laws as the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The constitutional provision pro-
hibiting forced or bonded labor applies to all citizens, although its application to
children is not specified. There were no reports of forced or bonded labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment of Chil-
dren.— ^Although education is not compulsory, the Government provides 7 years of
free primaiy education to every child, and most children take advantage of this op-
portunity. Only an immediate family member may employ a child 13-years-old or
younger, and no juvenile under 15 years may be employed in any industry. Only
persons over 16 years may be hired, to perform night work, and no person under
16 years is allowed to perform hazardous labor, including mining. District and mu-
nicipal councils have child welfare divisions which are responsible for enforcing
child labor laws. The constitutional provision prohibiting forced or bonded labor ap-
plies to all citizens, although its application to children is not specified (see Section
6.C.). Because research on the issue of child labor is limited, it is difficult to state
whether child labor laws are effectively enforced. Child labor is not perceived to be
a significant problem. The high level of primary and junior school attendance, cou-
pled with the (jovernment's policy of increasing the number of schools so as to ac-
commodate more pupils for a greater number of years is a good indicator of dedica-
tion in principle and practice to deterring child labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum daily wage for full time labor
is $3.50 (12.7 pula), which is less than 50 percent of what the Government cal-
culates is necessary to meet the basic needs of a family of five. The Ministry of
Labor is responsible for enforcing the minimum wage, and each of the country's dis-
tricts has at least one labor inspector. The Ministry of Labor referred 91 trade dis-
putes to the Industrial Court in 1997.
Formal sector jobs almost always pay well above minimum wage levels. Informal
sector employment, particularly in the agricultural and domestic service sectors
where housing and food are included, frequently pay below the minimum wage. The
Ministry of Labor recommends a monthly minimum wage of $69 (250 pula) for do-
mestics, but this is not mandatory. Illegal immigrants, primarily Zambians and
Zimbabweans, are easily exploited as they would be subject to deportation if they
filed grievances against employers.
Botswana law permits a maximum 48-hour workweek, exclusive of overtime
which is payable at time and a half for each additional hour. Most modem private
and public sector jobs are on the 40-hour workweek.
Workers who complain about hazardous conditions cannot be fired. The Govern-
ment's institutional ability to enforce its workplace safety legislation remains lim-
ited, however, by inadequate staffing and unclear jurisdictions between difTerent
ministries. Nevertheless, worker safety is generally provided for by employers, with
the occasionally notable exception of the construction industry.
BURKINA FASO
President Blaise Compaore continued to dominate the Government of the Fourth
Republic, assisted by members of his party, the Congress for Democracy and
Progress (CDP). In spite of the existence of dozens of political parties, there is little
viable opposition to the President and his Government. In legislative elections in
May, 44 percent of eligible citizens voted and gave the CDP control of 101 of 111
seats in Parliament. A delegation from the International Assembly of Francophone
Parliamentarians considered the election to be substantially free and fair; however.
22
a collective of 14 local nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) gave a more mixed
review, describing the elections as peaceful and orderly, but also marked by general-
ized and systematic corruption ana marred by voter list irregularities. In December
1995, the constitutionally mandated (though purely consultative) second chamber of
Parliament was installed, completing the government structure envisaged in the
1991 Constitution. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however,
it is subject to executive influence.
The security apparatus consists of the armed forces, the paramilitary gendar-
merie, controlled by the Ministry of Defense, and the police, controlled by the Min-
istry of Territorial Administration. Some members of the security forces committed
human rights abuses.
Over 80 percent of the population of 10 million engages in subsistence agriculture.
Frequent drought, and limited communication and transportation infrastructures, in
addition to a 77 percent illiteracy rate, are longstanding problems. The 50 percent
devaluation of the cfa franc in 1994 made imports more expensive for salaried worii-
ers and civil servants, but improved the competitiveness of livestock and cotton ex-
ports. Since 1991 the Government has adopted a series of structural adjustment pro-
grams that are designed to open the economy to market forces and to reduce govern-
ment deficits, while shifting resources to the education and health sectors. In recent
years, the country has registered strong gains in life expectancy, literacy, and school
attendance rates, although it remains a very poor country with annual per capita
income about $220.
The Government's human rights record improved somewhat, but serious problems
remain in several areas. Despite the May elections. President Campaore's continued
dominance limited citizens' right to change their government. The security forces
continued to mistreat detainees, and prison conditions remained harsh. Arbitrary
detention was a problem, and authorities did not ensure detainees due process. A
general climate of impunity for members of the security forces, along with the lack
of progress in identifying or punishing those responsible for serious abuses commit-
ted in previous years, continued to tarnish the Government's record. Courts are sub-
ject to executive influence, and authorities do not ensure fair trials. The media prac-
tices self-censorship. In March the Council on Information ordered the director of
a popular radio call-in show, whose participants were often critical of government
officials, to suspend the show until additional regulations to the 1995 code governing
radio broadcasting were released. In October the Government tightened regulations
governing public demonstrations and increased jsenalties for violations. Societal dis-
crimination against women persists. Violence against women and children, particu-
larly female genital mutilation (FGM), remained a problem, although the Govern-
ment passed legislation making FGM a crime. The Government has taken steps to
educate citizens about the dangers of this practice. Killings of criminal suspects by
vigilante mobs remained a problem, but apparently decreased.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing.— There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
There was no progress made in punishing those responsible for abuses committed
in past years. The major problem with law enforcement remains a general climate
of impunity for human rights abusers fostered by the habitual failure of the Govern-
ment's investigations to result in guilty findings and appropriate sanctions. Inquir-
ies tend to drag on until they are overshadowed by subsequent incidents or quietly
shelved. Appeals by human rights organizations generally go unanswered. This fail-
ure to prosecute previous abuses remains a major hindrance to further human
rights progress.
The May 1996 incident in which members of the police in the town of Reo shot
and killed an unarmed villager during an operation to fine owners of unregistered
vehicles remained unresolved. An official investigation into the 1995 shooting to
death of two unarmed high school demonstrators in Garango has yielded no results.
Investigation of the 1994 savage beating of two prisoners, who later died at the
Maco prison in Ouagadougou, ended without calling for the punishment of those re-
sf^nsiole. There were no further developments regarding the 1994 corruption scan-
dal that led to the death in custody of two suspects under suspicious circumstances.
To date the authorities have provided no explanation of the death of Doin Redan,
who was found dead in 1994 a day after being detained by police. The Government
continued to make no real effort to investigate the fate of a Ghanaian detainee re-
portedly killed in 1993 while in police custody. International and local human rights
groups pressured the official commission investigating the 1991 assassination of
23
Clement Ouedraogo, a prominent opposition leader, to submit a report of prelimi-
nary findings to the Prime Minister. The report has not been made public and the
case remains open, as do the cases of the 1989 "disappearance of professor
Guillaume Sessouma, detained for allegedly participating in a coup plot, and of med-
ical student Dabo Boukary in 1990, detained following student demonstrations.
Credible reports indicated that security forces tortured and killed both men. The
Government failed to respond to students' calls for information on Boukarys death,
which was included in a list of demands issued during the university strikes that
began in February.
There were some killings of criminal suspects by vigilante mobs, but apparently
fewer than in recent years. A major independent daily reported on only one such
killing this year, which occurred in Ouagadougou.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
While legally prohibited, mistreatment of detainees, oiten to extract confessions, has
been documented for a number of years. There are credible reports that officials at
Maco prison continue to employ de^ading treatment. The Giovernment is not known
to have taken any disciplinary action against those responsible, and the climate of
impunity created by the Government's failure to prosecute abusers remains the larg-
est obstacle to ending abuses.
Prison conditions are harsh, overcrowded, and can be life threatening. The federal
prison in Bobo-Dioulasso, built in 1947, houses about 1,000 prisoners, although de-
signed to hold less than half that number. There are separate facilities for men,
women, and children. The prison diet is poor, and inmates must often rely on sup-
plemental food from relatives.
According to human rights monitors, prison visits are granted at the discretion
of prison authorities. Permission is routinely granted, and advance permission is not
reauired.
Q. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides for the right
to expeditious arraignment and access to legal counsel, and the law limits detention
for investigative purposes without charge to a maximum of 72 hours, renewable for
a single 48-hour period. In practice, however, police rarely observe these provisions.
The average time of detention without charge is 1 week.
On January 31, police dispersed a student march in the capital that was protest-
ing the condition of dormitories, classrooms, and the levels of scholarships. Police
used tear gas and rubber bullets against the protesters, arrested approximately 30
students, and detained them until February 4 (see Section 2.b.).
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, in practice it is subject to executive influence. The President has ex-
tensive appointment and other judicial powers. The Constitution stipulates that the
Head of State is also the President of the Superior Council of the Magistrature,
which nominates and removes some high-ranked magistrates and can examine the
performance of individual magistrates.
The Constitution provides that the Supreme Court is the highest court in the
country. Beneath it are 2 courts of appeal and 10 provincial courts ("de grande in-
stance ")• There is also a High Court oi Justice, with jurisdiction to try the President
and senior government officials for treason and other serious crimes. In 1995 the
National Assembly passed legislation reforming the military court system, making
military courts less susceptible in principle to executive manipulation, however,
their independence has not yet been demonstrated.
In 1994 the Government announced the creation of the Ofiice of Ombudsman,
called "Mediateur du Faso." Retired general Marc Garango was appointed to the po-
sition, which is responsible for mediating disputes between the State and its citi-
zens. In March the mediator negotiated an agreement to end a student strike after
the Prime Minister's efforts to broker an accord between the students and authori-
ties failed. In addition to the formal judiciary, customary or traditional courts, pre-
sided over by village chiefs, handle many neighborhood- and village-level problems,
such as divorce and inheritance disputes. These decisions are generally respected by
the population, but citizens may also take a case to a formal court.
The Constitution provides for the right to public trial, access to counsel, and has
provisions for bail and appeal. While these rights are generally respected, the ability
of citizens to obtain a fair trial remains circumscribed by ignorance of the law (77
percent of the population is illiterate) and by a continuing shortage of magistrates.
Amendments to tne Penal Code to make it more relevant to modem requirements,
such as the revision making FGM a crime, were adopted by Parliament during its
last session in 1996 and entered into efiect early in the year.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
24
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for these rights, and, in practice, the authorities generally do
not interfere in the daily lives of ordinary citizens. In national security cases, how-
ever, a special law permits surveillance, searches, and monitoring of telephones and
grivate correspondence without a warrant. By law and under normal circumstances,
omes may be searched only with the authoritv of a warrant issued by the Minister
of Justice. Except in certain cases, such as nouses of prostitution and gambling
dens, such warrants must be executed during "legal hours," defined as between 6
a.m. and 9 p.m.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The 1991 Constitution provides for freedom of
speech and of the press. In practice, however, these freedoms still remain cir-
cumscribed by a certain degree of self-censorship. The President and his Govern-
ment remain sensitive to criticism. Provisions in the Code granting the Government
strong legal powers to intimidate the press through a broad interpretation of defa-
mation were removed in December 1993. As a result, journalists charged with libel
now may defend themselves in court by presenting evidence in support of their alle-
gations. Perhaps as a consequence, the independent press continued to exercise
greater freedom of expression.
In February the director of a popular independent radio station received verbal
instructions from government officials who demanded that a popular call-in show
whose listeners often voiced opinions critical of the Government be taken off the air.
He was also attacked by two armed thugs who identified themselves as ruling party
members. In March the Government sent written orders to suspend the program
until additional regulations to the existing 1995 code governing radio broadcasting
were written and enacted. The director complied, and the program was taken off the
air. The Government has yet to publish the new regulations, and the program re-
mains off the air.
In July the Government divided a $170,000 grant among 20 independent radio
stations and publications, including some critical of the Government, after they had
been invited to send a list of needs to a 10-member selection committee chaired by
the F^resident of the Association of Independent Broadcasters.
The independent press includes six dailies, a dozen weekly newspapers, and a
monthly news magazine. Although the official media, including the daily newspaper
Sidwaya, the national radio, and the national television, display progovemment em-
phasis, the presence of independent competition led government media to give more
coverage to the political opposition during the May parliamentary campaign. There
are a dozen thriving independent radio stations, one with eight branches, and one
private television station.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom, of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government generally respected this right in practice.
Political parties and labor unions have usually been allowed to hold meetings and
rallies without requesting government permission since early 1990. In October the
National Assembly passed a law to replace an existing 1992 regulating public dem-
onstrations. The new law requires that authorities be notified in advance of planned
demonstrations and gives the executive the right to use reasons of public order to
forbid demonstrations. In addition penalties for violations are increased from 6
months to 5 years to 2 to 5 years. Permits, however, must be obtained from munici-
pal authorities for political marches. Applicants must indicate date, time, duration,
and itinerary of the march or rally, and authorities may alter or deny requests on
grounds of public safety. Denials or modifications may be appealed before the courts.
On January 31, police dispersed students protesting in the capital, using tear gas
and rubber bullets. Police arrested approximately 30 students and detained them
until February 4.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government gen-
erally respects this right in practice. Since early 1990, political parties and labor
unions have usually been permitted to organize and hold meetings and rallies with-
out seeking government permission.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. Burkina Faso is a secular state. Islam,
Christianity, and traditional religions operate freely without government inter-
ference. Neither social mobility nor access to modern sector jobs are linked to, or
restricted by, religious affiliation.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreien Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom ofmovement, and authorities re-
spect this right in practice. Gendarmes routinely stop travelers within the country
25
for identity and customs checks and the levying of road taxes at police and military
checkpoints. There is no restriction on foreign travel for business or tourism.
Refugees are accepted freely. The Government provides first asvlum and contin-
ued to provide it to refugees from neighboring countries, primarily from Mali and
Niger. The Government cooperates with the onice of the United Nations High Com-
missioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting
refugees. In February the Government and UNHCR ofTicials reached an accord on
the repatriation and resettlement of the 25,000 Tuareg refugees and on the UNHCR
timetaole for terminating all food distribution to Tuaregs living in the northernmost
camps by December 31. Following the final convoy in August of some 400 repatriat-
ing Nigerien Tuaregs, the UNHCR concluded its assistance program for mgerien
Tuaregs. Over 170,000 Malian refugees have repatriated. The last group of 'niareg
refugees living in the country was returned to Mali on December 8 under the aus-
pices of the UNHCR. On December 15, the Government officially closed all refugee
camps. At year's end, those refugees who opted to remain in the country were being
registered by local authorities and were to be treated according to regulations of the
Economic Community of West African States. There were no reports of forced return
of persons to a country where they feared persecution. There were no reports of
forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the constitutional right to change their government through
multiparty elections. However, in practice, they are unable to exercise this right
fully due to the continued dominance of the President and his ruling party. In May
44 percent of eligible voters went to the polls and gave the ruling CDP 101 out of
111 parliamentary seats in an election that international observers described as
substantially free and fair; however, a collective of 14 local NGO's described the
elections as peaceful and orderly, but marked by generalized and systematic corrup-
tion and marred by voter list irregularities. The Supreme Court annulled the results
in four constituencies because of these irregularities. (The ruling party won all four
seats in the subsequent elections. The 14 NGO collective cited similar voting irreg-
ularities in these subsequent elections as well). The victory reflected both general
support for policies of the governing party and a lack of viable opposition alter-
natives. Presidential elections are scheduled to be held in 1998.
The Compaore Government includes a strong presidency, a prime minister, a
council of ministers presided over by the President, a two-chamber National Assem-
bly, and the judiciary. The legislature is independent, but it remains susceptible to
external influence from the executive branch.
In January during its first session, the CDP-dominated National Assembly
amended the Constitution to allow a president to run for an unlimited number of
terms. Previously, the Constitution had restricted the mandate to two 7-year terms.
There are no restrictions in law or practice on the participation of women or mi-
nority group members in politics. However, women are underrepresented in posi-
tions of responsibility; 4 of the 29 ministers and 10 of the 111 National Assembly
deputies are women. The President of the Social and Economic Council is a woman.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government's attitude toward local human rights organizations has been
mixed. According to activists, the Government did not interfere with the activities
of any such group this year, including the Burkinabe Movement for Human Rights
(MBDHP), an independent group with representation in all 45 provinces. The Gov-
ernment helped the human rights organization Gerddes sponsor a seminar in July
on building democracy within the military. However, the Government has failed to
answer inquiries from international human rights organizations concerning past
abuses. Amnesty International is still awaiting the results of the government in-
quiry into the 1995 killings in Garango, but the Government has not responded to
Al's request for information.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, religion, or ethnic
origin. Minority ethnic groups are, like the majority Mossi, represented in the inner
circles of the Gk)vemment, and government decisions do not favor one group over
another.
Women. — Violence against women, especially wife beating, occurs occasionally.
Cases of wife beating are usually handled through customary law and practice.
There are no statistics on rape, although it is recognized as a crime. Spousal rape
26
is not discussed. There are organizations that counsel rape victims, including Catho-
lic and Protestant missions, the Association of Women Jurists in Burkina, the
Burkinabe Movement for Human Rights (MBDHP), Association of Women, and
Promofemmes, a regional network that works to combat violence against women.
The Government is attempting to change attitudes toward women, using education
through the media. The Penal Code explicitly prohibits sexual harassment, but has
no special laws protecting women against violence other than general laws dealing
with violence .
The Constitution provides for respect of human rights including those of women,
but there is no specific constitutional protection for women, who face extensive dis-
crimination. In general women continue to occupy a subordinate position and experi-
ence discrimination in such areas as education, jobs, property, and family rights.
Overall, women represent 45 percent of the work force. In the modem sector, how-
ever, women make up one-fourth of the government work force, although usually in
lower paying positions. Women still do much of the subsistence farming work. After
the May parliamentary elections, the Government created a Ministry of Women's
Affairs and appointed a woman as minister.
Children.— ^he Constitution nominally protects children's rights. The Government
has demonstrated its commitment to improving the condition of children by adopt-
ing a national policy to revitalize primary health care through the privatization of
hospitals, which provided greater autonomy in hospital management. The Govern-
ment has stated its commitment to improve access to primary education and as of
1996 had raised the literacy rate to 23 percent.
Females constitute approximately one-third of the total student population in the
primary school system and are represented in the secondary and higher educational
systems although the percentage decreases dramatically beyond the primary level.
&;hools in rural areas have disproportionately fewer female students than schools
in urban areas. The Government has set up a scholarship program for female sec-
ondary students to encourage them to stay in school.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is still widely
practiced, especially in many rural areas, and is usually performed at an early age.
The percentage of females who have undergone this procedure may be as high as
70 percent. The Government has made a strong commitment to eradicate FGM
through educational eflbrts, and a national committee campaigns against the prac-
tice. The Penal Code was revised in the last session of Parliament in 1996 to make
FGM a crime, with stricter punishment for those involved in its practice. Perpetra-
tors are subject to 6 months to 3 years' imprisonment and a significant fine. The
Government has launched a sensitization campaign regarding the deleterious effects
of this practice. Another form of mutilation, scarification of the faces of both boys
and girls of certain ethnic groups, is gradually disappearing.
People With Disabilities. — While there are modest government subsidies for work-
shops for the disabled, there is no government mandate or legislation concerning ac-
cessibility for the disabled. There is no legislation to protect people with disabilities
from discrimination. Programs to aid the disabled are limited, but human rights
groups are not aware of any discrimination against the disabled.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1962 Labor Code has been amended several
times during the past decade, most recently in 1996. Under this legislation, workers,
including civil servants, traditionally have enjoyed a legal right of association, which
is recognized under the Constitution. There are 4 major labor confederations and
12 autonomous trade unions linked together by a National Confederal Committee.
They represent a wide ideological spectrum; the largest and most vocal member es-
pouses Socialist doctrine. Essential workers, such as police, may not join unions.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike, and workers use strike actions
to achieve labor goals. In June the most prominent health services union called a
partial strike of emergency staff workers. After the Government questioned this ac-
tion, the Supreme Court ruled that the strike by emergency staff violated a law pro-
tecting public safety, but it did not find illegal the union's right to call a general
strike in supfx)rt of the emergency workers 3 weeks later. The strike ended after
a month when the Government ana union signed an agreement.
Labor unions may affiliate freely with international trade unions. The National
Confederation of Burkinabe Workers (CNTB) is affiliated with the Brussels-based
World Confederation of Labor (WCL).
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Unions have the right to bar-
gain for wages and other benefits, both directly with employers and with industry
associations. These negotiations are governed by minimums on wages and other
27
benefits contained in the Interprofessional Collective Convention and the Commer-
cial Sector Collective Convention, which are established with government participa-
tion. If no agreement is reached, employees may exercise their right to strike. Either
labor or management also may refer an impasse in negotiations to labor tribunals.
Appeals may be pursued through the Court of Appeal to the Supreme Court, whose
decision is binding on both parties. Collective bargaining is extensive in the modem
wage sector but encompasses only a small percentage of workers.
The Labor Code prohibits antiunion discrimination. The Labor Ministry handles
complaints about such discrimination, which the plaintiff may appeal to a Labor Tri-
bunal. If the Tribunal sustains the appeal, the employer must reinstate the worker.
Union officials believe that this system functions adequately.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced labor,
and it is not practiced.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded child labor but does not enforce this
prohibition effectively. Children commonly work with their parents in rural areas
or in family-owned small businesses in villages and cities.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded child labor but does not enforce this prohibi-
tion effectively (see Section 6.c.). The Labor Code sets the minimum age for employ-
ment at 14, the average age for completion of basic primary school. However, the
Ministry of Employment, Labor, and Social Security, which oversees labor stand-
ards, lacks the means to enforce this provision adequately, even in the small wage
sector. Most children actually begin work at an earlier age on small, family subsist-
ence faims, in the traditional apprenticeship system, and in the informal sector.
There are no reports of children under the age of 14 employed in either state or
large private companies.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code mandates a minimum monthly
wage, a standard workweek of 40 hours with at least one 24-hour rest period for
nondomestic workers and a 60 hour workweek for household workers, and estab-
lishes safety and health provisions. The minimum monthly wage in the formal sec-
tor, about ^5 (cfa 27,089), does not apply to subsistence agriculture, which employs
about 85 percent of the population. The Government last set the minimum wage in
1996. It is not adequate for an urban worker to support a family. Wage earners usu-
ally supplement their income through reliance on the extended family, subsistence
agriculture, or trading in the informal sector.
A system of government inspections under the Ministry of Labor and the Labor
Tribunals is responsible for overseeing health and safety standards in the small in-
dustrial and commercial sectors, but these standards do not apply in the subsistence
agricultural sector. However, the Government's Labor Inspector Corps does not have
sufficient resources to fulfill its duties adequately. Every company is required to
have a work safety committee. If a workplace has been declared unsafe by the gov-
ernment Labor Inspection OfTice for any reason, workers have the right to remove
themselves from dangerous work without jeopardy to continued employment. In
practice there are indications that this right is respected, but such declarations are
relatively rare.
BURUNDI
President Sylvestre Ntibantunganya was overthrown in a military coup on July
25, 1996. The National Assembly and political parties operate under significant con-
straints. The regime headed by self-proclaimed interim president, Major Pierre
Buyoya, abrogated the 1992 Constitution and the 1994 Convention of Gk)vemment.
The Buyoya regime promulgated a decree on September 13, 1996 which replaced the
Constitution during the so-called Transition Period. Under this decree, the National
Assembly does not have the power to remove the President of the Republic. The
Prime Minister, appointed by the President, replaces the President in the event of
the President's death or incapacity. Under the aiarogated Constitution, the President
of the National Assembly replaced the President. The judicial system is controlled
by the Tutsi minority.
Buyoya holds power in conjunction with the Tutsi-dominated establishment forces.
The country has been engaged in a civil war marked by ethnic violence, which in-
cludes fighting between the Tutsi-dominated army and armed Hutu rebel groups.
The fighting has caused widespread civilian casualties since its beginning in Octo-
ber 1993.
28
Security forces consist of the armv and the gendarmerie under the Ministry of De-
fense, the judicial police under the Ministry of Justice, and the Documentation Serv-
ice under the presidency. The army and the security services remain committed to
protecting the mterests of the Tutsi minority. The security forces committed numer-
ous, serious, human rights abuses.
Burundi is poor and densely populated, with over four-fifths of the population en-
gaged in subsistence agriculture. The small modem sector, based largely on the ex-
port of coffee and tea, has been damaged by an economic embargo imposed by neigh-
Doring states in July 1996. The ongoing violence since 1993 has caused severe eco-
nomic disruption and dislocation. Xarge numbers of internally displaced persons
have been unable to produce their own food crops and depend largely on inter-
national humanitarian assistance. Government efforts to privatize parastatal enter-
prises are at a virtual halt. Per capita national income is estimated at less than
$200 per year.
The human rights situation remains poor. Despite Buyoya's avowed intention to
end abuses by the military forces, security forces continued to commit numerous, se-
rious, human rights abuses, which the Government was largely unable or unwilling
to prevent. Perpetrators generally were not punished.
Military forces committed extrajudicial killings, including massacres of unarmed
civilian Hutus. With their superior firepower and wide dispersion, the armed forces
committed the most widespread abuses. Tutsi civilian extremists sometimes accom-
panied the armed forces during operations, and the armed forces permitted them
to engage in violence against Hutus. There continued to be numerous disappear-
ances. There were credible reports of torture of prisoners. Prison conditions remain
life threatening. Arbitrary arrest and lengthy pretrial detention are problems. The
court system suffers from a lengthy backlog. The dysfunctional justice system could
not effectively address the country's problems because of its lack of independence,
inefficiency, administrative disruption, and the partiality of its Tutsi officials. Au-
thorities infringed on citizens' privacy rights. The Government controls nearly all
the media. The Government restricts freedom of assembly and prohibits political
demonstrations. The Government limits freedom of association. The Government
place some restrictions on freedom of movement.
According to an international human rights organization, fewer civilians were
killed that in the previous year; however, serious incidents of ethnically motivated
destruction and extrajudicial killing occurred throughout the country.
Government efforts to restore security were inadequate. Armed troops, civilian mi-
litias, and rebel forces killed both armed and unarmed ethnic rivals, including
women, children, and the elderly. Land mines killed and injured many persons,
mostly noncombatants. Members of the armed forces, vigilante groups, and rebel
groups committed serious human rights violations with impunity. The continuing
lack of accountability for killings and ethnic violence and impunity for those respon-
sible for the 1993 coup attempt and the ethnic massacres that followed contributed
significantly to national insecurity.
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. Legal and societal dis-
crimination against women continues to be a serious problem; violence against
women also occurs. Ethnic discrimination against Hutus is widespread. The Twa
(Pygmy) minority remains marginalized economically, socially, and politically. The
Government cannot protect the rights of children or prevent discrimination against
the disabled.
Tutsi militias committed serious abuses. However, a human rights organization
reported that there were fewer instances of armed Tutsi vigilantes engaging in vio-
lence against Hutus.
Hutu rebel forces committed serious abuses, including massacres of both Hutu
and Tutsi civilians.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Amnesty international estimated
that between October 1993 and August 1997. Approximately 200,000 people were
killed in ethnic violence, according to independent reports. An international relief
organization estimated that between 4,500 to 9,000 persons (an average of 500 to
1000 persons per month) were killed during the first 9 months of the year.
According to international observers, during the month of January, in
Buteganzwa and Rango Communes, Kayanza province, government troops sum-
marily executed 200 to 300 young Hutu men as well as a number of women and
children, while forcibly resettling the local Hutu population into regroupment
camps. According to an international human rights organization, on January 5, sol-
29
diers and vigilantes attacked civilians in Bukeye Commune, Muramvya province,
killing 26 persons.
On January 10, in Muyinga province near the Kobero border crossing, according
to a number of sources, gendarmes killed between 122 and 128 Burundian Hutu ref-
ugees who had been expelled from Tanzania and were believed to belong to an
armed rebel group. Following this incident, the regional military commander was
replaced and the gendarmes taken into custody.
On March 1, according to an international human rights organization, soldiers
killed 37 persons in Muhuta Commune, Bujumbura Rural province. On March 27,
at the village of Mitonto, Rumonge Conrunune, Bururi province, government troops
killed 147 civilians, according to independent press reports. The Government ini-
tially claimed that its troops had killed only 4 persons, but later revised the total
number of deaths to 57 persons. On April 1, the Government announced that it had
sent an investigation team into the area.
On May 7, according to a Western observer, government troops killed 10 to 15
persons and wounded a number of others in Isare Commune, Bujumbura Rural
province. On May 11, according to an international human rights organization, sol-
diers ordered civilians in Kanyosha Commune, Bujumbura Rural province, to as-
semble, then fired upon them, killing 15 persons. Several sources reported that on
May 15, at the pentecostal church of Mugendo, Bujumbura Rural province, soldiers
arrested 45 persons, executed 42 of them, and wounded three other persons.
According to a Western observer, on June 6, soldiers based at Mugendo,
Bujumbura Rural province, killed 17 civilians who were returning to their homes
in Muhuta Commune, Bujumbura Rural province.
On June 13, according to a Western source, in Bujumbura Rural province, govern-
ment troops fired on villagers participating in a funeral ceremony, killing six per-
sons and wounding four others.
In early August, an antitank mine detonated in Cibitoke province killing nine per-
sons, according to an international relief organization.
The Government concluded the trials of several hundred persons accused of con-
spiracy in the ethnic massacres following the October 1993 death of former Presi-
dent Melchior Ndadaye. According to an international human rights organization,
44 persons were convicted and sentenced to death during 1997. More than 100 per-
sons have been convicted and sentenced to death since March 1996. On July 31, the
Government executed six of those convicted.
The three persons accused of the 1995 killings of Italian religious workers in
Bururi province have not been brought to justice. According to a high-ranking offi-
cial, the Government is seeking the extradition of the accused perpetrators from
Rwanda and Uganda, to which they are believed to have fled following their "escape
from custody" in 1995.
The (government's investigation of the June 1996, killing in Cibitoke province of
three expatriate employees of the ICRC by unknown gunmen has not produced any
arrests. The Government claims that Hutu rebels were responsible for the murders,
but others accuse the army.
In early August, FRODEBU party parliamentarian Paul Sirahenda and his chauf-
feur disappeared in Makamba province. Sirahenda's burned-out car was found near
the Tanzanian border. Sirahenda and his chauffeur were not found. According to
FRODEBU, Sirahenda is the twenty-third regular or alternate FRODEBU par-
liamentarian killed since the October 1993 coup. In 1996 the military forces claimed
that they had arrested 25 suspects involved in some of these killings and disappear-
ances. However, none of the suspects has been tried for any of these killings or the
attempted killings of several prominent Hutu politicians.
On January 2 and 3, according to an international human rights organization,
Hutu rebels attacked the commune of Bubanza, Bubanza province. They killed 14
persons and injured 9 others.
On January 12 and 13, according to an international human rights organization,
Hutu rebels attacked the commune of Rugombo, Cibitoke province. They killed 22
persons and wounded 4 others.
On March 8, three people were killed in Kanyosha commune, Bujumbura rural
province, bv Hutu rebels, according to an international human rights organization.
On March 19 and 20, according to a Western observer, Hutu rebels attacked three
regroupment camps in Buganda Commune, Cibitoke province and killed 153 per-
sons.
On July 20, in the Kabonza section of Nyanza-Lac Commune, Makamba province,
Hutu rebels killed 13 civilians, burned a number of houses and stole cattle, accord-
ing to a Western source.
Hutu rebels killed Hutu civilians who refused to pay "taxes" to the rebels.
30
b. Disappearance. — ^Human rights groups reported that abductions and disappear-
ances were commonplace throughout the year. Disappearances were the result of
both ethnic and political rivalry. Reliable numerical estimates are not available. See
Section l.a. for information regarding the June 13 disappearance of FRODEBU
party parliamentarian Paul Siranenda.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Both the decree of September 13, 1996, and the suspended constitution prohibit
these abuses; however, members of the security forces continued to torture and oth-
erwise abuse persons.
Conditions m state-run prisons were life threatening and characterized by severe
overcrowding and inadequate hygiene, clothing, medical care, food, and water. Pris-
oners must rely on family members to provide an adequate diet, and officials ac-
knowledged that digestive illness was a serious problem among the prisoners.
Women were housed separately from men. U.N. human rights monitors and rep-
resentatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross were permitted to visit
prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, and exile; however, arbitrary arrest and detention are problems. The law
places no limit on the total length of pretrial detention. Presiding magistrates are
authorized to issue arrest warrants. Regular police and gendarmes can make arrests
without a warrant but must submit a written report to a magistrate within 48 hours
of any arrest. A magistrate can order the suspect released or confirm the charges
and continue detention, initially for 15 days, then subsequently for periods of 30
days as necessary to prepare the case for trial.
The law requires arrest warrants. The police must follow the same procedures as
magistrates, but have detained suspects for extended periods without announcing
charges, certifying the cases, or forwarding them to the Ministry of Justice as re-
quired. There were numerous instances oi arbitrary arrest. Bail was permitted in
some cases. According to a human rights organization, incommunicado detention ex-
ists, although the law prohibits it.
The disruption of the political process and the general level of insecurity severely
impeded the judicial process. There are reportedly more than 7,000 pretrial detain-
ees, or about 80 percent of the prison population.
Ex-president and Parena party leader Jean-Baptiste Bagaza has been under
house arrest since March 16. He is accused of plotting against the life of the Presi-
dent and illegal possession of military weapons.
On July 4, 44 of the 79 people detained for alleged involvement in the 1993 coup
attempt were arraigned before the Supreme Court; 29 entered pleas. All 29 pled not
guilty.
Around September 1, Louis Ntureka, FRODEBU member and accountant of the
National Assembly, was arrested at a roadblock in Bujumbura and accused of being
in contact with armed Hutu rebels. On September 2, Callixte Masabo, an agron-
omist and FRODEBU member who is the director of the Government's regional de-
velopment society of Rumonge in Bururi province was arrested and accused of being
in contact with armed Hutu rebels. Around September 5, Doctor Sylvere Sakubu,
a member of the 47-member national committee of FRODEBU, was arrested at his
home in Bujumbura and accused of being in contact with armed Hutu rebels. On
September 18, Uprona party leader Charles Mukasi was arrested and released the
same day for conducting an unauthorized press conference.
One human rights organization estimates that the authorities hold from 500 to
1000 political detainees.
The Government has not used forced exile as a means of political control. How-
ever, many people remain in voluntary exile in Belgium, Kenya, Tanzania, Zaire,
and elsewhere. Many senior officials keep their families outside the country. A num-
ber of officials of the government of deposed president Sylvestre Ntibantunganya
fled the country in August 1996, and have not returned.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The September 1996 decree provides for an inde-
pendent judiciary, but in practice the judiciary is not independent and is dominated
by Tutsis. According to an international human rights organization, Hutus ac-
counted for only 5 percent of the country's 638 judges. Most citizens assume that
the courts promote the interests of the dominant Tutsi minority; members of the
Hutu majority believe that the Tutsi-dominated judicial system is biased against
them.
The judicial system is divided into civil and criminal courts with the Supreme
Court at the apex. The military forces have a separate judicial system.
Citizens do not have regular access to civilian and military court proceedings, al-
though trials are theoretically public. Defendants are presumed innocent ana have
the right to appeal. While defendants have a right to counsel and to defend them-
31
selves, few have legal representation in practice. The civil court system functioned,
although the lack of a well-trained and adequately supported judiciary constrained
expeditious proceedings. In 1996 criminal courts were reestablished in Bujumbura
and in the provincial centers of Gitega and Ngozi. Besides the frequent lack of coun-
sel for the accused, other major shortcomings in the legal system include a lack of
adequate funding and trained personnel and an outmoded legal code. Many citizens
have lost confidence in the system's ability to provide even basic protection. The
vast majority of those arrested on criminal charges since October 1993 remained in
custody awaiting trial.
According to an international human rights organization, during the year, the
criminal courts initiated trials of 474 defendants in cases related to the 1993 ethnic
massacres that followed the killing of former president Ndadaye. Foreign lawyers
provided under United Nations' auspices helped defend some of the accused.
The courts handed down approximately 150 sentences in these trials. There were
38 persons sentenced to death, 6 of whom were hanged on July 31; 59 others given
prison sentences; and 24 acquitted. Many others remain in detention and have not
faced trial (see Section l.d.). The six executions were the first civilians executed
since 1982.
There are no clearly identifiable political prisoners. However, charges brought
against defendants in nonpolitical crimes are sometimes politically motivated.
At year's end, the Government continued its prosecution of approximately 20 de-
fendants accused of participation in the 1993 coup and killing of former president
Ndadaye, including several past and present members of the military forces. The
prospect of any serious punishment of these senior defendants appeared remote.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
1996 decree provides for the right to privacy, but according to reports, the authori-
ties generally do not respect the law requiring search warrants. Security forces are
assumed to monitor telephones regularly.
The armed forces reportedly destroyed the homes of persons forced into regroup-
ment camps (see Section 2.d.).
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— Continuing insecurity has limited international humanitarian relief oper-
ations in some areas.
Government forces forced Hutu peasants to leave their homes in Bubanza,
Bujumbura Rural, Bururi, Karuzi, Kayanza, and Muramvya provinces and move
into regroupment camps, according to international relief agency oflicials.
According to an international human rights organization, the army burned large
numbers of civilian homes during military operations in Bubanza, Bujumbura rural,
Bururi, Cibitoke, Gitega, Karuzi, Makamba, and Muramvya provinces. A local
source near Isale Commune, Bujumbura Rooral province, reported that after an
antitank mine detonated on July 13, the army retaliated by burning homes in a 5-
square-kilometer region near the incident.
On March 25, according to an international relief organization, three cars deto-
nated antitank mines in Bujumbura. Seven persons were killed; one person was re-
ported missing. On April 6, according to an international relief organization, one ad-
ditional antitank and three antipersonnel mines were detonated in Bujumbura,
wounding three persons.
On April 14, according to an international human rights organization, Hutu rebels
attacked Hutu refugees who had returned from Tanzania at a camp in Mutongo
commune, Muyinga province, killing three persons and wounding four others. On
April 30, according to a Western observer, Hutu rebels attacked a seminary in
Bururi province, killing 43 persons and wounding 40 others.
On May 1, in Minago commune, Bururi province, according to a Western observer,
two persons, including a Catholic nun, were killed when their vehicle detonated a
land mine.
On May 19, according to an international observer, Hutu rebels launched three
attacks which killed 66 recently returned Burundian Hutu refugees in Cibitoke
province. On June 7, a Hutu rebel attack in Bubanza province resulted in the death
of one civilian, according to a Western observer.
According to various sources, on June 30, in the Kiriri neighborhood of
Bujumbura, an antitank mine exploded under the car of Burundi's National Assem-
bly Speaker. The speaker's wife and chauffeur were wounded, and a soldier riding
in the car was killed. The speaker was not in the car at the time. On July 13, an
antitank mine detonated near Isale Commune, Bujumbura Rural province, wound-
ing three persons, according to a local newspaper.
32
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — There are no restrictions imposed on the press
by the decree of September 13, 1996; however, the regime owns the only newspaper
and the two major radio stations.
The Government-owned Le Renouveau, which is published 3 times per week, is
the only newspaper that appears regularly. Other newspapers, including at least
one opposition newspaper, appear irregularly. Newspaper readership remains lim-
ited. Political tracts and news sheets continue to circulate. These represent a variety
of political viewpoints, sometimes of an extremist nature.
There were reports of a number of instances in which security forces harassed for-
eign journalists.
Most citizens rely on the two government-owned radio stations for information.
One station broadcasts in Kirundi Language, the other in French and Swahili, with
limited programming in English. There is one independent radio station. Radio
Umwizero, financed by the European Union, which broadcasts in French and
Kirundi. Citizens also receive the British Broadcasting Corporation, the Voice of
America, and other international broadcasts. The clandestine radio station that had
supported the political opposition during 1996 was not operating at year's end.
No laws or regulations limit academic freedom. Although no persons were per-
secuted for what they published or said, the University of Burundi remains pri-
marily a monoethnic Tutsi institution. Tutsi students discouraged Hutus from re-
turning to attend the university.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government restricts free-
dom of assembly. The September 1996 decree prohibits political demonstrations. The
regime had banned political parties immediately following the July 1996 coup. How-
ever, the Government has arrested leaders and members of the FKODEBU, Parena,
and Uprona political parties (see Section l.d.), thereby limiting freedom of associa-
tion.
The September 1996 decree permits political parties to operate. They were active
in the interior during the year.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Govern-
ment respects this right. There is no state religion, and the Government made no
attempt to restrict freedom of worship by adherents of any religion. However, au-
thorities arrested four clerics on charges of aiding Hutu rebels. According to inter-
national observers, two Catholic priests, the head of the Baptist Church and the
Quaker director of a hospital, all Hutus, were arrested and charged with aiding
Hutu rebels. One of the Cfatholic priests was tried and sentenced to 2 years in pris-
on; the other has been held without charge since August 1. The Baptist cleric and
the Quaker hospital director were released^ The Government has little ability to pro-
tect politically targeted members of the clergy.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights; however, the Government has in
some instances restricted citizens' foreign travel for political reasons. The Govern-
ment says that the restrictions are for legal, not political, reasons. For example, the
Government refused to permit the departure of National Assembly speaker Leonce
Ngendakumana from the country. Ngendakumana was summoned by the state pros-
ecutor for questioning on six occasions since October 10, 1996. He has not been for-
mally charged, but the Grovemment has prevented him from leaving the country be-
cause, the Government has said, he is under investigation.
In June former president Ntibantunganya left the protection of a foreign dip-
lomat's residence wnere he had sought refuge following the July 1996 coup. He was
since permitted to travel freely in the country.
The border with the Democratic Republic of Congo has been officially reopened.
Despite the economic embargo, citizens continue to be able to travel in and out of
the country.
In 1996, in Karuzi province, the Government initiated a policy of forcible resettle-
ment of rural populations into regroupment camps, ostensibly to better protect
them. At its peak, this policy resulted in the regroupment of nearly 300,000 people
into 40 to 45 regroupment camps.
In September there were a total of 230,00()people in regroupment camps, accord-
ing to an international relief organization. Tne camps were in Bujumbura Rural,
Bururi, Karuzi, Kayanza and Muramvya provinces. International observers believe
that some of the 46,000 people in camps for internally displaced people in Cibitoke
province may also be regrouped people. The vast majority of persons in regroupment
camps are Hutu, although some are Tutsi.
The Government has announced its intention to permit regrouped persons in
Karuzi, Kayanza, and Muramvya provinces to depart. Beginning in June, in
Kayanza province, the Government allowed 35,000 regrouped persons to return to
33
their homes, according to an international relief agency. On September 9, deteriorat-
ing security conditions caused the Government to halt temporarily the departure of
regrouped people in Kayanza province.
According to a number of sources, the army often destroyed the houses of re-
grouped persons. It reportedly razed hundreds of homes in this process. For those
in the camps, some farming is possible, although only with permission of the mili-
tary authorities. Serious health, water, and malnutrition problems exist in many
camps. Those who are found in the hills without a camp pass are considered to be
rebels and often are shot by government soldiers, according to a number of sources.
Hutu rebels reportedly shoot Hutus who remain outside the camps. The rebels be-
lieve that these Hutus inform the military forces about the rebellion.
Travel is possible in many parts of the country. However, armed rebel activity,
particularly in parts of Bubanza, Bururi, Cibitoke, and Makamba provinces, makes
travel in some areas perilous. In a number of regions, the population is segregated
into Tutsi areas and Hutu areas.
A large proportion of the populations of the provinces of Cibitoke, Bubanza,
Bujumbura Rural, and Karuzi are estimated to be internally displaced persons. Hu-
manitarian agency officials believe that up to 600,000 citizens may be internally dis-
placed. The high level of insecurity in affected areas continues to make accurate as-
sessment of the number of internally displaced persons difficult, or to provide ade-
quate humanitarian assistance for them.
According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), about 78,000
refugees were repatriated from Rwanda, Tanzania and the Democratic Republic of
Congo during the year. In addition, according to the UNHCR, at year's end about
247,000 Burundian refugees, most of them Hutu, remain in Rwanda, Tanzania, and
the Democratic Republic of Congo. Some of these persons fled as early as 1972, and
many fled following the assassination of former president Ndadaye in 1993. Some
fled the country during the year, but the UNHCR is unable to estimate their num-
ber.
The Government has approved first asylum in recent years.
According to the UNHCR, there are approximately 20,000 citizens of the Demo-
cratic Republic of the Congo in Burundi, many of whom claim asylum. About 1,000
new Congolese sought asylum during 1997.
The Rwandan refugee community is divided into two groups: Those who fled the
1994 ethnic massacres in Rwanda and were officially registered as refugees by the
UNHCR; and those who came in earlier waves of refugees, some as early as 1959.
The pre-1994 refugees, numbering about 200,000, are not officially registered with
the UNHCR and have largely been integrated into Burundian society.
The UNHCR helped repatriate 800 oflicially registered Rwandan refugees in 1997.
Other Rwandan refugees not registered with the UNHCR also repatriated on their
own. Virtually no Rwandan refugees registered with the UNHCR remain in the
country.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. The September 1996
decree makes no provision regarding elections. The 1992 Constitution and 1994 Con-
vention of Government were both suspended by the Buyoya military regime, which
assumed power on July 25, 1996, in a bloodless coup. On that date, the regime dis-
solved the National Assembly and banned political parties. On September 13, 1996,
Major Buyoya announced the restoration oi the National Assembly and political par-
ties with certain restrictions.
In practice, the National Assembly cannot function normally until it determines
under what authority it can act. Many members are unwilling to operate under the
authority of Buyoya's decree.
The 81-seat National Assembly operates under significant restraints. It lacks op-
erating funds, salaries for staff, office supplies, and fuel for oflicial vehicles. The last
elections to fill the Assembly were held in June 1993. Not all of those elected are
still living, and many have left the country. Under the 1992 Constitution, deposed
president Ntibantunganya was to have remained in ofiice until 1998, when legisla-
tive elections had been scheduled.
The September 1996 decree stipulates that the National Assembly consist of Par-
liamentarians elected in 1993 who sat in the previous National Assembly. Under the
decree, the President may appoint additional parliamentarians, but he has not yet
chosen to exercise this power. While the National Assembly has nominal budgetary
oversight, the September 1996 decree allows the Council of Ministers to enact a
budget if the National Assembly fails to do so. The decree also gives the President
34
the authority to declare a state of emergency by decree and without reference to the
National Assembly.
There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women or indigenous people
in elections or politics. In practice, however, both women and the ethnic Twa (Pyg-
mies) are underrepresented in government and in politics. Women currently hold 2
of 27 cabinet seats and were elected to 9 of 81 seats in the National Assembly. How-
ever, one of the nine was killed in Cibitoke province in 1995. Although Twa con-
stitute about 1 percent of the population, there are no Twa in either the Cabinet
or the National Assembly (see also Section 5).
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Local human rights groups received varying degrees of cooperation from govern-
ment ministries and local authorities. The local human rights group Iteka continued
to operate and publish a newsletter on the human rights situation.
Human Rights Watch/Africa visited during the year. The United Nations Center
for Human Rights has an office in the country. The work of human rights organiza-
tions was hampered, however, by insecurity in the countryside and by the Govern-
ment's inability, and in some cases unwillingness, to protect human rights workers.
Citing security concerns, local military authorities refused access to some areas
of the interior to journalists, human rights workers, and international relief officials.
Militant extremists, both Hutu and Tutsi, threatened the lives of people investigat-
ing human rights violations.
On May 27, the (jovemment submitted a request to the U.N. Security Council
that an international tribunal be established to try those implicated in the events
of 1993. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan declined to recommend the establish-
ment of such a tribunal in the form proposed and under the prevailing cir-
cumstances.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The September 1996 decree explicitly provides equal status and protection for all
citizens, without distinction based on sex, origin, ethnicity, religion, or opinion.
However, the (jovemment failed to enforce effectively all the decree's provisions.
Hutus continue to perceive, correctly, that there is discrimination against them by
the Tutsi-dominated (jovemment.
Vfomen. — Violence against women occurred, but there was no documentation of its
extent. Wives have the right to bring physical abuses charges against their hus-
bands; in practice, they rarely do so. Police normally do not intervene in domestic
disputes, and the media do not report incidents of violence against women, including
rape. There were no known court cases dealing with the abuse of women.
Women face both legal and societal discrimination. There continue to be explicitly
discriminatory inheritance laws and discriminatory credit practices. Although by
law women must receive the same pay as men for the same work, women are far
less likely to hold mid-level or high-level positions. In rural areas, women tradition-
ally perform hard farm work and nave less opportunity for education than men.
Children. — The law provides for children's nealth and welfare but the Government
cannot adequately address the needs of the large population of orphans resulting
from the violence since 1993. Many of the victims of massacres were children. The
(jovemment provides elementary education at nominal cost through grade 6; about
60 percent of school-age children are enrolled. It also provides subsidized health
care for all family menibers.
People With Disabilities. — The (jovernment has not enacted legislation or other-
wise mandated access to buildings or government services for people with disabil-
ities. The rudimentary economy effectively excludes the physically disabled from
many types of employment.
Indigenous People. — The Twa (Pygmy) minority remains marginalized economi-
cally, socially, and politically. Most Twa continued to live in isolation, uneducated,
and without access to government services, including health care. The Twa remain
essentially outside of the political process.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The principal national problem continued to
be ethnic conflict between the majority Hutus and the minority Tutsis. The Tutsis
have historically held power and still control the military force and dominate edu-
cated society. The 1996 coup deposed president Ntibantunganya, a Hutu, and re-
placed him with Major Buyoya, a Tutsi.
Ethnic discrimination against Hutus, who constitute 85 percent of the population,
affects every facet of society, including the Government, the military forces, and the
judiciary. Fourteen Hutus serve as Cabinet ministers in the Government, but real
35
power rests with Buyoya and the Tutsi-dominated army. The Government continued
its program of Hutu miUtary recruitment.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Labor Code nominally protects the rights of
workers to form unions, although the army, gendarmerie, and expatriates working
in the public sector are prohibited from union participation. Most union workers are
urban civil servants.
According to the Confederation of Free Unions of Burundi (CSB), the country's
first national umbrella trade union, 60 percent of the 75,000 formal private sector
employees are unionized. All employees in the public sector except tnose involved
in activities related to public security are unionized.
Since gaining its independence from the Government in 1992, the CSB has been
financially dependent on a system of checkoffs, as are local unions. In 1995, a rival
umbrella trade union, the Confederation of Burundi Unions (Cosebu), was founded.
Both Cosebu and the CSB represented labor in collective bargaining negotiations in
cooperation with individual labor unions during the year.
Unions are Tutsi-dominated, reflecting the fact that it is mainly Tutsis who are
employed in the formal sector of the economy. The unions have also been strong
supporters of the Government.
The Labor Code permits the formation of additional unions or confederations out-
side the CSB. When settling disputes in which more than one labor union is rep-
resented, the law stipulates that the Minister of Labor will chose the union rep-
resenting the greatest number of workers to participate in the negotiations.
The Labor Code provides workers with a restricted right to strike. The restrictions
on the right to strike and to lock out include: All other peaceful means of resolution
must be exhausted prior to the strike action; negotiations must continue during the
action, mediated by a mutually agreed upon party or by the Government; and 6
days' notice must be given. The law prohibits retribution against workers participat-
ing in a legal strike, and this provision is upheld in practice.
Unions are able to affiliate with international organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code recognizes
the right to collective bargaining, formerly acknowledged only by ordinance. Since
most workers are civil servants, government entities are involved in almost every
phase of labor negotiations.
Public sector wages are set in fixed scales in individual contracts and are note
affected by collective bargaining. In the private sector, wage scales also exist, but
individual contract negotiation is possible.
The Labor Code gives the Labor Court jurisdiction over all labor dispute cases,
including those involving public employees. Negotiations are conducted largely
under the supervision of the tripartite National Labor Council, the Government's
highest consultative authority on labor issues. The Council represents government,
labor, and management and is presided over and regulated by the Minister of Labor.
The Labor Code prohibits employers from firing or otherwise discriminating
against a worker because of union affiliation or activity. This right is upheld in
practice.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits the performance
of forced or compulsory labor by adults and children, and it is not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and tne Government enforces this
prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.). The Labor Code states that children under
the age of 16 cannot be employed by "an enterprise" even as apprentices, although
it also states that they may undertake occasional work that does not damage their
health or interfere with their schooling. In practice, in rural areas children under
age 16 do heavy manual labor such as transporting bricks in daytime during the
school year.
Children are legally prohibited from working at night, although many do so in the
informal sector. Children are obliged by custom and economic necessity to help sup-
port their families by participating in activities related to subsistence agriculture,
in family-based enterprises, and in the informal sector.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The formal minimum wage for unskilled work-
ers is $0.40 (145 francs) per day in the cities of Bujumbura and Gitega, and $0.35
(120 francs) in the rest of the country, with a graduated scale for greater skill levels.
This amount does not allow a worker and family to maintain a decent standard of
living, and most families rely on second incomes and subsistence agriculture to sup-
plement their earnings. A survey of day-labor wage rates in nine provinces by an
36
international organization revealed that actual wages ranged upward from $.30 per
day.
Unionized employees, particularly in urban areas, generally earn significantly
more than the minimum wage. Public sector wages are set by agreement between
the Government and either the CSB or Cosebu.
The Labor Code stipulates an 8-hour workday and 40-hour workweek, except in
cases where workers are involved in activities related to national security. Supple-
ments must be paid for overtime. The Labor Code establishes health and safety
standards requiring an employer to provide a safe workplace and assigns enforce-
ment responsibility to the Minister of Labor. However, the Ministry does not enforce
the code effectivelv. Health and safety articles in the Labor Code do not directly ad-
dress workers' rights to remove themselves from a dangerous work situation.
CAMEROON
Cameroon is a multiparty republic that continues to be dominated by President
Paul Biya and a circle of advisers drawn largely from his own and related ethnic
groups and from his party, the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM).
Since Biya won the highly flawed 1992 presidential election, elections have been
tainted by an electoral process that is controlled by the Government's Ministry of
Territorial Administration. International and local observers generally view the
process as not free and fair. The CPDM continued to dominate the National Assem-
bly after elections in May that were characterized by numerous irregularities. In Oc-
tober Biya won reelection as the President in an election boycotted by the three
main opposition parties, and generally considered by observers to be marred by a
wide range of procedural flaws and not free and fair. The President retains the
power to control legislation or to rule by decree. According to the ratified amend-
ments to the 1996 Constitution, the presidential term is 7 years, renewable once.
Biya began his first 7-year term on November 3. The amendments also provide for
new legislative institutions, including a partially elected senate, elected regional
councils, and an independent judiciary. The Government took no action to establish
these new institutions, although the President announced that most of these would
be acted upon in the course of 1998. The judiciary is subject to political influence
and suffers from corruption and inefficiency.
Internal security responsibilities are shared by the national police, the National
Intelligence Service (DGRE), the gendarmerie, the Ministry of Territorial Adminis-
tration, military intelligence, the army, and to a lesser extent, the Presidential Se-
curity Service. The police and the gendarmerie have dominant roles in enforcing in-
ternal security laws. The security forces, including the military forces, remain under
the effective control of the President, the civilian Minister of Defense, and the civil-
ian head of police. The police and gendarmes continued to commit numerous serious
human rights abuses.
Following nearly a decade of economic decline and widening financial imbalance,
economic performance has improved, with annual gross domestic product (GDP)
growth averaging more than 5 percent over the last 2 years. The Government began
in 1996 to implement a program of structural reforms. The majority of the popu-
lation is rural. Agriculture accounts for 25 percent of GDP, while industry and the
services sectors account for 22 and 35 percent, respectively. The petroleum sector
accounts for less than 10 percent of public revenues. Principal exports include tim-
ber, coffee, cocoa, cotton, bananas, and rubber.
The Government's human rights record continued to be generally poor, and gov-
ernment officials continued to commit numerous serious abuses. Citizens' ability to
change their government remained limited. International observers deemed the May
national legislative elections to be flawed. Legislative by-elections held after some
150 legal challenges were submitted to the Supreme Court were also marred by
charges of irregularities by opposition parties. Security forces committed several
extrajudicial killings and often beat and otherwise abused detainees and prisoners,
generally with impunity. Conditions remained life threatening in almost all prisons.
Security forces continued to arrest and detain arbitrarily various opposition politi-
cians, local human rights activists and other citizens, often holding them for pro-
longed periods and, at times, incommunicado. Security forces conducted illegal
searches, harassed citizens, inf^ringed on their privacy, and monitored some opposi-
tion activists. The judiciary is corrupt, inefficient, and subject to political influence.
A 1996 law revoked formal press censorship and moved supervision of the press
from the administrative authorities to the courts. However, the Government contin-
ued to impose some limits on press freedoms. Although independent newspapers en-
37
joyed considerable latitude to publish their views, journalists continued to be subject
to oflicial harassment, trial, and conviction under criminal libel laws. The authori-
ties obtained convictions against several journalists under these laws; some received
stiff fines and suspended prison sentences. The Government continued to seize pub-
lications deemed threatening to the public order. On several occasions, the Govern-
ment restricted fi'eedom of assembly and association. At times, the Government
used its security forces to inhibit political parties from holding public meetings. Gov-
ernment security forces impede domestic travel. Discrimination and violence against
women remain serious problems. Discrimination against ethnic minorities and Pyg-
mies continues. The Government infringes on workers' rights, and slavery persists
in isolated areas. Mob violence resulted m some deaths.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no confirmed reports of
political killings. However, the security forces continued to use excessive, lethal
force and committed several extrajudicial killings.
On January 8, gendarmes used excessive force in arresting a tribal leader in
Northwest province. Five women were hospitalized as a result of shotgun wounds
or beatings. On January 31, security forces again used excessive force to disperse
a group of 36 women who had gathered outside a gendarmerie facility in the North-
west province town of Wum to await the tribal leader's release. All the women suf-
fered injuries; one later died of her wounds. The Government took no action against
security force members following the incidents.
On February 9, a driver for the diocese of Yaounde, Faustin Betsogo, was arrested
by plainclothes DGRE officers following a traffic altercation with them. He was
taken to headquarters, beaten, and released, but he died shortly thereafter.
On May 12, during the legislative electoral campaign, opposition candidate
Koulagna Nana's campaign entourage had a violent encounter with the forces of a
traditional ruler. A total of five persons died in the fighting, including two opposi-
tion militants. After reporting the incident to the gendarmerie in Touboro, Koulagna
Nana and 15 associates were arrested. Two were later released. No members of the
traditional ruler's militia were arrested. The gendarmerie is still investigating the
incident.
From March 27 to 31 in Northwest province, armed attackers launched raids
against six government sites, including several gendarmerie stations. Security forces
killed at least seven people in the raids; three gendarmes died. Security sweeps
after these raids reportedly rounded up over 300 persons. The Government opened
an inquiry but made neither a public report nor brought charges against the esti-
mated 59 persons remaining in detention at year's end. Some critics believe that
these incidents were instigated with government connivance to discredit the opposi-
tion. In the wake of the attacks, three detainees (Mathias Gwei, Samuel Tita, and
Richard Ngwa Formasoh) were reliably reported to have died from abuse inflicted
by the authorities (see Section I.e.). Other estimates indicated that there were from
one to eight deaths from abuse or illness. The Government did not respond to these
reports.
Several prisoners died in custody due to abuse inflicted by members of the secu-
rity forces or harsh prison conditions and inadequate medical treatment (see Section
I.C.).
The February 1996 incident in which an unarmed, unresisting taxi driver was
shot and killed by a policeman near Bafut, Northwest province, in front of wit-
nesses, was still pending in court.
There were no developments in the 1996 killings of: Andre Tchieutcho, a sus-
pected thief who was shot and killed inside the Mboppi gendarme headquarters; Jo-
seph Desire Tuete Kuipo, a Douala taxi driver; or Haman Daouda, a member of the
National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP) party and a member of the Na-
tional Assembly.
Mob violence directed at persons suspected of criminal activity or witchcraft re-
sulted in a number of deaths and injuries.
b. Disappearance. — There were no credible reports of politically motivated dis-
appearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Penal Code proscribes torture, renders inadmissible in court evidence obtained
thereby, and prohibits public servants from using undue force against any person.
Although President Biya also promulgated a new law on January 10 that bans tor-
ture by government officials, tnere were at least two reported cases of torture, and
there were credible reports that security forces continued to inflict beatings and
38
other cruel and degrading treatment on prisoners and detainees. The authorities
often administer beatings not in prison facilities but in temporary detention areas
in a police or gendarme facility.
There are reliable reports that the "balancoire" torture technique is still in use
in the interrogation of certain prisoners. In this technique, the prisoner, with his
hands tied behind his back, is suspended from a rod and beaten.
Security forces subject prisoners and detainees to degrading mistreatment, includ-
ing stripping, confinement in severely overcrowded cells, and denial of access to toi-
lets or other sanitation facilities. Police and gendarmes often beat detainees to ex-
tract confessions and the names and whereabouts of alleged criminals. Reported
sanctions against those responsible are rare. Such abuse was reportedly inflicted on
those persons arrested in a security force dragnet following the March attacks in
the Northwest province. At least three detainees are believed to have died from this
abuse: Mathias Gwei and Samuel Tita died in May, and Richard Ngwa Formasoh
died at Nkondengui Prison in the capital in early July (see Section l.a.).
Ndifet Zachana Khan, one of those detained at the gendarmerie legion in
Bamenda was badly beaten, developed gangrene, and later had all his toes ampu-
tated.
Security forces arrested a local journalist. Christian Ngah Mbipgo, on February
26 and severely beat him for writing articles critical of local authorities. Following
his release he described how security forces beat the soles of his feet with "iron
studded rubber truncheons." On July 31, Maroua prison authorities recaptured an
escaped convict and severely tortured him. A local human rights official,
Mohamadou Moustapha, who attempted to intercede was also badly beaten. There
were no developments in this case.
Prison conditions are generally life threatening, especially outside major urban
areas. Serious deficiencies in food, health care, and sanitation due to a lack of funds
occur in almost all prisons, including those in the north operated by traditional rul-
ers. In March six inmates died of tuberculosis in such facilities.
In the Douala central prison of New Bell, families are permitted to provide food
and medicine to inmates. Beatings are common. Prisoners are reported to be
chained or flogged at times in their cells and often denied adequate medical care.
Juveniles and nonviolent prisoners are often incarcerated with violent adults. There
are credible reports of sexual abuse of juvenile prisoners by adult inmates. Babies
and small children are sometimes held in prison if their mothers are incarcerated
there. Corruption among prison personnel is widespread. Some high-profile pris-
oners are able to avoid some of tne abuse that security forces routinely inflict on
many common criminals. Some are held in elite wings of certain prisons where they
enjoy relatively lenient treatment. A 1997 report on prison conditions indicates that
Bertoua Prison, which was built to hold 50 detainees, currently houses 700 persons.
In the north, the Government permits traditional Lamibe (chiefs) to operate pri-
vate prisons outside the government penitentiary system. Private prisons in the
chiefdoms of Rey Bouba, Bibemi, and Tcheboa have the worst reputations. Members
of the UNDP party alleged that their members have been detained in them and that
some have died from mistreatment.
Because of the Government's refusal to ensure that the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC) has access to all detention centers, official as well as unoffi-
cial, the ICRC has declined to visit any prisons since 1992, although both the
Cameroonian Red Cross and the National Human Rights Commission make fre-
auent visits. The ICRC was permitted to visit Nigerian civilian internees and sol-
iers captured in the territorial dispute with Nigeria.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Penal Code requires that detainees
be brought promptly before a magistrate; however, security forces continued to arbi-
trarily arrest and detain citizens, although less frequently than in the past. Arbi-
trary, prolonged detention remained a serious problem as security forces often failed
to bring detainees promptly before a magistrate and held them incommunicado.
Police may detain a person in custody in connection with a common crime for up
to 24 hours, renewable three times, before bringing charges. However, the law only
provides for the right to a judicial review of the legality of detention in the few ma-
jority Anglophone areas of the country. Elsewhere, the Francophone legal tradition
applies, precluding judicial authorities from acting on a case until the administra-
tive authority that ordered the detention turns the case over to the prosecutor. After
a magistrate has issued a warrant to bring the case to trial, he may hold the de-
tainee in administrative or "pretrial detention" indefinitely, pending court action.
Furthermore, a 1990 law p)ermits detention without charge for renewable periods of
15 days, ostensibly in order to combat banditry and maintain public order. Persons
taken into detention are frequently denied access to both legal counsel and family
members. The law permits release on bail only in the Anglophone provinces, where
39
the legal system includes features of British common law. Even there, bail is grant-
ed infrequently.
Michel Atangana, a former presidential aide, was arrested without warrant on
May 12 by a police special operations team. He was held at a police station and
later under administrative detention for 53 days before being transferred to
Nkondengui prison. On May 21, former Minister of Health and longtime presi-
dential omcial Titus Edzoa, who had declared himself a candidate in the fall presi-
dential elections 1 month earlier, was questioned by the judicial branch of the police
force and placed under house arrest on June 5. He was initially charged with "ac-
tivities and statements likely to disrupt the public order." Media attention to the
case resulted in better treatment for Edzoa and pressure on the authorities to bring
charges. Subsequently, both he and Atangana, who had become Edzoa's campaign
manager, were charged with influence peddling and embezzlement. They were tried
together and convicted on criminal charges by the High Court and sentenced to 15
year's imprisonment. While appealing their sentences, both men were held in con-
finement at the gendarmerie headquarters, reportedly in cramped quarters with
very limited access to visitors.
Another declared presidential candidate, Albert Dzongang, was held in Douala po-
lice station on July 11 and 12 on obscure charges concerning allegedly subversive
tracts. No oflicial charges were filed.
On April 14, Paulinus Jua, an opposition party contender for a seat in the May
legislative elections was arrested in connection with the March raids, together with
about 50 persons (see Sections l.a. and I.e.). He was released without charge sev-
eral days later and later won a seat in the Assembly.
Before the results of the legislative elections were officially rendered, police car-
ried out a series of mass arrests, lasting from May 30 until June 3, allegedly to pre-
vent violent incidents. Among those arrested were well-known opposition activists
Mboua Massock and Brice Nintcheu. Massock was held in New Bell prison for 15
days before being released without charge.
A reliable Pans-based press monitoring group indicated that a total of 13 journal-
ists had been imprisoned at one time or another over the past 18 months. In late
December, the authorities detained again Pius Niawe, the well-known journalist-
publisher of the publication Le Messager, reportedly for publishing an article alleg-
ingthat President Biya may have had a heart attacK (see Section 2.a.).
The courts punished some instances of arbitrary detention in 1996. At year's end,
there were two cases under investigation following the deaths of two detainees in
Yaounde prison in October. In one, a police commissioner and three colleagues were
arrested pending trial.
The Government does not practice political exile. Some opposition members who
considered themselves threatened by the Government have voluntarily left the coun-
try and declared themselves to be in political exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, the judiciary remains subject to political influence, with few signs
that it is becoming more independent.
The court system remains technically part of the executive branch, subordinate
to the Ministry of Justice. The legal system is strongly influenced by the French
legal system, although in the Anglophone provinces certain aspects of the Anglo-
Saxon tradition apply. The court system includes the Supreme Court, a court of ap-
peals in each of the 10 provinces, and courts of first instance in each of the country's
56 divisions. Some politically sensitive cases are never heard.
Traditional courts are important in rural areas. Their authority varies by region
and ethnic group, but they are often the arbiters of property and domestic disputes
and may serve a probate function as well. Most traaitional courts permit appeal of
their decisions to traditional authorities of higher rank.
Corruption and inefficiency in the courts remain serious problems. Justice is fre-
quently denied or delayed. Powerful political or business interests appear to enjoy
virtual immunity from prosecution, while critics of the Government are sometimes
jailed under libel statutes considered by observers as unduly restrictive of press
freedom. Prisoners may be detained indefinitely during pretrial proceedings.
The Constitution provides for a fair public hearing in which the defendant is pre-
sumed innocent. Because appointed attorneys receive little compjensation, the qual-
ity of legal representation for indigent persons is often poor. The bar association and
some voluntary organizations, such as the Cameroonian Association of Female Ju-
rists, offer free assistance in some cases. Trials are public.
There were no reliable estimates of the number of political prisoners held at the
end of the year. The eight UNDP militants, convicted in a highly charged case with
political overtones of participation in and abetting a riot, were provisionally released
by the court of Maroua on December 17, pending decisions on their appeals. Credi-
45-909 98-3
40
ble observers disagree as to whether these convictions were based on political or
criminal grounds.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
preamble of the Constitution provides for the inviolability of the home, for the pro-
tection against search except by virtue of law, and for the privacy of all correspond-
ence. However, there were a number of credible reports that police and gendarmes
harassed citizens, conducted searches without warrants, and seized mau. Security
forces frequently used roadblocks to extract bribes. There were credible reports that
the Government kept some opposition activists and dissidents under surveillance.
The law permits a police officer to enter a private home during daylight hours
without a warrant if he is pursuing an inquiry and has reason to suspect that a
crime has been committed. The officer must have a warrant to make such a search
after dark. However, a police officer may enter a private home at any time in pur-
suit of a criminal observed conunitting a crime. An administrative authority may
authorize police to conduct neighborhood sweeps in search of suspected criminals or
stolen or illegal goods without individual warrants. Such roundups are conducted
frequently.
Sweeps involving forced entry into homes occurred in Yaounde and Douala on sev-
eral occasions during the year. Typically, security forces seal off a neighborhood,
search homes one after another, arrest persons without identification, and seize sus-
picious or illegal articles. In January tney carried out such sweeps in Yaounde fol-
lowing a series of crimes there. The purview of a March order issued by Northwest
province Governor Francis Fai Yengo restricting movement also included searches
of individual premises and residences and imposition of a curfew.
In August tne press published transcripts of telephone conversations between sen-
ior officials. It was unclear whether the taping constituted illegal surveillance.
There was no information as to who authorized the surveillance or the release of
this information.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of expres-
sion and of the press; however, the Government continued to impose some limits on
these rights. The Penal Code's libel laws specify that defamation, abuse, contempt,
and dissemination of false news are offenses punishable by prison terms and heavy
fines.
These various criminal libel statutes are sometimes invoked by the Government
to silence criticism of the Government and government ofiicials. There are also in-
stances of legitimate libel cases resulting from reporting by untrained and inexperi-
enced journalists.
The press enjoyed increased liberty to publish due to the 1996 repeal of a law that
had authorized press censorship by the Government. Nevertheless, the Government
arrested at least five members of the press and prosecuted four on criminal libel
charges. The courts imposed stiff fines and jail terms, and one journalist reported
being tortured during detention (see Section I.e.). Some of these prosecutions appear
to have been politically motivated. In addition, there were at least 10 instances in
which the CJovemment demanded that newspapers be seized under court orders, cit-
ing laws authorizing preservation of public order. In the case of one newspaper,
Mutations, seizures ordered by the Minister of Territorial Administration continued
in certain provinces following a July 4 court ruling that they cease. Other cases in-
volved the suspension or reassignment of public media reporters who displayed
independence from the Government.
The Government publishes an official newspaper, the Cameroon Tribune, and op-
erates all radio and television broadcasting. Since 1990 the law has provided for the
licensing of private radio and television stations, but the Government has not ap-
proved implementing regulations. Government reporters rarely criticize the ruling
party or portray government programs in an unfavorable light, but sometimes do
so implicitly. The government-controlled broadcast media provide broad reporting of
CPDM functions, while giving relatively little attention to opposition events.
While 40 to 50 private newspapers are published sporadically, only about 15 were
published on a regular basis during the year. These newspapers are often outspoken
in their criticism of the President, the Government, corruption, and economic poli-
cies. Because of the high cost of a newspaper to an average citizen, as well as dis-
tribution problems, newspapers are not read widely outside the major cities.
Television and radio programming includes a weekly program that provides an op-
portunity for political parties represented in the National Assembly to present their
views. The program faced no arbitrary suspensions during the year. Eight opposi-
tion candidates from nonparliamentary parties received limited access to the elec-
tronic media during the 2-week presidential campaign.
41
Christian Evoum Ngange of Le Messager, who had been arrested in 1996 for writ-
ing a satirical piece on President Biya that referred to him by an insulting name,
was sentenced to 1 year in prison and fined $600. The appeals court upheld the rul-
ing, and he was sent to prison on January 24. The Supreme Court then received
an appeal based on procedural grounds and overturned the appellate judgment. He
was released on March 27 but faces the possibility of a new trial.
On April 30, Jean-Bosco Tchoubet, publisher of La Revelation, was arrested on
libel charges for published insinuations that the finance minister was corrupt. On
June 1, he was transferred to prison pending trial; on July 15, he was convicted,
given a 6-month suspended sentence, and ordered to pay a $100 fine.
On March 20, the publisher of L'Independant Hebdo, Evariste Menouga, was ar-
rested along with several colleagues and detained for 1 month before being convicted
for libel. He received a 6-month suspended sentence. He had reported that the army
was on the brink of rebellion.
In the most publicized case during the year, on December 24 the authorities de-
tained Pius Njawe, the well-known human rights activist and publisher of Le
Messager, reportedly for publishing an article alleging that President Biya may
have had a heart attack. Njawe remained in prison at the end of the year and was
scheduled for trial in early 1998. He had already spent 17 days in jail in 1966 under
similar circumstances and was also awaiting review of the appeals of his two 1966
libel convictions. Many national and international media organs condemned his de-
tention.
There were no developments in several 1996 cases. Journalists Tietcheu Kameni
and Paul Nyemb, who had been convicted with Njawe in 1966, and Eyoum Ngangue
remained at liberty awaiting the outcome of their appeals of their libel convictions.
The conviction of Vianney Ombey Ndzana, involving a suspension and a 5-month
prison term remained under appeal.
Patrice Ndedi Penda, publisher of Galaxie, was sentenced in 1996 to 2 years in
prison and a large fine for having libeled the Minister of State in charge of agri-
culture; the case remained under appeal.
In the case of Samuel Eleme, publisher of the newspaper La Detente, and journal-
ist Gaston Ekwalla, the newspaper remained under suspension, but Eleme and
Ekwalla were not jailed. Their case remained under appeal.
Although there are no legal restrictions on academic freedom, state security in-
formants operate on university campuses. Many professors believe that adherence
to opposition political parties can have an adverse effect on their professional oppor-
tunities and advancement. Free political discussion at the University of Yaounde is
dampened by the presence of armed security forces, as well as sometimes strident
pro-opposition student groups. Other universities and educational institutions ap-
peared to be relatively free of the coercive presence of armed security forces or stri-
dent student groiips.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for freedom
of assembly, but the Government sometimes restricts this right in practice. The
Penal Code prohibits public meetings, demonstrations, or processions without prior
government approval.
Following the attacks on government installations in the Northwest province in
late March, Governor Francis Fai Yengo signed an order for a dusk-to-dawn curfew
that was not lifted until late July.
On April 2, South West province Governor Peter Oben Ashu banned the publica-
tion ceremony of a book by the Government's ambassador to the Central African Re-
public, Christopher Nsahlai, on the pretext that it would disrupt public order, al-
though a similar ceremony had been held in Yaounde a few weeks earlier.
On May 28, Governor Ashu signed an order banning all political and social meet-
ings throughout the South West province following several incidents of
postlegislative election violence. The ban was lifted on July 14.
On June 6, Sani Alhadji, SDF provincial coordinator for the Center province and
other opposition militants were arrested outside the Supreme Court while peacefully
demonstrating against the Court's official rendering of the May 17 election results.
On July 16, Center province governor Oumarou Koue issued an order banning all
political gatherings in the province until July 25 in order to enable parliamentar-
ians to return to their constituencies after the June session. This oraer prevented
the opposition SDF party from holding a major rally at the national stadium on July
19, for which the authorities had already granted permission.
The law provides for freedom of association, but the Government sometimes re-
stricts this right in practice. Over 140 political parties operated legally together
with a Rowing number of civic associations. There were fewer government-imposed
restrictions on these parties to assemble and operate than in years prior to 1996.
42
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government generally does not restrict it in practice. Religious groups must be ap-
proved and registered with the Ministry of Territorial Administration in order to
function legally; there are no reports that the Government refused to register any
Christian denomination. Christian churches of various denominations operate freely
throughout the country. The Government verbally attacked the Catholic Church for
being overly supportive of the political opposition through its forthright criticism of
corruption and mismanagement in government. Muslim centers also operate freely
throughout the country.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law does not restrict freedom of movement within the country, but
government security forces impede domestic travel. Police frequently stop travelers
to check identification documents, vehicle registrations, and tax receipts as security
and immigration control measures. Police commonly demand illegal payments from
citizens whom they stop at roadblocks or other points.
The Government occasionally uses its passport control powers against those whom
it considers potential threats. Victorin Hameni Bieleu, the president of the Union
of Cameroonian Democratic Forces party, had his passport withdrawn 6 years ago.
Following the legislative elections on May 17, he was issued a passport by frontier
police authorities. Some student activists implicated in 1996 Yaounde clashes have
also been unable to obtain passports.
Following the March attacks on government installations in the Northwest prov-
ince, Governor Yengo signed an order instituting controls and checks of all persons
and goods moving through the province.
Cameroon has long been a safe haven for displaced persons and refugees from
nearby countries. Although the Government occasionally returns illegal immigrants,
there were no reports of forced repatriation of recognized refugees. Some illegal im-
migrants have been subjected to harsh treatment, including imprisonment.
The Government cooperates with the OfTice of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The
Government provides first asylum to persons who arrive at the border without docu-
mentation but can show a valid claim to refugee status. There are currently some
47,332 refugees in the country for whom Cameroon is a country of first asylum. The
majority of these persons — nearly 44,390 — are Chadian. The remainder are prin-
cipally from Liberia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Burundi, and the former Zaire, the
Democratic Republic of Congo. There were 1,400 refugees who arrived in Cameroon
as a country of first asylum in 1996 and 800 during the year. The Government ac-
cepts for resettlement refugees who are granted refugee status by the UNHCR. In
1996 Cameroon accepted approximately 30 Rwandan refugees from Tanzania for re-
settlement, and in 1997 received 66 Rwandan refugees from Tanzania and the
Democratic Republic of Congo. There were no reports of forced expulsion of persons
having a valid claim to refugee status during the year.
In response to a transfer order from the U.N. Tribunal in Arusha, the Govern-
ment transferred four persons suspected of war crimes to Tanzania in February.
The transfer of two more persons to the U.N. Tribunal occurred on November 19.
In late August and early September, there were reports that about 500 Congolese
refugees fleeing turmoil in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo and other parts of that
country arrived at Mouloundou in East province. According to the UNHCR, only
about 200 were actual Congolese citizens. The others, including Cameroonians,
chose to return across the border after a brief stay. The remainder were brought
to Bertoua, and voluntary repatriation began.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the constitutional right to change their government, but dominance
of the political process by the President and his party limit the ability of citizens
to exercise this right. The President and his party have controlled the Government
since 1982. The 1992 presidential election was highly criticized by international ob-
servers and widely viewed as fraudulent. The 1996 nationwide multiparty municipal
elections were judged to be generally free and fair by domestic and international ob-
servers. However, the May 17 legislative elections, in which the ruling party ulti-
mately won 116 of the 180 Assembly seats, were criticized by three international
observer missions as flawed because of numerous irregularities in voter registration,
counting procedures, and violation of certain other aspects of the electoral code.
Following the May 17 balloting, 21 political parties submitted some 150 appeals
to the Supreme Court; 4 parties demanded the annulment of the contest, and 19
parties, including the ruling party, called for the elections to be annulled in 65 of
74 constituencies. Some 600 local observers who received accreditation also reported
43
numerous anomalies leading to the disenfranchisement of a significant portion of
the electorate. The Supreme Court demonstrated a modest degree of independence
in dealing with these complaints and called for by-elections to be held in the case
of seven seats, which the ruling party won on August 3. Citizens expressed their
disapproval of the electoral process through a low-voter turnout. The registration
process, which is open continuously except during elections, is hampered by officials
who appear to apply the law irregularly and unevenly.
The majority of international observers endorsed a reform measure espoused by
the opposition that calls for the formation of a permanent and autonomous electoral
commission to replace the present system of elections run by the Ministry of Terri-
torial Administration. The opposition maintains that the Ministry's control leads to
preelectoral manipulation oi voter registration lists. In late August, the opposition
rallied behind a proposed bill to amend the Constitution to allow for an independent
electoral commission, a second round runoff system for the presidential election, and
a return to the 5-year term for president. The President's majority in the special
session of the Assembly chose not to consider this bill, opting instead for the pas-
sage of a few minor reforms to the 1991 electoral code, including increased discre-
tionary power for the Minister of Territorial Administration to rule on the admissi-
bility of candidacies.
On October 12, President Biya won re-election in a process marred by serious pro-
cedural flaws, and generally considered by observers as not free and fair. The three
major oppositions parties boycotted the elections, and the election irregularities
were especially egregious in opposition strongholds, with opposition activists not
present to monitor the process.
The Government's control over the country's administrative apparatus is broad
and deep. The President appoints by decree the chief operating official (the govern-
ment delegate) of Yaounde, Douala, Bamenda, and several other large cities. These
delegates easily dominate the elected municipal councils, most of whose members
belong to opposition parties. The President also directly appoints the governors of
each of the provinces. The governors wield considerable power in the electoral proc-
ess, interpreting the laws and determining how these snould be implemented. Im-
portant lower level members of the provincial administrative structures, including
the senior divisional officers, the divisional officers, and the district chiefs, are all
career civil servants appointed by the Prime Minister. The governors and senior di-
visional officers wield considerable authority within the areas under their jurisdic-
tion, including, significantly, the authority to ban political meetings that they deem
likely to threaten public order. A majority of important political appointees are
drawn from the President's own ethnic group.
In 1995 the National Assembly passed a set of government-introduced amend-
ments to the 1972 constitution, which established strongly centralized power. The
amendments included a two-term limit for the President, the creation of a partially
elected (70 percent) and partially appointed (30 percent) Senate, and the creation
of a set of regional councils with limited power over local affairs. The amendments
did not weaken presidential power, and the independence of the judiciary remained
Questionable. Although promulgated by the President in January 1996, most of
tnese amendments have not yet been implemented.
There are no laws that specifically prohibit women or members of minorities from
participating in government, in the political process, or in other areas of public life.
Women are underrepresented in the Cabinet (3 of the 50 members), in the National
Assembly (10 of the 180 members), and in the CPDM. Many of the key members
of the Government are drawn from the President's own ethnic group. Members of
other ethnic groups and regions hold 34 Cabinet seats, compared with 16 Cabinet
positions held by members of the President's ethnic group.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Domestic and international human rights monitoring groups generally have con-
siderable latitude to operate. A large number of independent numan rights monitor-
ing groups exist, although the activities of virtually all are limited by a shortage
of funds and trained personnel. The Government did not generally prevent human
rights monitors from operating, but on occasion used its authority to approve or
withhold ofilcial recognition of nongovernmental organizations (NGO's). This was
the case with Conscience Africaine, an NGO that received international suppwrt for
training election observers until the Government announced that it had not received
official recognition, thus halting implementation of its program; however, the NGO
continued to operate in practice. The Government sometimes impedes the effective-
ness of human rights NGO's by limiting access to prisoners ana refusing to share
information.
44
There were several cases of possible harassment of human rights monitors. On
February 27, Abdoulaye Math, president of a human rights organization based in
Maroua was arrested as he was preparing to go abroad to attend a hunian rights
program. Charged with fraud, he was provisionally released pending trial. There
were no further developments in that case, but he was arrested again in November,
allegedly in connection with a fraudulent vehicle purchase. He was subsequently re-
leased, and no charges were filed. Another member of this organization, Nfohamadou
Moustapha, was severely beaten at Maroua prison on July 31 when he attempted
to intercede on behalf of a prisoner being abused (see Section I.e.).
Human rights NGO's include the National League for Human Rights, the Organi-
zation for Human Rights and Freedoms, the Association of Women against Violence,
the Cameroonian Association of Female Jurists, the Cameroonian Association for
Children's Rights, Conscience Africaine, the Movement for the Defense of Human
Rights and Liberties, the Human Rights Defense Group, and the Human Rights
Chnic and Education Center. A number of these groups issued press releases or re-
ports detailing specific human rights violations. Many held seminars and workshops
on various aspects of human rights.
The governmental National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms, al-
though hampered by a shortage of funds, conducted a number of investigations into
human rights abuses and organized several human rights seminars aimed at judi-
cial officials, security personnel, and other government officers. The Conunission has
never, however, published any results of its investigations. Its reports have been
submitted to the Prime Minister and President but never released.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on sex and mandates that "every-
one has equal rights and obligations." It does not explicitly forbid discrimination
based on race, language, or social status. The Government does not effectively en-
force these constitutional provisions.
Women. — Violence against women remains at high levels. Women's rights advo-
cates report that the law does not impose effective penalties against persons who
commit acts of domestic violence against women. There are no gender-specific as-
sault laws, despite the fact that women are the predominant victims of domestic vio-
lence. Spouse abuse is not a legal ground for divorce. In cases of sexual assault, a
victim's family or village often imposes direct, summary punishment on the sus-
pected perpetrator through extralegal means ranging from destruction of property
to beating. While there are no reliable statistics on violence against women, the
large number of newspaper reports — a fraction of actual incidents — indicates that it
is common.
Despite constitutional provisions recognizing women's rights, women do not, in
fact, enjoy the same rights and privileges as men. Polygyny is permitted by law and
tradition, but polyandry is not. The extent to which a woman may inherit from her
husband is normally governed by traditional law in the absence of a will, and cus-
toms vary from group to group. In many traditional societies, custom grants greater
authority and benefits to male than to female heirs. In cases of divorce, the hus-
band's wishes determine custody of children over the age of 6. While a man may
be convicted of adultery only if the sexual act takes place in his home, a female may
be convicted without respect to venue. In the northern provinces, some Lamibe re-
portedly prevent their numerous wives from ever leaving the palaces.
Children. — The Constitution provides for a child's right to education, and school-
ing is mandatory through the age of 14. Nevertheless, rising school fees and costs
for books have forced many families to forgo sending their children to school. Babies
and small children are sometimes held in prison if their mothers are incarcerated
(see Section I.e.). The degree of familial child abuse is not known but is one of sev-
eral targeted issues of children's rights organizations.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which has been condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is not widely
firacticed, but it is practiced in some areas of Far North and Southwest provinces,
t includes the most severe form of the abuse, infibulation, and is usually practiced
on preadolescent girls. The Government sponsored several events directea at this
problem in the capital during the year.
People With Disabilities. — A 1983 law and subseauent implementing legislation
proviae certain rights for persons with disabilities. These include access to public
institutions, medical treatment, and education. The (jovernment is obliged to bear
part of a disabled person's educational expenses, to employ disabled persons where
possible, and, as necessary, to provide them with public assistance. However, these
rights are in fact rarely respected. There are few facilities for disabled persons and
45
little public assistance of any kind. Lack of facilities and care for the mentally dis-
abled is particularly acute. Society tends to treat the disabled as tainted, leaving
churches or foreign NGO's responsible for providing assistance. The law does not
mandate special access provisions to buildings and facilities for people with disabil-
ities.
Indigenous People. — The population of indigenous Baka Pygmies, a term that fact
encompasses several different ethnic groups, primarily reside in the forested areas
of the South and East provinces. While no legal discrimination exists, other groups
often treat them as inferior and sometimes subject them to unfair and exploitative
labor practices.
Religious Minorities. — There is some societal discrimination against Christians.
Some Christians in rural areas of the north, a predominantly Muslim region, com-
plain of discrimination by Muslims. Such discrimination appears to arise from cul-
tural bias.
National/ Racial f Ethnic Minorities. — There are frequent and credible allegations
of discrimination among Cameroon's more than 200 ethnic groups. President Biya's
Bulu ethnic group and members of closely related Beti groups hold key positions in
government, the security forces, and the military forces. In other sectors, discrimina-
tion by other ethnic groups is common. Virtually all ethnic groups provide pref-
erential treatment to fellow members where they are able to do so.
An important ethnic, political division falls along linguistic lines rooted in the co-
lonial period. The Anglophone minority (20 percent) often charges that the
Francophone majority does not share real power and that the Government provides
fewer economic benefits to English-speaking regions.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — A 1992 Labor Code allows workers to form and join
trade unions of their choosing. The Labor Code permits groups of at least 20 work-
ers to organize a union but also requires registration with the Ministry of Labor.
In practice, independent unions have found it extremely difficult to obtain registra-
tion. Registered unions are invariably subject to government domination and inter-
ference.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) noted that the Government has failed
since 1991 to recognize the National Union of Teachers of Higher Education.
Provisions of the Labor Code do not apply to civil servants, employees of the peni-
tentiary system, or workers responsible for national security. In lieu of strikes, civil
servants are required to negotiate grievances directly with the minister of the con-
cerned department and with the Minister of Labor. Some sections of the Labor Code
have never taken effect, as not all of the implementing decrees have been issued.
No new implementing decrees were issued during the year.
There are two trade union confederations. In 1995 the Government encouraged
the creation of a new labor confederation, the Union of Free Trade Unions of Cam-
eroon (USLC), with which it maintains close ties. Previously, the sole labor confed-
eration had been the Confederation of Cameroonian Trade Unions (CCTU), formerly
afllliated with the ruling CPDM party under the name Organization of
Cameroonian Trade Unions. While both organizations appear to be dominated or at
least thoroughly intimidated by the Government, the creation of the USLC was
widely interpreted as an effort by the Government to create a rival trade union con-
federation more firmly under its control.
The Labor Code explicitly recognizes workers' right to strike but only after man-
datory arbitration. Arbitration proceedings are not legally enforceable and can be
overturned by the (jovernment. The Labor Code provides for the protection of legal
strikes and prohibits retribution against them. There were few strikes during the
year.
The CCTU is a member of the organization of African Trade Union Unity
(OATUU) and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU). The
USLC filed applications for membership with these organizations in 1995. At year's
end, the USLC was still awaiting a response to its bid to join the OATUU and
ICFTU.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code provides for
collective bargaining between workers and management in work places, as well as
between labor federations and business associations in each sector of the economy.
No sectoral collective bargaining negotiations were undertaken during the year. The
Labor Code prohibits antiunion discrimination, and employers guilty of such dis-
crimination are subject to fines of up to $2,000. However, employers found guilty
are not required to reinstate the workers against whom they discriminated. The
Ministry of Labor reported no complaints of such discrimination during the year.
46
There is an industrial free zone regime, but the Government did not grant ap-
proval to any firms to operate under it during the year. Free zone employers are
exempt from some provisions of the Labor Code but must respect all internationally
recognized worker rights.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution and the Labor
Code prohibit forced or compulsory labor, but it occurs in practice. Forced or bonded
labor by children is not specifically prohibited (see Section 6.d.). The authorities con-
tinued to allow prison inmates to be contracted out to private employers or used as
communal labor for municipal public works.
There are credible reports that slavery continues to be practiced in the Lamidat
of Rey Bouba, an isolated traditional kingdom in the North province. In South and
East provinces, Baka Pygmies are subjected to unfair and exploitative labor prac-
tices (see Section 5).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Although
the Constitution prohibits forced or bonded labor, it does not specifically prohibit
such labor by children (see Section 6.c.). Pygmy children are sometimes suDJect to
unfair and exploitative labor practices. The Constitution declares that the nation
shall protect and promote the family, with a specific reference to the young. It pro-
vides for a child's right to education and msikes primary education compulsory. The
Labor Code forbids the employment of children under the age of 14. However, Min-
istry of Labor inspectors responsible for enforcing the law lack resources for an ef-
fective inspection program. In rural areas, many children begin work at an early
age on family farms. Often, rural youth, especially girls, are employed by relatives
as domestic helpers, while many urban street vendors are under 14 years of age.
There are no special provisions limiting working hours for children.
In September the ILO's Africa Office held a workshop in Yaounde to develop an
action plan against child labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Under the Labor Code, the Ministry of Labor
is responsible for setting a single minimum wage applicable nationwide in all sec-
tors. The minimum wage is approximately $40 (23,500 cfa francs) per month. It does
not provide a decent standara of living for an average worker and family.
The Labor Code establishes a standard workweek of 40 hours in public and pri-
vate non agricultural firms, and 48 hours in agricultural and related activities. The
Code makes compulsory at least 24 consecutive hours of weekly rest. The Govern-
ment sets health and safety standards, and Ministry of Labor inspectors and occu-
pational health doctors are responsible for monitoring these standards. However,
they lack the resources for a comprehensive inspection program. There is no specific
legislation permitting workers to remove themselves from dangerous work situa-
tions without jeopardy to continued employment.
CAPE VERDE
Cape Verde is a multiparty parliamentary democracy in which constitutional pow-
ers are shared between the elected Head of State, President Antonio Mascarenhas
Monteiro, an independent and the Head of Government, Prime Minister Carlos
Wahnon Veiga, and his party, the Movement for Democracy (MPD). The MPD has
an absolute majority in the ^fational Assembly. The principal opposition party, the
African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde (PAICV) held power in a one-
party state from independence in 1975 until 1991. The judiciary is independent.
The (government controls the police, which have primary responsibility for main-
tenance of law and order. Some members of the police committed a few human
rights abuses.
Cape Verde has a market-based economy but little industry and few exploitable
natural resources. The country has a long history of economically driven emigration,
primarily to Western Europe and the United States, and receipts from Cape
Verdeans abroad remain an important source of income. Even in years of optimum
rainfall, the country can produce food for only 25 percent of the population, result-
ing in heavy reliance on international food aid.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, and the law
and judiciary provide effective means of dealing with instances of individual abuse.
There were isolated cases of police abuse, including beatings, of citizens detained
on suspicion of criminal activity. Domestic violence, discrimination against women
and mistreatment of children continued to be serious problems. Although the Gov-
ernment supported legislation to ameliorate these problems, it failed to adopt, im-
plement, and enforce policies designed to address the most critical challenges. There
were instances of media self-censorship, and the authorities sometimes prosecuted
47
for criminal libel journalists and editors who published material critical of govern-
ment oflicials.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, but there were isolated cases of police
mistreatment, including beatings, of citizens detained on suspicion of criminal activ-
ity. Severe overcrowding of prisons is a problem. The Government permits both for-
mal visits by human rights monitors to prisons and routine visits to individual pris-
oners.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law stipulates that authorities bring
charges before a judge within 48 hours of arrest. Police may not make arrests with-
out a court order unless a person is caught in the act of committing a felony. In
exceptional cases, and with the concurrence of a court official, authorities may de-
tain persons without charge for up to 5 days. These laws are observed in practice.
The Ministry of Justice has 40 days to prepare for trial in state security cases
and may detain persons until trial or for a period not to exceed 1 year. Tnere is
a functioning system of bail.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for a judiciary inde-
pendent of the executive branch, and the Government respects this provision in
practice.
The judicial system is composed of the Supreme Court and the regional courts.
There are five Supreme Court judges, including one appointed by the ft-esident, one
appointed by the National Assembly, and three appointed by the High Council of
Magistrates. Judges are independent and may not belong to a political party.
The Constitution provides for the right to a fair trial. Defendants are presumed
to be innocent; they have the right to public, nonjury trial; to counsel; to present
witnesses; and to appeal verdicts. Free counsel is provided for the indigent. Regional
courts adjudicate minor disputes on the local level in rural areas. The Ministry of
Justice and Labor appoints local judges, who are usually prominent local citizens.
Defendants may appeal regional court decisions to the Supreme Court.
The judiciary generally provides due process rights. However, there are serious
delays owing to understafTing, and the right to an expeditious trial is constrained
by a seriously overburdened judicial system. A backlog of cases routinely leads to
trial delays of 6 months.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities respect these prohibi-
tions, and violations are subject to elTective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom to ex-
press ideas by words, images, or any other means, and for freedom of the press
without censorship. The Government generally respected these freedoms in practice,
and there is a substantial independent press. Nevertheless, there was continued
criticism by independent political figures of the performance of the state-controlled
television, radio, and print media for their failure to exercise vigorously their mon-
itoring role in a multiparty system.
Journalists are independent of government control and are not required to reveal
their sources. However, self-censorship within government-controlled media, includ-
ing the national television and radio networks as well as the state-owned newspaper
Novo Jomal, influences media criticism of the Government. Under broadly inter-
preted criminal libel laws, the authorities frequently prosecuted and often convicted
and fined opposition newspaper editors and journalists who published articles criti-
cal of government officials.
Government authorization is not needed to establish newspapers, other printed
fmblications, or electronic media. Despite the broadly interpreted criminal libel
aws, independent media outlets experienced no direct pressure in their daily oper-
ations or business activities. The national radio station oroadcasts live National As-
sembly sessions.
The Constitution provides for academic freedom, and this right is respected in
practice.
48
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly and association without authorization and without
harassment oy the authorities. Throughout the year, labor organizations, opposition
political parties, civic action groups, and numerous others exercised this right with-
out government interference or objection.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for the freedom of religion and
the separation of church and State. It also prohibits the State from imposing reli-
gious beliefs and practices. The Government respects these rights in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides citizens with the right to travel and establish resi-
dence without government restrictions.
The Constitution provides for repatriation, and the Government respects this in
practice.
The Constitution provides for the right of asylum by refugees, and no violations
have been reported. According to the Human Rights Commission, credible media re-
ports, and government officials, Nigerian citizens have been subject to discrimina-
tion by immigration authorities.
The Government has not formulated specific policies regarding refugees or first
asylum, and the issue of first asylum has never arisen.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government. Power was transferred peace-
fully by the PAICV to the MFD following free and fair elections in 1991; a second
general election in 1995 and municipal and presidential elections in 1996 also were
judged free and fair by international observers.
Tne Constitution provides for separation of powers. Cabinet ministers are not re-
quired to be members of the National Assembly, but they are individually subject
to confirmation by the President of the Republic. Collectively, they must retain the
support of a parliamentary majority. The President may dismiss the Government
with the approval of the Council of the Republic, which is composed of the president
of the National Assembly, the Prime Minister, the president of the Supreme Court,
the Attorney General, the president of the Regional Affairs Council, and four private
members. Keferendums may be held under specified circumstances, but they may
not challenge individual political rights and liberties or the right of opposition par-
ties to exist and function freely.
There are no restrictions in law or practice regarding the rights of women or
members of minorities to vote or to participate in the political process. Women com-
prise 11 percent of the deputies elected to the National Assembly. There is one fe-
male cabinet minister.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There is one private human rights groups in Cape Verde — the National Commis-
sion of the Rights of Man. No major numan rights organizations conducted inves-
tigations during the year.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, religion, disability,
language, or social status. However, the Government does not effectively enforce all
its provisions, resulting in ongoing discrimination, particularly against women and
children.
Women. — Domestic violence against women, including wife beating, remains com-
mon. Victims rarely report crimes such as rape and spousal abuse to the police.
Women's organizations are seeking legislation to establish a special family court to
address crimes of domestic violence and abuse.
Women continue to face discrimination in several ways. Despite constitutional
prohibitions against sex discrimination and provisions for full equality, including
equal pay for equal work, discrimination continues. Women experience difficulties
in obtaining certain types of employment. Although they are often paid less than
men, they are making modest inroad,s in the professions.
The Constitution prohibits discrimination against women in inheritance, family,
and custody matters. However, largely because of illiteracy, most women are un-
aware of their rights. Women are oflen reluctant to seek redress of domestic dis-
putes in the courts. The Organization of Cape Verdean Women alleges disparate
treatment in inheritance matters, despite laws calling for equal rights.
Children. — The Government has prepared studies of social policy priorities and
legal rights for children and adolescents, and the Cape Verdean Institute for Chil-
49
dren has been restructured in accordance with norms established in the Convention
on the Rights of the Child to implement its obligations under the Convention. In
education the Government's priorities include extending mandatory education to 6
years for all children, and there has been substantial progress toward this objective.
In health the Government seeks to reduce infant mortality and disease, combat drug
and alcohol abuse, and discourage teenage pregnancy. Child abuse and mistreat-
ment are continuing problems, exacerbated by chronic poverty, large unplanned
families, and traditional high levels of emigration of adult men. Mass media, includ-
ing government-controlled media, continue to highlight children's problems, includ-
ing sexual violence against children, juvenile prostitution, and drug abuse as well
as health and education problems.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not mandate access to public
buildings or services for the disabled. Job discrimination against the physically dis-
abled is prohibited. There are no official schools or trained teachers for the disabled,
although several nongovernmental groups, including an association for the blind,
are active.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides that workers are legally
free to form and to join unions without government authorization or restriction.
There are two umbrella union associations: The Council of Free Labor Unions, com-
posed of 11 unions with about 14,000 members, and the National Union of Cape
Verde Workers, formed by the former ruling party but operating independent^,
composed of 14 unions with about 16,000 members. The Government does not inter-
fere with the activities of these organizations, but both suffer from a shortage of
funds.
The Constitution provides union members with the right to strike, and the Gov-
ernment respects this right. By law an employer must reinstate a worker fired un-
justly.
Unions are free to affiliate internationally and have ties with African and inter-
national trade union organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides for
the right to organize, to operate without hindrance, and to sign collective work con-
tracts. Workers and management in the small private sector, as well as in the pub-
lic sector, reach agreement through collective bargaining. However, as the country's
lai^est employer, the Government continues to play the dominant role by setting
wages in the civil service. It does not fix wages for the private sector, but salary
levels for civil servants provide the basis for wage negotiations in the private sector.
A 1991 legislative decree bans antiunion discrimination by employers, with fines
for offenders. There were no reported cases of such discrimination.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor is forbidden by law
and is not practiced.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and such practices
are not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum age for employment is 14 years. The law prohibits children under the age
of 16 from working at night, more than 7 hours per day, or in establishments where
toxic products are produced; but the Government rarely enforces the law. In practice
the Ministry of Justice and Labor enforces minimum age laws with limited success,
and then only in the urban, formal sectors of the economy.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded child labor and such practices are
not known to occur (see Section B.c).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There are no established minimum wage rates
in the private sector. Large urban private employers link their minimum wages to
those paid to civil servants which, for an entry level worker, is approximately $110
(10,418 escudos) per month. The majority of jobs pay wages insufiicient to provide
a worker and family a decent standard of living; therefore, most workers also rely
on second jobs, extended family help, and subsistence agriculture.
The maximum legal workweek for adults is 44 hours. While large employers gen-
erally respect these regulations, many domestic servants and rural workers work
longer hours.
The Director General of Labor conducts periodic inspections to enforce proper
labor practices and imposes fines on private enterprises which are not in conformity
with the law. However, the Government does not systematically enforce labor laws,
and much of the labor force does not enjoy their protection. There are few industries
that employ heavy or dangerous equipment, and work-related accidents are rare.
50
There is no legal provision for workers to remove themselves from unsafe working
conditions without jeopardy to continued employment.
CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
The Central African Republic became a democracy in 1993 following free and fair
elections in which Ange Felix Patasse, candidate of the Movement for the Liberation
of the Central African People, was chosen President. Citizens also elected an 85-
member National Assembly; no party holds a majority. In 1994 a Constitution pro-
viding for multiparty democracy was accepted in a national referendum. The judici-
ary is subject to executive interference.
In January following the killing of two French military officers by rebel troops,
French troops seized key installations in and around the cities of Lakouanga and
Bimbo, effectively ending the latest in a series of 1996 rebellions by forces opposed
to the Patasse Government. A January 25 accord formally ended the November 1996
mutiny. President Patasse appointed Michel Gbezera-Bria as Prime Minister and es-
tablished the Government for the Defense of Democracy. It included both the ruling
party and members of the opposition political coalition. The African Mediation Coa-
lition sent an Inter-African peacekeeping force, MISAB, to the capital, Bangui, in
late January. MISAB established a procedure for reintegration of ebels at Camp
Kasai and collection of weapons distributed by rebels to civilians. In June rebel fac-
tions attacked MISAB troops, renewing the violence in the Bangui area. In fighting
during late June, 500 persons were killed and 70,000 civilians were forced to flee
the area. In July talks mediated by Amadou Toumani Toure, a former president of
Mali, resulted in an agreement between the Government and the mutineers that
ended the June mutiny.
Military forces, the National Gendarmerie under the Minister of Defense, the Na-
tional Research and Investigation Force (CNRI), the civilian police force, share in-
ternal security responsibilities under the direction of the Minister of Public Security.
After the 1996 mutinies, the Presidential security guard increased in size and re-
sponsibility. MISAB helps maintain order in the capital. Security forces committed
serious human rights abuses. Some members of MISAB also committed serious
abuses.
The Central African Republic is a landlocked and sparsely populated country,
most of whose inhabitants practice subsistence agriculture. Annual per capita gross
domestic product is estimated at $357. Principal exports are coflee, cotton, timber,
tobacco, and diamonds. The military and civil unrests during the year resulted in
further significant decreases in public revenues and higher unemployment.
The Government's human rights record remained poor, and serious human rights
abuses continued in certain areas. There were credible reports of routine summary
executions of suspected bandits by security forces, and of the death of prisoners due
to security force abuse. Police torture and beatings of detainees and prisoners con-
tinued. The President in March granted amnesty to the rebel forces for acts that
they had committed during the November 1996 mutiny. The Government did not
prosecute members of the armed forces who were accused of abuses during any of
the 1996 mutinies. It granted amnesty to participants in the November 1996 mu-
tiny. Other human rights abuses included harsh prison conditions, arbitrary arrest,
prolonged detention without trial, limits on judicial independence, infringements on
citizens' right to privacy, restrictions on freedom of assembly, some limits on free-
dom of religion, restraints on press freedom to criticize the Government, a pattern
of discrimination and violence against women, female genital mutilation, and dis-
crimination against Pygmies.
In March President Patasse granted amnesty to former senior officials of the
Kolingba regime who were charged with corruption. These people had been held in
detention for an extended period.
According to credible sources, members of the Chadian contingent of the MISAB
reportedly committed human rights abuses, including the killing of civilians and the
looting of residences.
Many human rights abuses were reported in the areas controlled by the rebels.
Rebel forces were responsible for killings, disappearances, robberies, carjackings,
rape, arson, and other abuses committed against civilians.
51
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no known political
killings (former Interior Minister Grelombe was killed by unknown persons during
the November mutiny). There were credible reports that the army and the gendar-
merie routinely executed suspected bandits and other persons.
In May three former rebels, arrested for the alleged killing of a presidential guard
and his wife were killed while in the custody of the gendarmerie. Opposition parties
accused the Presidential Guard and some military personnel of this killing which
took place in gendarmerie headauarters; the Government conducted a judicial inves-
tigation, but results have not oeen released. The Government did not prosecute
members of the security forces for these or other killings. Approximately 10 pris-
oners died in custody at the police antibanditry station in Bangui in connection with
repression of banditry, according to the Central African Republic Human Rights
League (see Section I.e.).
Gendarmes and military loyalists dispersed a December 1996 demonstration, kill-
ing and injuring many protesters (see Section 2.a.).
Soldiers reportedly killed an estimated 200 persons during the four mutinies.
President Patasse granted amnesty to all soldiers who had mutinied in April, May,
and November. The Crovemment neither investigated nor prosecuted members of
the armed forces for the killings and other reported abuses committed during the
1996 military mutinies.
Rebel forces killed numerous persons, often targeting, torturing, and killing civil-
ians (see Section l.g.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the Penal Code prohibits torture and specifies sanctions for those found
guilty of physical abuse, the police continue to beat and otherwise abuse criminal
suspects and prisoners. At one police station, police reportedly tortured and abused
all the individuals detained. Members of the security forces also tortured and beat
journalists (see Section 2. a.). Many deaths of prisoners due to official abuse were
reported to the courts by family members and by the Human Rights League execu-
tive committee, with no evident official response taken. In May, three former rebels
died in the custody of the gendarmerie (see Section l.a.). The August-September
1996 National Conference on Defense (Etats-(}eneraux) recommended the abolition
of special secret police units due to abusive treatment of detainees and their oper-
ation as a parallel and secret army outside the normal enforcement structure. There
was no further government action on this recommendation.
Rebel forces used torture and rape, particularly against civilians (see Section l.g.).
Prison conditions are extremely harsh. Cells are overcrowded, and the basic neces-
sities of life, including food, clothing, and medical care, are in short supply. Avail-
able supplies are reportedly routinely diverted to prison officials for their personal
use. Prisoners are frequently forced to perform uncompensated labor at the resi-
dences of government ofilcials. Male and female prisoners are confined in separate
facilities in Bangui but housed together elsewhere. Minors are routinely housed
with adults and subjected to physical abuse. The infamous Ngaragba prison is still
in use despite promises in 1996 to construct a new facility.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law provides for protection against
arbitrary arrest and detention, but security forces often ignore these provisions.
The law stipulates that persons detained in cases other than those involving na-
tional security must be brought before a magistrate within 96 hours. In practice,
the authorities often do not respect this deadline, in part due to inefficient judicial
procedures. Judicial warrants are not required for arrest. By law, national security
detainees, defined as "those held for crimes against the security of the State," may
be held without charge for up to 2 months. Previous governments used the national
security provision of the law to arrest their opponents. The Patasse (jovernment has
not detained political opponents under this provision, although presidential guards
arbitrarily arrested people suspected of support of the mutineers; they were released
within days. Presidential guards also arrested the editor of an independent news-
paper (see Section 2.a.).
Prolonged pretrial detention is a problem. Roughly one-half the male prison popu-
lation are pretrial detainees. Officials of the Kolingba regime (1981-1993), who had
been ofiicially charged with corruption and in some cases detained more than 18
months without trial, were released during the November 1996 mutiny. In late
March, as required by the Bangui Accords, President Patasse granted amnesty to
those ofiicials and all rebels. According to the (jovemment prosecutor, about 1(X) ci-
52
vilians arrested by the gendarmes and security guards and accused of participating
in the rebellion were also released under the pressure of the International Follow-
up Committee.
The law does not permit the use of exile, and the Government has not employed
it in practice. The Government has repeatedly stated that any person in exile for
stricthi' political, rather than criminal, reasons may return without fear of persecu-
tion. At the end of the year, there were no known political self-exiles.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but there are reliable reports of periodic executive interference.
The judiciary, which consists of regular and military courts, was reorganized in
the 1994 Constitution. Legislation implementing this reorganization was enacted in
1996. New courts of justice were created during the year in both urban and rural
areas.
In criminal cases, the accused are presumed innocent and have the ri^t to legal
counsel, to public trial, to be present at their trials, and to confront witnesses. Tne
Government generally respects these safeguards in practice, but ineflicient adminis-
tration of the law, shortages of trained personnel, and material resources hinder the
process. The criminal court, for example, did not convene for 3 years for lack of
money. The Constitutional Court also has not yet met for lack of ofUce facilities.
Court proceedings are open to the public and broadcast on national radio.
A July meeting on the reconciliation and reintegration of the former rebels into
the army, chaired by General Amadou Toumani Toure, addressed many abuses in
the military justice system and established recommendations for long-term improve-
ment. No action had been taken on recommendations made at a similar meeting in
1996.
There were no reports of political prisoners, although some observers note that
anticorruption statutes at times appear to have been applied more rigorously to offi-
cials of the Kolingba regime than to current officials.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government on rare occasions abused the law that prohibits invasion of homes with-
out a warrant in civil and criminal cases. Police did, however, use provisions of the
Penal Code governing certain political and security cases that allow them to search
private property without special authorization. The Government also monitored the
telephones of some opposition figures and cut their telephone lines during the 1996
mutinies. In January security guards, operating of the orders of the Government,
cut the telephone lines of former Prime Minister Ngoupande and his director of
staff, Karim Meckassoua.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— During the four mutinies from April 1996 to June 1997, both loyalist and
insurgent factions in the rebellion inflicted more harm on noncombatants than on
each other. Both deliberately targeted, tortured, and killed civilians, ransacked vil-
lages in areas under their control, and confiscated goods and food supplies. Most vil-
lagers took refuge in the forest. According to the President of the Human Rights
Observatoire, some loyalists based in Mbaiki tortured, raped, and killed civilians.
At year's end, the Government had not punished anyone for the offenses. Some
members of the MISAB also committed sucn abuses (see Section l.a.).
In late June, rebels attacked MISAB troops based in the controlled areas and sub-
jected residents of Bangui to a week of shooting, bombing, and heavy mortar fire.
Several buildings in the southern section of the capital were destroyed. Rebels with-
out military uniforms used civilians as human shields. The June 20-27 fighting be-
tween MISAB and the rebels resulted in the heaviest loss of life of the four rebel-
lions. According to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), 500 per-
sons died in the conflict and 70,000 were driven from their homes. Many took reiuge
in rural areas north and west of Bangui. Media witnesses and human rights groups
reported that MISAB soldiers disregarded citizens' human rights.
In January after the killing of two French military officers, French troops at-
tacked the rebels using heavy artillery in the neighborhoods of Lakouanga and
Petevo. An estimated 100 civilians were killed during these actions, and thousands
fled to a safe area north of the capital, according to ICRC officials. Many people
were arrested and jailed at the Presidential Guard headquarters under inhuman
conditions.
Chadian members of the MISAB force allegedly committed violent crimes in Fat-
ima, Petevo, and elsewhere. Former Communication Minister Felix Bougalama was
killed in front of his home in Bangui at this time. A Catholic priest in the Fatima
church reported the killing of old people, children, and women by soldiers wearing
MISAB uniforms. Residents and others alleged that the Chadian contingent was re-
sponsible. During a press interview, the MISAB commander denied tnese allega-
tions, suggesting that criminal elements had masqueraded as MISAB members.
53
There were incidents in which local residents attired as MISAB members committed
violent crimes.
The rebels attacked the women's jail in Bimbo and reportedly raped 20 women.
Witnesses reported that in the village of Nzila the rebels Killed civilians and buried
their bodies. They also destroyed private residences, hospitals, factories, and gas
stations in the neighborhoods of Petevo and Bimbo, forcing the non-Yakomas to
leave. They erected barricades across the major roads of Petevo and Boganda, re-
stricting the free passage of the local population and humanitarian organizations
such as the ICRC and the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Rebels
reportedly restricted free access to the major hospitals. This resulted in women and
iniants dying for lack of medical care. The population had no access to the public
cemetery in N'dres near Camp Kasai, where the bodies of the victims were report-
edly buried.
Parallel state military forces, such as security guards (SERD, CNRI) and some po-
litical militia (Karako) reportedly used excessive force and committed other abuses.
Civilians were killed based on their ethnicity.
In the November 1996 mutiny, the rebels organized civilians into city guerrilla
groups. They reportedly forcibly recruited hundreds of teenagers and younger boys
and distributed guns to the recruits and other civilians. According to credible re-
ports, these newly organized groups committed a number of killings and robberies
during the mutiny.
The ICRC reported that there were several hundred killed and wounded and
70,000 displaced in June. The June fighting ended with the unconditional surrender
of the rebels. Rebels signed the cease-fire and returned most heavy weapons and
guns to the French army under the auspices of the International Follow-up Commit-
tee and submitted by returning to their barracks. The MISAB forces had some suc-
cess in disarming civilians as a result of the efforts of neighborhood leaders, reli-
gious groups, and some NGO's. Some civilians returned guns and ammunition.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press. Although the Government generally allows the press to operate free-
ly, it restricts press freedom to criticize the Government.
Citizens speak freely and publicly, criticizing the Government, the President's
handling of certain issues, and political parties. Opposition leaders, in particular,
use press statements, manifestos, and copies of open correspondence to the Govern-
ment, to circulate their views. During the year, not all of this documentation was
published by the government-controlled media. However, the (jovemment made no
apparent effort to censure, seize, or halt printing and circulation of these materials
elsewhere.
More than a dozen private newspapers were published over varying intervals;
only four were published on a regular basis during the year. These newspapers were
often outspoken in their criticism of the President, the Government, corruption, and
economic policies. They openly discussed a wide variety of views on political and so-
cial issues. The Government sued several newspapers following accusations of cor-
ruption published by their newspapers. Many journalists regarded this as official
harassment.
During the mutinies, private journalists were harassed and persecuted by govern-
ment security guards who accused them of being manipulated by the opposition. In
February Richard Bagouma, editor of Nikpa, was kidnaped by security guards. He
was beaten, tortured, and later released, following pressure from human rights ob-
servers and political parties. Jean-Rigobart Maka Gbossokoto, editor and publisher
of the satirical La Tortue Dechainee, was threatened with death by government se-
curity guards. His articles had severely criticized the management of the Govern-
ment and its policies.
The editor of the independent Le Novateur was arrested by Presidential Guards
and detained for 5 days without charge. He was subsequently rearrested by the
CNRI, accused of defamation, tried, and sentenced to 3 months' imprisonment for
having published an article on the arbitrary detentions and abuses committed by
the Presidential Guards.
Television and radio included weekly programs that provided an opportunity for
those political parties represented in the National Assembly to present their views.
The opposition welcomed this new access to the public media. The Government owns
and controls one newspaper, Acap Bulletin, which appears only sporadically. A wire
service news bulletin and a radio and television station operated more regularly.
A private radio station, Africa No.l, is based in Libreville, Gabon and has been
operating since 1995. A church-affiliated station began operations the same year.
Radio France Internationale began broadcasting in June. The opposition parties are
54
free to establish private stations but lack the money to do so. Although its formation
had been announced in 1994, the Government has still not yet set up the Hidi
Council of Communication to regulate the management of private media and help
enforce press ethics; a bill for its creation was pending in Parliament at year's end.
The Government does not impede foreign journalists in their work.
The Government respects academic freedom. University faculty and students be-
long to many political parties and express their views without fear of reprisal.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of assembly, but the Government at times has restricted this freedom. A
1992 decree requires organizers of demonstrations and public meetings to register
with the Government 48 hours in advance and also prohibits political meetings in
schools or churches. The Government forbade public assembly and demonstrations
in the aftermath of the April 1996 military revolt. No similar order was issued after
the May or November 1996 crises, or during the June mutiny. Gendarmes and mili-
tary loyalists dispersed a December 1996 demonstration by civilians, rebels, and
goliticians who supported the rebellion demanding the resignation of president
atasse. The gendarmes used tear gas and guns, reportedly killing four protesters
and injuring several others (see Section l.a.).
The Constitution provides for freedom of association and the Government gen-
erally respects this right in practice. Associations are required to register with the
Government to enjoy legal status. All political parties must register with the Min-
istry of Public Security in order to participate legally in politics. The Government
usually grants registration expeditiously.
There are more than 25 registered political parties and a variety of nonpolitical
associations. The Government allows them to hold congresses, elect officials, and
publicly debate policy issues without interference.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, but in-
cludes fixed legal conditions and prohibits what the Government considers religious
fundamentalism and intolerance. A 1994 constitutional provision prohibiting reli-
gious fundamentalism is widely understood to be aimed at Muslims. There is no
state religion, and a variety of religious communities are active. Religious organiza-
tions and missionary groups are free to proselytize, worship, and construct places
of worship. However, religious groups must register with the Government. Any
group whose behavior the Government considers subversive remains subject to sanc-
tions, although the authorities imposed no sanctions during the year.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— People are free to move within the country, but police and other offi-
cials harass travelers unwilling or unable to pay bribes at checkpoints along major
intercity roads and at major intersections in Bangui. Some citizens, when attempt-
ing to leave the country, were informed by immigration authorities that their names
were on unspecified ofTicial lists that forbade their departure. For example, in Feb-
ruary former Prime Minister Jean-Paul Ngoupande and his adviser and chief of
staff; Karim Meckassoua were refused permission, for political reasons, to board an
airplane to Paris to visit their families. After pressure from members of the diplo-
matic corps, the international press, and the Human Rights League, the authorities
authorized them to leave the country.
During the military crisis the city of Bangui was divided in two parts. People in
the rebels' area in the southwest were not free to leave that sector. They were also
harassed for bribes by the rebels at checkpoints.
The Government continued to work with the office of the UNHCR in hosting
Chadian, Sudanese, Rwandan and Congolese refugees. Most refugees were reg-
istered with the National Commission for Refugees. Most Chadian refugees returned
to Chad. Many had been accused of criminal activity in the Central African Republic
and were targeted by the rebels during the military crisis. Applicants for asylum
are generally well-treated and often accepted. The issue of first asylum did not arise
during the year.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised their constitutional right to change their government by demo-
cratic means in 1993 through presidential and parliamentary elections. Inter-
national observers deemed the elections free and fair. In 1995, for the first time in
its history, the Parliament passed a vote of censure against the Government.
The Constitution provides for multiple political parties and increased the powers
and independence oi the legislative and judicial branches at the expense of the exec-
utive branch. The Government did not schedule local elections for 1994 due to budg-
et restrictions. Since then, for financial reasons, the Government appointed four suc-
cessive mayors of Bangui, which resulted in criticism from proaemocratic groups
55
that the Government was reneging on the constitutional requirement to have local
elections.
Of the 85 parliament members, three are women. Three of the 26 cabinet mem-
bers are women. There are no Muslims in the Government. About 10 Muslims serve
in the National Assembly.
Pygmies (Ba'aka), who represent from 1 to 2 percent of the national population,
are not represented in the Government and have little political power or influence,
although they voted in large numbers in the 1993 election.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Central African Human Rights League (LCDH) is a nongovernmental organi-
zation with multiple goals, including publicizing human rights violations and plead-
ing individual cases of human rights abuses before the courts. The LCDH distrib-
uted its pamphlets describing individuals' rights and information on judicial access
to the prisons, at police stations, courts, schools, and other NGO's.
In the April-May 1996 mutinies the LCDH played an important role as a mediator
to help safeguard democratic institutions. In a letter to the President and govern-
ment authorities, the LCDH criticized the Government's harassment of the press,
excessive pretrial detentions in violation of the law, summary executions oi sus-
pected bandits, and other deaths of suspects while in police custody in Bangui. Sev-
eral other NGO's, including the Movement for the Defense of Human Rights and
Humanitarian Action and some religious groups, actively monitor human rights
problems. Their activities include prison visits and assistance to civilians during the
armed conflicts. The Central African Red Cross played a notable role during the mu-
tinies. Despite difficulties caused by the rebels, the volunteers of Red Cross worked
under fire to assist wounded persons, deliver babies, and provide humanitarian aid
to thousands. They also assisted in counting and burying bodies in rebels areas. The
Government did not attempt to hinder any such activities.
There were no known requests from international human rights oi^anizations for
visits.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution stipulates that all persons are equal before the law without re-
?[ard to wealth, race, sex, or religion, but the Government does not effectively en-
orce these provisions, and significant discrimination exists.
Women. — Violence against women, including wife beating, occurs but inadequate
data makes it impossible to quantify its extent. Victims seldom report incidents. The
courts try very few cases of spousal abuse, although litigants cite these abuses dur-
ing divorce trials and civil suits. Some women reportedly tolerate abuse in order to
retain a measure of financial security for themselves and their children. The Gov-
ernment did not address this problem during the year.
Despite the Constitution's provisions, in practice women are treated as inferior to
men economically, socially, and politically. Women in rural areas, moreover, suffer
more discrimination than women in urban areas. Sixty to 70 percent of urban fe-
males go to primary school, while only 10 to 20 percent of their rural counterparts
do. Overall, at the primary level, females and males enjoy equal access to education,
but the majority of young women drop out at age 14 or 15 due to social pressure
to marry and bear children. Only 20 percent of the students at the University of
Bangui are women. There are no accurate statistics on the percentage of female
wage earners.
Polygyny is legal, although this practice faces growing resistance among educated
women. Tlie law authorizes a man to take up to four wives, but a prospective hus-
band must indicate at the time of the marriage contract whether he intends to take
additional wives. In practice many couples never formally marry because men can-
not afford the traditional bride payment. Women who are educated and financially
independent tend to seek monogamous marriages. Divorce is legal and may be initi-
ated by either partner. The law does not discriminate against women in inheritance
and property rights, but a welter of conflicting customary laws often prevails. The
1995 draft family code, designed to strengthen women's rights, still awaits National
Assembly approval.
The Association of Central African Female Jurists' Clinic advises women of their
legal rights. The organization also publishes pamphlets in conjunction with the Min-
istry of Social Affairs on the dangers of female genital mutilation (FGM) and on food
taboos.
Children. — Although there is no official discrimination against children, the Gov-
ernment spends little money on programs for children. There are few church and
56
other NGO projects for youth. Most children are behind in their studies because of
teachers' strikes in the early 1990's and the army mutinies. Education is compulsory
beyond the age of 5, but parents are not prosecuted for truancy. Many Bangui street
children survive by begging and stealing. Some are street vendors, part of the infor-
mal economy. Several charitable organizations strive to assist them.
Courts interpret the Penal Code as forbidding parental blows or injuries to chil-
dren under age 15. The proposed family code is designed to strengthen children's
rights. For example, illegitimate children would have tne same rights as those bom
in wedlock.
A 1996 ordinance banned female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely con-
demned by international health experts as damaging to both physical and psycho-
logical health. Nevertheless, this traditional practice is found in certain rural areas,
and to a lesser degree in Bangui, and is performed at an early age. Approximately
45 to 50 percent of females have undergone FGM. A campaign of awareness orga-
nized by the Ministry of Social Welfare and women's NGO's reduced the incidence
of FGM^ in some rural areas.
People With Disabilities. — There is no codified or cultural discrimination against
the disabled. There are several government-initiated programs designed to assist
the disabled, including handicrait training for the blind and the distribution of
wheelchairs and carts oy the Ministry of Social Services. There is no legislated or
mandated accessibility for the disabled.
Indigenous People. — Despite constitutional provisions, in practice some minorities
are treated unequally. In general, the country's indigenous Pygniies have little abil-
ity to participate in decisions affecting their lands, culture, traditions, and the allo-
cation of natural resources. In particular, indigenous forest-dwelling Pygmies are
subject to social and economic discrimination and exploitation, which the Govern-
ment has done little to correct. Pygmies often work for villagers at wages lower than
those paid to members of other groups.
Religious Minorities. — Muslims, particularly Mbororo (Peulh) herders, claim to
have been singled out for harassment by authorities, including shaikedowns by po-
lice, due to popular resentment of their presumed affluence. Muslims play a prepon-
derant role in the economy.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — There are about 90 ethnic groups, and in the
past there was little ethnic balance at the higher level of government. Under the
Kolingba regime, members of the minority Yakoma ethnic group held a dispropor-
tionate number of senior positions in Government, the armed forces, and state-
owned firms. The Patasse Government has brought about a more representative
ethnic balance in the Government. Even so, observers note that members of north-
em ethnic groups close to the FVesident are a majority in Patasse's cabinet and also
receive favorable treatment in government appointments. In the 1996 mutinies, se-
curity forces killed civilians based on their ethnicity (see Section l.g.).
Under the various accords following the 1996 mutinies, reintegration of the rebel
forces into the armed forces has included access to promotions for Yakoma soldiers
that previously had been blocked since Patasse took office.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Under the Labor Code, all workers are free to form
or join unions of their choosing without prior authorization. A relatively small part
of the population has exercised the right of association, chiefly wage earners such
as civil servants.
The Labor Code does not refer to trade unions by name, a change from the pre-
vious code. The International Labor Organization (ILO) had requested this change
to reflect the proliferation of new unions. There are now five recognized labor fed-
erations, including the Organization of Free Public Sector Unions and the Labor
Union of Central African Workers (USTC). The USTC and its member unions con-
tinue to assert and maintain their official independence from the Government.
Unions have the right to strike in both the public and private sectors. To be legal,
strikes must be preceded by the union's presentation of demands, the employer's re-
sponse to these demands, a conciliation meeting between labor and management,
and a finding by an arbitration council that union and employer failed to reach
agreement on valid demands. The union must also provide 8 aays' advance notifica-
tion in writing of planned strikes. The Labor Code states that if employers initiate
a lockout that is not in accordance with the Code, the employer is required to pay
workers for all days of the lockout. Other than this, the Code does not provide for
sanctions on employers for acting against strikers. It is not known to wnat extent
this policy is actually followed.
Laoor federations are free to affiliate internationally. The USTC is afliliated with
the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
57
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code accords trade
unions full legal status, including the right to sue in court. It requires that union
ofllcials be employed full-time in the occupation as a wage earner, but they nonethe-
less conduct union business during working hours. The Code does not specifically
provide that unions may bargain collectively. While collective bargaining nas none-
theless taken place in some instances, the Government is usually involved in the
process.
Wage scales are set by the Ministry of Labor and Civil Service and were still in
the process of revision at year's end. The nonpayment of salaries arrears and higher
consumer costs attributed to the 1994 devaluation continued to be major complaints
of the unions. The Government's efforts to reform the civil service were stalled dur-
ingthe civil strife. At year's end, the Government had resumed these reforms.
The law expressly forbids discrimination against employees on the basis of union
membership or umon activity. The Labor Code does not state whether employers
found guilty of antiunion discrimination are required to reinstate workers fired for
union activities.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor is specifically prohib-
ited by the Labor Code, and there were no reports of forced or bonded labor, except
for pnsoners who were forced to work without compensation for government ofTicials
or magistrates (see Section I.e.). The law applies to children. However, the Govern-
ment does not have sufficient resources to enforce the prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Employ-
ment of children under 14 years of age is forbidden by law, but the provision is only
loosely enforced by the Ministry of Labor and Civil Service. In practice child labor
is common in many sectors of the economy, especially in rural areas.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and attempts to
enforce the prohibitions, although resources to do so are inadequate (see section
6.C.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code states that the Minister of
Labor must set minimum wages by decree. Agricultural workers are guaranteed a
minimum of $15 (cfa 7,800) per month, while office workers are guaranteed $36 (cfa
18,000). Minimum wages difTer among the various sectors. The minimum wages
assures a family the basic necessities but is barely adequate to maintain a decent
standard of living. Most labor is performed outside the wage and social security sys-
tem, especially by farmers in the large subsistence agricultural sector.
The law sets a standard workweek of 40 hours for government employees and
most private sector employees. Household employees may work up to 55 hours per
week. The law also requires that there be a minimum rest period of 48 hours.
There are also general laws on health and safety standards in the workplace, but
the Ministry of Labor and Civil Service neither precisely defines nor actively en-
forces them, a matter about which the ILO has expressed concern to the (jovern-
ment for many years. The Labor Code states that a labor inspector may force an
employer to correct unsafe or unhealthy work conditions, but it does not provide the
right for workers to remove themselves from such conditions.
CHAD
Chad continued its transition from an authoritarian system to a constitutional de-
mocracy. EfTective power is held by President Idriss Deby and his party, the Patri-
otic Salvation Movement (MPS). President Deby took power in a December 1990
coup and was confirmed as Chief of State by the Sovereign National Conference
(CNS) of 1993. He was elected President in mid- 1996 under a Constitution adopted
in a referendum earlier that year. Elections for a National Legislative Assembly
were held in early 1997 and resulted in the replacement of the provisional par-
liament known as the Higher Transitional Council (CST). General Wadal
AbdeUcader Kamougue, the runner-up to Idriss Deby in the 1996 presidential elec-
tions, was elected President of the new Assembly. TTie (jovernment is headed by a
Prime Minister nominated by the President and confirmed by the National Assem-
bly. Prime Minister Nassour Guelengdouksia Ouaidou has held office since May. In-
surgent groups opposed to the (jOvernment did not mount any serious campaigns,
ana a number oi rebels changed their support to the Government. An important
peace accord was signed in Moundou on April 18 between the Government and the
rebel px)up known as the Armed Forces for the Federal Republic (FARE), led by
Laokem Barde Frisson. However, fighting broke out between the (jovemment and
FARF in Moundou in October, resulting in the breakdown of the accord and arrest-
58
ing the downward trend of Government-rebel confrontation. The judicial system con-
tinued to be ineffective, overburdened and subject to outside, including official, in-
terference, notably in the handling by the Court of Appeals of the results of the leg-
islative elections.
The army, gendarmerie, police. National and Nomadic Guard (GNNT), and intel-
ligence services are responsible for internal security. Officers from the ethnic group
of President Deby dominate the Rapid Intervention Force (FIR), and the National
Security Agency (ANS), a counterintelligence organization that has acted as an in-
ternal political police force. The security forces continued to commit serious human
rirfits abuses, with the army remaining an essentially undisciplined force.
The economy is mainly based on subsistence agriculture, herding, and fishing. Per
capita income is estimated at $190 per year. The country has little industry; its
chief export is cotton. The Government relies heavily on external financial and tech-
nical assistance, but has substantial undeveloped oil reserves.
The human rights situation improved in several respects; however, serious prob-
lems remain. According to local human rights groups, the security forces committed
scores of extrajudicial killings. There were reports of disappearances. Members of
the security forces also beat and reportedly raped citizens. Prison conditions are
harsh and life threatening. Security forces continued to use arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion illegal searches and wiretaps. The Government did not prosecute security per-
sonnel accused in previous years of killings, rape, torture, and arbitrary arrest and
detention. The judiciary remained subject to government interference. It was unable
to provide citizens with prompt trials, and lengthy pretrial detention remained a
proolem. Citizens' right to change their government remained in doubt. The second
round of the legislative elections was marred by widespread reports of fraud, vote-
rigging, and irregularities committed by local officials, although no major incidents
of violence were reported. The Court oi Appeals succumbed to government pressure
to ensure that a majority of parliamentary seats was held by the ruling party. There
was infringement on worker rights, including reported instances of forced labor in
agricultural communities and the military forces. Discrimination against women is
common; violence against women is also believed to be common. Female genital mu-
tilation is widespread.
FARF rebels reportedly committed serious abuses, including killings of civilians
in the area of Moundou in November and December.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — The security forces committed scores
of extrajudicial killings, according to local human rights groups. Reports of ofiicially
sanctioned extrajudicial killings of accused criminals by police and gendarmes began
to appear in November 1996, in the aftermath of a severe crime wave. The press
proviaed further evidence by publishing an official telegram signed by the com-
mander of a special unit of the Gendarmerie Nationale. This telegram contained an
order that instructed security forces to kill any person caught in the act of theft,
under penalty of severe sanction if they did not comply. The implementation of the
so-called "New Law" enjoyed a large measure of popular support. The authorities
cited public support and the breakdown of the judicial and prison systems as jus-
tification for the use of lethal force until the policy was finally disavowed by the
Government largely due to international pressure on March 14.
A Cabinet minister in January indicated in a newspaper interview that the policy
of lethal force has worked but that there were no statistics. However, the minister
did not directly dispute local human rights groups' charges that scores of citizens
were killed or that security forces killed nine persons in a public square in Fianga
on Christmas Eve 1996.
In February the independent newspaper N'Djamena Hebdo reported the experi-
ences of Adoum Godi, who said that he and two companions had been arrested in
late January on charges of stealing a carpet. Godi said that after a few days in de-
tention the three were taken out oy gendarmes at night, bound, and thrown into
the Chari river. Godi said that he was able to escape, while the others drowned.
Security forces maintained that the story was a fabrication and that Godi was "a
thief who was let go." However, independent eyewitnesses reported seeing Godi
being pulled out of the river by fishermen.
Other instances of extrajudicial killings by security forces reportedly occurred
even after the issuance of the March 14 order. On June 1 and June 12, Gendarme
Commander Ouardougou reportedly killed five persons in the town of Dourbali who
were accused of theft. The victims were: Hissem Fadil Hamid; Omar Ahmat; Yaya
Moursal; Cheick Abakar Ahmat; and Mahamat Abakar. Persistent reports from
59
Koumra, Bongor, and N'Djamena indicated that extrajudicial killings continued to
occur until August, although it is unclear whether the killings were ordered bv the
Government or whether local authorities acted independently. Many of the killings
apparently were clandestine, at night, or in remote locations.
Police, gendarmes, and soldiers used excessive force in attempting to quell a pro-
test in Gounou-Gaya in January. After knife wounds inflicted by a retired gendarme
caused the death of a village chief, peasants from the hamlet demonstrated noisily
outside the hospital where he had been taken. Police used tear gas and warning
shots to disperse the protesters. However, a crowd of about 500 villagers later car-
ried the chiefs corpse to the office of the provincial administrator. Security forces
then fired a rocket-propelled grenade toward the crowd. The grenade exploded, kill-
ing one person and wounding eight others. The authorities took no action to punish
those responsible.
In October in Moundou government forces committed extrajudicial killings that
included summary executions in their confrontations with FARF elements. An esti-
mated 100 persons were killed, including those killed by rebels; a large number of
those killed were noncombatants.
Fitting broke out between government and FARF troops during a period of con-
siderable tension over accusations of noncompliance by both sides with the April
Reace accords intended to end the FARF insurgency in the south of the country,
lost observers believe that government troops sought the confrontation. Although
open fighting between the two forces ceased within hours, government troops con-
ducted brutal house-to-house searches for FARF personnel, in the process commit-
ting executions and torture of civilians. Following a lengthy questioning of the Gov-
ernment by Members of Parliament during an extraordinary session of Parliament
on live television on November 4, a joint Parliamentary-Government team traveled
to the region to restore calm and gather information on the incident. The Govern-
ment also announced several initiatives to renew reconciliation with the FARF, in-
cluding integrating FARF forces into the army without retribution. The joint team
produced a report that acknowledged a much higher death toll than the Government
had originally announced, blamed the FARF for the tensions leading to the incident,
and assigned no blame for the civilian deaths. Local human rights groups also sent
a team to the area, and published a report detailing numerous serious human rights
violations by government troops. The human rights groups reported a lack of co-
operation by authorities during their investigation.
In December human rights organizations reported that the military forces contin-
ued to commit human rignts abuses, including the killing of villagers in the prefec-
tures of Eastern and Western Logone during November and December. Some of
these killings appearred to have been executions of targeted persons, while other
deaths and woundings appeared to be random.
The Chadian contingent of the Inter-African Peacekeeping force (MISAB) in the
Central African Republic reportedly committed serious rights abuses during its op-
erations, including the killing of many civilians and looting of residences. The Gk)v-
emment did not punish the Chadian contingent of MISAB for its abuses and undis-
ciplined behavior.
In response to the October incident in Moundou, FARF rebels reportedly retali-
ated against the army in November, and followed this action with a number of al-
leged attacks on civilian targets in the region around Moundou in November and
December, reportedly killing and abusing civilians.
b. Disappearance. — There were credible reports of disappearances. Although it
was difficult to establish the facts and to assign responsibility, there were reports
of security force involvement. For example, Djimadoumgue Guemingar, allegedly a
former agent and an informant for the ANS, was arrested on May 22 by a "Brigade
Mixte" (a unit composed of elements from different branches of the armed services)
on a charge of possessing a stolen motorbike. Since Guemingar's arrest, his location
remains unknown; however, the motorbike is reportedly being used at the Chadian
National Nomadic Guard (GNNT) base at Ngueli, near N'Djamena.
Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have made inquiries
to the Government concerning persons missing prior to 1997, often to no avail. For
example, Valentin Nedoumdingam was reportedly arrested in 1995 in the south,
then transferred to the prison in Faya Largeau, but he has since disappeared.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment, or Punishment. —
The Constitution specifically prohibits torture and degrading or humiliating treat-
ment. However, members oi the security forces beat and raped citizens. No one was
prosecuted for these abuses. The April 22 edition of the independent newspaper
Contact reported a series of abusive incidents, including beatings and rapes, per-
petrated against the citizens of Koundoul by soldiers from the nearby army camp.
The soldiers reportedly behaved violently because they often were not paid. Since
60
then the Government has restricted soldiers to their bases, and the incidents ceased.
After a clash with FARF forces in Moundou on October 30, soldiers and gendarmes
reportedly tortured dozens of civilians (see Section l.a.).
The GNNT, which by presidential decree is responsible for combating smuggling,
frequently used excessive force in its operations. The July 3 issue of N'Diamena
Hebdo reported in detail the action of GNNT forces in killing Ali Farris Abdallah
for smuggling a small quantity of gasoline. Additional credible sources reported bru-
tal beatings of citizens by this unit.
The GNNT supplemented the duties of the Customs Brigade early in the year, in
part because of the Brigade's reputation for reckless driving. In one egregious in-
stance, World Bank resident Representative David Jones was struck and killed on
Easter Sunday while customs officials chased an alleged smuggler.
FARF rebels reportedly abused civilians after the Moundou incident (see Section
l.a.).
Prison conditions are harsh and life threatening. Prisons are characterized by se-
rious overcrowding; poor sanitation; inadequate food, shelter and medical facilities;
and mixing of adult male, female, and minor prisoners. The Government took no
effective action to improve these conditions, and some inmates may have died due
to the poor conditions. Prisoners are almost totally dependent on tneir families for
food and clothing. All prisons are in need of major repairs, and escapes are frequent.
The (jovernment permits some prison visits by human rights groups such as the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The ICR(J reported that it
planned to reduce its monitoring visits, citing improvements in the areas of abuse
and mistreatment of prisoners.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution and the Penal Code
prohibit arbitrary arrest. Arrest warrants must usually be signed by a judicial offi-
cial. However, the Government often does not respect these requirements.
After a clash with FARF forces on October 30, army units arrested dozens of civil-
ians. None were brought to trial; their status is unknown.
The Government did not use exile as a political weapon.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution mandates an independent judici-
ary. However, the judiciary did not operate effectively, being underfunded, overbur-
dened, and subject to official interference. In practice, officials and influential indi-
viduals often enjoy immunity from judicial sanction.
The national judicial system operates with courts located in provincial capitals.
The N'Djamena Court of Appeals, the country's highest court, is supposed to conduct
regular sessions in the provinces, but rarely does so. Applicable law can be confus-
ing, as courts often tend to blend the formal French-derived legal code with tradi-
tional practices.
Official inaction and interference continue to plague the judiciary. Persons ac-
cused of crimes may endure up to several years of incarceration before being
charged or tried, especially those arrested for felonies in the provinces who must
await remand to the overcrowded and dangerous house of detention in N'Djamena.
Salaries for justice officials are often low and in arrears. Although the (government
has stated that the strengthening and reform of the judiciary are top priorities,
progress has been slow.
The Military Code of Justice has not been enforced since the 1979-1980 Civil
War, and courts-martial instituted early in the Deby Regime to try security person-
nel for crimes against civilians no longer operate.
People in rural areas usually do not have access to formal judicial institutions.
In most civil cases, they rely on traditional courts presided over by village chiefs,
chefs de canton, or sultans. Decisions may be appealed to a formal court.
There are no reliable figures concerning the number of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the right to privacy of home, correspondence, and other
communications, as well as freedom from arbitrary search. The Penal Code requires
that authorities conduct searches of homes only during daylight hours and with a
legal warrant. In practice, security forces ignored these provisions and conducted
extrajudicial searches at any time.
The Government engages in wiretapping without judicial authority.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press. The Government generally respected these rights. The oflicial
media, consisting of a national radio networlc, a press agency, and an N'Djamena
television station, are subject to both official and informal censorship. At times they
are critical of the CJovemment. The official media also give priority to ^vemment
oflicials and events while providing lesser attention to the opposition. The Higher
61
Council on Communications (HCC), an independent institution, acts as an arbiter
whose main function is to promote free access to the media. It has no power of en-
forcement, but successfully promulgated rules for equal access for official political
statements broadcast during the constitutional referendum and the presidential and
lerislative elections, resulting in greater access for opposition parties.
There are a number of limiteo-circulation, independent newspapers published in
the capital, some of which are vociferously critical of government policies and lead-
ers. The Government did not censor these newspapers, but issued warnings to the
independent press on occasion. On August 15, President Deby said that he "will no
longer tolerate personal attacks and unfounded accusations," a reference to an arti-
cle critical of his own clan in the independent weekly Le Temps. The Government
did not interfere with the distribution of opposition tracts and press releases, but
state radio officials sometimes refused to broadcast opposition statements, even
when radio broadcast rights had been purchased in advance. On November 13, po-
lice arrested BaUa Bombebe, the editor of the independent weekly Contact for alleg-
edly attempting to publish ^^Ise information. He was not formally charged and was
released the foflowin^ day.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government generally respected these rignts in prac-
tice. Authorities routinely granted permits for political and nongovernmental organi-
zation (NGO) meetings, and did not interfere with meetings or press conferences.
However, in at least one instance in the town of Abeche in July, the authorities de-
nied permission to the Chadian League of Human Rights (LTDH) to hold con-
ferences or debates, citing the "discretionary power of the Administration."
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government gen-
erally respected this right in practice. There are more than 60 registered political
parties and several hundred NGO's.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution states that the State is secular. It also
provides for freedom of religion. All faiths worship without government constraint.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights. The Government does not
require special permission for travel in most areas. However, armed bandits operate
on many roads, exposing travelers to assault, robbery, and murder; many bandits
have been identified as active duty soldiers and deserters. Despite Government ef-
forts to clear the country's main routes of illegal roadblocks, elements of the security
forces, guerrillas, and bandits continue to maintain them, extorting money from
travelers.
The Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations assisting refugees. There were no
reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to refugee status. The coun-
try provides first asylum for refugees and has done so in past years. The Govern-
ment has informally granted refugee and asylee status to persons and has allowed
them to remain for resettlement.
The Government adheres to the 1951 U.N. Convention on Refugees and the 1967
Protocol relating to their status. Although these accords were never ratified by the
Government and therefore do not carry force in local law, the Government neverthe-
less adheres to the principles and purposes of these instruments. An official national
structure, the National Committee for Welcoming and Reintegration, has been cre-
ated to deal with refugee affairs. Since August 1993, however, the Government has
registered refugees in N'Djamena and sent their applications for refugee status to
the UNHCR Central African Headquarters in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of
Congo. If the application is accepted, then in principle the refugee will be enrolled
in a 6-month care maintenance program that includes a monthly subsistence allow-
ance, medical care, and assistance in finding work. This program is funded by a
local NGO.
Chadian refugees are free to repatriate, although several thousand remain in the
Central African Republic, Niger, Libya, Sudan, Nigeria and Cameroon. A group of
foreign individuals, mostly Sudanese claiming to be refugees, have charged Govern-
ment complicity with the government in Sudan. They assert that the UNHCR
branch office in N'Djamena is unable to protect them from deportation.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The right of citizens to change their government peacefully is in doubt, given the
apparent unwillingness ofthe Government to accept minority status in Parliament,
as evidenced in the 1997 legislative elections, and the Court of Appeals' inability
to resist Government pressure in reviewing election results.
62
The elections were the first national vote for a parliament in many years and the
first under President Deby. The vote was orderly and took place without major inci-
dent. However, the process was compromised by persistent reports of fraud, includ-
ing vote-rigging and other irregularities committed by election officers, government
omcials, meml^rs of the ruling party, and other parties, particularly in the second
round. In the final results as announced by the Court of Appeals, the ruling MPS
party won 65 of the 125 seats in the National Assembly.
The Constitution accords immunity to both the President and members of the Na-
tional Assembly, and includes no provision for recall. The national government ap-
points local officials and is expected to continue to do so until local elections, sched-
uled for 1998.
Few women hold senior leadership positions. There is one woman of cabinet rank
and three female deputies in the National Assembly.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights organizations operate with few overt restrictions, investigating and
publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials are often ac-
cessible but generally unresponsive or hostile to their findings. The human rights
NGO Tchad Non-Violence has been the target of a formal complaint resulting in a
court action for slander by the ANS, arising from an incident in which the NGO
alleged that one of its members had been assaulted in May by an ANS agent. The
charge is still pending.
NGO's have gained recognition under the Deby regime and participate in key gov-
ernmental institutions. Human rights groups have assisted the Government in me-
diating longstanding conflicts between herders and farmers over land and water
rights. Human rights groups also acted as interlocutors in the April Peace Accords
between the Government and FARF. They are courageous, if often partisan, in pub-
licizing abuses through reports and press releases, but only occasionally are able to
intervene successfully with authorities. All are dominated by opponents of the (}ov-
emment, impairing their credibility. The Government's National Human Rights
Commission (CNDH), which published a report in March, reported an improvement
in conditions over the predecessor regime of Hissein Habre.
Local human rights groups investigating the Moundou clash between government
and FARF troops reported a lack of cooperation by authorities (see Section l.a.). The
Government did not prohibit investigations by international human rights organiza-
tions. Over the past 6 years the United Nations Human Rights Commission has con-
sidered a case against Chad under the confidential 1503 Procedure. The Commission
voted in 1996 to consider moving the case to the public procedures process during
the following year if there was no response from the Government. However, the case
remained confidential and had not moved to the public process by year's end.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal rights for all citizens, regardless of origin,
race, religion, political opinion, or social status. In practice, cultural traditions main-
tain women in a subordinate status, and the Government favors its ethnic support-
ers and allies.
Women. — While no statistics are available, domestic violence against women is be-
lieved to be common. By tradition, wives are subject to the authority of their hus-
bands, and have only limited legal recourse against abuse. Family or traditional au-
thorities may act in such cases, but police rarely intervene.
Neither government nor advocacy groups have been able to redress discrimination
against women. However, a number of women's advocacy groups are working to this
end. In practice, women do not have equal opportunities for education and training,
making it difficult for them to compete for the few formal sector jobs. F*roperty and
inheritance laws do not discriminate against women, but traditional practice favors
men. Exploitation of women is especially pervasive in rural areas, where women do
most of the agricultural labor and are discouraged from formal schooling.
Children. — The Government has demonstrated little commitment to children's
rights and welfare. It has not committed adequate funding to public education and
medical care. Educational opportunities for girls are limited, mainly because of tra-
dition. There are no provisions for compulsory education. About as many girls as
boys are enrolled in primary school, but the percentage of girls enrolled in secondary
school is extremely low, primarily because of early marriage. Although the law pro-
hibits sexual relations with a girl under the age of 14, even if married, this law is
rarely enforced, and families arrange marriages for girls as young as age 11 or 12,
63
sometimes forcibly, for the financial gain of a dowry. Many wives are then obligated
to work long hours of physical labor for their husbands in fields or homes.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is wide-
spread, estimated at about 60 percent of all females, and deeply rooted in tradition.
Advocated by women as well as by men, the practice is strongest among ethnic
groups in the east and south. It is usually performed prior to puberty as a rite of
passage, an occasion many families use to profit from gifts from their communities.
Opposition to its elimination is strong. Both the Government and the NGO commu-
nity have in recent years initiated a process intended to eliminate this practice.
They have been markedly more active, especially in conducting public awareness
campaigns and seminars, and believe that their efforts are effective. FGM is theo-
retically prosecutable as a form of assault. A new family code, not yet ratified, con-
tains language that specifically addresses FGM and condemns its practice.
People With Disabilities. — Tliere is no official discrimination against disabled per-
sons. However, the Government operates few therapy, education, or employment
programs for people with disabilities, and no laws mandate access to buildings for
them. One association for the disabled was given 15 minutes of free broadcast time
to devote to its problems. Several local NGO's provide skills training to the deaf and
blind.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Ethnicity continues to influence government
appointments and political alliances. There are approximately 200 ethnic groups
from two general traditions: Arab and Saharan/Sahelian zone Muslims in the north,
center, and east, and Sudanian zone Christian or animist peoples in the south. Ri-
valries among these many groups have caused civil tensions and conflicts for dec-
ades.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution recognizes freedom of association
and union membership as well as the right to strike. All employees, except members
of the military forces, are free to join or form unions. Unions must receive authoriza-
tion from the Government in order to operate legally. However, few workers belong
to unions: Most workers are unpaid subsistence cultivators or herders. The main
labor organization is the Federation of Chadian Unions (UST). Its former major con-
stituent union, the Teachers' Union of Chad (SET), became independent of it during
the year. Neither has ties to the Government. A number of minor federations and
unions, including the Free Confederation of Chadian Workers (CLTT), also operate,
some with ties to government officials.
The Government generally respected the right to organize and strike. However,
the UST has filed legal actions against the Government in the courts for attempts
in 1993, 1995, and 1996 to suspend it and occupy its headquarters.
Isolated strikes over unpaid salaries by teachers and health workers occurred in
several areas of the country, and there was a short lived strike at CotonTchad.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution and the
Labor Code contain only general provisions on the rights of labor and do not specifi-
cally protect collective bargaining. The Labor Code requires the Government to set
minimum wage standards and permits unions to bargain collectively, but empowers
the Government to intervene in the bargaining process under certain circumstances.
Of the three top union officials expelled from Biltine Prefecture and suspended
from their jobs at the (government's behest in 1995, two have been reinstated; one
remains suspended.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits slavery
and forced or compulsory labor, including such labor by children. However, the
International Labour Organization (ILO) maintains that several provisions of both
pre- and post-independence legislation may permit forced labor under certain cir-
cumstances, and has urged the Government to take action to repeal them. There
is no evidence of the practice in the formal economy. There have been reports of iso-
lated instances of forced labor among rural farming or herding communities, and in
military installations in the north. Human rights associations also indicate that the
military forces routinely compel soldiers to perform forced labor at isolated outposts
as punishment.
a. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but does not enforce this
prohibition efTectively (see Section 6.c.). The Labor Code stipulates that the mini-
mum age for employment in the formal sector is 14 years. The Government does
not enforce the law, but in practice children are rarely employed except in agri-
64
culture and herding. Most of the 600 minors in the armed forces at the beginning
of the year are believed to have been mustered out in a demobilization program.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code requires the Government to
set minimum wages. The minimum wage is $50 (25,480 cfa) per month. Most wages
are insufficient to provide a worker and family a decent standard of living. Nearly
all private sector and state-owned firms had applied the new standards by the end
of 1995, but public sector wages remain below standard since the Government failed
to submit legislation to implement them for its employees.
The Government's record on salary payments improved. Structural adjustment as-
sistance from international institutions enabled it to pay most of its employees regu-
larly and usually on time. Salary arrears to civil servants and teachers outside the
capital, a problem in a country with few financial institutions, remains at approxi-
mately 3 months. However, arrears to government employees from previous years
remain unpaid. Moreover, some members of the military forces received only sub-
sistence payments for most of the year. Many state employees must work second
jobs, raise their own food crops, or rely on family for support.
The law limits most nonagricultural work to 48 hours per week, with overtime
paid for supplementary hours, and agricultural work limited to 2,400 hours per
year. All workers are entitled to 24 consecutive hours of rest per week, although
in practice these rights are rarely enforced.
The Labor Code mandates occupational health and safety standards and provides
inspectors with the authority to enforce them. These standards are rarely respected
in practice, and the UST has alleged before the ILO that the labor inspection serv-
ices are not allocated the resources necessary to perform their duties. In principle,
workers can remove themselves from dangerous working conditions, but in practice
they cannot without jeopardizing their employment.
COMOROS
The Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros comprises three islands and claims
a fourth, Mayotte, which is governed by France. The Comoros has a democratically
elected government and a Constitution but has been prone to coups and political in-
surrection since independence in 1975. During the year, a secessionist movement
rose in Anjouan, the country's second largest island. Government troops attempted
to put down the movement in September but were defeated. The Organization of
African Unity and the Arab League launched a mediation effort designed to help
the Government and the secessionists reach a peaceful settlement, and hosted a me-
diation session in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in December. Additional meetings were
scheduled for 1998. President Mohamed Taki Abdoulkarim, elected in March 1996,
dissolved his government immediately following the confrontations in Anjouan and
assumed full political powers, an act permitted by the Constitution, provided that
new elections are held within 90 days. As of year's end, new elections nad not been
scheduled. In October more than 99 percent of citizens in Anjouan voted in a legal
referendum to secede from Comoros. The Government and the international conunu-
nity refused to recognize the vote. The judiciary is independent.
The Comorian Defense Force (FCD) and the gendarmerie are responsible for inter-
nal security. Both are under civilian control.
The economy of this extremely poor country is dominated by agriculture. Reve-
nues from the main crops — vanilla, essence of'^ylang-ylang, and cloves — continue to
fall while the population of 550,000 continues to grow at a high rate of 3 percent
annually. Per capita income is approximately $470 per year. Comoros depends heav-
ily on foreign assistance from Arab countries, France, and the European Union.
The human rights situation worsened in 1997 due to widespread political protests
and the Government's response to them. More than 50 civilians and soldiers died
in confrontations between the Government and opposition political forces, most dur-
ing the Anjouan military incursion in September. Several civilians were killed dur-
ing protests earlier in the year, but the circumstances of their deaths are not clear.
During the Anjouan crisis the Government suspended a number of civil liberties
such as the right to peaceful assembly. Prison conditions remain poor, and societal
discrimination against women continued to be a serious problem.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — At least one dozen civilians and 30
to 40 soldiers reportedly were killed in fighting between government troops and se-
65
cessionists on the island of Anjouan from September 3 to 5. Both sides were armed,
but there were no reliable reports of what occurred during the confrontations. The
Government claimed that at least one soldier was beaten to death. Several non-
governmental organizations visited the island following the incursion, but have not
issued any statements or published any reports that shed light on the nature of the
fighting.
D. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There were no substantiated reports of torture or other cruel, inhuman, or degrad-
ing treatment or punishment. There were press reports that soldiers tortured people
in Anjouan during demonstrations in March. Credible sources confirm that individ-
ual soldiers committed excesses.
Prison conditions continued to be poor. A lack of proper sanitation, overcrowding,
inadequate medical facilities, and poor diet are common problems. The Government
has not taken action to remedy these problems.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The 1996 Constitution prohibits arbi-
trary arrest and imprisonment. It does not specify a time limit between arrest and
appearance before a magistrate. The law does not specify how long prisoners held
for security reasons may oe detained without being charged.
The Government does not use forced exile as a means of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The 1996 Constitution provides for an independ-
ent judiciary assured by the President. The High Council, made up of four members
appointed by the President, three members elected by the Federal Assembly, and
a member of each island council, also serves as the High Court of Justice and rules
on cases of constitutional law.
The Constitution provides for equality before the law of all citizens. It does not
mention the right to counsel. Trials are open to the public except for limited excep-
tions defined by law. The legal system incorporates Islamic law as well as French
legal codes. There are very few lawyers in the country, making it difiicult to obtain
legal representation. The Government does not provide free legal counsel to the ac-
cused. Most disputes are settled by village elders or by a civilian court of first in-
stance.
In September 1996, a man who had allegedly murdered a pregnant woman in
front of several witnesses was found guilty in a public, 2-day trial before a lay penal
court. He had legal counsel. Prior to the conclusion of the trial and sentencing.
President Taki stated publicly that the trial process was unnecessarily slow and
called for harsher punishments for criminals. The man was publicly executed on
September 16, 1996, and was the first person to be sentenced to death since the
late 1970's.
There are no known political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — There
were no known cases of arbitrary interference with privacy or correspondence.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution does not provide for freedom
of the press, but small independent journals exist side-by-side with the semiofficial
weekly Al-Watwan. The inaependent newspapers freely criticize the Government,
and even Al-Watwan has published commentary critical of President Taki.
The government-controlled radio station. Radio Comoros, is the only station in the
country following the closure by the Government of Tropic FM. Residents receive
broadcasts from Mayotte Radio as well as from French television without inter-
ference, but these carry only limited news about Comoros developments. Satellite
antennas are popular and amateur radio licenses are issued without hindrance. For-
eim newspapers are available, as are books from abroad.
There is no university, but secondary students and teachers speak freely and criti-
cize the Government openly. Students led many of the antigovernment demonstra-
tions early in the year. Security forces generally showed restraint and allowed the
protests, despite the fact that they disrupted transportation and commerce.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly ana Association. — The 1996 Constitution does
not provide for freedom of assembly and association, but the Government generally
respected these rights in practice, except during the height of the crisis in Anjouan,
when it banned antigovernment demonstrations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — An overwhelming majority of the population is Sunni
Muslim. The Constitution prohibits discrimination before the law based on religion
or religious belief but establishes an Ulamas Council, which advises the President,
Prime Minister, President of the Federal Assembly, the Council of Isles, and the is-
land governors on whether bills, ordinances, decrees, and laws are in conformity
with the principles of Islam. The Government permits non-Muslims to practice their
66
faith, and Christian missionaries may work in local hospitals and schools, but may
not proselytize.
President Taki's 1996 bans on alcohol and immodest dress remain in effect.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no restrictions on travel within the country or abroad, and
exit visas are generally freely granted.
The Government has not formulated a policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first
asylum.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
President Taki was elected in March 1996 in polling that international observers
reported to be free and fair. Legislative elections were held in December 1996.
Citizens have the right to change their government, but it has not yet been fully
demonstrated that they, in fact, have the anility to change it peacefully through free
and fair elections. The Constitution stipulates that sovereignty resides in the people
and is to be exercised by elected representatives or through referendum. The crises
that have beset the country since its independence in 1975, including a series of for-
eign-led coups and coup attempts, have made it difficult for citizens to exercise that
right.
President Taki dissolved his Government in September following the military con-
frontation in Anjouan, named 12 "commissioners" to assist him, and assumed full
political powers. The Constitution allows the President to rule in this fashion, but
requires that new elections be held within 90 days. However, elections had not been
held by year's end.
In October 1996, President Taki's proposed Constitution was approved in a na-
tional referendum. The new Constitution mandates that all political parties that did
not win at least two seats per island in the December 1996 legislative elections are
automatically dissolved unless they join other parties validly represented in the
Federal Assembly. If only one party is represented in the Assembly, the party or
group obtaining the second largest number of votes is permitted to continue its ac-
tivities.
Village chiefs and Muslim religious leaders tend to dominate local politics. Tradi-
tional social, religious, and economic institutions also importantly affect the coun-
try's political life.
Comorian society is male-dominated, making it difTicult for women to become in-
volved in politics, although women have the right to vote and to run for office. No
women hold senior government positions or serve in the National Assembly.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Comoros Human Rights Association, established in 1990, continues to func-
tion, but many members are unwilling to criticize the Government vigorously for
fear of losing their civil service positions. The Government cooperates with inter-
national human rights organizations, including the International Committee of the
Red Cross.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equality before the law without discrimination
based on race, religion, or religious belief but is silent on sex, disability, language,
and social status. The Government generally respects these provisions in practice
but discourages the practice of religions other than Islam.
Women. — Violence against women occurs, but medical authorities, the police, and
women's groups believe that it is rare. In theory a woman could seek protection
through the courts in the case of violence, but in fact the issue is most often ad-
dressed within the extended family or at the village level.
Men have the dominant role in society, and few women hold positions of respon-
sibility in government or business. Societal discrimination against women is most
apparent in rural areas, where women have onerous farming and child-rearing du-
ties, with fewer opportunities for education and wage employment. In contrast,
change in the status of women is most evident in the major towns, where growing
numbers of women are in the labor force and generally earn wages comparable to
those of men engaged in similar work. While legal discrimination exists in some
areas, in general inneritance and property rights do not disfavor women. For exam-
ple, the house that the father of the bride traditionally provides to the couple at
the time of their marriage remains her property even in the event of divorce.
Children. — The Government, while committed to the protection of children's rights
and welfare in principle, has extremely limited ability to put this into practice. Pop-
67
ulation pressure and poverty force some families to place their children in the
homes of others. These children, often as young as 7 years of age, typically work
long hours as domestic servants in exchange for food and shelter. The few legal in-
struments which address the rights and welfare of children are not enforced because
of a lack of inspectors.
Female genital mutilation, which is widely condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is not generally prac-
ticed. Child abuse appears to be rare.
People With Disabilities. — There is no evidence of widespread discrimination
against the disabled in the provision of education or other services. No legislation
is in force or pending concerning accessibility to public buildings or services for peo-
ple with disabilities.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution does not provide for the right to
unionize and strike, but these rights are practiced freely. Farming on small land
holdings, subsistence fishing, and petty commerce make up the daily activity of most
of the population. Hence, tne wage labor force is small; less than 7,000 including
government employees, and less than 2,000 excluding them. Teachers, civil serv-
ants, and dock workers are unionized. Unions are independent of the Government.
Teachers and hospital workers go on strike intermittently, mostly because they are
not paid for months. There are no laws protecting strikers from retribution, but
there were no known instances of retribution.
There are no restrictions on unions joining federations or affiliating with inter-
national bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Unions have the right to bar-
gain collectively, and strikes are legal. Wages are set by employers in the small pri-
vate sector and by the Government, especially the Ministries of Finance and Labor,
in the larger public sector. The Labor Code, which is only loosely enforced, does not
set up a system for resolving labor disputes, and it does not prohibit antiunion dis-
crimination by employers.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution does not mention
forced or compulsory labor, but it is not practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The
Labor Code defines the minimum age for the employment as 15 years of age. The
Ministry of Labor has few resources to enforce this provision, but except for domes-
tic work, child labor is not a problem, due to the general lack of wage employment
opportunities. Children generally help with the work of their families in the subsist-
ence farming and fishing sectors (see Section 5).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government mandates minimum wage
levels. The rates, which vary by occupation, have not been changed in over a decade
and no longer reflect economic realities. The minimum wage for a laborer is about
$67 (30,000 Comorian francs) per month. The (jovernn.ent periodically reminds em-
ployers to respect the Labor Code, which specifies 1 day off per week, plus 1 month
of paid vacation per year, but it does not set a standard workweek. There are no
safety or health standards for the minuscule manufacturing sector.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
President Laurent Desire Kabila seized control of the government of the former
Zaire on May 17 following a 7-month military campaign. Prior to Kabila's takeover,
the late former president Mobutu Sese Seko had headed an authoritarian regime
for 32 years. President Kabila's Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of
Congo-Zaire (ADFL) then established the Democratic Republic of the Congo. A sov-
ereign national conference in 1992 had formulated a ntw constitution and enacted
legislation establishing a transitional government in the years prior to the ADFL
takeover; however, there was no progress in the transition to democratic govern-
ment. On May 29, Kabila announced a schedule for democratization, with elections
scheduled for May 1999. Kabila rules by decree. Decree Law No. 3, promulgated on
May 27, established a structure consisting of a president, a government, and the
courts and tribunals. Prior constitutional provisions, laws and regulations, and the
Transitional Act remain in efiect unless contrary to Decree Law No. 3, or repealed.
The judiciary continues to be subject to executive influence and corruption.
The security forces consist of a new national police force under the Ministry of
Interior, a National Security Council, and the Congolese Armed Forces (FAC). The
68
reorganized police force, in place in all regions by year's end, handles basic criminal
cases. The National Security Council is responsible for internal and external secu-
rity, including border security matters. The FAC retains some residual police func-
tions. Military police have jurisdiction over armed forces personnel. The security
forces under both the Mobutu and Kabila regimes committed numerous, serious
human rights abuses.
Most sectors of the economy have been contracting since the late 1970's; in the
1990's, the decline accelerated. Production and incomes have fallen steadily, as the
modem sector has virtually disappeared. Physical infrastructure has suffered seri-
ous damage, financial institutions have collapsed, and human capital has signifi-
cantly eroded. Annual per capita national income is estimated at $115. Subsistence
activities, a large informal sector, and widespread barter characterize much of the
economy. The insolvent public sector cannot provide even basic public services, and
foreign economic assistance was limited.
The Kabila Government's human rights record was mixed and serious problems
remain in many areas. Until its overthrow, the Mobutu regime tolerated and com-
mitted numerous, serious human rights abuses.
Security forces of both governments were responsible for extrajudicial killings, dis-
appearances, torture, rape, and other abuses; security forces arbitrarily arrested and
detained citizens. In general the authorities did not punish the perpetrators, al-
though the Kabila Government is attempting to establish controls over security
forces; few allegations of abuses were made against the new police force. The judici-
ary is subject to executive influence, and the judicial system remains plagued by
lack of resources, inefficiency, and corruption. It remains largely ineffective as a de-
terrent to human rights abuses or as a corrective force. Security forces violated citi-
zens' rights to privacy. The Kabila Government suspended political party activities,
and arbitrary arrest and detention were increasingly evident by year's end. Citizens
were not able to vote to change their government in multiparty elections. Prolonged
pretrial and extrajudicial detention is a problem.
Although a large number of independent newspapers publish freely, the govern-
ments sought to limit freedom of speech and the press by harassing and arresting
newspaper editors and journalists. The Government restricted freedom of assembly
and association. It suspended political party activity and used security services to
stop political demonstrations, sometimes resulting in deaths and arrests. Freedom
of religion is recognized. Although a law restricts the process for official recognition
of religious groups. The Mobutu government had limited freedom of movement. The
Government resisted efforts by the United Nations to investigate reports of mas-
sacres. Discrimination against women, ethnic minorities, and pygmies is a problem.
Violence against women is a problem and is seldom punished. Female genital muti-
lation persists among isolated populations in the north. Child labor is a common
problem in the informal sector.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were many credible reports
that the security forces of the Mobutu regime committed numerous killings of civil-
ians during the year. Although precise estimates are unavailable, these included the
random killing of civilians by soldiers engaged in criminal acts and the harassment
of political opponents. These abuses subsided after the change in government as the
ADFL strengthened its control over Kinshasa, and as many former army of Zaire
(FAZ) soldiers surrendered their weapons to comply with the ADFL's orders. How-
ever, credible reports of killings by ill-disciplined troops continued in other areas of
the country, particularly in the Kivus.
The national Red Cross claimed to have collected 318 bodies in the 4 days follow-
ing the ADFL takeover of Kinshasa. Some local human rights organizations re-
ported a much higher number of deaths; these figures were never verified. Most
were persons killed while trying to loot or were former members of the FAZ carrying
arms. There were also several reports of summary executions, some of which may
have been committed by civilians.
Harsh prison conditions and abuse led to an undetermined number of deaths in
prisons. Prisoners under the Mobutu regime and the Government died of illness or
starvation (see Section I.e.).
On June 12, a soldier shot a student to death who was traveling to a state funeral
for a Mobutu government general. Accounts differ concerning the incident. In one
version, the student threw a stone at the soldier; in another, several soldiers forcibly
ordered the student from a vehicle hijacked by the student to attend the funeral.
69
On August 26, the FAC killed a student during a confrontation between students
at the University of Kinshasa and the FAC. More than 10 other students were re-
portedly wounded in the incident.
On July 25, FAC soldiers fired on a peaceful demonstration by the Unified
Lumumbist Party (PALU), killing one demonstrator and wounding six others. Sol-
diers unfamiliar with riot control procedures reportedly overreacted when the dem-
onstrators refused to disperse. At least one demonstrator was killed and six others
seriously injured.
In February Ela Meii Manyanga Alphonsine died in the custody of the Special Re-
search Brigade (BSRS) aft^er having reportedly been tortured in its facility. Ela Meji
was reportedly detained in place of one of her children, who was sought by the
BSRS for having listened to news of the war in a public place and consequently la-
beled a rebel sympathiser.
There were several reports in Autumn of killing of suspected witches in
Orientale province, allegedly on the orders of local ADFL officials, after accusation
by local residents.
b. Disappearance. — There were several reported cases of disappearance, most oc-
curring during the national conflict early in the year. Security forces of the Mobutu
regime regularly held alleged suspects in secret detention for varying periods of
time before acknowledging that they were actually in custody. Typical accounts de-
scribed unidentified assailants who abducted, threatened, and often beat their vic-
tims before releasing them. Journalists and opposition members claimed that they
were targets for such actions.
Two opposition figures, Ismail Tutu'emoto and Bunia Luminangulu, disappeared
on July 1. They had been in exile during the Mobutu period, but retumea to the
country to support the ADFL. They were reportedly arrested for having criticized
President Kabila.
A Ministry of Information employee and former leader of the ADFL reeducation
campaign in Goma disappeared in late November after having been asked to report
to the National Security Council. He may have been taken into custody on suspicion
of collaborating with persons accused oi attempting to destabilize the Government,
or he may have gone into hiding.
The authorities arrested Freddy Libeba, an early ADFL supporter on December
21 on order of the National Security Council. His whereabouts were unknown as of
year's end.
There were multiple reports that ethnic Hutus were responsible for disappear-
ances in the Boma area during the civil conflict.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the law forbids torture, security forces and prison officials under both the
Mobutu and the Kabila administrations have disregarded this prohibition, often
beating prisoners in the process of arresting or interrogating them. A nongovern-
mental organization (NGO) worker in Maniema region was arrested and severely
beaten in August by armed forces of the ADFL. In February security forces report-
edly tortured a woman to death (see Section l.a.).
Several prisoners released during the Mobutu period claim to have been struck,
kicked, whipped and suspended upside down for long periods of time. The authori-
ties, including the judiciary, rarely investigated claims of torture despite their fre-
quency. Authorities of the Kabila administration have not responded to charges of
inmate abuse and torture using electric shock and repeated beatings by its security
and prison officials.
Unionist Gaby Kyamusoke suffered harassment and threats to his personal secu-
rity for continuing to denounce corrupt practices within the Directorate General of
Taxation under the Mobutu regime. Kyamusoke encountered difficulties with
Mobutu's National Intelligence Service (SNIP) during the conflict when Kabila alleg-
edly threatened reprisal if Kyamusoke was subjected to any further harassment.
Kabila's statements, broadcast on international radio, prompted the then-authorities
to call Kyamusoke a rebel sympathizer and detain him. Kyamusoke was subse-
quently required to report to SNIP every work day and to the public prosecutor's
office every Monday and Friday.
Soon aft^r the ADFL took power, a number of cases arose in which women wear-
ing short skirts or jeans were publicly stripped of their clothing and, in some cases,
raped by ADFL troops. The authorities ended this practice within a few months, but
there is no indication that the perpetrators were ever punished. Persons wearing
uniforms raped women in many neighborhoods of Kinshasa and Lubumbashi (see
Section 2.d.).
Members of the security forces under the Mobutu regime robbed and extorted ci-
vilians, generally without official rebuke. During the early months of the year, they
continued to commit many criminal infractions, including robbery, extortion, and
70
looting, leading many citizens to welcome the ADFL, with its promises to respect
individuals and to end such corrupt practices. While there are frequent examples
of abuses by the Kabila governments military forces, the Government often at-
tributes these to former Zairian soldiers integrated into its military forces. The
newly revised military justice system prosecuted several FAC members on charges
ranging from theft to rape to murder.
Eugene Diomi Ngongala, leader of the Front for the Survival of Democracy, was
arrested without charge on December 1 1. During his arrest, soldiers reportedly bur-
flarized his house and raped two female relatives there. Diomi claimed to have been
eaten regularly since his arrest. He remained uncharged and in custody at year's
end.
Military authorities took several relatives and friends of Freddy Libeba into cus-
tody on December 20 and 21 (see Section l.b.). They were interrogated concerning
the whereabouts of weapons supposedly hidden by Libeba. They reported frequent
beatings, and remained detained without charge at year's end.
The Kabila Government operates 220 known prisons and other places of deten-
tion, all assumed from the Mobutu regime. In all such facilities, conditions remain
life threatening, although at the end of the year the Government undertook work
at Kinshasa's main prison, Makala, to improve conditions. The Mobutu government
did not acknowledge its responsibility to provide prisoners with food or medical sup-
plies. The Kabila administration provided food at some prisons, but not in sufficient
quantities to ensure adequate nutrition for all inmates. Prison conditions remain a
threat to prisoners' lives. Living conditions are harsh and unsanitary, and prisoners
are poorly treated. The system has severe shortages of funds, medical facilities, food,
and trained personnel.
Overcrowding and corruption in the prisons were widespread abuses under
Mobutu. Reports of prisoners being tortured, beaten to death, deprived of food and
water, or dying of starvation were common during the Mobutu period, and continued
under Kabila. Prisoners are wholly dependent on personal resources of family or
friends for their survival. Inmates at Makala central prison in Kinshasa sleep on
the floor without bedding and have no access to sanitation, potable water, or ade-
quate health care. Tuberculosis, red diarrhea, and other infectious diseases are
rampant. Although authorities do not target women for abuse, prison guards rape
female inmates. In some cases, such as in Goma, official prisons were destroyed dur-
ing the fighting, and prisoners are held in military and security holding cells, where
their rights often receive even less protection.
The ICRC, religious organizations, and local human rights organizations usually
had access to prisons nationwide under Mobutu. For several months after the ADFL
takeover, neither these organizations nor family members were allowed access to
several prisons throughout the country. The Kabila Government began to grant ac-
cess to prisons in September. Under the Mobutu regime, the use of unpublicized and
unofficial detention sites by the civil and military authorities circumvented humani-
tarian groups' access to many prisoners and detainees. The practice of using unoffi-
cial detention sites, such as private homes, occurs under the Kabila Government.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Despite legal provisions governing arrest
and detention procedures, the security forces under both Mobutu and Kabila were
responsible for numerous cases of arbitrary arrest and detention. Under the Mobutu
regime, police functions were carried out under the Ministry of Defense gendar-
merie. The new Government created a National Police Force under the Ministry of
Interior. At year's end, the new police force had established a presence in all re-
gions.
Under the law, serious offenses (those punishable by more than 6 months' impris-
onment) do not require a warrant for a suspect's arrest. Only a law enforcement offi-
cer with "judicial police ofTicer" status is empowered to authorize arrest. This status
is also vested in senior officers of the security services. The law instructs security
forces to bring detainees to the police within 24 hours. The law also provides that
detainees must be charged within 24 hours and be brought within 48 hours before
a magistrate, who may authorize provisional detention lor varying renewable peri-
ods.
In practice these provisions were rarely followed under the Mobutu regime and
have been violated by the Kabila regime. During the Mobutu period, gendarmes and
civil guards commonly detained civilians without any legal authority. The security
forces, especially those carrying out the orders of any oificial who could claim au-
thority, used arbitrary arrest to intimidate outspoken opponents and journalists.
Charges were rarely filed, and the political motivation for such detentions was often
obscure. When the authorities did press charges, the claims they filed were some-
times contrived or recitations of archaic colonial regulations.
71
- Detention without charge has been a frequent problem under the Kabila adminis-
tration. Two NGO workers in Maniema were arrested by the military forces in Au-
gust and held at a military camp. Soldiers in the camp allegedly accused them of
spying for the United Nations Commission of Inquiry that is examining allegations
01 massacres in the eastern part of the country.
Several high officials of the Mobutu regime were arrested by the Government in
June for corruption. The authorities failed to prosecute their cases according to legal
norms, detaining them for extended periods without moving their cases through the
legal system.
Police reportedly arrested up to 100 demonstrators following the July 25 FAC in-
cident. Some were released afler a few hours; others were held several days. Some
reported beatings during their detentions. AH demonstrators who were arrested
were released without being charged. In addition to these arrests, soldiers report-
edly entered the home of PALU leader Antoine Gizenga and whipped a number of
PALU supporters.
Government security forces arrested 15 members of the Democratic Union for So-
cial Progress (UPDS) during a peaceful gathering at the UDPS youth headquarters
on August 15 and held them without charge, releasing them without explanation
on October 15.
Approximately 10 students at the University of Lubumbashi were taiken into cus-
tody by government forces on August 12 following confrontations on the campus be-
tween students and soldiers. The students were protesting the death of a girl killed
during a dispute between elements of the military and the police. The students had
seized the dead student's body, refusing to release it to eitner government officials
or the student's family. The detainees remained in custody without charge until
their release in mid-October.
On October 28, the authorities detained F*rofessor Kalele Ka Bila and Jean-Fran-
cois Kabanda, both UDPS supporters, for allegedly distributing a document calling
on citizens to overthrow the Tutsi invaders." Later in the year, additional charges
of inciting citizens were added.
Roger Sala Nzo Badila, leader of a local human rights NGO, was detained on No-
vember 23 for having published an unflattering report of the Kabila Government's
human rights record to that date. He remained uncharged and in detention at year's
end.
On November 24, Arthur Z'ahidi Ngoma and three colleagues at the political
think tank Forces du Futur were arrested having violated the ban on public political
activities.
On November 26, police arrested Professor Nyabirungu, a legal advisor to UDPS
leader Tshisekedi and a law professor. He remained in custody without charge at
year's end.
On November 26, px)lice took into custody Commandant Masasu, a founder of the
ADFL. Authorities did not place formal charges against him, although President
Kabila accused him in a speech of a series of crimes, including drug trafficking and
maintaining private prisons. Following Masasu's arrest, there were additional de-
tentions of military and civilian personnel accused of plotting to overthrow the Gov-
ernment.
Several journalists and editors were arbitrarily arrested (see Section 2.a.).
Two of 13 "Katangan gendarmes" detained by ADFL authorities in Lubumbashi
on May 19 were released.
At year's end, there were 1 1 political detainees.
The Transitional Act specifically forbade exile, and neither government used it.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Despite provisions for independence provided in
the Transitional Act, the judiciary under the Mobutu regime was not independent
of the executive branch, which could and did manipulate it. The Supreme Court was
cited specifically as an independent institution in Kabila's inaugural decree. Decree
Law No. 3. However, the Kabila administration had not established mechanisms to
ensure the independence of the judiciary byyear's end. A judicial reform decree re-
f)ortedly is awaiting presidential approval. The judiciary also is ineffective and suf-
ers from corruption.
The judiciary includes lower courts, appellate courts, the Supreme Court, and the
Court of State Security. The Kabila CJovemment announced the creation of a new
military tribunal in August. The tribunal began functioning in October, taking up
the case of a soldier who shot a student.
Civil and criminal codes are based on Belgian and customary law. The Legal Code
provides for the right to a speedy public trial, the presumption of innocence, and
legal counsel at all stages of proceedings. Defendants have the right to appeal in
all cases except those involving national security, armed robbery, and smuggling, all
of which are adjudicated by the Court of State Security. During the Mobutu period,
45-909 98-4
72
the law provided for court-appointed counsel at state expense in capital cases, in
all proceedings before the Supreme Court, and in other cases when requested by the
court. Authorities of the Mobutu regime ignored these protections. The Kabila ad-
ministration has not stated a position on providing counsel, but has done so at its
discretion.
In an effort to assert judicial independence, the Ministers of Justice and Interior
in July issued a notice to political, administrative, and military authorities, as well
as officials of the Nationallntelligence Agency expressing their concern over reports
of arrests of ma^strates and the closing of certain jurisdictions by political/adminis-
trative authorities or elements of the ADFL. They reminded authorities that mag-
istrates are allowed to conduct their activities without hindrance, and that if any
were deemed to be abusing their authority, there were appropriate legal channels
for disciplining them. It further promised severe punishment to anyone interfering
in the aoministration of justice.
Adherence to established legal procedures varied considerably under the Mobutu
regime, and fair public trials were rare. Corruption was pervasive, particularly
among magistrates, who were very poorly and intermittently paid and poorly
trained. The system remains hobbled by major shortages of personnel, supplies, and
infrastructure. The Kabila Government acknowledgea that the judiciary is dysfunc-
tional, but had not taken steps to improve it by year's end.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. —
Mobutu's security forces routinely ignored legal provisions for the inviolaoility of the
home and of private correspondence. They ignored the requirement for a search war-
rant, entering and searching homes at will. Government troops under the Kabila re-
gime conducted weapons searches in at least five residential districts of Kinshasa,
entering homes without warrants. In July soldiers reportedly entered the home of
Palu leader Antoine Gizenga and whipped a number of Palu supporters (see Section
I.C.).
In February security forces reportedly tortured to death a woman who was de-
tained in place of one of her children (see Section l.a.).
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— In October 1996 a rebellion against the former government nominally led be
the ethnic Tutsis (Banyamulenge) in South Kivu resulted in open warfare and the
expulsion of Hutu refugees from the immediate area of the refugee camps in North
and South Kivu, and loss of life on all sides. The rebellion expanded in November
and December 1996; many observers concluded that the rebellion, led by the ADFL,
was supported by Rwanda and Uganda, and later by Angola. Numerous serious vio-
lations were committed by both sides during the rebellion which ultimately led to
the ADFL takeover. Mobutu's government and the former Zairian armed forces
(FAZ) reportedly executed from several dozen to 100 persons in Bukavu in the early
days of the rebellion, on suspicion of being Tutsis. In many cases, the victims were
stopped at impromptu checkpoints and kiUed on the spot if soldiers believed that
they were Tutsis. The former Zairian authorities also organized gangs of young men
to terrorize Tutsis who remained in their villages. Rape and theft by these soldiers
or gangs also took place, according to reports. Mobutu soldiers and civilians had per-
petrated a similar ethnic cleansing in Kinshasa in late 1996, when they intimidated
several hundred Tutsis into fleeing, often after losing their homes and all their pos-
sessions. The persecution was often aimed at anyone whom they said "looked" Tutsi.
During the course of the military campaign, there were reports of civilian deaths
caused by members of the FAZ, who pillaged towns, then fled the ADFL. Following
the ADFL takeover of Kinshasa, there were reports of killings attributed to FAZ ele-
ments, again in the context of attempted thefts or looting.
In addition a pattern emerged in Bukavu that was then repeated in many towns
in the east during the ADFL military campaign. With the news that the ADFL
rebels were approaching, the FAZ increased its customary abuses of local residents,
stealing cars and demanding larger sums of money, ending with a looting spree and
fli^t in advance of the rebels. During these final lootings, the FAZ often severely
beat civilians to force them to reveal where they had hidden anything of value.
Some of the worst abuses took place in Beni, north of Goma, where a large group
of school girls was raped by the retreating FAZ. Throughout the FAZ retreat across
the north, there were reports that they had kidnaped and raped girls, as well as
committed killings, theft, and wanton destruction of civilians' property.
According to many reports, members of the Former Armed Forces of Rwanda (Ex-
FAR) and Interahamwe or Hutu militia among the Rwandan refugee population also
killed local residents and stole from them as they went. There were also credible
reports that a local militia in the Kivus, the Mai Mai, killed Hutu and Tutsi refu-
gees and local citizens.
73
Rebels were accused of massacring segments of the refugee population, and of
summarily executing business people who did not comply witTi ADFL directives. At-
tacks on the refugee camps in 1996, and during the year on groups of refugees, flee-
ing to the West as ADFL troops advanced, were not only attacks on armed extremist
Hutu militia and military groups (Former FAR ana Interahamwe) but also on
women, children, and other noncombatants.
There were armed Former FAR and Interahamwe elements among most groups
of refugees throughout the conflict. In many cases, the Hutu refugees were hostages
of armed Hutu elements, who were using them both as human shields and to ex-
tract food and other aid from international agencies and NGO's. Hutu men found
dead in the forest may in some cases have been fighting against ADFL troops. Other
battles took place in which Hutu refugees died because they were on the scene rath-
er than because they were targeted. Nonetheless, there are many persistent and
credible reports of simple, straightforward killings of unarmed persons by the ADFL
forces or Rwandan troops. There are reports of massacres of Hutu refugees by the
rebels, often specifically identified as Tutsis, or by Rwandan government forces
throughout the campaign from the east to Kinshasa, with particularly numerous
and detailed reports from the area of the Kivus, the Kisangani area, and Mbandaka.
Serbian mercenaries employed by the Mobutu regime reportedly executed resi-
dents of the Kisangani area at random for not possessing correct identification docu-
ments.
The U.N. Special Rapporteur on Human Rights for the Congo in a July report on
allegations of massacres since September 1996, acknowledged information on 134 al-
leged massacres, most of them attributable to the ADFL and the Banyamulenge. Re-
portedly several thousand persons were killed in the massacres, including large
numbers of women and children. Thousands of others probably died of disease or
malnutrition.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Statutes that predate Decree-law No. 3 provide
for these rights, and remain in effect. Freedom of expression generally has been ac-
knowledged by governing authorities as a fundamental civil right since 1990, and
the Kabfla Government continued this recognition. Incidents of harassment, intimi-
dation, and detention of journalists declined afler the change in government. On oc-
casion authorities harassed and arrested journalists, but most continued to operate
under the Kabila Government. At year's end, incidents of press harassment began
to increase. Most publications rely on external financing in order to operate. This
external financing most often comes from political parties and individual politicians.
Thus publications tend to represent editorial points of view rather than present
facts; many are highly critical of the Government. Most publications have been able
to operate without hindrance, although Polydor Muboyayi, editor of the newspaper
Le Phare, was arrested in September for publishing an article that claimed that
Kabila was creating his own elite, ethnically based presidential guard, in the man-
ner of Mobutu. He was released on November 18. Modeste Mutinga, editor of Le
Potential, was detained for several hours by the authorities for attempting to ar-
range protest activities to demand Muboyayi's release. Michel Ladi Luya of Le
Palmares was detained for 5 days at the end of September on unknown charges.
Publishers must continue to deposit copies with the Information Ministry.
The principal means of communication with the public are radio and, in major
urban areas, television. Although radio and television remain under government
control, private stations are able to operate. Opposition parties were unable to gain
access to official electronic media under both MoDutu ana Kabila.
Government radio or television do not exercise editorial independence. Under the
Kabila Government, there have been expulsions of independent journalists from
public media on grounds of being Mobutuist, regional radio stations being required
to broadcast government news, and takeover of^private radio stations in Kivu and
Maniema.
Academic freedom was restricted under Mobutu; under Kabila academic freedom
is apparently respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — There is no legal protection for
freedom of assembly. The right to assemble and associate was recognized by the
Mobutu government, and to a lesser degree by the Kabila Government, as the full
exercise of the right of assembly is subordinate to the maintenance of "public order."
Both the Mobutu and Kabila Governments required all organizers to apply for per-
mits, which are granted or rejected at the Government's oiscretion. Large scale ac-
tivities are generally dispersed by government security services. Government at-
tempts to disperse party meetings have resulted in deaths and detentions (see Sec-
tions l.a. and l.d.). These violent reactions to demonstrations by the Kabila Govern-
74
ment were in part due to overreactions by FAC troops inexperienced in crowd con-
trol rather than specific intent by the Government to inflict harm. No action was
taken to punish those soldiers who overreacted.
The law provides no protection for freedom of association. Effective from 1990,
citizens were free to join or refrain from participating in any political party. Political
parties were required to register with the Minister of Interior under the Mobutu
government. Upon assuming power, Kabila suspended political party activities, but
not the parties themselves. Kabila included individuals from parties outside the
ADFL in his Government, who serve in their individual capacities (see Section 3).
Political party offices remain open and parties continue to function. Public political
featherings are effectively prevented by the Government, although opposition party
eaders remain able to conduct small, private meetings. The effect oi the party sus-
pensions varies widely throughout the country, but is not strictly enforced in some
provinces.
In theory anyone wishing to form a new political party would be able to do so
by registering with the Minister of Interior. No one has yet tried to do so. The Gov-
ernment requires that NGO's register with the Minister of Justice. Those already
in existence before the ADFL took power were not required to reregister with the
new government.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Freedom of religion is recognized, although the process
for official recognition of religious groups is restricted by law. Both the Mobutu and
Kabila Governments respected freedom of religion in practice, with the reservation
that the expression of tnis right neither disturb public order nor contradict com-
monly held morals. There is no legally established or favored church or religion. Se-
curity forces detained Pastor Ngoy Ilunga for 4 days for criticizing President Kabila
and his Government during a sermon in his church. Ngoy was again taken into de-
tention on December 16; at year's end, he remained in detention without charge.
A 1971 law regulating religious organizations grants civil servants the power to
establish and dissolve religious groups. Although this law restricts the process for
official recognition, officially recognized religions are free to establish places of wor-
ship and to train clergy.
Many recognized churches have external ties, and foreigners are allowed to pros-
elytize. Both the Mobutu and Kabila governments generally did not interfere with
foreign missionaries. There has been no known persecution of Jehovah's Witnesses
or any other groups for practicing their faith in recent years.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Under the Mobutu government, the Transitional Act allowed for free-
dom of movement; however, the Mobutu government, and in particular the security
forces acting independently, often restricted this freedom. A common extortion
scheme involved stopping travelers and demanding to see identity cards, which have
not been issued since 1987. Travel is generally easier under the Kabila administra-
tion due to government efforts to combat corrupt practices.
The threat of rape, sometimes perpetrated by uniformed persons, restricts free-
dom of movement at night for women in many neighborhoods. Groups of citizens im-
plemented neighborhood watch programs, but women in many parts of Kinshasa
and Lubumbasni do not leave their homes at night.
The new Government has continued to provide first asylum. Tens of thousands
of refugees were accepted into the country following the outbreak of civil war in the
neighboring Republic of Congo during June. Refugees from Uganda and Angola con-
tinue to live peacefully as well, and the Government cooperates with the UTN. High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other international agencies. The Govern-
ment stated that in view of the situation in Burundi at year's end, Burundian Hutu
refugees would be allowed to remain in the country.
The new Government's record on refugees since taking power was greatly marred
by the forced return over 800 Rwandan and Burundian refugees from the refugee
center in Kisangani to Rwanda in September. Although the Burundians apparently
were not targeted for forcible return to a country where they feared persecution,
they apparently were mixed with refugees from Rwanda in the camp ana were gath-
ered with them. The UNHCR believed that it was likely that the camp contained
Rwandans not entitled to refugee status, as well as some who were but had not yet
been screened. The UNHCR had not initiated discussions with the Government over
screening of the refugees. Government spokesmen claimed that the repatriation
was, in most cases, voluntary. It also claimed that some persons in the center had
intimidated center residents and prevented voluntary repatriation by those who
were genuine refugees.
On October 3, the Government closed the border with Rwanda, preventing the ar-
rival of an infiux of Rwandan Hutus fieeing antiinsurgency operations in western
Rwanda. It also claimed that it had expelled 4,000 newly arrived Rwandan Hutus.
75
The country is a signatory to the 1951 U.N. Convention, its 1967 Protocol related
to the Treatment of Refugees, and the 1969 Organization of African Unity refugee
convention.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right or the ability to change their government peace-
fully. Citizens have not been able to change their government through free elections
since independence in 1960. After 7 years of unsuccessful "transition," from authori-
tarian rule by former president Mobutu to democratic governance, the ADFL take-
over was welcomed by many citizens.
In his inaugural address, President Kabila promised a constitution and elections
by 1999. After several months of delay, in October the Government completed the
first series of steps in the Government's announced election calendar, including the
creation of a Constitutional Commission. The Commission is scheduled to produce
a draft constitution by March 1998.
In forming its government, the ADFL chose a relatively diverse group of ministers
and other functionaries, drawn from different ethnic groups, geographic regions, and
political parties. Those drawn from outside the ADFL are required by opposition
parties to serve as individuals and not as party representatives. During the military
campaign through the Congolese countryside, the ADFL held quasi-electoral selec-
tions— by acclamation — of provincial leadership (governor, vice-governor, mayor) in
most provinces, wher« candidates, some drawn from outside the ADFL, were ap-
provea in public meetings of the local population.
There are no official restrictions on tne participation of women or minorities in
politics. However, in practice there are few women or Muslims in senior positions
m the Government or in political parties. There was one female ambassador with
cabinet rank in Kabila's Government and two female vice ministers in the 23-person
Cabinet at year's end.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of effective human rights organizations have been able to operate under
both the Mobutu and Kabila governments. NGO activities were initially restricted
in areas occupied by the ADFL, but these restrictions were gradually relaxed. Local
human rights NGO's investigate and publish their findings on human rights cases.
These activities have taken_place largely without government restriction.
In April U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR)Special
Rapporteur Roberto Garreton issued a report on the human rights situation in then-
Zaire, including a finding that there were credible reports oi atrocities committed
by ADFL forces against Rwandan Hutu refugees. The ADFL denied Garreton's alle-
gations and refused to allow a follow-up mission from the UNHCHR to visit areas
under ADFL controL After taking power, Kabila ultimately accepted a second inves-
tigative team named by the U.N. Secretary General. After the team's arrival, the
Government denied the team its first choice for deployment, and accused the team
of violating the terms of its investigation. After recall of the team leaders by the
Secretary General to New York in October, a new agreement for field investigation
was reached and the leaders returned in November. The team deployed to
Mbandaka in December, withdrawing to the capital for security reasons wnen faced
with protests against the team. At year's end, the team was working toward rede-
ployment. The Oftice of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights conducted
discussions with the Ministry of Justice on creating a formal liaison mechanism,
particularly regarding administration of justice and human rights education.
The (government has responded to some human rights reports with stem edi-
torials in newspapers and on radio and television, sometimes denying allegations of
abuses, and labeling them "lies." Some human rights groups have complained of
harassment after their issuance of unfiattering reports. However, the majority of or-
ganizations continue their activities without interference, and several critical docu-
ments have circulated without government intervention.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Previous constitutions forbade discrimination based on ethnicity, sex, or religious
affiliation, but the Government made little headway in advancing these provisions.
Societal discrimination remains an obstacle to the advancement of certain groups,
particularly women, Muslims, and the Pygmy (Batwa) ethnic group.
Women. — Domestic violence against women, including rape, is believed to be com-
mon, but there are no known government or NGO statistics on the extent of this
violence. Rape is a crime, but the press rarely reported incidents of violence against
76
women or chUdren. Press reports of rape generally appear only if rape is a con-
sequence of some other crime, rarely because of the act of rape itself. The police
rarely intervene in domestic disputes.
Women are relegated to a secondary role in society. They comprise the majority
of primary agricultural laborers, and small-scale traders and are almost exclusively
responsible for child rearing. In the nontraditional sector, women commonly receive
less pay for comparable work. Only rarely do they occupy positions of authority or
high responsibility. Women also tend to receive less education than men.
Women are required by law to obtain their spouse's permission before engaging
in routine legal transactions, such as selling or renting real estate, opening a bank
account, accepting employment, or applying for a passport. A 1987 revision of the
Family Code permits a widow to inherit her husband's property, to control her own
property, and to receive a property settlement in the event of divorce. In practice,
sometimes consistent with customary law, women are denied these rights. Widows
are commonly stripped of all possessions — as well as their dependent children — by
the deceased husband's family. Human rights groups and church organizations are
working to combat this custom, but there is generally no government intervention
or legal recourse. Women also are denied custody of their children in divorce cases,
but tney retain the right to visit them. Polygyny is practiced although it is illegal.
Children of polygynous unions are legally recognized, but only the first wife is le-
gally recognized as a spouse.
Children. — Government spending on children's programs is nearly nonexistent.
Primary school education is not compulsory, free, or universal. In public schools,
parents are formally required to pay a small fee, but the education system deterio-
rated so badly under the Mobutu regime that parents are often informally expected
to pay teachers' salaries. Dire economic circumstances often hamper parents' ability
to cover these added expenses, meaning that children may not be able to attend
school. Most schools function only in areas where parents have formed cooperatives.
There are no documented cases in which security forces or others targeted chil-
dren for specific abuse, although children suffer from the same conditions of gener-
alized social disorder and widespread disregard for human rights that affect society
as a whole. These conditions sometimes render parents unable to meet their chil-
dren's basic human needs.
Some children as young as 10 years of age were allowed to enlist as soldiers in
the Kabila military forces. There have been no reports of forced conscription of chil-
dren. The Government has not taken comprehensive measures to remove all child
soldiers from its armed forces. Government demobilization of some child soldiers in
Bukava took place in December with assistance from the U.N. Children's Fund
(UNICEF). The number of very young soldiers appears to have declined as military
training programs produced new adult recruits. However, child soldiers remain a
very significant presence.
Female genital mutilation, which is widely condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is not widespread, but
it is practiced on young girls among isolated groups in the north. Legislation prohib-
iting the practice was not enforced by the Mobutu government. The Kabila Govern-
ment has not addressed the problem.
People With Disabilities. — The law does not mandate accessibility to buildings or
government services for the disabled. There are some special schools, many with
missionary staff, that use private funds and limited public support to provide edu-
cation and vocational training to blind and physically disabled students.
Indigenous People. — Societal discrimination continued against the Pygmy (Batwa)
population of less than 10,000. Although citizens. Pygmies living in remote areas
took no part in the political process.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The last official census was taken in 1984.
It is estimated that the population is now 45 to 50 million, and comprises more than
200 separate ethnic groups. Four indigenous languages have national status. French
is the language of government, commerce, and education. Members of former presi-
dent Mobutu s Ngbandi ethnic group were disproportionately represented at the
highest levels of the military and intelligence services. In the final months of the
Mobutu regime, ethnic Tutsis were subjected to harassment and abuse throughout
the country by government security forces and by some citizens for perceived Tutsi
disloyalty in the face of growing rebellion. There were accusations that President
Kabila used disproportionate numbers of Tutsis and Katangans in his Government,
but the distribution of ministerial and senior military positions did not appear to
reflect such favoritism. The Government has representatives from all regions and
major tribal groups.
77
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Legislation in effect from the Mobutu period permits
all workers except magistrates and military personnel to form and join trade unions.
Before 1990 the law required all trade unions to affiliate with the National Union
of Zairian Woricers (UNTZA), the sole recognized labor confederation and which also
formed part of Mobutu's Popular Movement of the Revolution (MPR) party. When
Rolitical pluralism was permitted in April 1990, UNTZA disaffiliated itself from the
[PR ana reorganized under new leadership chosen through elections deemed fair
by outside observers. After the ADFL takeover, the union renamed itself the Na-
tional Union of Congolese (UNTC). Although the UNTC remains the largest labor
federation, almost 100 other independent unions are now registered with the Labor
Ministry and two other large federations are active. Some of these are affiliated
with political parties or associated with a single industry or geographic area.
The law recognizes the right to strike. However, legal strikes rarely occur since
the law requires prior resort to lengthy mandatory arbitration and appeal proce-
dures. Labor unions have not been able to defend effectively the rights of workers
in the deteriorating economic environment. Illegal general, sector, and other strikes,
often called by political parties and not necessarily organized by unions, occurred
under the Mobutu government. Such illegal strike tactics have not been used under
the Kabila (jovemment. The law prohibits employers or the Government from re-
taliating against strikers, but it is rarely enforced.
Unions may affiliate with international bodies. The UNTC participates in the Or-
ganization of African Trade Union Unity, and the Central Union of Congo is affili-
ated with the World Confederation of Labor.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Mobutu period law pro-
vides for the right to bargain collectively, and an agreement between the UNTC and
the Employers Association provided for wages and prices to be jointly negotiated
each year under minimal government supervision. This system, which functioned
until 1991, broke down as a result of the rapid depreciation of the currency. The
professional unions and the Congolese Business Federation signed a cooperative
agreement in September. While collective bargaining still exists in theory, continu-
ing inflation encouraged a return to pay rates individually arranged between em-
ployers and employees.
The collapse of the formal economy has also resulted in a decline in the influence
of unions, a tendency to ignore existing labor regulations, and a buyer's market for
labor. The Labor Code prohibits antiunion discrimination, although this regulation
was not strongly enforced by the Ministry of Labor under Mobutu. The law also re-
auires employers to reinstate workers fired for union activities. In the public sector,
tne Government sets wages by decree; public sector unions act only in an informal
advisory capacity.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
f)ulsory labor, and it is not known to occur. The law does not specifically prohibit
breed and bonded labor by children, but such practices are not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum age for employment is 18 years. Employers may legally hire minors be-
tween the ages of 14 and 18 with the consent of a parent or guardian, but those
under age 16 may work a maximum of 4 hours per aay; those between the ages of
16 and 18 may work up to 8 hours. The law prohibiting forced or compulsory labor
does not specifically mention children, but forced and bonded labor by children are
not known to occur (see Section 6.C.). Employment of children of all ages is common
in the informal sector and in subsistence agriculture, which form the dominant por-
tions of the economy. Such employment is often the only way a child or family can
obtain money for food. Neither the Ministry of Labor, which is responsible for en-
forcement, nor the labor unions make an efibrt to enforce child labor laws. Larger
enterprises do not commonly exploit child labor. The availability of education for
children is extremely limited in practice (see Section 5).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Most citizens are engaged in subsistence agri-
culture or commerce outside" the formal wage sector. The minimum wage, last ad-
justed by government decree in 1990, was subseouently rendered irrelevant due to
rapid inflation. Most workers rely on the extended family and informal economic ac-
tivity to survive. The maximum legal workweek (excluding voluntary overtime) is
48 hours. One 24-hour rest period is Required every 7 days.
The Labor Code specifies health and safety standards. The Ministry of Labor is
officially charged with enforcing these standards, but its efforts to do so remain in-
sufficient. There are no provisions in the Labor Code permitting workers to remove
themselves from dangerous work situations without penalty.
78
REPUBLIC OF CONGO
The Republic of Congo's transition to democratic government ended in October,
when the country's first democratically elected president, Pascal Lissouba was
ousted by the former (1979-91) military strongman and president Denis Sassou-
Nguesso. Lissouba was elected in 1992 after 28 years of one-party rule, and elec-
tions for a multiparty legislature were held in 1993. However, on June 5 violent
clashes broke out when government troops surrounded Sassou-Nguesso's Brazzaville
home, in what appeared to be an attempt to eliminate his political faction. The Gov-
ernment claimed that the action was a police operation aimed at arresting criminal
suspects. The violence evolved into a civil war in the capital. There were also clash-
es in the north, including the cities of Impfondo, Ouesso, Owando, and, briefly at
the end of the war, in Pointe Noire. The fighting resulted in the postponement of
the presidential elections scheduled for July and August. The newly established
Constitutional Council decreed that President Lissouba should remain in office be-
yond the expiration of his term and until elections could be held, but Sassou-
Nguesso rejected the extension of Lissouba's term. In October Sassou-Nguesso forces
defeated government and militia troops loyal to President Lissouba, and established
a new Government. Shortly thereafter, the Sassou Government suspended the con-
stitution. Several hundred Angolan troops intervened to assist Sassou-Nguesso
forces in Brazzaville; more Angolan troops entered the country from the south and
occupied the port city of Pointe Noire. Angolan troops also participated in operations
in the south, between Pointe Noire and Brazzaville. Sassou-Nguesso announced the
formation of a Government with 33 members, with Sassou as President and Defense
Minister. There is no Prime Minister. The judiciary is overburdened, underfinanced,
and at times subject to corruption and government interference.
The distinction between the functions of the police and the military forces is not
clearly drawn. The national police and gendarmerie have primary responsibility for
internal security. The army and border guard are responsible for external security
and some domestic security matters. In addition each of the major political leaders
had a private militia. During the fighting in Brazzaville, there was no civilian con-
trol of these militias. Under other circumstances, civilian authorities generally
maintained effective control of the security forces. However, some members of the
security forces committed human rights abuses even before the outbreak of civil
war. During and after the fitting, the regular military forces, and especially the
militias, were responsible for many human rights abuses.
In the first half of the year, the Government continued to make modest progress
in economic liberalization and privatization. The economy is heavily dependent on
revenues from petroleum exports and on external assistance. Per capita Gross Do-
mestic Product was estimated at $600 per year for 1996. Economic activity in the
capital, however, was severely disruptea by the fighting. The civil war did not sig-
nificantly affect the oil industry, which op)erates oflshore.
Prior to the outbreak of the civil war, the Government's human rights record was
uneven, with improvements in some areas but deterioration in others. Security
forces committed Killings and continued to use severe beatings and abuse to extract
confessions and as punishment. Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained
persons. During the fighting, government forces killed individuals because of their
ethnicity and also beat and detained individuals for that reason. Government troops
also persecuted foreigners. Prison conditions remain life threatening. Lengthy pre-
trial detention is a problem. The judiciary is overburdened, lacks resources, suflers
from corruption, ana is subject to political infiuence. Societal discrimination and vio-
lence against women are serious problems. Minority Pygmies face severe discrimina-
tion and exploitation. Citizens sometimes resort to vigilante justice, killing those
presumed to be thieves and "sorcerers."
Once the civil war began, government soldiers and the militias that supported
them, as well as the opposition militias against which they fought, engaged in wide-
spread extortion and harassment of civilians. Opposition militias killed, beat, and
detained persons because of their ethnicity. Both sides, particularly the Govern-
ment, targeted densely populated areas with heavy shells and rockets. Soldiers and
militias engaged in heavy looting throughout the capital, causing great property
damage. As a result of the violence, thousands of persons, most of tnem civilians,
were killed in Brazzaville, and hundreds of thousands were displaced.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were many confirmed killings
by police during the year. At one point, the Brazzaville morgue held 15 bodies of
79
alleged criminals killed by police afler the Minister of Security announced a crack-
down on crime. Several of those killed had allegedly attempted to escape following
their arrests. Police used excessive force and endangered the lives of bystanders in
shooting a street merchant who sought to evade arrest or extortion by police in front
of a diplomatic mission; the merchant later died. In February near the city of
Ouesso, police used excessive force when they shot and killed a British citizen.
There were reports of political and ethnic killings by government forces during the
fighting in Brazzaville; exact figures are unavailable. Some prisoners probably died
as result of harsh conditions in prison facilities (see Section I.e.).
Both Lissouba and Sassou militias killed persons for political reasons during the
fighting, as well as because of their ethnicity. Afler the war, the victorious Sassou
Government's militias continued to apprehend and kill many of its political oppo-
nents. The militia also killed suspected criminals and persons attempting to prevent
looting by militia members.
During the fighting, troops from both sides illegally entered, searched, and looted
homes, in some cases killing the residents, in other cases causing them to fiee (see
Section l.f.).
Civilians continued to take vigilante action against presumed thieves and "sorcer-
ers," sometimes beating them to death. The perpetrators are generally not pros-
ecuted.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances
before the outbreak of fighting. Afler the fighting, there were reports that militias
of both sides were responsible for politically and ethnically motivated disappear-
ances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The suspended constitution prohibited the use of torture and cruel, inhuman, or de-
grading treatment. In practice some security force members routinely beat detainees
both to extract confessions and as punishment. Security force members generally
acted with impunity. They intimidated and beat refugees in the Brazzaville area
(see Section 2.d.). During the fighting in the capital, security forces beat citizens be-
cause of their ethnicity.
Opposition militia also beat persons because of their ethnicity.
Prison conditions are dire and life threatening. The death rate and the incidence
of disease and malnutrition are considerably higher than among the general popu-
lation, and are probably attributable to the poor prison conditions. Buildings are di-
lapidated and reportedly severely overcrowded. Medical care is poor to nonexistent.
Prisoners depend upon family members to supplement inadequate prison meals, and
are sometimes allowed to forage for food in areas near the prison. Rape and sexual
abuse of women and children by prison guards are infrequent. Political or special
security prisoners are held separately from the general prison population. However,
their living conditions do not differ significantly.
Human rights groups sometimes encounter difficulty in gaining access to prisons.
There was no progress in the prison improvement program.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The susf)ended constitution prohibited
arbitrary arrest and detention; however, security forces continued to arrest and de-
tain persons arbitrarily. The Code of Penal Procedure requires that an individual
be apprehended openly and that a lawyer be present during initial questioning. The
Code further stipulates that warrants be issued before arrests are made and that
detainees be brought before a judge within 3 days and either charged or released
within 4 months. In practice the Government oflen violates these legal procedures.
Detainees are usually informed of the charges levied against them; however,
many wait in prison for several months before being brought before a judge. There
are examples of detainees languishing in jail for years because of lost files and bu-
reaucratic inertia. Lawyers and families generally have free access to detainees. Al-
though the law provides a system of bail, the average detainee lacks the financial
means to meet bail. Over half of all persons in custody are pretrial detainees. The
Government oflen does not respect laws that provide for legal counsel for the indi-
gent.
During the fighting in the capital, militias on both sides detained many persons
because of their ethnicity, and held them in deplorable conditions.
The suspended constitution prohibited forced exile, and the Government does not
use it.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The suspended constitution provided for an inde-
pendent judiciary. However, the judiciary, not operational at the end of the war, was
overburdened, underfinanced, and at times subject to corruption and political influ-
ence.
80
The judicial system consists of local courts, courts of appeal, the Supreme Court,
and traditional courts. After his military victory, Sassou replaced all the members
of the Supreme Court with judges unilaterally appointed by him.
In general defendants are tried in a public court of law presided over by a state-
appointed magistrate. The defense has access to and the right to counter prosecu-
tion evidence and testimony. In formal courts, defendants are presumed innocent
and have the right of appeal. The judiciary is overburdened with a caseload that
far exceeds its capacity to ensure fair and timely public trials. Some cases never
reach the court system, however. Judges are oiien inadequately trained, and the ju-
dicial system suffers from inadequate budgets and corruption. It remains common
practice for citizens to beat thieves caught in the act, sometimes to death (see Sec-
tion l.a.). In rural areas, traditional courts continue to handle many local disputes,
especially property and probate cases. Many domestic disputes are adjudicated
under traditional law and within the extended family.
The Supreme Court overturned the prison sentences of Colonel Bouissa Matoko
and Professor Gabriel Longombe during the year and released them.
The Government released Otto Mbongo, who was arrested for debts in connection
with a bankrupt bank and allowed him to travel abroad for medical care. He has
not returned, although the charges remain in force.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
suspended constitution provided for the privacy of homes as well as correspondence
and telecommunications. Official searches of private properties and communications
require a warrant, although that requirement is sometimes breached. There is gov-
ernment surveillance of some telephone lines.
During the fighting, troops from both sides illegally entered, searched, and looted
homes, in some cases killing the residents, in other cases causing them to flee (see
Section l.a.).
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— The fighting that broke out in June was fundamentally an ethnic conflict be-
tween northerners loyal to Sassou -Nguesso and southerners loyal to Lissouba. Dur-
ing the fighting in Brazzaville, Lissouba's government forces and Sassou-Nguesso's
opposition militias engaged in indiscriminate shelling of populated sections, result-
ing in the deaths of thousands of persons. Both sides killed and beat members of
different ethnic groups; captured combatants were frequently summarily executed.
Following Sassou-Nguesso's seizure of power, his Cobra militia conducted house-to-
house searches in the capital for members of the defeated government security
forces, private militias, and Lissouba's political followers, killing dozens. The Cobras
also engaged in large-scale looting after their victory.
During the war, Lissouba forces repeatedly used helicopters piloted by foreign
mercenaries to bomb areas controlled by Cobras, resulting in the deaths of many
civilians as well as combatants. Near the end of the war, an Angolan MiG aircraft
bombed Brazzaville, resulting in the deaths of an unknown number of civilians.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The suspended constitution provided for free-
dom of expression and in practice individual freedom of expression is enjoyed. It also
mandated an independent council to oversee private and electronic media and to
safeguard speech and press freedoms. It was established during the year, but has
not been very active.
The (jrovernment retained its monopoly power over radio and television until
June. At that time, rebel forces launched their own radio and television stations.
After Sassou's ouster of Lissouba, the rebel radio station continued to operate, os-
tensibly as a private station. The government radio station operated as the new gov-
ernment's official station. The Government's television stations had not resumed op-
erations at year's end.
Journalists employed in the state-owned radio and television enterprises often
practice self-censorship. Despite the potentially restrictive 1996 Press Law, journal-
ists working for opposition newspapers sharply criticize the Government prior to
Lissouba's ouster. After the war, some newspapers resumed publication.
There are no known abridgments of academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The suspended constitution
provides for freedom of assembly; however, groups that wished to hold a public as-
sembly were required to inform the Minister of Interior, who could withhold author-
ization for meetings that threatened public order. There are no restrictions on trade
associations or professional bodies, and affiliation with international bodies is per-
mitted.
81
The suspended constitution provided for freedom of association, and the former
Government respected this right in practice. At year's end, the rights of assembly
and association remained restricted, with the Grovemment still engaged in disarm-
ing local militias. Only late in the year did citizens circulate in the capital.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The suspended constitution provided for freedom of reli-
gion, and the Government resf)ectea this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The suspended constitution provided for the right of all citizens to trav-
el freely within the country, and it specifically prohibited roadblocks and barriers.
The National Conference Charter of Rights provides all citizens the right to travel
abroad and return. Nonetheless, military forces, political militias, and opportunists
sometimes hindered free movement with barricades, generally demanding money.
Motorists refusing to give money were frequently detained for several nours or
turned back.
Refugees in Brazzaville continue to encounter harassment. Security forces some-
times subject beat, intimidated, or arbitrarily arrested them. The Government has
not formulated a policy regarding first asylum. It requires refugees and asylum
seekers to secure a pledge of financial support before it will process their claims.
By year's end, the Government had not made a decision regarding asylum for refu-
gees fleeing the former Democratic Republic of the Congo; some refugees were repa-
triated within weeks of their arrival.
There have been no reports of human rights violations against Cabindan refugees
in the port of Pointe Noire.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The constitution, which provided for popular election of the President and Na-
tional Assembly, was suspended by the Sassou Government shortly after it took
power. Citizens were not permitted to change their government peacefully as presi-
dential elections were postponed after former President Sassou-Nguesso seized
power by force.
President Lissouba was elected in 1992. Legislative elections followed in 1993,
and the first round of presidential elections were scheduled for July 27, but were
postponed indefinitely. By year's end, the Sassou Government had not announced
a date for new elections. It stated that the timing of elections would be discussed
in early 1998.
The suspended constitution divided power between the President and a govern-
ment headed by a Prime Minister and formed with the approval of the National As-
sembly. The new Government does not have a Prime Minister. The suspended con-
stitution provided for 5-year terms of office for the President and National Assembly
deputies, all elected by universal suffrage, and 6-year terms for senators, who are
chosen by local councils. The President could dissolve the National Assembly and
call for new elections before the end of the 5-year term. International monitors ob-
served the last several rounds of the 1993 legislative elections and found them to
be free and fair.
At year's end, the Senate and National Assembly were not functioning. The Gov-
ernment stated that it will replace them by a National Council for the Transition,
the members of which are to be "elected" during a National Forum in early 1998.
There are no legal restrictions on representation by women or minority popu-
lations. However, women are underrepresented in government and politics. In the
former Lissouba government, women held 4 of the 185 seats in the Senate and the
National Assembly. Women occupy 3 of 33 cabinet positions in the Lissouba Govern-
ment. Indigenous Pygmies are excluded from the political process (see Section 5).
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operated with minimal government restric-
tion, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights problems. Govern-
ment officials are generally cooperative and responsive to their views, although non-
governmental organizations (NGO's) sometimes encounter difTiculties in making
prison visits.
There were no reported visits by international human rights organizations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The suspended constitution specifically prohibited such discrimination, but it per-
sists in fact, particularly against women and Pygmies.
Women. — Domestic violence, including rape and beatings, is widespread but rarely
reported. The problem is handled within the extended family and only in the most
82
extreme Instances is the matter brought to the police. There are no provisions under
the law for spousal battery. There are no crisis centers or hotlines. The problem of
violence against women is largely ignored by the general population and the media.
During the civil war and its aflermath, there were reports of numerous rapes car-
ried out by both sides. There were also credible reports of rapes by Angolan troops.
The suspended constitution provided for the ecmality of all citizens, prohibited dis-
crimination based on sex, ana endorsed the ri^t of women to earn equal pay for
equal work. In practice, however, women in the formal sector are underrepresented
and encounter discriminatory promotion patterns. Most women work in the informal
sector and thus have little or no access to credit. Women in rural areas are espe-
cially disadvantaged in terms of education and wage employment, and are confined
largely to family farm work, petty commerce, and cnildrearing responsibilities.
Marriage ana family laws overtly discriminate against women. For example, adul-
tery is illegal for women but not for men. Polygyny is legal; polyandry is not. While
the Legal Code provides that 30 percent of the husband's estate goes to the wife,
in practice the wife often loses all rights of inheritance. The symbolic nature of the
brideprice set in the Family Code is often not respected, and men are forced to pay
excessive amounts to the woman's family. As a result, the right to divorce is cir-
cumscribed for some women because they lack the financial means to reimburse the
brideprice to the husband and his family. This problem is more prevalent in rural
areas than in urban centers.
There are approximately 10 NGO's that work on women's issues. Their effective-
ness varies widely, however, and none is physically located in rural areas. The Min-
istry for the Integration of Women into Development is actively working with a
number of NGO's to reform certain legal codes and to educate women regarding
their rights.
Children. — ^The suspended constitution required the Government to protect chil-
dren in accordance with international conventions. Child labor is illegal, and edu-
cation is compulsory until the age of 16. In practice limited state resources hinder
achievement of these objectives, particularly in rural areas.
People With Disabilities. — The suspended constitution provided for specific meas-
ures to protect the needs of the disabled. This provision meant very little in practice
as the ministry charged with the welfare of the disabled faces severe financial con-
straints. There is no overt discrimination against the disabled in employment and
education. There are no laws mandating access for people with disabilities.
Indigenous People. — The suspended constitution provided the same rights for Pyg-
mies, an ethnic minority, numbering in the tens of thousands, living primarily in
the northern forest regions, as it did for other citizens. In practice F^gmies do not
enjoy equal treatment in the predominately Bantu society. Pygmies are severely
marginalized in the areas of employment, health, and education. They are usually
considered social inferiors, have no political voice, and are completely outside the
political process. Many have never heard of the concept of voting and have no ability
to influence government decisions affecting their interests.
Many Pygmies have a Bantu patron to whom they are obligated in perpetuity.
Pygmies are inherited by their patron's eldest son, an arrangement rooted in the
ancestral tradition of Pygmy slavery.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Labor Code affirms the right to associate freely
and prohibits restrictions on the formation of trade unions. Most workers in the for-
mal (wage) sector are union members, and unions have made efforts to organize in-
formal sectors such as agriculture and retail trade. The suspended constitution pro-
hibited members of the security forces from forming unions or striking. There are
six independent trade unions recognized by the Government, although not all are
active.
Unions are free to strike after filing a letter of intent with the Ministry of Labor,
thereby starting a process of nonbinding arbitration under the auspices of a regional
labor inspector from the Labor Ministry. The letter of intent must include the strike
date, at which time the strike legally may begin, even if arbitration is not complete.
Employers have the right to fire workers if they do not give advance notice of a
strike.
Unions are free to affiliate with international trade unions, and they maintain co-
operative accords with other African, European, and American trade union organiza-
tions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code allows for
collective bargaining and this provision is freely practiced. The Government sets in-
dustry-specific minimum wage scales, but unions are usually able to negotiate high-
er wages for their members. Employers are prohibited from discriminating against
83
employees who join a union. There were no reported firings for union activities. By
year's end, unions had not resumed functioning after the Sassou-Nguesso seizure of
power.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition on Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, including that performed by children, but such practices reportedly
occur. There are allegations tnat Pygmies, possibly including children, experience
exploitation by Bantu s (see Section 5). Upon the death of their patron, Pygrnies are
inherited by his eldest son, an arrangement rooted in the ancestral tradition of
I^ygmy slavery.
d. Status Of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The sus-
pended constitution prohibited forced and bonded labor by children under the age
of 16. However, there were allegations of exploitation of Pygmy children (see Sec-
tions L and 6.c.). The Ministry of Labor, which is responsible for enforcing child
labor laws, concentrates its eftorts only on the formal wage sector. Children con-
tinue to work in rural areas and in the informal sector in cities without government
intervention.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The suspended constitution provided for rea-
sonable pay, paid holidays, periodic paid vacation, and legal limits on allowable
hours of work. The Labor Code stipulates that overtime must be paid for all work
in excess of 40 hours per week, and that regular days of leisure must be granted
by employers. However, the minimum wage is not adequate to provide a worker and
family with a decent standard of living. High urban prices and dependent extended
families oblige many workers to seek opportunities beyond their principal employ-
ment. Although health and safety regulations call for twice-yearly visits by inspec-
tors from the Ministry of Labor, in practice such visits occur less regularly. While
unions are generally vigilant in calling attention to dangerous working conditions,
the observance of safety standards is often lax. Workers have no specific right to
remove themselves from dangerous working conditions.
COTE D'lVOIRE
From independence in 1960 until 1990, President Felix Houphouet-Boigny and his
Democratic Party of Cote D'lvoire (PDCI), then the only legal political party, gov-
erned the Republic of Cote D'lvoire. The PDCI maintained this political dominance
following multiparty presidential and legislative elections in 1990. Following
Houphouet's death in 1993, National Assembly President Henri Konan Bedie be-
came President by constitutional succession, and served out the remainder of
Houphouet's term. Due to concerns about irregularities in the electoral code and
voter registration, the major opposition parties boycotted the 1995 presidential elec-
tion and tried to interfere with the voting process; however, President Bedie won
96 percent of the vote. The major political parties then reached an accord with
Bedie, which allowed for full party participation in the 1995 legislative elections.
The judiciary, although nominally independent, is subject to executive branch influ-
ence.
Security forces include the national police (Surete) and the Gendarmerie, a branch
of the armed forces with responsibility for general law enforcement. The Gendar-
merie is a national police force charged with maintenance of public order and terri-
torial security. Formed in August 1996, L'Etat Major de la Securite focuses on inter-
nal security, specifically violent crime. A National Security Council, formed in July
1996, coordinates security policy, both internal and external. The Special Anticrime
Police Brigade (SAVAC) continued its operations. The armed forces traditionally
have accepted the primacy of civilian autnority. Seven members of the military ac-
cused of plotting a coup in 1995 were dismissed from the military and released in
December 1996. Security forces including the SAVAC committed numerous human
rights abuses.
The economy, largely market based but heavily dependent on the agricultural sec-
tor, performed poorly in the 1980's and early 1990's when high population growth
combined with weak commodity prices and an overvalued currency led to economic
stagnation. Since the 1994 devaluation and the accompanying reforms, the economy
has boomed, returning to real gross domestic product growth rates of 6 to 7 percent
in 1995, 1996, and 1997. The Government devoted an increasing share of its budget
to basic health services and education. It is unclear whether resumed growth and
increased spending have created significant reductions in poverty or improvement
in social indicators such as mortality or literacy rates. Gross national product per
capita in 1996 was about $730. Principal exports are cocoa, cofiee, wood, and, to an
84
increasing extent, petroleum. Most of the rural population remains dep>endent on
smallholder cash crop production.
The Government's human rights record improved although serious human rights
abuses remain in some areas. Members of the security forces committed
extrajudicial killings, and the security forces beat and abused detainees and used
force to disperse protesters. The Government also used arbitrary arrest and deten-
tion and failed to bring perpetrators of these abuses to justice. Prison conditions are
harsh and life threatening, and prolonged detention is a problem. Leaders of the
principal student organization were detained for various periods from December
1996 to February 1997. The judiciary does not ensure due process and is subject to
executive branch influence, particularly in political cases. The Government limits
citizens' rights to change their government and restricts freedom of speech, the
press, assembly, and association. Discrimination and violence against women and fe-
male genital mutilation (FGM) remain problems. The Government announced a
campaign to eliminate FGM in September 1996, but to date it has not taken any
action.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated killings by government forces. However, as violent civil crime increased,
the security forces frequently resorted to lethal force and committed numerous
extrajudicial killings. Credible media reports indicate that the SAVAC continued its
shoot-to-kill policy when pursuing criminal suspects. According to a press estimate,
SAVAC and the regular police killed 91 persons. The Government did not prosecute
SAVAC or police personnel for these killings. In the course of the operations, five
police officers also were killed.
In January police action led to a student leaping out of a building; he later died
of his injuries (see Section I.e.). A policeman who led a double life as a gangster
was killed while in police custody on February 7, according to an opposition press
report.
Dozens of prisoners died in custody as a result of harsh prison conditions (see Sec-
tion I.e.).
There was no progress in the August 1996 case in which police shot and killed
a truck driver. The Minister of Security stated that the police implicated in the
shooting had been questioned and that justice was "following its course." However,
to date no one has been arrested or charged.
The committee tasked by President Bedie to investigate killings that occurred
during 1995's "active boycott" of the election presented its findings to Bedie in June.
The findings have not been made public and Bedie has yet to act on them. These
deaths included four protesters, eight demonstrators, and two security force mem-
bers.
There were no developments in the case of the six detainees who died in prison
in 1996. They had been held since the "active boycott" of multiparty elections in Oc-
tober 1995.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Despite legal protection for the rights of persons in custody, police sometimes beat
detainees or prisoners as punishment, or to extract confessions, according to local
human rights groups. There were no public reports of government officials being
tried for these abuses.
Jurists' union officials reported that police continue to beat suspects to obtain
their confessions and that suspects are afraid to press charges against the police of-
ficers involved. Press photographs regularly show criminal detainees with swollen
or bruised faces and bodies.
Police frequently use violence to restrain demonstrators. Riot police used tear gas
and truncheons against protesting students on several occasions in the first half of
the year. According to opposition press reports, a student was thrown by police from
the second Hoor of his student apartment building on the night of January 19 after
police had disrupted a meeting organized by the student union FESCI. He later died
from his injuries. Government press reports stated that the student jumped while
trying to escape from police.
Prison conditions are harsh and life threatening. Problems include overcrowding,
malnutrition, a high incidence of infectious disease, and lack of treatment facilities
and medication. These conditions were responsible for a high prisoner death rate
throughout the prison community. According to conflicting press reports, from 24 to
85
44 prisoners died of cholera. Several journalists released from prison in late 1996
reported that white-collar prisoners are accorded more favorable treatment.
According to the Ivorian Human Rights League (LIDHO), conditions at the main
prison of Abidjan remain especially hazardous for women, with violent and non-
violent criminals, as well as minors, housed together. There are no health facilities
for women, and reportedly a number of women have given birth at the prison with-
out medical attention. There are credible reports of female prisoners being raped by
prison guards.
Local human rights groups have difficulty gaining access to the prison. LIDHO
reports that it was often denied access to theprison.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Government arbitrarily arrests and
detains citizens. Under the Code of Penal Procedure, a public prosecutor may order
the detention of a suspect for up to 48 hours without bringing charges. A magistrate
may order detention up to 4 months but must also provide the Minister of Justice
with a written justification for continued detention on a monthly basis. However,
the law is often violated. Police have held persons for more than 48 hours without
bringing charges. According to a representative of the jurists' union, this practice
is common, and often magistrates are not able to verify that those not charged are
released.
Defendants do not have the right to a judicial, determination of the legality of
their detention. A judge may release pretrial detainees on provisional liberty, if the
judge believes that the suspect will not flee. The Attorney General on December 31,
1996, referred in public to the long detention periods suffered by prisoners awaiting
trial in the country's principal prison, the Maca, listing a total prisoner population
of 4,600 of whom 1,741 were detainees who had yet to be tried. Of the detainees,
470 had been detained for more than 2 years, 60 lor at least 4 years, and 39 others
between 5 and 12 years. Based on these figures, pretrial detainees make up about
35 percent of the prison population. In March 51 new judges assumed office, but
at year's end the number oi pretrial detainees had not been significantly reduced.
Information provided by one of the lawyers defending active boycott members ar-
rested in 1995 suggests that approximately 147 people are still awaiting trial. Of
this group, 100 people have been given provisional liberty until their trial dates, and
47 remain in detention. Eight persons tried this year were convicted; 2 were sen-
tenced to 18-year prison terms. An estimated 474 such persons were arrested origi-
nally.
Although prohibited by law, jwlice restrict access to some prisoners. Despite the
frequency of arbitrary arrest, there is no accurate total of suspects held.
Twenty-seven students, who had been detained without charge for varying periods
since December 1996, were released in February (see also Sections I.e. and 2.b.).
Seven military officers (part of a group of 17 military personnel accused of plotting
a coup and jailed without trial since October 1995) were dismissed from the military
by a presidential decree and released from jail in December 1996.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — According to the Constitution, the judiciary is
independent of the executive branch in ordinary criminal cases. In practice, how-
ever, it follows the lead of the executive in national security or politically sensitive
cases. There continue to be credible reports that those with ties to the opposition
are treated more harshly by the judicial system than those with ties to the Govern-
ment. Judges serve at the pleasure of the executive, and reports of political pressure
on the judiciary are credible.
The formal judicial system is headed by a Supreme Court and includes the Court
of Appeals and lower courts.
Military courts do not try civilians. Although there are no appellate courts within
the military court system, persons convicted by a military tribunal may petition the
Supreme Court to set aside the tribunal's verdict and order a retrial.
In rural areas, traditional institutions often administer justice at the village level,
handling domestic disputes and minor land questions in accordance with customary
law. Dispute resolution is by extended debate, with no known instance of resort to
physical punishment. The formal court system is increasingly superseding these tra-
ditional mechanisms. In August 1996, a Grand Mediator was appointed to settle dis-
putes that cannot be resolved by traditional means. This oflice appears designed to
bridge traditional and modem methods of dispute resolution. Thus far it has only
been used to settle a succession dispute among the Abron people of Bondoukou.
The law provides for the right to public trial, although key evidence is sometimes
given secretly. Those convicted have the right of appeal, and the Appellate Court,
in a departure from the norm, overturned on appeal tne convictions of several active
boycott members in 1996. Several others had tneir sentences reduced at the same
time.
86
Defendants accused of felonies or capital crimes have the right to legal counsel,
and the judicial system provides for couri,-appointed attorneys for indigent defend-
ants. In practice many defendants cannot afford private counsel, and court-ap-
pointed attorneys are not readily available. According to one lawyer, even if a de-
fendant has an attorney, he may not be notified of his trial date until the day before
the trial, making it impossible for his lawyer to attend or provide a defense.
There were no reports of political prisoners in civilian or military jails at year's
end. However, three student leaders belonging to the banned student organization
FESCI were convicted under a controversial law holding organizers of demonstra-
tions criminally liable for any damages caused during demonstrations. They were
jailed from January 7 until February 27 before being released by order of the Presi-
dent.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Code of Penal Procedure specifies that a police official or investigative magistrate
may conduct searches of homes without a judicial warrant if there is reason to be-
lieve that there is evidence on the premises concerning a crime. The official must
have the prosecutor's agreement to retain any evidence seized in the search and is
required to have witnesses to the search, which may not take place between 9 p.m.
and 4 a.m. In practice police have sometimes used a general search warrant without
a name or address. On occasion police have entered homes of non-Ivorian Africans
(or apprehended them at large), teiken them to local police stations, and extorted
small amounts of money for alleged minor offenses.
Security forces reportedly monitored some private telephone conversations, but
the extent of the practice is unknown. Letters and parcels are monitored at the post
office for potential criminal activity, but there is no evidence that private written
corresponaence is monitored by authorities.
The Government demolished a major Abidjan shanty town in September and relo-
cated its residents to the city's outskirts. New, government-built housing costs half
a month's salary for those earning the lowest minimum wage. The Government
claimed the relocation will save lives regularly lost when heavy rains collapsed
shanty houses; opposition media said that the relocations have caused suffering, loss
of livelihood, and death.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^Although the Constitution provides for freedom
of expression and independent newspapers frequently criticize government policies,
the Government imposes restrictions. The two government-owned daily newspapers
offer little criticism of government policy, while government-owned radio and tele-
vision only infrequently report any discontent with government policy. Moreover,
while independent newspapers (8 daily, several weekly), opposition leaders, and stu-
dent groups voice their disapproval of governmental or presidential actions fre-
quently and sometimes loudly, it is a crime, punishable by 3 months to 2 years in
prison, to offend the President, the Prime Minister, foreign chiefs of state or govern-
ment, or their diplomatic representatives, or to defame institutions of the State.
Moreover, a 1991 press law created a commission to enforce laws against publishing
material "undermining the reputation of the nation or defaming institutions of the
State." Consequently, self-censorship is an ongoing concern of Ivorian journalists,
but it has not led to the suppression of regular criticism of the President and gov-
ernment policies.
A journalist was detained in the city of Man on July 9 for reporting on a case
of theft involving a subprefect. He was released on August 4.
The Government owns both television channels and two major radio stations; only
the primary government radio and television stations are broadcast nationwide.
There are also four radio stations not controlled by the Government (British Broad-
casting Corporation, Radio France International, Africa Number 1, and a private
commercial radio station concentrating on entertainment, Radio Nostalgic). There is
also a private television subscription service, Canal Plus Horizon. While the inde-
pendent stations have complete control over their editorial content, the Government
continues to exercise considerable influence over official media program content,
news coverage, and other matters, using these media to promote government poli-
cies. Much of the news programming is devoted to the activities of the President,
the (jovemment, the PDCI, and pro-Bedie groups.
Many prominent scholars are active in opposition politics and are not known to
have suuered professionally, although some teachers and professors suggest that
they have been transferred because of their political activities. According to press
reports and student union statements, students continue to be used as informants
at the University of Abidjan.
87
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly. In practice, however, this freedom is restricted when the Gov-
ernment perceives a danger to public order, as it did during the October 1995 elec-
tions, when it used lethal force to control antigovemment demonstrations, which it
had banned by decree.
Groups that wish to hold demonstrations or rallies are required to submit a notice
of their intent to do so to the Ministry of Security or Interior 48 hours before the
proposed event. The Government sometimes denied the opposition permission to
meet in public outdoor venues. Following opposition demonstrations in September
1995, the Government announced that "all marches and sit-ins would be banned for
a 3-month period in all streets and public places." The decree was selectively ap-
plied; only opposition events were affected by the ban. Penalties for infraction
ranged from no action to 12 months' imprisonment. Although the decree has not
been canceled formally, no opposition events were banned in 1997.
Police occasionally prohibit gathering to prevent the expression of controversial
views. A controversial "anti-vandalism law passed by the National Assembly in
1992 holds organizers of a march or demonstration criminally responsible if any of
the participants engage in violence or damage to property. The LIDHO and all
major opposition parties condemned the law as unduly vague and as one that im-
{)osed collective punishment for the crimes of a few but have not attempted to chal-
enge the constitutionality of the law.
The Constitution states that people are free to organize associations, and the im-
plementing law states that organizations must register, but does not require any au-
thorization. Consequently, opposition parties assert that the Constitution permits
private associations to form, and since the Constitution does not mention registra-
tion, requiring associations to register is unconstitutional. The Government rejects
this interpretation and requires all organizations to register before commencing ac-
tivities. There were no reports in the past 5 years of denial of registration.
The law prohibits the formation of political parties along ethnic or religious lines.
The 1991 ban on the previously registered student union FESCI was lilted during
the September 30-October 9 national conference on the student crisis. During the
years it was banned, FESCI contended the action was illegal and was active in dem-
onstrations, ceremonies, and political conventions. In 1994 and again early this year
(see Sections l.d. and I.e.), tne Government arrested or detained FESCI members
without charge.
According to credible media reports, there were violent confrontations between po-
lice and students on January 19, January 21, February 5, February 27, May 16,
May 20, June 20, and June 23. To disperse the students, police used tear gas, clubs,
ana, in some cases according to opposition press, live ammunition.
Three student leaders who were convicted on January 7 under the "anti-vandal-
ism" law and laws against disturbing the public order were pardoned by the Presi-
dent on February 27. Twenty-seven other students, including the FESCI leader,
were also released on that day. These students had not been lormally charged but
had been detained for varying periods of time since December 1996 (see Sections
l.d. and I.e.).
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and
there are no known impediments to religious expression. There is no dominant reli-
gion, and no faith is officially favored. The Government permits the open practice
of religion, and there are no restrictions on religious ceremonies or teaching. Never-
theless, some Muslims feel that their religious or ethnic affiliation makes them tar-
gets of discrimination by the Government with regard to high governmental posi-
tions and national identity documentation.
Native Muslims are frequently subject to petty harassment as part of general
pressure against Muslims from neighboring countries and, despite being a plurality
of the population, are a definite minority at all levels of government.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice. While the Government does not generally restrict internal travel, uni-
formed police regularly extort small amounts of money or goods for contrived or
minor infractions by motorists or passengers on public conveyances. Citizens nor-
mally may travel abroad and emigrate freely and nave the rignt of voluntary repa-
triation. There are no known cases of revocation of citizenship.
Cote D'lvoire is a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to
the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol; it has signed but not ratified the Orga-
nization of African Unity convention governing the specific aspects of refugee prob-
lems in Africa. The right to first asylum is recognized by law and custom. Following
a census in March, the estimated number of Liberian refugees dropped from 305,000
to 210,000.
88
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees in health, education, and food distribution programs for refugees. It initially
agreed in principle to permit Liberian refugees to cast absentee ballots in that coun-
try's elections but later rejected the idea. However, several thousand refugees re-
portedly returned to Liberia to vote in the July 19 elections, then reentered Cote
D'lvoire without incident.
There were no cases of forced repatriation. Despite the 1997 Liberian cease-fire
and democratic elections, the Government has indicated that it does not expect mas-
sive near-term repatriation to occur and does not plan to pressure refugees to depart
before they are ready to do so.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although the Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their govern-
ment peacefully through democratic means, the Government limited this right in
practice. The opposition complained that the Government used the 1994 Electoral
Code to place formidable obstacles in the paths of political rivals. The
Rassemblement des Republicains believed that Alassane Ouattara, a leading opposi-
tion rival to Bedie, had been unfairly excluded from entering the presidential race
due to the Electoral Code's parentage, residency, and citizenship requirements. The
opposition also complained of faulty voter registration procedures and of unfair re-
strictions on demonstrations after the Government issued a 3-month ban on
marches and sit-ins in September 1995 in an attempt to ensure public order (see
Section 2.b.)
Under a multiparty system adopted in 1990, elections are held every 5 years by
secret ballot. All citizens over 21 years of age can vote, and political parties are le-
gally free to organize.
A presidential election was held in 1995. The major opposition parties boycotted
the election due to the Electoral Code's candidacy requirements and voter registra-
tion irregularities. The opposition defied the national laws regarding law and order
and called for "active boycott" of the polls during the presidential election. Members
of the opposition blocked polling places from access by voters and prevented delivery
of election materials to the polls. Only the ruling PDCI and a single small opposition
party, the PIT, fielded presidential candidates. President Bedie won 96 percent of
the votes cast.
Aflerward, the major political parties reached an accord that ensured full party
participation in the 1995 legislative elections. These elections were, however, sus-
pended in 3 of the 175 districts due to government concern over Bete-Baoule ethnic
violence and voters displaced as a result of the active boycott. Election results from
another three districts were declared invalid by the Constitutional Council. Elec-
tions in these six districts and two other open seats were held on December 29,
1996, and proceeded in an orderly, transparent manner.
While there are no legal impediments to women assuming political leadership
roles, only 14 of the 169 deputies elected to the National Assembly are women.
Women hold 3 of the 17 leadership positions in the Assembly, and there are 3
women in the 29-member presidential Cabinet. Three members of the Supreme
Court are women. There are no impediments to the exercise of political rights by
any of the over 60 ethnic groups.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The LIDHO, formed in 1987 and recognized by the Government in July 1990, has
actively investigated alleged violations of human rights and issued press releases
and reports, some critical of the Government. Other groups such as the Inter-
national Movement of Democratic Women (MIFED) have held seminars and pub-
lished press releases critical of government abuses of human rights. In 1996 the
Ministry of Family and Womens' AfTairs and the Ministry of Communication took
part in several NGO-sponsored campaigns to fight female genital mutilation and vi-
olence against women, including domestics.
Foreign government funding allowed Gerddes, a local NGO, to train the presi-
dents of voting bureaus. The Observatoire National des Elections (ONE), an um-
brella group of local NGO's, received official sanction and government cooperation
for observing the December 29, 1996 elections.
The Government has cooperated with international inquiries into its human
rights practices.
89
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Discrimination based on race, ethnicity, national origin, sex, or religion is prohib-
ited by law, but in practice women occupy a subordinate role in society. In other
respects, the Government enforces these provisions.
Women. — Representatives of the Ivorian Association for the Defense of Women
(AIDF) and other women's organizations state that spousal abuse (usually wife beat-
ing)—while not widespread — does occur and often leads to divorce. Doctors state
that they rarely see the victims of wife beating. A severe social stigma is attached
to such violence, and neighbors often intervene in a domestic quarrel to protect a
woman who is the object of physical abuse. The courts and police view such domes-
tic violence as a family problem, unless serious bodily harm is inflicted or the victim
lodges a complaint, in which case they may initiate criminal proceedings. The AIDF
and the MEFED have protested the indifference of authorities to female victims of
violence and called attention to domestic violence and PGM. The groups also re-
ported that women who are the subject of rape or domestic violence are often ig-
nored when they attempt to bring the violence to the attention of the police. The
Government does not collect statistics on the rape or other physical abuse of women.
AIDF is also active in opposing forced marriage and advancing the rights of female
domestic workers. The Government has no clear cut policy regarding spouse abuse
beyond the strictures against violence in the Civil Code.
The President convened a day of consultations on the status of women on Feb-
ruary 22. On March 10, he ordered the release of Fanta Keita, a 14-year old girl,
who had killed her husband after being forced into marriage and subsequently
raped repeatedly by him. The case had been a rallying cry for the AIDF in the
struggle against forced marriage and marriage of minors (which are formally
banned under existing law but still occur).
In rural areas, women and men divide the labor, with men clearing the land and
attending to cash crops like cocoa and coffee, while women grow vegetables and
other staples and perform most menial household tasks. Government policy encour-
ages full participation by women in social and economic life, but there is consider-
able informal resistance among employers in hiring women, whom they consider less
dependable by virtue of potential pregnancy. Women are underrepresented in some
professions and in the managerial sector as a whole. Some women also encounter
difficulty in obtaining loans, as they cannot meet the lending criteria mandated by
banks. These criteria include such elements as title to a house and production of
profitable cash crops, specifically coffee and cocoa. However, women in the formal
sector are paid on an equal scale with men.
Children. — Primary education is compulsory, but this requirement is not effec-
tively enforced. Many children leave school after only a few years. There is a paren-
tal preference for educating boys, which is noticeable throughout the country but
more pronounced in rural areas, especially in the north. According to an Inter-
national Monetary Fund report, giving statistics for 1987-1992, 81 percent of males
and 58 percent of females attend primary schools. A 1996 United Nations Develop-
ment Program report states that in 1993 combined primary, secondary, and tertiary
school enrollment was 31.1 percent of females and 47.5 percent of males.
The Ministries of Social AfTairs and of Health and Social Protection seek to safe-
g[uard the welfare of children, and the Government has also encouraged the forma-
tion of NGO's such as the Abidjan Legal Center for the Defense of Children. In Sep-
tember 1996, the Government announced a series of measures aimed at reducing
the population of street children. These steps include holding parents legally and
financially responsible for their abandoned children and the development of training
centers where abandoned children can learn a trade. In January 200 children from
Dabou were designated for training in such a center, created from 8 buildings ren-
ovated by the Government, but by year's end training had not begun. Some children
are employed as domestics and are subject to sexual abuse, harassment, and other
forms of mistreatment by their employers, according to AIDF and press reports.
Female genital mutilation, which is widely condemned by international nealth ex-
perts a:- damaging to both physical and psychological health, is a serious problem.
There is no legislation that specifically prohibits FGM, and it is considered illegal
only as a violation of general laws prohibiting crimes against persons. It is practiced
particularly among the rural population in the north and west. The procedure is
usually performed on young girls or at puberty as part of a rite of passage; it is
always done outside modem medical facilities. Accoraing to the World Healtn Orga-
nization, as many as 60 percent of women have undergone FGM.
The AIDF continues to pursue a campaign, begun in May 1996, against FGM,
dowry, forced marriage and marriage of minors, patterns of inheritance, and other
practices that it considers harmful to women and girls. The NGO president enlisted
90
President Bedie's support for the campaign and the Minister of Communications has
continued to lend personal support by attending and speaking at seminars. In Sep-
tember 1996, the Ministry oi the Family and Women s AfTairs announced a cam-
paign against FGM, but new laws prohibiting FGM, which have been in preparation
since that date, have yet to be presented for a vote. Meanwhile, traditional authori-
ties continued to uphold the practice.
People With Disabilities. — -There are no laws mandating accessibility for the dis-
abled. Laws exist prohibiting the abandonment of the mentally or physically dis-
abled, as well as enjoining acts of violence directed at them. Traditional practices,
beliefs, and superstitions vary, but infanticide in cases of serious birth disabilities
is less commonplace than in the past. Disabled adults are not the specific targets
of abuse, but it is difficult for them to compete with able-bodied workers in the tight
job maricet. The Government supports special schools, associations, and artisans' co-
operatives for the disabled.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Among both Ivorians and non-Ivorians, it is
a widely-held perception that police routinely abuse and harass non-Ivorian Africans
residing in the country (who represent one-third of the total population). This activ-
ity reflects the Ivorian conclusion that foreigners are responsible for high local crime
rates and the concern over Ivorian national identity. Election law changes in 1995
limited candidates to those who could prove that both parents had been born in Cote
DTvoire, and several recent, well-publicized cases have demonstrated that the con-
cept of "Ivorianness" is being used to determine employability.
Members of the Bete ethnic group allege discrimination by the more powerful
Baoule tribal group. The Baoules are the single largest tribal group in the country
and have been politically dominant. According to the Bete, in 1970 members of the
army killed 4,000 Bete in the Gagnoa region. Tensions between the groups escalated
before the 1995 presidential elections, again in the Gagnoa region, and four people
were killed during rioting. Some Baoule settlers and native Guere people of the
Duekoue region in the western part of the country fought in August, leading to five
deaths and significant property damage.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law provides workers with the right to form
unions. The government-sponsored labor confederation, the General Union of Work-
ers of Cote DTvoire (UGTCI), dominated most union activity. The UGTCI's hold on
the labor movement loosened in 1991 when several formerly UGTCI-afTiliated
unions broke away and became independent. In 1992 1 1 formerly independent
unions joined together to form the Federation of Autonomous Trade Unions of Cote
dTvoire. Unions are free to join these and other groups. Registration of a new union
requires 3 months under the law.
The right to strike is provided by the Constitution and by statute. The Labor Code
. requires a protracted series of negotiations and a 6-day notification period before a
strike may take place, effectively making legal strikes diflicult to organize. The
UGTCI seldom calls strikes. Non-UGTCI unions frequently called strikes. Police
used tear gas on March 25 to disrupt a strike by employees of the state-run naval
construction yard; three injuries resulted, according to press reports.
Unions are free to join international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code grants all
citizens the right to join unions except members of the police and military, and to
bargain collectively. Collective bargaining agreements are in effect in many major
business enterprises and sectors of the civil service. In most cases in which wages
are not established in direct negotiations between unions and employers, salaries
are set by job categories by the Ministry of Employment and Civil Service. Labor
inspectors have the responsibility to enforce a law that prohibits antiunion discrimi-
nation.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — There were no reports of forced
or bonded labor, which is prohibited by law. This legal prohibition applies to chil-
dren and it is effectively enforced. The International Labor Organization's Commit-
tee of Experts in its 1993 annual report questioned a decree that places certain cat-
egories of prisoners at the disposal of private enterprises for work assignments with-
out their apparent consent. There has been no change in this decree.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition efTec-
tively (see Section 6.c.).
In most instances, the legal minimum working age is 16 years, and the Ministry
of Employment and Civil Service enforces this provision efTectively in the civil serv-
ice and in large multinational companies. Labor law limits the hours of young work-
91
era, defined as those under the age of 18. However, children often work on family
farms, and some children routinely act as vendors, shoe shiners, errand boys, car
watchers, and washers of car windows in the informal sector in cities. There are re-
liable reports of some use of child labor in informal sector mining and also of chil-
dren working in "sweatshop" conditions in small workshops. Primary education is
mandatory and free but far from universally enforced, particularly in rural areas.
Many children leave the formal school system when they are between the ages of
12 and 14, having failed secondary school entrance exams.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government administratively determines
monthly minimum wage rates, which were last adjusted in May 1996. A slightly
higher minimum wage rate applies for construction workers. The Government en-
forces the minimum wage rates only for salaried workers employed by the Govern-
ment or registered with the social security office. Minimum wages vary according
to occupation, with the lowest set at approximately $58 (cfa 35,000) per month,
which is insufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.
The majority of the labor force works in agriculture or in the informal sector where
the minimum wage does not apply.
Through the Ministry of Employment and the Civil Service, the Government en-
forces a comprehensive Labor Code governing the terms and conditions of service
for wage earners and salaried workers and providing for occupational safety and
health standards. Those employed in the formal sector are reasonably protected
against unjust compensation, excessive hours, and arbitrary discharge from employ-
ment. The standard legal workweek is 40 hours. The law requires overtime payment
on a graduated scale for additional hours. The Labor Code provides for at least one
24-hour rest period per week.
Government labor inspectors can order employers to improve substandard condi-
tions, and a labor court can levy fines if the employer fails to comply. In the large
informal sector of the economy, however, involving both urban and rural workers,
the Government's occupational health and safety regulations are enforced erratically
at best. Workers in the formal sector have the right, under the Labor Code, to re-
move themselves from dangerous work without jeopardy to continued employment
by utilizing the Ministry of Labor inspection system to document dangerous working
conditions. However, workers in the informal sector cannot ordinarily remove them-
selves from such labor without losing their employment.
DJIBOUTI
Despite 1992 constitutional changes that permitted the creation of four political
parties, President Hassan Gouled Aptidon and the People's Rally for Progress
(RPP), in power since independence in 1977, continue to rule the country. Two main
ethnic groups hold most political power: Somali Issas (the tribe of the President),
and Afars. Citizens from other Somali clans (Issak, Gadabursi, and Darod), and
those of Yemeni and other origins, are limited in their access to top positions. In
1994 the Government and a faction of the Afar-led Front for the Restoration of
Unity and Democracy (FRUD) signed a peace accord, ending 3 years of civil war.
In the accord, the Government agreed to recognize the FRUD as a legitimate politi-
cal party. The Government named two FRUD leaders to cabinet positions in 1995;
however, part of the FRUD rejected the peace accord and remains opposed to the
Government. Two other legal political parties have existed since 1992, the National
Democratic Party (PND) and the Party for Democratic Renewal (PRD); neither holds
a parliamentary seat or a cabinet level post. In December the ruling party coalition
that includes the FRUD party won all 65 seats in legislative elections. The elections
took place without international observers, and the opposition claimed massive
fraud. Presidential elections are scheduled for 1999. President Gouled implied that
he would not run. The judiciary is not independent of the executive.
The 8,000-member National Police Force (FNP) is responsible for internal security
and border control, and is overseen by the Ministry of Interior. The Ministry of De-
fense controls the army and the gendarmerie, and a small intelligence bureau re-
ports directly to the President. Civilian authorities generally maintain effective con-
trol of the security forces, but there were instances in which the security forces
acted independently of the Government's authority, some members committed
human rights abuses.
Djibouti has little industry and few natural resources. Services provide most of
the national income. Minor mineral deposits remain mostly unexploited. Only a
tenth of the land is arable and 1 percent is forested. Outside the capital city, the
primary economic activity is nomadic subsistence. People are free to pursue private
92
business interests and to hold personal and real property. The part of the annual
gross domestic product not generated by and for the expatriate community, which
includes some 10,000 French citizens, is estimated at no more than $250 per capita
annually.
The Government's human rights record continued to be poor. Citizens have not
yet been allowed to exercise the right to change their government. Members of the
security forces committed at least one extrajudicial killing. There were credible re-
ports that some members of the security forces beat and otnerwise abused detainees
and sexually assaulted female inmates. Prison conditions are harsh. The Govern-
ment continued to harass, intimidate, and imprison political opponents and union
leaders. The Government continued to arrest and detain persons arbitrarily and in-
fringed upon citizens' right to privacy. Police occasionally jailed or intimidated jour-
nalists. Tile Government limited freedom of assembly, and freedom of association is
restricted. Discrimination against women persists, and the practice of female genital
mutilation continued to be widespread. Discrimination on the basis of ethnic back-
ground persists.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Security forces were responsible for
one known extrajudicial killing. On January 27, police shot and killed Hassan Aden
Farah and injured one of his two passengers, following a car chase. Police reported
finding numerous firearms in the car and at the victim's home. The Government,
which had had Farah under surveillance for some time, said that he was plotting
to kill a high-level official and had tried to help a former national treasurer escape
from police detention during a May 1996 demonstration. The Government has not
taken any action against the police in connection with this killing. One of the two
passengers, who was said to be accompanying the victim to find a car part, was re-
portedly tortured.
Legal proceedings have begun against six soldiers accused in the 1995 killings of
Ranoa's religious leader, Ali Houmed Souleh, and an associate. Said Aramis. The
Ministry blamed the failure to bring cases to closure in an expeditious manner on
a lack of qualified personnel.
In September FRUD rebel holdouts killed 11 soldiers (see Section 2.d.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
There were no developments in the 1995 abduction of four persons by armed men
in the north, or in the 1995 kidnaping of a traditional Afar chief at Alalli Dada.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution states that no one shall be subjected to torture or to other inhu-
mane, cruel, degrading, or humiliating punishments, and torture is punishable by
15 years' imprisonment. However, one person apprehended while traveling in Has-
san Farah's car was reportedly tortured by police (see Section l.a.). There were cred-
ible reports that police sometimes beat and otherwise physically abused prisoners
and detainees. There were no reports that any police officers were punished for such
abuses. The police also beat demonstrators (see Section 2.b.). The National Police
provide all prison guards.
Prison conditions are harsh and severely overcrowded. Gabode Prison, built for
350 persons, at times houses nearly twice that number. The Government sometimes
shortens prison terms to reduce overcrowding. The Justice Ministry estimates that
60 percent ofprisoners are illegal Ethiopian immigrants who have committed crimes
in Djibouti. Children of female inmates under the age of 5 are sometimes allowed
to stay with their mothers; authorities say that milk is provided for them. Report-
edly, prisoners must pay authorities to obtain food. Health care sources reported
that prison guards rape female and adolescent inmates. At least one rape victim be-
came pregnant and required health care. There are no educational facilities within
the prison. Ministry of Justice officials said that lack of funding hampers their abil-
ity to provide even minimal services.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) continues to maintain an
office in Djibouti and an ICRC delegate from Nairobi, Kenya made quarterly visits
to the main prison.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Despite legal protections, arbitrary arrest
and detention are problems. The 1995 Penal Code stipulates that the State may not
detain a person beyond 48 hours without an examining magistrate's formal charge.
Detainees may be held another 24 hours with the prior approval of the public pros-
ecutor. All persons, including those accused of political or national security offenses,
must be tried within 8 months of arraignment. Nevertheless, the police often dis-
regarded these procedures, typically arresting persons without warrants and some-
93
times detaining them for lengthy periods without charge. The Penal Code provides
for bail and expeditious trial. Incommunicado detention is used.
In February in the midst of a teachers' strike, security forces detained four teach-
ers who were active in their unions. Osman Miguil Wais was accused of inciting oth-
ers to riot and held for 6 days, Souleiman Ahmed Mohamed and Mohamed Ali
Diama were accused of inciting others to riot and held for 4 days, and Abdulazia
Mohamed was accused of inciting a popular uprising and held for 4 days. Several
hundred other teachers and sympathizers were detained briefly at the Nagad deten-
tion center.
Awaleh Guelleh Assone, who was being held along with four other alleged terror-
ists for the 1990 bombing of a Djibouti cafe escaped from Gabode prison in Septem-
ber. The Government's investigation of the attack was ongoing at year's end. In
April 1996, the French Grovemment issued an international arrest warrant for Na-
tional Democratic Party president Aden Robleh Awaleh and his wife, Aicha Omar
Dabar, for their alleged part in the bombing. The two remain free in Djibouti.
Aicha Dabaleh and her husband Mohamed Kadami were amongfour FRUD rebels
extradited from Ethiopia in late September (see Section 2.d.). Dabaleh, who was
then pregnant, remained in prison until November. Her supporters claimed that she
only was involved in humanitarian work and should not have been detained.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and magistrates are appointed for life terms. In practice, however, the judici-
ary is not independent of the executive. Constitutional provisions for a fair trial are
not universally respected, even in nonpolitical cases, because of interference from
the executive branch. Since ministerial changes in December, the Justice Minister
is responsible for human rights.
The judiciary, based on the French Napoleonic Code, comprises a lower court, an
appeals courts, and a Supreme Court. There are no longer "special courts" to try
cases outside normal judiciary channels. The Supreme Court can overrule decisions
of the lower courts.
A Constitutional Council rules on the constitutionality of laws, including those re-
lated to the protection of human rights and civil liberties. Its rulings are not always
respected, however. In August 1996, for example, the Constitutional Council ruled
that the Parliament's Disciplinary Committee had wrongly denied the parliamen-
tary immunity of three legislators. No action was taken on the ruling. In May the
Council's president, Djama Amareh Meidal and two other members. Supreme Court
president Hussein Aganeh, and bank executive Mohamed Aden, were removed from
their positions on the Council. In contrast, three Appellate Court judges removed
in May 1996, reportedly for political reasons, were later reinstated in new jobs in
the Justice Ministry.
Opposition leaders criticized a Lawyers' Council decision in February to disbar
Meidal and another attorney, Aref Mohamed Aref Aref, currently Secretary General
of the faction of the Democratic Renewal Party (PRD), not recognized by the Govern-
ment, was a defense attorney for five politicians jailed for criticizing President
Gouled (see Section l.a.). Other members of the legal profession said that despite
their laudable human rights work, the two lawyers had acted unethically in otner
cases. A civil suit against Aref is pending. In early October, an outspoken French
parliamentarian was refused entry into Djibouti to attend Arefs hearing.
The legal system is composed of legislation and executive decrees, French codified
law adopted at independence, Shari'a law, and nomadic traditions. Urban crime is
dealt with in accordance with French-inspired law and judicial practice in the regu-
lar courts. Civil actions may be brought in regular or traditional courts. Shari'a law
is restricted to civil and family matters. The Justice Ministry is combining the three
types of law in a new text designed to promote women's rights and provide greater
protection of children.
Traditional Law (Xeer) is often used in conflict resolution and victim compensa-
tion. This traditional law stipulates that, for example, a blood price be paid to the
victim's clan for crimes such as murder and rape.
The Constitution states that the accused is innocent until proven guilty, and has
the right to legal counsel and to be examined by a doctor if imprisoned. Although
trials are officially public, Daher Ahmed Farah was tried and convicted privately.
Legal counsel is supposed to be available to the indigent in criminal and civil mat-
ters. Court cases are heard in public before a presiding judge and two accompanying
judges. The latter receives assistance from two persons — assessors — who are not
members of the bench, but who are thought to possess sufficient legal sophistication
to comprehend court proceedings. The Government chooses assessors from the pub-
lic at large, but credible reports indicate that political and ethnic afliliations play
a role in the selection.
94
In early January, five political prisoners arrested in August 1996 were released.
The five, Moumin Bahdon Farah, the former Justice Minister and Foreign Minister;
Ahmed Boulaleh Barreh, the former Defense Minister; Ali Mahamade Houmed, the
former Industry Minister; Ismael Guedi Hared, the former Presidential Cabinet Di-
rector; and Abdillahi Guirreh, a former ruling party annex president, had been con-
victed of inciting to violence, using tribalism for political ends, and disseminating
ftilse information.
The five had claimed in a published statement that President Gouled rules by ter-
ror and force and without regard to the Constitution; they were sentenced to 6
months in jail, fined $1,200 each, and prohibited from seeking elected office for a
period of 5 years. Although the prisoners were released after serving their terms,
the election ban remains in place. On December 17, police prevented Moumin
Bahdon Farah from leaving his home to attend an opposition political rally. Also on
December 17, police detained a ruling party member of the National Assembly ac-
tive in the opposition, Mahdi Ibrahim Guellah, for 8 hours.
There are no other political prisoners remaining.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of the family, home, correspondence, and
communications. The law also requires that the authorities obtain a warrant before
conducting searches on private property. However, in practice the Government does
not always obtain warrants before conducting such searches, and it reportedly mon-
itors and sometimes disrupts the conununications of some regime opponents.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of the
press; however, at times the Gk)vernment restricted this right in practice. The law
prohibits the dissemination of false information and regulates the publication of
newspapers. The Constitution prohibits slander.
In October government security forces seized equipment form the office of the
Unified Front of the Djiboutian Opposition (FUOD) in order to prevent it from pub-
lishing newsletters and communiques, and detained the FUOD's vice-president for
12 hours. By year's end, the FUOD's equipment had not been returned. In October
police also seized printing equipment from the office of the PRD faction not recog-
nized by the Government.
The Government owns the radio and television stations. It also owns the principal
weekly newspaper, La Nation. The ofllcial media generally are uncritical of govern-
ment leaders and government policy. There are several opposition-run weekly and
monthly publications that circulate freely and openly criticize the Government.
However, journalists, and even vendors of opposition papers, are occasionally jailed
or intimidated by police.
There are no specific laws or criminal sanctions that threaten academic freedom.
In general, teachers may speak and conduct research without restriction, provided
that they not violate sedition laws.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The right to free assembly is
provided for in the Constitution, and the Government generally respected this right
in practice. However, the Ministry of Interior requires permits for peaceful assembly
and monitors opposition activities. While permits generally are approved, the Gov-
ernment commonly uses a show of police force and threatening tactics to intimidate
and discourage would-be demonstrators. Some opposition leaders eflectively prac-
ticed self-censorship and, rather than provoke a government crackdown, refrained
from organizing popular demonstrations. In several cases during the 1996-97 school
year, police beat and detained demonstrating teachers. Police briefly detained hun-
dreds of teachers' union members who participated in a strike in February (see Sec-
tion 6.a.).
The Constitution provides for freedom of association provided that certain legal
requirements are met. The Constitution provides for four political parties. The Gov-
ernment took advantage of an absence of leadership in the main opposition party,
the PRD, following the late 1996 death of its leader, and conferred legal recognition
on the weaker half of the party. Police detained pro-activist Daher Ahmed Farah
on October 12, and charged Farah in a closed hearing with illegally operating a po-
litical party, illegally publishing a newspaper, disseminating false information, for-
gery (for tne use of party seals), usurping a title, and organizing an illegal dem-
onstration. Daher was given "provisional liberty" on November 1 (see Section I.e.).
Nonpolitical associations must register and be approved by the Ministry of Inte-
rior.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Islam is the state religion. Virtually the entire population
is Sunni Muslim. There are also a small number of Catholics. The Gk)vernment im-
poses no sanctions on those who choose to ignore Islamic teachings.
95
The foreign community supports Roman Catholic, Protestant, Greek Orthodox,
and Ethiopian Orthodox churches. Foreign clergy and missionaries may perform
charitable works, but proselytizing, while not illegal, is unofficially discouraged.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution allows freedom of movement. This right may be lim-
ited only by law.
In general citizens may travel or emigrate without restriction or interference.
However, some Afar leaders have had their passports revoked or denied, and Mus-
lim women unaccompanied by a spouse or adult male have been prohibited from
traveling to certain Gulf countries. Authorities seized the tickets and passport of a
dissident member of the National Assembly in September as he attempted to leave
the country to attend a meeting of the Interparliamentary Union in Cairo, Egypt.
His documents had not been returned by yearend.
Djibouti hosts 70,000 to 100,000 refugees and illegal immigrants from neighboring
countries, equal to about one-fifth the population. The U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) assists 20,000 Somali and 1,000 Ethiopian residents of
Djibouti's three refugee camps. Some 1,500 Ethiopian and Somali urban refugees
are registered with the UNHCR in Djibouti City. There has been no major repatri-
ation since the UNHCR's 1994-96 repatriation of 35,000 Ethiopian refugees and mi-
grants from the capital.
Up to 18,000 Aiars sought asylum in Ethiopia during the 1991-94 civil war in
Djibouti. At least 10,000 are said to have repatriated spontaneously since the 1994
Seace accord. According to Ethiopian authorities, some 8,000 remain in Ethiopia,
ecause the displaced Afar were not in refugee camps, and because Afars are indig-
enous to Ethiopia and Eritrea as well, it is difUcult to estimate their number. Early
in the year, the Government officially welcomed Afars to return, and several promi-
nent former resistance figures did so. However, the killing of 11 Djiboutian soldiers
by FRUD rebel holdouts on September 1 led to renewed tensions and a crackdown
on suspected "sympathizers" in the north. In connection with the September 1 inci-
dent, in late September, the Ethiopian government extradited at least four Afar
leaders who were living voluntarily in exile (see Section l.d.). While the army has
been ordered to vacate Afar homes and land occupied during the conflict, some areas
still appear controlled by the soldiers. In October there were reports of enhanced
cooperation with the Government of Ethiopia in combating armed Afar movements.
In October, eight Djiboutian Afars were reportedly deported by Ethiopia with no
legal mandate. By mid-November, 15 FRUD leaders were reportedly in detention.
In the week before the December legislative elections, there were several minor
clashed between the army and the Afars; there were few casualties.
In November the Government expelled Sudanese refugee Osman Hassan Babiker
to Ethiopia; he had been under the UNHCR protection. The Government stated that
Djibouti was not Babiker's country of first asylum, and therefore he was not quali-
fied to be a refugee in Djibouti. The UNHCR objected to the Government's action,
which disregarded the procedures that the Government had agreed to with the
UNHCR.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although the Constitution provides for the right of citizens to change their gov-
ernment, in practice citizens have not yet been allowed to exercise fully this right.
The RPP has carefully controlled the implementation of the new four-party system
to suppress any organized opposition. The RPP alliance with the legal FRUD party
won all 65 seats in the December legislative elections. The elections took place with-
out international observers amid opposition claims of fraud. Presidential elections
are scheduled for 1999. President Gouled, who has held that office since independ-
ence in 1977 and was reelected in 1993, has implied that he would not seek that
office again.
In 1992 a voter referendum approved a measure to limit the number of political
parties to four. However, this result was never codified into law. The opposition
S-oups, the FUOD, the Daher Ahmed Farah faction of the PRD, and the Group for
emocracy and the Republic (GDR), which were not permitted to contest the elec-
tions because they are not recognized parties, joined to form the Coordination Com-
mittee of the Djiboutian Opposition (CCOD).
The 1994 peace agreement between the Government and the FRUD required that
FRUD members be included in senior government positions. Two FRUD members
who were named to the Cabinet in June 1995 remain in office. The government-rec-
ognized faction of the FRUD was registered as a political party in 1996 and held
its first congress in April. The unrecognized FRUD faction includes members who
96
refused to accept the terms of the peace accord, as well as Afars extradited from
Ethiopia in September (see Section 2.d).
Although legally entitled to participate in the political process, women are largely
excluded from senior positions in government and in the political parties. There are
no women in the Cabinet or in Parliament. Khadija Abeba, president of the Su-
preme Court is the highest ranking female official. She and six women serve as
judges, and one is a director in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. While women have
the right to vote, there were no female candidates in the December legislative elec-
tions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Discrimination based on ethnic background limits the role of members of minority
clans in government and politics. The Issa, the dominant Somali clan, control the
ruling party. The President's subclan, the Mamassan, wields disproportionate power
in afiairs of state. Afars hold a number of high ministerial posts, but are not so well
represented at lower levels. Somali clans other than the Issa, and Djiboutians of
Yemeni origin, are at present unofficially limited to one ministerial post each. There
are also iniormal limits on the number of seats for each group in the Parliament.
The Government remains hostile to the formation of local human rights groups.
The Government has arrested and released Mohamed Houmed Souleh, the leader
of the Association for the Defense of Human Rights and Liberties (ADDHL), several
times since 1993 for criticizing military abuses in the civil conflict. He stopped
speaking publicly in 1996. Credible sources reported that the Gtovemment hired
Souleh on the condition that he limit the ADDHL's criticism of the Government. The
Union of Djiboutian Women (UNFD) and the Djiboutian Association for the Pro-
motion of the Family (ADEPF) promote the rights of women and children. No other
local human rights groups exist. The ICRC visited the country during the year as
did Education International (see Section I.e.).
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
While the Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of language, race,
sex, or religion; however, discrimination against women and ethnic minorities per-
sists. In particular, the Government's enforcement of laws to protect women and
children is weak.
Women. — Violence against women exists but reported cases are few. The Govern-
ment has been concerned about the problem of rape, and the 1995 revised Penal
Code includes sentences of up to 20 years in prison for rapists. More than 100 such
cases have been tried. Violence against women is normally dealt with within the
family or clan structure rather than in the courts. The police rarely intervene in
domestic violence incidents, and the media report only the most extreme examples,
such as murder.
Women legally possess full civil rights, but in practice, due to custom and tradi-
tional societal discrimination in education, they play a secondary role in public life
and have fewer employment opportunities then men. Few woman work in manage-
rial and professional positions, and women are largely confined to trade and sec-
retarial fields. Customary law discriminates against women in such areas as inher-
itance, divorce, property ownership, and travel (see Section 2.d.). Educated women
increasingly turn to the regular courts to defend their interests.
Children. — The Government devotes almost no public funds to the advancement
of children's rights and welfare. A few charitable organizations work with children.
Primary education is compulsory. However, the Government does not monitor com-
pliance. Approximately 20 percent of children complete secondary education.
According to an recent report, as many as 98 percent of females 7 years or older
had undergone female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by
international health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health.
FGM is traditionally performed on girls oetween the ages of 7 and 10. In 1988 the
UNFD began an educational campaign against infibulation, the most extensive and
dangerous form of FGM. The campaign has had only a limited impact on the preva-
lence of this custom, which is pervasive in rural areas. After the 1995 U.N. Women's
Conference in Cairo, Egypt, the UNFD declared that all forms of mutilation should
be forbidden. The revised Penal Code that went into effect in April 1995 states that
"violence causing genital mutilation" is punishable by 5 years imprisonment and a
fine of over $5,600 (one million Djibouti francs). However, the Government has not
yet convicted anyone under this statute. The efforts of the UNFD and other groups
appear to be having some effect, at least in the capital city. Some health workers
reported a precipitous drop in the number of hospitalizations related to FGM in
97
Djibouti City. Many believe the incidence of infibulation has decreased, although no
systematic data are available on the problem. U.N. and other experts believe that
lesser forms of FGM are still widely practiced, and that the most extreme procedure,
infibulation, is still common in rural areas.
The Government has not addressed other forms of child abuse, which are often
lightly punished. For example, when a child is raped or abused, the perpetrator is
usually fined an amount sufficient to cover the child's medical care. The Govern-
ment has not used provisions of the Penal Code to deal with child abuse more se-
verely.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not mandate accessibility to
buildings or government services for people with disabilities. Although disabled per-
sons have access to education and public health facilities, there is no specific legisla-
tion that addresses the needs of the disabled, and there are no laws or regulations
that prevent job discrimination against disabled persons. The disabled nave dif-
ficulty finding employment in an economy where at least 60 percent of the able-bod-
ied adult male population is underemployed or jobless.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Government continued to discriminate
against citizens on the basis of ethnicity in employment and job advancement. The
Issa, the dominant Somali clan, control the ruling party, the civil and security serv-
ices, and the military forces.
While Afars hold a number of high ministerial positions, they do not appear so
well represented at lower levels. Clans other than the Issa and citizens of Yemeni
origin are unofficially limited to one ministerial position each. There are also semi-
ofiicial limits on the number of seats for each group in Parliament.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Under the Constitution, workers are free to join
unions and to strike provided that they comply with legally prescribed require-
ments. Since 1992, unions are supposed to be free to jom or form other confed-
erations. The state body, the General Union of Djiboutian Workers (UGTD) and the
Democratic Labor Union (UDT) formed a confederation in 1995 and have gained in-
creasing support despite government harassment. In the small formal economy,
about 70 percent of workers are members of the combined UDT/UGTD confed-
eration. Previously the Government controlled individual unions by making mem-
bership mandatory in the state-organized labor confederation. To counter the UDT/
UGTD, the Government created the Djiboutian Labor Congress (CODJITRA), com-
Sosed of Ministry of Labor officials. At its June meeting, the International Labor
Organization (ILO) determined that the Government had violated the ILO constitu-
tion by not allowing a member of the UDT/UGTD confederation to join the workers'
delegation at the meeting. The headquarters of the UDT/UGTD confederation,
sealed ofi by the Government in May 1996, remains closed, and their bank accounts
remained frozen at year's end.
The law requires representatives of employees who plan to strike to contact the
Interior Ministry 48 hours in advance. All strikes during the year were legal. Al-
though the labor law prohibits employer retribution against strikers, the teachers'
strike in February resulted in police beating, arbitrarily arresting, and detaining
teachers and union leaders and briefly detaining hundreds of union supporters (see
Sections l.d. and 2.b.). The Government also suspended, fired, or transferred scores
of teachers active in the union to less desirable assignments in rural areas. In some
cases, union leaders were forcibly evicted from government-provided housing. Begin-
ning in January, the Government stopped providing public housing for civil servants
and delayed paying housing stipends.
Unions are free to maintain relations and exchanges with labor organizations
abroad. The UDT has been a member of the ICFTU since 1994.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Although labor has the legal
right to organize and bargain collectively, collective bargaining rarely occurs. Rela-
tions between employers and workers are informal and paternalistic. Wage rates are
generally establisned unilaterally by employers on the basis of Ministiy of Labor
guidelines. In disputes over wages or health and safety problems, the Ministry of
Labor encourages direct resolution by labor representatives and employers. Workers
or employers may request formal administrative hearings before tne Ministry's in-
spection service, but critics claim that the service suffers from poor enforcement,
due to its low priority and inadequate funding. The law prohibits antiunion dis-
crimination, and employers found guilty are legally required to reinstate workers
fired for union activities. However, the law does not appear to be enforced.
An export processing zone (EPZ) was established in 1994. Firms in the EPZ are
exempt irom the Government's social security and medical insurance programs. In-
stead, they must provide either government or private accident insurance. The mini-
98
mum wage in the EPZ is approximately $1 per hour. Although the regular work-
week is 40 hours, in the EPZ it is 45 hours. An employee who works for the same
firm in the EPZ for at least 1 year has the right to 15 days' annual leave, compared
with 30 days in the rest of the country (see Section 6.e.).
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits all forced or
compulsory labor including children; while this is generally observed, security forces
reportedly sometimes compel illegal immigrants to work for them under the threat
of deportation.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits all labor by children under the age of 14, but the Government does not
always enforce this prohibition efTectively, and a shortage of labor inspectors re-
duces the likelihood of investigation (see Section 6.c.). The minimum age for the em-
ployment of children is 14 years, and the law is generally respected. However, a
shortage of labor inspectors reduces the likelihooa of investigations being carried
out. Children are generally not employed for hazardous work. Children may and do
work in familv-owned businesses, such as restaurants and small shops, at all hours.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Only a small minority of the population is en-
gaged in wage employment. The Government administratively sets minimum wage
rates according to occupational categories, and the Ministry of Labor is charged with
enforcement. The monthly wage rate for unskilled labor, set in 1976, is approxi-
mately $90 (15,000 Djiboutian francs). Most employers pay more than the minimum
wage. Some workers also receive housing and transportation allowances. The mini-
mum wage for unskilled labor does not provide adequate compensation for a worker
and family to maintain a decent standard of living.
By law the work week is 40 hours, often spread over 6 days. Some employers ask
employees to work up to 12 hours per day and pay them an additional wage. Work-
ers are provided daily and weekly rest periods and paid annual leave. The Ministry
of Labor is responsible for enforcing occupational health and safety standards,
wages, and work hours. Because enforcement is ineffective, workers sometimes face
hazardous working conditions, particularly at the port. Workers rarely protest,
mainly out of fear that they may be replaced by others willing to accept the risks.
There are no laws or regulations permitting workers to refuse to carry out dan-
gerous work assignments without jeopardy to continued employment.
EQUATORIAL GUINEA
Equatorial Guinea is nominally a multiparty constitutional republic, but in reality
power is exercised by President Teodoro Obiang Nguema through a small subclan
of the majority Fang tribe which has ruled since the country's independence in 1968.
President Obiang was elected to a 7-year term in February 1996 in elections that
were marred by extensive fraud and intimidation. The President's Democratic Party
of Equatorial Guinea (PDGE) controls the judiciary and the legislature, the latter
also through fraudulent elections.
President Obiang exercises control over the police and security forces through the
Minister of the Interior, who serves as president of the national electoral board as
well. The security forces committed numerous, serious human rights abuses.
The majority of the population of approximately 400,000 lively subsistence agri-
culture, supplemented by hunting ana fishing. Barter is a major aspect of the econ-
omy, and the small monetary sector is based on exports of petroleum, cocoa, and
timber. Most foreign economic assistance has been suspended due to the lack of eco-
nomic reform and the Government's repeated violations of human rights. Substan-
tial oil deposits were discovered in 1995, and exploitation began in 1996. However,
the investment and other use of oil revenues remains a closed process despite re-
peated calls from financial institutions and citizens for financial openness. The
country's economic potential continues to be undermined by poor fiscal management
and a lack of transparency in public finance. A National Economic Conference held
in Bata allowed public debate on the use of oil revenues for the first time.
The Government's human rights record remained poor. Serious and systematic
human rights abuses continued, although there were improvements in some areas.
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. Principal abuses by the
security forces included: Physical abuse of prisoners; torture; beating of detainees;
arbitrary arrest and detention; extortion from prisoners; searches without warrants,
and confiscation of property without due process. Officials generally took no action
against security force members suspected of human rights abuses. There was one
report of extrajudicial killing; security force members involved in this killing were
tried, convictea, and sentenced to jail terms. Prison conditions remained life threat-
99
ening. The judicial system does not ensure due process and is subject to executive
influence. Tne Government somewhat loosened its severe restrictions on freedom of
speech and the press. It permitted the establishment of independent newspapers
and in August hosted an international press seminar. The Government continues,
however, to restrict the right of assembly, and does not always respect the right of
association. Discrimination and violence against women and foreigners remain seri-
ous problems. Discrimination against minorities, particularly the Bubi minority,
persists.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There was one confirmed
extrajudicial killing. On January 22, police arrested political activist Evaristo Abaha
in the Rio Muni town of Evinayong. They took him to a fxjlice station, bound him,
and tortured him to death. The Government initially denied the killing, and claimed
that the opposition had fabricated the incident to discredit the Government. The
Government later acknowledged the incident, tried and sentenced those responsible,
but only after Abaha's death had received wide attention in the international press
and had triggered intense criticism by opposition parties, which were then in a dia-
logue with the Government over a new national pact intended to curb such abuses.
In November a series of at least 13 killings involving mutilation of victims occurred
in Malabo and Bata. The killings were reportedly carried out by street thugs operat-
ing under the protection of police authorities. Several suspects were reportedly ar-
rested but escaped from prison.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The level of these abuses is serious, but they are less frequent and widespread than
during the previous year. The police do beat detainees severely. In May police ar-
rested and detained opposition party members in Niefang who reportedly suffered
torture (see Section l.d.). Access to persons in custody is not generally permitted.
Police routinely stop members of the opposition at roadblocks and subject them to
search and extortion scams. Local authorities also singled out foreigners from neigh-
boring countries for harassment, intimidation, and extortion.
Two f>olice officers accused of the death by torture of activist Evaristo Abaha,
were convicted and sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment (see Section l.a.).
Prison conditions are primitive and life threatening. Rations are inadequate, and
sanitary conditions practically nonexistent. Female prisoners are housed separately
from men.
Prison conditions are monitored by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC), which makes recommendations to the Government. However, the ICRC's re-
marks and recommendations are not released. At the Government's insistence, they
remain restricted to the ICRC, the Government, and the local Red Cross, which is
charged with implementing the recommendations. TTiere were credible reports that
the suggested changes, such as providing cells with cement floors and allowing pris-
oners access to clean water, led to mild improvements in otherwise filthy conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — There are nominal but unenforced legal
procedural safeguards regarding detention, the requirement for search warrants,
and other protection of citizens' rights. These safeguards are systematically ignored
by security forces.
Police routinely hold prisoners in incommunicado detention. The security forces
arrested members of the opposition and held them for extended periods without a
hearing. Foreigners from neighboring countries are sometimes targeted for arbitrary
mistreatment and random arrest. These include visitors from Nigeria, Ghana, Togo,
and Benin. Members of the security forces often resorted to these crimes in order
to extort money prior to national holidays.
There were no reports of long-term political detainees. However, during the year,
the Government arrested political activists and detained them without charge for
periods of up to 10 weeks or longer, while they were at times interrogated, beaten,
and tortured (see Section I.e.). The Government uses the psychological effects of ar-
rest, along with the fear of future beating and intimidation, to intimidate opposition
party members.
In January Convergencia Para La Democracia Social (CPDS) party members
Placido Miko and Indalecio Abuy were arrested at CPDS headquarters in Mbini for
allegedly holding an illegal political meeting. The two were taken to the local police
station and initially detained for 3 hours. When 15 party members went to the po-
lice station to inquire as to the charges, police arrested them as well, and held them
in detention for 1 day. Miko and Abuy were then driven to Bata and released the
100
following day. In May Abuy was again jailed and interrogated for several days (see
Section 2.d.).
In July police raided a private home in Bata and arrested 14 members of the
CPDS for holding an illegal meeting. Although the police never charged the 14
members with crimes, they were fined $35 each. Only one person had the money
to pay the fine; the others spent 1 week in detention.
La May Partido Del Progreso (PP) opposition leader Severo Moto purchased arms
in Angola and attempted to import them for use in overthrowing the F*resident. The
plot was uncovered by Angolan authorities. The Gk)vemment then launched a na-
tionwide crackdown on the PP and another opposition group, the Fuerza
Democratica Republicana (FDR), as yet unrecognized by the Government as an offi-
cial opposition party. Some 30 members of the FDR were arrested in Rio Muni on
suspicion of having played a role in the attempted arms shipment. The same inci-
dent sparked the arrest of 47 members of the PP in Niefang. Three other PP party
members were arrested in Bata. Credible sources reported that the detainees in
Niefang suffered torture.
In August the (Government arrested 20 FDR sympathizers and placed them in
metal ship containers in Bata, where they repwrtedly were beaten and tortured.
They were released after 2 weeks. The (jovemment also arrested a journalist on Au-
gust 22, placed him with the others in the ship containers, and reportedly tortured
nim for 1 week through repeated beatings on the feet with a belt.
On November 18, the (jovemment arrested four members of the Bubi tribe at
Baney for allegedly being members of the unrecognized Movement for the Auto-De-
termination of the Biolo Island. They remained detained at Blackbeach prison at
year's end.
In November the (jovernment arrested five Union Popular activists and held them
without charges at year's end.
In December, the Government arrested and mistreated three PP members in
Bata. They may have been released from custody by year's end.
For the first time, however, the (jovernment prosecuted and punished individual
members of the security forces who were responsible for extrajudicial killing, tor-
ture, illegal arrest, and detention. Two police oflicers, accused of the death by tor-
ture of Evanista Abaha, were convicted and sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment.
The (government does not force its citizens into exile, but some persons who were
able to travel abroad have sought political asylum. During government raids and
arrests around the Rio Muni town oiMongomo, several dozen individuals reportedly
fled to Gabon to escape arrest.
Opposition figure Celestino Bacale, who had fled the country in December 1996
after Deing charged with insulting the President, returned to Malabo in December
without any action by authorities. At year's end, it was unclear whether the 1996
charge of insulting the President was still active or had been dropped by authorities.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is not independent; judges serve at
the pleasure of the President and are appointed, transferred, and dismissed for po-
litical reasons. Corruption is rampant.
The court system is composed of lower provincial courts, two appeals courts, and
a Supreme Court. The President appoints members of the Supreme Court, who re-
port to him. There are also traditional courts in the countryside, in which tribal el-
ders adjudicate civil claims and minor criminal matters.
The Constitution and laws passed by the Chamber of Deputies provide for legal
representation and the right to appeal. In practice, authorities often do not respect
these provisions. Civil cases rarely come to public trial.
In August a three-judge tribunal tried and condemned in absentia accused coup
plotter Severo Moto and sentenced him to 101 years in prison. The tribunal also
ftassed down sentences of 36 years for three Spanish citizens implicated in the af-
air.
The tribunal also dissolved the PP, whose leader, Severo Moto, had attempted to
import weapons for a coup, although party leaders allege that the coup attempt was
an individual initiative and not a party effort (see Section l.d.). The Government
and the court again acted illegally ,as tne judiciary is not empowered under law to
abolish political parties.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government does not enforce the law requiring judicial warrants for searches. Secu-
rity forces regularly search homes and arrest occupants, but generally do so without
warrants. Bata police reportedly did not have a warrant during a July raid on a
CPDS meeting.
The (jovemment launched major urban renewal campaigns in Bata and Malabo.
A government commission notified owners to rebuild or repaint houses and build-
ings deemed deficient or unsightly. It gave residents 15 days to comply with the re-
101
quest. Some persons who failed to improve their property as ordered had their prop-
erty razed by the Government without compensation. There was no appeal of the
commission's determinations. Foreigners, especially those who did not understand
the process such as visitors from Cameroon and Nigeria, were hardest hit.
The Government does not overtly force officials to join the PDGE. However, for
lawyers, government employees, and some others, PDGE party membership is nec-
essary for employment and promotion. Even in the private sector, many citizens
claim that party membership is necessary in order to be hired. The party banner
is prominently displayed witn the national flag in government offices, and many of-
ficials wear PUGE lapel pins.
The Governor of Eoibeyin district reportedly enrolled the entire adult population
into the PDGE by collecting the names of those residing in the district and adding
them to the party roster without their consent.
There is reportedly surveillance of members of the opposition parties and foreign
diplomats.
Credible sources state that citizens living in rural areas are hesitant to associate
with, or even be seen with foreigners, due to the fear of repercussions from govern-
ment authorities.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and the Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of
speech and of the press, but the Government severely restricts these rights in prac-
tice, althou^ somewhat less severely than in past years. During the year, the Gov-
ernment showed more tolerance of free press criticism. It legalized the national
press association and supported an international press seminar in Malabo in Au-
gust. A private press began publishing intermittently in 1996 and continued during
the year. The Government allows mild criticism of infrastructure, public institu-
tions, and government mismanagement and permitted some increased criticism of
minor administrative decisions. The Government, however, permits no criticism of
the President or the security forces. All journalists must be registered with the Min-
istry of Information. According to press sources, there are five or six independent
reporters registered with the Ministry of Information. Between 30 and 40 reporters
employed by the official party or government publications are also registered. Visit-
ing foreign reporters must be accompanied by guides from the Ministry of Informa-
tion.
The Ministry of Information sometimes requires publishers to submit copy for ap-
proval prior to publication. All local publications exercise self-censorship, and are
subject to prior restraint. The newspaper El Sol alleged that the Government caused
frequent interruptions in electricity and other utility services at its offices; however,
at year's end, it was unclear whether the alleged interruptions continued, and the
newspaper had not published for months due to a lack of paper. Some foreign publi-
cations are available for sale, although security forces reportedly peruse the con-
tents of publications from Spain and confiscate literature critical of the Government.
Outdated copies of Spanish and American newspapers are available to clients of
prominent hotels. Short wave broadcasts and government-controlled radio and tele-
vision are available to citizens. Spanish language broadcast transmissions have been
a source of friction with the Spanish Government.
Television is government-controlled and broadcast only a few hours per day. Cable
television is available, broadcasting Cable News Network, MTV, French news, mov-
ies, and cartoons. The Government generally withholds access to broadcasting by
the more radical opposition parties, and rarely refers to the opposition in anything
but a negative light when broadcasting the news. During the revised national pact
debate, however, the Government allowed the proceedings to be televised, despite
the strong criticism expressed against the Government in the proceedings. State-
controlled national radio, which draws a far wider audience, was not permitted to
broadcast the debate. Opposition parties do not have access to national radio.
There are no institutions of higher learning, although the Government con-
structed several buildings, and sent contingents of professors overseas for training.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of assembly; however, the Government restricts this right in practice. Gov-
ernment authorization must be obtained for meetings of more than 10 persons in
private homes for discussions that the regime considers political. Although the Gov-
ernment formally abolished permit requirements for party meetings within party
buildings, in practice opposition parties must inform authorities in order to hold
gatherings of any kind, regardless of location.
Gatherings in public places, even small gatherings, are generally observed by se-
curity forces. The Government requires notification for public events, and routinely
denies permission to meet, effectively restricting the right of assembly.
102
Although the judiciary lacks the legal authority, it abolished the PP party. Oppo-
sition parties and El Sol allege that the Government causes frequent electrical and
other utility interruptions for political reasons.
On December 22, security forces broke up a meeting of the CPDS in the Rio Muni
town of Akelayong and arrested 12 party members. They released them after 3
hours.
Also on December 22, security forces broke up a Union Popular Party meeting in
the Rio Muni town of Nkue and arrested Cosma Nsue, the municipal chapter head.
Nsue was reportedly beaten by his jailers and at year's end remained in detention.
The Constitution provides for the right of association; however, the Government
does not always respect this right in practice. Police routinely and systematically
harass and jail members of opposition parties. Opposition party members com-
plained of disruption of meetings and roadblocks at which they are forced to pay
soldiers $30 in order to proceed. In the township of Nkimi, near Niefang, govern-
ment officials reportedly arrest or intimidate visitors wishing to call on the hamlet's
opposition party mayor. National government authorities reportedly sabotaged the
Nkimi municipal government by preventing local authorities from collecting reve-
nues. Government ofTicials also reportedly stole an estimated $4,000 from the mu-
nicipal government.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Government generally respects freedom of religion.
However, there were incidents in which priests and nuns were arrested and Har-
assed by security forces. Government oflicials in Bata detained and intimidated
Spanish nuns as a method of pressuring the government of Spain to issue a greater
number of visas to influential citizens. In July security forces arrested, jailed, and
deported a Spanish priest, claiming that he was a spy. Missionaries in Bata and
Malabo reported little government interference in their work.
There is no state religion, and the Government does not discriminate against any
faith. However, the Government continues to restrict freedom of expression for the
clergy, particularly regarding open criticism of the regime. A religious organization
must first be formally recognized by the Ministry of Justice and Religion before its
religious activities are allowed. The significant easing of restrictions on religious ac-
tivities reported by foreign missionaries in 1996 continued during the year.
d. Freeaom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— In principle, freedom of movement and travel throughout the country
are provided for in the law. However, local police routinely demand bribes from oc-
cupants of cars, taxis, and other vehicles traveling outside the capital. Opposition
activists complain of harassment at roadblocks. Police routinely stop members of the
opposition at roadblocks, subject them to searches, and extort money from them.
Nlembers of the Bubi ethnic group on the island of Bioko are unable to move about
freely, according to credible sources, as the Government fears separatist sympathies.
Roadblocks throughout the island prevent Bubis from traveling between villages.
Although all citizens are required to have permission to travel abroad, members
of opposition parties are regularly denied this permission and may face a hostile re-
ception upon their return.
In May political activist Indalecio Abuy was jailed by security officials after dis-
embarking from a flight from Malabo. Security forces interrogated him for several
days.
(jovemment officials attempt to control the movements of opposition party mem-
bers through the use of exit visas or confiscation of passports. Those who depart
Malabo witnout an exit visa must travel by canoe across 40 miles of open ocean to
reach mainland Africa, then face possible immigration charges upon their return.
In June government officials denied the exit visa of CPDS opposition leader Placido
Miko, who wished to attend a political conference in Europe. Miko eventually de-
Karted Malabo by canoe. After numerous diplomatic appeals to the Government,
[iko returned to Malabo without incident. At the Malabo airport, government offi-
cials allegedly confiscated the passport of Eloy Elo Mue Mbengana, founder of the
unrecognized FDR party. The confiscation led to the cancellation of Elo's travel
plans. He later departed the country clandestinely by canoe.
The country closed its land borders with Cameroon and Gabon to its own citizens
intermittently in June, following an attempt in May by an opposition leader to in-
vade the country and overthrow the Government (see Section l.d). There were also
numerous arrests in Mongomo and Ebibeyin, and citizens were not permitted to de-
part the country for a period of time. TTie Government also closed its land borders
m September and October during the National Conference.
In July President Obiang told a gathering of foreigners that in the event of a na-
tional emergency he would not allow foreign governments to repatriate their citi-
zens. The remark was directed at foreigners whom the President tears may attempt
to finance destabilization of his Government.
103
There are both refugees and asylum seekers. According to a credible source, some
20 refugees from Liberia, Rwanda, Sudan, and Mauritania have sought political asy-
lum in Equatorial Guinea. The Government generally grants these requests. Most
foreigners seeking asylum, however, however, do not oeclare themselves reftigees.
On November 5, during a visit by President Obiang to Gabon, Gabonese authori-
ties there arrested two Equatoguinean citizens and surrendered them to
Equatoguinean security forces who involuntarily repatriated them. Both were reg-
istered with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees as refugees.
There were no first asylum cases during the year.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution nominally provides citizens with the right to change their gov-
ernment peacefully, but in fact there have been no free, fair, and transparent presi-
dential elections since independence in 1968. The President exercises complete
power as Head of State, commander of the armed forces, and leader of the govern-
ment party, the PDGE. Leadership positions within the Government are, in general,
restricted to the President's subclan and closest supporters. While there is an elect-
ed Chamber of Deputies, it is not representative and is dominated by the Govern-
ment. The Minister of the Interior also acts as president of the national electoral
board.
The February 1996 presidential election, in which President Obiang claimed re-
election victory with 98 percent of the vote, was considered openly U'audulent by
international observers. Some opposition politicians who campaigned were beaten
and jailed. Voting was done in the open and without secrecy, with opposition parties
allegedly being barred from access to polling areas. There were credible reports of
widespread arrests and violence against opposition party members before the elec-
tions, as well as of beatings, roadblocks, stuffed ballot boxes, and open voting the
presence of security forces. Most opposition parties, claiming that it was futile to
run amidst such blatant corruption, boycotted the elections.
In April the Government and 13 political parties promulgated a revised national
peict following 3 months of debate. The pact calls for the creation of a multiparty
Electoral Commission and an Observance Commission to monitor compliance with
the agreement. The pact also stipulated an end to various political and electoral
abuses and the extension of voting rights already nominally provided for in the Con-
stitution. However, the Government has yet to abide by any of the pact's provisions.
Oppositions activists report that the Government has made no effort to implement
the pact. The Government's refusal to issue exit visas to opposition figures violates
the pact's principle of freedom of travel. The continued arrests of CPDS, PP, and
FDR activists further undermined the Government's claims that it abides by the
f)act, as do its continued restrictions on freedom of movement and the continued
ack of access to government media by the opposition. During the debate on the na-
tional pact, one opposition figure was assaulted by government security forces after
meeting with a foreign diplomat. The Government excluded the CPDS party from
the national pact dialog when the party failed to attend the opening session, but
independent sources asserted that the Government deliberately barred the CPDS
because it feared the party's strength. The CPDS, however, participates in the pact's
Observance Commission. The nominally multiparty Electoral Commission was not
functioning at year's end.
Although there are no legal restrictions on the participation of women in politics,
women remain seriously underrepresented in government |X)sitions. There are 2
women in the 42-member Cabinet, and 5 in the 80-member legislature.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no effective local human rights nongovernmental organizations. Am-
nesty International has no permanent presence in the country. The Government
does not recognize its reports or acknowledge their credibility.
The United Nations Special Rapporteur for Human Rignts visited in December
1996 and received the Government s cooperation.
The Government established a Parliamentary Commission on Human Rights ap-
proximately 5 years ago. This organization, however, has rarely been heard from,
and has little credibility or inOuence.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
While the Constitution condemns all forms of discrimination, both governmental
and societal discrimination continue. These are refiected in traditional constraints
on women's education and in restricted opportunities for professional and occupa-
/i c nr\n no
104
tional achievement by ethnic minorities. The Government deliberately limits poten-
tial opportunities for ethnic minorities.
Women. — Societal violence against women, particularly wife beating, is common.
F*ublic beating of wives is forbiaden by government decree, but violence in the home
is generally tolerated. The Government does not prosecute perpetrators of domestic
violence.
Although the Constitution provides for equal rights, women are largely confined
by custom to traditional roles, particularly in agriculture. Polygyny, which is wide-
spread among the Fang, contrioutes to women s secondary status, as does limited
educational opportunity. On average women receive only one-fillh as much schooling
as men.
There is no discrimination against women with regard to inheritance and family
laws, but there is discrimination in traditional practice. For an estimated 90 percent
of women, including virtually all ethnic groups except the Bubi, tradition dictates
that if a marriage is dissolved^ the wife must return the dowry given her family by
the bridegroom at the time of marriage, while the husband automatically receives
custody of all children bom after the marriage. The mother maintains custody of
all children bom prior to marriage.
Similarly, in the Fang, Ndowe, and Bisio cultures, primogeniture is practiced, and
as women become members of their husband's family upon marriage, they usually
are not accorded inheritance rights. According to the law, women have the right to
buy and sell property and goods, but in practice the male-dominated society permits
few women access to sufficient funds to engage in more than petty trading or to pur-
chase real property beyond a garden plot or modest home.
Children. — There are no legislated provisions for the welfare of children. The Gov-
ernment devotes little attention to children's rights or their welfare, and has no set
policy in this area. The education of Bubi children is virtually ignored by the Gov-
ernment. Education is compulsory up to the age of 18, but the Government does not
enforce the law.
People With Disabilities. — There is no constitutional or legal provision for the
¥hysically disabled with respect to discrimination in employment or education,
here is no legislation mandating accessibility for the disabled to buildings or gov-
ernment services.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — There is no legal discrimination against eth-
nic or racial minorities, and the Government does not overtly limit their participa-
tion; however, the monopolization of political power by the President's Mongomo
subclan of the Fang ethnic group persists. In practice some members of minorities
face discrimination because they are not members of the Fang ethnic group, or be-
long to a subclan other than the President's. Minorities do not face discrimination
in inheritance, marriage, or family laws.
Several thousand citizens of Nigeria, Ghana, and Francophone Africa continue to
reside in the country. Most are small traders and business people. There are numer-
ous reports of their harassment by the police (see Section l.d.).
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Ri^ht of Association. — Although the Constitution provides for the right to
organize unions, the Government has not passed enabling legislation. A 1995 peti-
tion by service sector employees to form a union in the mainland capital of Bata
has yet to be answered by the Government. In the small wage economy, no labor
union exists, although there are a few cooperatives with limited power. The law pro-
hibits strikes. The Labor Code contains provisions to uphold worker rights, but the
Government generally does not enforce them.
It is generally acknowledged that membership in the PDGE is a prerequisite for
hiring and promotion, both in the public and private sectors. Membership in a rival
political organization is considered grounds for dismissal from any position, public
or private. Opposition politicians often claim to have been dismissed from their jobs
aft^r joining alternate political groups. During the 1996 presidential elections, sev-
eral large private employers reportedly threatened to dismiss workers who did not
vote for President Obiang.
Hiring by the oil industry, one of the country's major employers, is largely con-
trolled by the Government, which operates through an agency, APEGESA. Inde-
pendent sources confirm that APEGESA, in screening applicants for positions, ex-
cludes those whom it considers unfriendly or indifferent to the PDGE. APEGESA
reportedly keeps nearly two-thirds of employees' wages. Oil workers earning $47 per
dav reportedly receive only $16; the remainder is kept by APEGESA, which is alleg-
edly managed by the Minister of Mines and Energy. When several employees signed
a petition complaining of this treatment, they were fired.
The Government did not allow unions to affiliate internationally.
105
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — There is no legislation regard-
ing these rights or prohibiting antiunion discrimination. There is no evidence of col-
lective bargaining by any group. Wages are set by the Government and employers,
with little or no participation by the workers. Employers must pay the minimum
wages set by the Government, and most companies pay more than the government-
established minimum.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The law forbids forced or bonded
labor and slavery, and there were no reports that these activities took place. Con-
victed felons do, within the law, perform extensive labor outside prison without com-
pensation.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The labor
code prohibits forced or bonded labor by children, and there were no reports that
it exists (see Section 6.c.). The legal minimum age for child employment is 18 years,
but the Ministry of Labor does not enforce this law. The Government also does not
enforce the law that stipulates mandatory education up to the age of 18. Underage
youth perform both family farm work and street vending.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law prescribes a standard 35-hour work-
week and a 48-hour rest period which are observed in practice in the formal econ-
omy. The minimum monthly wage is approximately $44 (cfa 27,000). The minimum
wage does not provide for a decent standard of living for a worker and family. The
Labor Code provides for comprehensive protection lor workers from occupational
hazards; however, the Government does not enforce this in practice. Employees who
protest unhealthy or dangerous working conditions risk losing their jobs.
ERITREA
Eritrea became an independent state in 1993, following an internationally mon-
itored referendum in which citizens voted overwhelmingly for independence from
Ethiopia. The Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), which led the 30-year war
for independence, has controlled the country since it defeated Ethiopian armed
forces in 1991; its leader, Isaias Afwerki, serves as President. The People's Front
for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), the core of the former EPLF, which split off from
the Government in 1994 is the sole political party. The Government did not fulfill
its stated program to hold elections in 1997; elections are planned for 1998. How-
ever, there was some progress in democratization. In 1994 the National Assembly,
partially appointed by the PFDJ leadership and partially elected, created a 50-mem-
Der National Constitutional Commission to draft a constitution. After a broad proc-
ess of consultation and civic education, the Constitution was ratified by a constitu-
ent assembly elected from newly elected local assemblies on May 24. It provides for
democratic freedoms, but public understanding of its implications remains limited.
The judiciary remains independent but weak.
The police are generally responsible for maintaining internal security, although
the Government may call on the 40,000-member armed forces, the reserves, and de-
mobilized soldiers in times of internal disorder. The army is responsible for external
and border security. Since 1993 the army has been forced to deal with the Eritrean
Islamic Jihad (EIJ), a small, Sudan-based insurgent group that has mounted terror-
ist attacks in northern and western Eritrea. Increased EjIJ activity, coupled with a
buildup of Sudanese forces along the Western border, led the Government to in-
crease security and deploy much the army to the West. Some members of the secu-
rity forces committed human rights abuses.
Eritrea began a transition from a deteriorating centrally planned economy to a
free-market economy through the privatization oi formerly state-owned enterprises
and the liberalization of investment and trade. While trade, services, and manufac-
turing provide the greatest portion of gross domestic product, the rural economy is
largely based on subsistence agriculture, with more than 70 percent of the popu-
lation of 3.6 million involved in farming and herding. The small industrial sector
consists mainly of light industries, many using outmoded technologies. International
economic assistance has accounted for a significant portion of external revenues,
with loans replacing grants. The country is extremely poor, with an average annual
per capita income of less than $238.
The Government generally resf)ected the rights of its citizens in some areas, but
serious problems remain. Citizens do not have the right to change their government,
which is dominated by the PFDJ. Although a constituent assembly ratified a new
constitution, the Government did not fulfill its stated program for a transition to
democracy by 1997. The Government does not permit prison visits and arbitrary ar-
106
rest and detention is a problem. An unknown number of persons suspected of asso-
ciation with the Ethiopian Mengistu regime, radical Islamic elements, or terrorist
organizations remain in detention. The undeveloped iudicial system limits the provi-
sion of speedy trials, and the use of military courts limits due process. The Govern-
ment restricts press freedom, including the rights of the religious media, and limits
freedom of association. The Government restricts religious freedom and freedom of
movement. There are no domestic or intemationsd human rights organizations. Soci-
etal discrimination against women is a problem, and female genital mutilation
(FGM) remains widespread.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Ethiopian Penal Code, as modified by the transitional Penal Code of Eritrea,
prohibits torture, and there were no reports that the authorities employed it.
Prison conditions are Spartan. The Government does not permit prisoners to cor-
respond with family and friends and restricts visitation privileges. There were no
confirmed reports that prisoners were beaten or that any prisoner died due to lack
of proper medical care; however, there were persistent unconfirmed reports of mis-
treatment of persons in detention.
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of conditions in deten-
tion facilities.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Penal Code stipulates that detainees
may be held for a maximum of 30 days without being charged with a crime. In prac-
tice the authorities sometimes hold persons suspected of crimes for much longer pe-
riods. In 1995, on the second anniversary of independence, the Government par-
doned and released 91 detainees who had been hela for up to 4 years for collabora-
tion with the Mengistu regime. An unknown number of additional suspected collabo-
rators remain in detention without charge, despite a statement by President Isaias
later in 1995 that their cases would be considered soon. An unspecified number of
persons associated with radical Islamic elements or suspected terrorist organiza-
tions also remained in detention without charge. There were unconfirmed reports
that the Government arbitrarily holds several Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)
members. Military authorities sometimes arbitrarily arrest and detain former com-
batants who violate the military's unwritten code of conduct (see Section I.e.).
The Government detained a journalist in March for inaccurate reporting, and con-
tinued to hold her indefinitely without trial at year's end (see Section 2.a.).
The Government does not use exile as a means of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent but weak, although
there were no known incidents of executive interference in the judicial process dur-
ing the year.
The iudiciary consists of lower courts and an Appellate Court. The undeveloped
judicial system suffers from a lack of trained personnel, adequate funding, and in-
frastructure that in practice limits the State's ability to grant accused persons a
speedy trial. At independence the Government chose to retain the Ethiopian legal
system. Under this Code, simple crimes are brought to the lower court and are
heard by a single judge. Serious crimes are tried publicly by a panel of three judges,
and defendants have access to legal counsel, usually at their own expense.
Although there is no formal public defender's office, the Government has success-
fully requested that attorneys work without fee to represent defendants accused of
serious crimes who are unable to afford legal counsel. Defendants may appeal ver-
dicts to the Appellate Court, which is composed of a president and five judges.
As a result of the lack of legally trained personnel, the Ministry of Justice was
unable to process a large volume of civilian corruption cases, which were handled
by the Ministry of Defense, In 1997 the Eritrean Press reported that 2,431 civilians
had been tried by special military courts. Approximately half were fined and impris-
oned, while 360 were found not guilty. In military courts there are usually no de-
fense lawyers and no right of appeal. The continued handling of civilian cases by
military courts raises problems of due process.
Since the population is largely rural, most citizens only have contact with the
legal system through traditional courts. Village judges, appointed by a panel of gov-
ernment magistrates, provide justice in civil matters. Criminal cases are transferred
to magistrates versed m criminal law. Many local issues — for example, property dis-
putes and most petty crimes — are adjudicated by local elders according to customs
107
or, in the case of Muslims, Shari'a law. The traditional courts cannot impose sen-
tences that involve physical punishment.
Crimes allegedly committed by members of the military forces are handled by
military courts. Senior former fighters are often held to a stringent unwritten code
of conduct, and violations of this code are handled within the governing circle out-
side the normal judicial process. Some former fighters accused oT violating this circle
of trust have been arrest and held without formal charge. Senior government offi-
cials are summarily relieved of their duties if they in any way overstep their role
or make mistakes.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Under
the law, warrants are required before the Government can monitor mail, telephones,
or other means of private communication. Warrants also are reauired in routine
searches and seizures, except in cases where authorities believe individuals may at-
tempt to escape or destroy evidence. There is no evidence that the Government mon-
itors or has monitored private mail or telephone service. The Government has not
yet allowed access to the Internet through the telecommunications system. The Gov-
ernment may ban the import of any foreign publications (see Section 2. a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press; however, individuals must be cautious in stating their views in
public since the Ministry of Internal Affairs detained one person wnose remarks it
considered inappropriate. The June arrest of an Eritrean-American citizen for re-
marks allegedly made while in the United States underscored the authority of the
Ministry to arrest people based on suspicion.
The Government controls all media, which include three newspapers, one radio
station, and one television station. The Government may ban the import of any for-
eign publication, and the press proclamation forbids the local reprinting of articles
from banned publications. The Government continued to restrict the rights of the
religious media to comment on politics or government policies. In theory nonreli-
gious print media are free to criticize the Government. Nonetheless, criticism tends
to be limited and fairly mild. Although there is no formal censorship body, the
media practice self-censorship. The arrest and detention without trial in March of
an Agence France Presse correspondent and a PFDJ member in March for falsely
reporting remarks made by President Isaias raised further doubts about press free-
dom. The open-ended jail sentence the reporter received without a trial denied her
due process.
The Government's press proclamation allows for individuals to publish news-
papers, and private newspapers and magazines began to publish toward the end of
the year. It does not allow lor private ownership oT any broadcast media or foreign
ownership of any media. The proclamation requires that all newspapers obtain a li-
cense from the Ministry of Information before publication and that all reporters reg-
ister with the Ministry. The Government may also punish "whosoever insults,
abuses, defames, or slanders the Government or one oi the constituted legislative,
executive, or judicial authorities," and forbids the publication of any matter that
contravenes general morality. This authority has hindered the development of print
or broadcast media critical of the Government.
Academic freedom is respected at the one institution of higher education, the Uni-
versity of Asmara.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government requires a
fiermit from the Ministry of Internal Affairs for a public meeting or demonstration,
n general permits are granted freely for nonpolitical meetings or gatherings, and
although no political demonstrations have occurred, there were no reports that per-
mits for political demonstrations were denied.
The Constitution states that every citizen shall have the right to form organiza-
tions for political, social, economic, and cultural ends. However, the PFDJ has stated
its opposition to the formation of any religiously or ethnically based parties.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^Although the Constitution provides for freedom of reli-
gion, the Government has banned religious organizations from involvement in poli-
tics. The Government has discouraged foreign religious groups and NGO's from
proselytizing, as it believes this could create unnecessary friction in the delicate bal-
ance between the Muslim and Christian populations. In a 1995 proclamation, it de-
scribed specific guidelines on the role of religion and religion-affiliated NGO's in de-
velopment and government, stating that development, politics, and public adminis-
tration are the sole responsibility of the Government and people. As a result, reli-
flous organizations may fund, but not initiate or implement, development projects,
he proclamation also sets out rules governing relations between religious organiza-
tions and foreign sponsors.
108
The Constitution provides for the "freedom to practice any religion and to mani-
fest such practice." However, government p)er8ecution of the small community of Je-
hovah's Witnesses continued. In 1994 the Government revoked the trading licenses
of Jehovah's Witnesses and dismissed those who worked in the civil service. This
governmental action resulted in economic, employment, and travel difficulties for Je-
hovah's Witnesses, especially former civil servants and businessmen. In addition, in
April, the government labor office issued a form to all employers in Asmara and the
surrounding area requesting information on any personnel who were Jehovah's Wit-
nesses.
Jehovah's Witnesses have refused universally on religious grounds to participate
in national service or vote in a referendum. This spurred widespread criticism that
the members were collectively shirking their civic auty. The harsh measures for re-
fusal to participate in national service were applied only to Jehovah's Witnesses. In
addition to the Government's continued denial of passports, Jehovah's Witnesses are
also denied identification cards, trading licenses, and government housing. However,
they are not barred from meeting in private homes.
Authorities closed a foreign-based NGO associated with an evangelical church be-
cause, according to the Government, its proselytizing activities in a Muslim district
could have caused religious friction. The Government restricts the rights of the reli-
gious media to comment on politics or government policies (see Section 2. a.).
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides fully for the rights of movement and emigra-
tion. In general citizens may live where they choose and travel freely throughout
the country. Some areas are restricted for security reasons, however. In particular,
clashes between government forces and Eritrean Islamic Jihad members have led
the Government to restrict travel along much of the border with Sudan. Some areas
remain heavily mined, a legacy of the war for independence, and occasionally new
mines are set by the EIJ, leading to additional travel restrictions.
Citizens are largely free to travel outside the country, although Jehovah's Wit-
nesses, former ruling party members, those who have not completed national serv-
ice, and intending emigrants have been denied passports or exit visas and can only
leave the country by traveling overland to Ethiopia. In general citizens have the
right to return. Instances in which citizens living abroad nave run afoul of the law,
contracted a serious contagious disease, or been declared ineligible for political asy-
lum by other governments are considered on a case-by-case basis.
The Government cooperates with the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The
Government provides first asylum and provided it to Sudanese refugees from the
conflict in Sudan during the year. The Eritrean Relief and Refugee Commission, a
government agency, is the principal organization for refugee issues.
A pilot refugee return program resulted in the repatriation of 25,000 refugees
from Sudan in 1995. However, a further 100,000 of the estimated 150,000 to 300,000
Eritrean refugees remaining in Sudan were not repatriated under a program spon-
sored by the UNHCR because of the failure of the governments of Eritrea and
Sudan to conclude an agreement on the modalities of such a repatriation. All
UNHCR foreign staff members were expelled from Eritrea in May because of activi-
ties that the Government alleged were inconsistent with the UNHCR mandate.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although the Constitution provides this right, citizens have not been able to
change their government in multiparty elections since 1991. Credible reports sug-
gest that authority within the Government is very narrowly held. The Government
18 dominated by the PFDJ. The PFDJ did not fulfill the ambitious program that it
had outlined for transition to a democratically elected government by 1997. Its lead-
ership stated that public education and institutional structures were needed before
multiparty democracy would be established.
In an effort to encourage broader participation by women in politics, the PFDJ
named 3 women to the Party's executive council and 12 women to the central com-
mittee. Women participated in the Constitutional Commission, are represented in
local assemblies, and nold senior government positions, including the position of
Minister of Justice.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Internal Affairs are jointly
responsible for handlingliuman rights inquiries. All NGO's also must register with
the Eritrean Relief and Refugee Commission. There are no domestic or international
109
human rights organizations. In April the Government proclaimed a policy to restrict
NGO's to supporting the Government in the sectors of health and education. The
Government reported no applications or registrations of human ri^ts NGO's during
the year. It expelled all UNHCR foreign staff members from the country in May (see
Section 2.d.).
In 1995 the Government proclaimed that religious organizations, including reli-
gious-based NGO's, could not engage in development activities. The Government
also removed religious-based indigenous NGO's completely from relief work in order
to prevent the development of church-based organizations receiving money from
abroad. It closed one religious NGO.
A governmental proclamation issued in May 1996 required that all private NGO's
hire those who have completed their national service. This proclamation was part
of the Government's effort to establish a national service program as a legal obliga-
tion of all citizens regardless of their religious beliefs.
AH foreign staff members of NGO's (or of any nondiplomatic organization) who
live and work in the country for more than 183 days must pay the highest income
tax rate, 38 percent of their salaries and allowances. This tax situation has encour-
aged the departure of NGO's; most NGO's left at the Government's request.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The transitional civil code prohibits discrimination against women, children, and
people with disabilities, and the Government generally enforces it.
Women. — The (jovemment has publicly taken a firm stand against domestic vio-
lence; health, police, and judicial authorities report that no serious domestic violence
problem exists.
The Government consistently advocated improving the status of women, many of
whom played a significant role as fighters in the struggle for independence. Since
women have enjoyed the ri^ts to equal educational opportunities, equal pay for
equal work, and legal sanctions against domestic violence. In 1994 the Third Party
Congress advocated more ri^ts for women, including parity in the right to the use
of land and other property. However, much of society remains traditional and patri-
archal, and most women have an inferior status to men in their homes and commu-
nities. The law provides a framework for improving the status of women, but laws
are unevenly implemented, because of both a lack of capacity in the legal system
and ingrained cultural attitudes. In practice, males retain privileged access to edu-
cation, employment, and control of economic resources, with more disparities in
rural areas than in cities.
The law requires that of ages 18 to 40 participate in the national service program.
Children. — ^The Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare is responsible for govern-
ment policies concerning the rights and welfare of children. The Government in
1996 reorganized and created under the Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare a
department that includes the Children's Affairs Division. The Children's Affairs di-
vision covers child care, counseling, and probation. Due to a shortage of schools and
teachers, half the country's children are unable to attend school.
Female genital mutilation, which is widely condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is practiced extensively
on girls at an early age. Tne (government, through the Ministry of Health and the
National Union of Eritrean Women, discourages this practice.
People With Disabilities. — The long war for independence left thousands of men
and women ^ysically disabled from injuries they received as guerrillas and as civil-
ian victims. The Government spends a large share of its financial resources to sup-
port and train these war disabled, who are regarded as heroes, and does not dis-
criminate against them in training, education, or employment. There are no laws
mandating access for the disabled to public thoroughfares or public or private build-
ings.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^There are no government restrictions regarding the
formation of unions, including in the military forces, the police, and other essential
services. Labor association is encouraged by the Government, which promulgated
Proclamation 8 in 1991 providing workers with the legal right to form unions and
to strike to protect their interests. The Government continued to rewrite the Labor
Code. The National Confederation of Eritrean Workers, which was part of the EPLF
during the war, is independent of both the Government and the PFDJ. It represents
over 20,000 workers from 129 unions and receives some funding the International
Labor Organization (ILO), the AFL-CIO, and European unions. The largest union
is the Textile, Leather, and Shoe Federation.
110
There were no strikes reported in 1997.
Unions may afliliate internationally, but none has attempted to do so.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Eritrea is a member of the
ILO, which provided assistance in 1993 to prepare the draft labor code, which pro-
hibits antiunion discrimination by employers and establishes a mechanism for re-
solving complaints of discrimination. The Grovemment has indicated its intention to
ratify several key ILO conventions on labor — freedom of association, the ri^t to
bargain, a labor administration system, and prohibition against child labor — but
still has not done so. The Ministry of Labor ana Human Welfare indicated that rati-
fication of the conventions may not occur for some time. Wages are determined by
the market.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^There is no law prohibiting forced
or compulsory labor, but it is not known to occur. All citizens between 18 and 40
are required to participate in the national service program, which includes military
training as well as civic action programs. High school students are also required to
participate in a summer work program, for which they are paid.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
does not prohibit forced or bonded labor, including that performed by children, but
there were no reports that it occurred (see Section 6.c.). The legal minimum age for
employment is 18 years, although apprentices may be hired at age 16. While the
Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare is responsible for enforcement of laws per-
taining to employment of children, there is no inspection system in place to monitor
compliance. The Government has not ratified the ILO Convention on the Prohibition
of Child Labor. According to labor officials, 50 percent of children are not able to
attend school due to a shortage of schools and teachers. Rural children who do not
attend classes often work on their family farms, while in urban areas, some children
are street vendors of cigarettes, newspapers, or chewing gum.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There are two systems regulating employment
conditions, the civil service system, and the labor law system. There is no legally
mandated minimum wage in the private sector. In the civil service sector wages
vary from $40 to $473 (250 to 3000 oirr) per month, with factory workers (in govern-
ment-owned enterprises) earning the highest wages. The minimum wage does not
provide the average worker and lamily with a decent standard of living.
The standard workweek is 48 hours, but many people work fewer hours. There
is no legal provision for a day of rest, but most workers are allowed 1 to IVz days
off per week. The Government has instituted occupational health and safety stand-
ards, but inspection and enforcement vary widely among factories. The draft labor
law includes a number of provisions concerning women, including one that states
that women during pregnancy shall not be assigned to jobs that could endanger
their lives or the uves of their unborn children. Workers are permitted to remove
themselves from dangerous work sites without retaliation.
ETHIOPIA
Ethiopia continued its transition from a unitary to a federal system of govern-
ment. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi leads the Government of the Federal Demo-
cratic Republic of Ethiopia, which was elected in 1995 to replace a transitional gov-
ernment that was established following a long and brutal civil war. Most opposition
groups boycotted the elections, and candidates affiliated with the dominant party
within the transitional government, the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Demo-
cratic Front (EPRDF), won a landslide victory in national and regional elections.
The principal faction within the EPRDF remains Prime Minister Meles' Tigray Peo-
ples' Liberation Front (TPLF). The judiciary is weak and overburdened, but contin-
ued to show signs of independence.
Federal regions, organized along ethnic lines, are increasingly autonomous, hav-
ing greater local control over fiscal and political issues. However, the relationship
between the central Government and local officials and among the various judi-
ciaries has not yet been finalized. A history of highly centralized authority, great
poverty, the civil conflict, and unfamiliarity with democratic culture combine to com-
plicate the implementation of federalism. The federal Government has significant
difficulty protecting constitutional rights at the local level, especially when local au-
thorities are unwilling or unable to do so. Local administrative, police, and judicial
systems remain weak in many regions.
Responsibility for internal security continued to shift from the military forces to
the police in most regions. Throughout the year, military forces conducted low level
Ill \
I
operations against the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in parts of the Oromia re-
gional state. The military forces also conducted operations against the Somalia-
based Al'ittihad terrorist organization and elements of the Ogaden National Libera-
tion Front (ONLF). The national police organization is subordinate to the Ministry
of Justice. Despite increased professional training during the year, some local offi-
cials and members of the security forces committed human rights abuses.
The economy is based on smallholder agriculture, with more than 85 percent of
the population of 58.5 million living in rural areas under very poor conditions. Per
capita gross national product is estimated at $135 per year. Real economic growth
in 1997 was 6 percent. Coffee accounts for about 60 percent of export revenues. The
Government continued to implement an internationally supported economic reform
program designed to liberalize the economy, attract foreign investment, and bring
state expenditures into balance with revenues.
Despite promises by the Government to improve its human rights practices, seri-
ous problems remain. An opposition figure suspected of terrorism was killed while
reportedly trying to avoid arrest. Security forces sometimes beat or mistreated de-
tamees, and arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens. Prisons are seriously over-
crowded, and prolonged pretrial detention remains a problem. The judiciary lacks
sufficient staff and funds; consequently, most citizens are denied the full protections
provided for in the Constitution. In response the Government sought to strengthen
the judiciary; it trained additional civil and criminal judges and prosecutors and as-
signed them to regional courts, while it dismissed many others in an effort to elimi-
nate judicial malfeasance. The law regarding search warrants is widely ignored. The
Government restricts freedom of the press and continued to detain or imprison jour-
nalists. At year's end, 13 journalists were detained, two were imprisoned, and five
were awaiting trial. Most were accused or convicted of inciting ethnic hatred, libel,
or publishing false information in violation of the 1992 Press L^w. Nevertheless, the
private press is active and flourishing. Many publications are unprofessional and
print inaccurate and untrue articles.
The Government limits freedom of association and continued to refuse to register
several nongovernmental organizations (NGO's), but otherwise did not prevent them
from operating. The Government remains skeptical of NGO's, and the registration
process is slow and tedious. However, in the latter half of the year, the pace of reg-
istration improved considerably. Societal discrimination and violence against women
and abuse of children remain problems; female genital mutilation is widespread de-
spite active government support for groups opposed to the practice. Child labor is
pervasive. Societal discrimination against disabled persons is a problem. On several
occasions, the Government took active measures to protect religious freedom.
The Government continued its efforts to create a national, apolitical army by re-
placing thousands of demobilized Tigrayan soldiers with recruits from other ethnic
groups. It expanded its training programs in military justice and undertook pro-
grams to enhance the professional capacity and improve the performance of military
personnel. The Government sought to enhance transparency and accountability by
continuing to publish in state media several detailed reports on ofTicials who were
arrested or dismissed for abuse of authority, corruption, and violations of human
rights. These included two EPRDF members of Parliament who were removed from
omce in July and indicted for war crimes committed during the former Mengistu
regime. The former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister oT Defense, indicted for
abuse of authority and embezzlement in 1996, are now facing trial. Governmental
transparency, however, remains limited.
Preliminary hearings and arraignments of the first group of defendants accused
of war crimes under the brutal Marxist regime of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam
(1974—1991), which began in December 1994, continued through the year. Many of
the accused have been held in detention for more than 6 years without formal
charge.
By February the Special Prosecutor's Office (SPO), which is in charge of war
crimes investigations and indictments, had completed its lengthy investigation proc-
ess and brought charges against 5,198 persons; however, more than half of those
accused were not in custody and were charged in absentia.
Radical Ahmara groups, the OLF, ana the Islamic extremist group Al'ittihad
Al'lslamia were responsible for a number of grenade attacks, bombings, shootings,
and ambushes that killed and injured a number of persons.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were unconfirmed reports of
extrajudicial killings by government security forces; however, the very high numbers
112
claimed by human rights activists and ethnically based NGO's, could not be sub-
stantiated. Two incidents drew international attention: The death of teacher and
OLF sympathizer Wako Tola, apparently of natural causes while in police custody;
and the snooting death by police of Assefa Maru, assistant secretary of the Ethio-
gian Teachers Association and an executive committee member of the Ethiopian
[uman Rights Council (EHRCO), who security ofiicials suspected was a member of
a terrorist organization. Police officials reported that Assefa Maru was shot while
trying to resist arrest. The Government d!eclined to make public the results of an
internal investigation into Assefa's death.
On October 8, Addis Ababa police killed three men who were allegedly involved
in an OLF attack in July; reportedly, the victims were resisting arrest. Two other
persons were arrested.
Preliminary hearings and arraignments continued of persons charged with com-
mitting genocide and war crimes during the Mengistu regime (see Sections l.d. and
I.e.).
Police blamed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) for a series of grenade attacks
in Addis Ababa in mid-April that killed left two persons and seriously injured 75
others. Other deadly grenade attacks, attributed to the Islamic extremist group
Al'ittihad alTslami and the OLF, occurred in Dire Dawa and Harar. The police
blamed OLF members for the March 28 ambush and killing of the mayor of Dolo
Mena, a Danish missionary nurse, and a passing motorist.
On July 13, 150 to 200 suspected OLF militants attacked the Jeldu Wereda police
station, killing 3 policemen and wounding 5.
Banditry remained a serious problem in some parts of the country. Bandits, often
heavily armed, killed civilians, police, and soldiers during robberies that they at-
tempted. While authorities frequently ascribed political motives to bandit activity,
most evidence suggests that their motives were primarily economic.
b. Disappearance. — There were no confirmed reports, but numerous unsubstan-
tiated reports, of alleged disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits the use of torture and mistreatment of prisoners. Never-
theless, there were numerous credible reports that security officials sometimes beat
or mistreated detainees. Government media published occasional reports of officials
who were jailed or dismissed for abuse of authority and violations of human rights.
The Government provided additional police trainingto combat this problem.
Prison overcrowding remains a serious problem. Prisoners are often allocated less
than 2 square meters of sleeping space in a room that may contain up to 200 people.
Prison food is adequate. Prisoners are typically permitted daily access to prison
yards. Visitors are permitted, and many prisoners receive regular deliveries of food
and other supplies from family members. Female prisoners are housed separately
from men, and rape does not appear to be a problem.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) reported that the army
sometimes used military camps for the temporary detention and interrogation of
OLF fighters and alleged supporters. These camps are located near Goba in Bale
zone, Oromiya.
The Government permitted independent monitoring of prison conditions, military
camps, and police stations and sometimes by diplomatic missions during the year.
The ICRC had routine access to prisons and civilian detention facilities throughout
the country. ICRC visits to federal prisons are irregular, but regional authorities
routinely permit the ICRC to visit prisons and police stations. The ICRC has only
restricted access to military detention facilities in eastern regions, where suspected
OLF fighters are held.
There were several diplomatic visits to prominent prisoners accused of war crimes
by the SPO or charged with plotting violent insurrection against the Government.
Triey included: Abera Yemane-ab, Mamo Wolde, Dr. Alemayehu Tefera, Dr. Taye
Wolde Semayat, Mekonnen Dori, and Professor Asrat Woldeyes. International ob-
servers, among them a delegation from Education International, were also granted
access to prisoners. There were no reports that these prisoners had been mistreated.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution and both the Criminal
and Civil Codes prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, but the Government does
not always respect these rights in practice.
Under the Criminal Procedure Code, any person detained must be charged and
informed of the charges within 48 hours and, in most cases, be offered release on
bail. Those persons believed to have committed serious offenses may be detained for
15 days while police conduct an investigation, and for additional 15-day periods
while the investigation continues. Some offenses, such as murder and treason, are
not bailable. In practice, and especially in outlying regions, authorities often detain
persons without a warrant, frequently do not charge them within 48 hours, and —
113
if persons are released on bail — never recall them to court. Nationwide, thousands
of criminal suspects remained in detention without charge or trial at year's end.
Most of the 7,000 detainees are suspected OLF supporters or guerrilla fighters.
Often these lengthy detentions are due to the severe shortage and limited training
of judges, prosecutors, and attorneys.
In March jwlice detained several of the organizers of an off-campus university stu-
dent demonstration (see Sections 2.a. and 2.b.). Federal and regional authorities ar-
rested and detained hundreds of persons without charge or trial for activities alleg-
edly in support of armed opposition groups. The vast majority of these incidents
took place m the Oromiya and Somali regional states. In typical cases, security
forces arrested and held these persons incommunicado for several days or weeks be-
fore eventually releasing them. Most detainees were accused of participating in
armed actions by the OLF or ONLF. Some 93 persons who were among a large
group of OLF fighters detained in 1994 continued to be held.
On November 5 authorities arrested three alleged OLF terrorists, who confessed
to hotel and restaurant bombings in Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa. On November 6,
the Federal Police arrested 17 OLF supporters, most of them members of Tulema,
a longstanding Oromo self-help organization that the Government asserts is a politi-
cal organization. Six were founding members of the newly registered Oromo Human
Rights League. A total of 31 OLF activists were arraigned on various terrorism and
illegal weapons possession charges on December 2. Although the OLF is an illegal
organization, due to its refusal to renounce violence and accept the Constitution,
simple membership is not necessarily cause for arrest. OLF members travel abroad
for negotiations with the Government without hindrance. The Government draws a
distinction, however, between the OLF's rank and file and its leadership.
In September the Federal High Court in Addis Ababa began arraignment and
prosecution of the 5,198 p>ersons charged with genocide and other war crimes under
the previous regime. Some defendants had spent 6 years in pretrial detention. Of
that total, 2,246 are in detention, while the remaining 2,952 are charged in
absentia. The defendants are mainly charged with genocide and war crimes, except
for 25 who are charged with aggravated homicide. Of the 5,198 persons indicted,
2,658 have had preliminary hearings. All defendants who are in custody are sched-
uled to appear before courts of justice in 1998. Some defendants have been in pre-
trial detention for 6 years. In July the SPO removed parliamentary immunity from
two EPRDF Members of Parliament, arrested them, and indicted them for war
crimes. The SPO trials of Olympic marathon champion Mamo Wolde and former
Addis Ababa university president. Dr. Alemayehu Tefera began.
The authorities arrested the Federal Sports Commissioner in late December be-
cause of his afliliation with the previous regime's "reign of terror."
Authorities arrested Dr. Taye Wolde Semayat, chairman of the Ethiopian Teach-
ers' Association (ETA) in August 1996 upon his return from a trip abroad. Taye has
been formally charged with forming an Amhara extremist organization that alleg-
edly planned and carried out attacks against foreigners, including the attempted
murder of a diplomat and a grenade attack on a diplomatic compound in Addis
Ababa. The Government's case against Taye is not linked to his activities on behalf
of the ETA. Charges linking Taye to the grenade attacks were dropped, but his trial
on other charges continued.
Opposition groups allege that some of the persons detained by the SPO, as well
as some other detainees, are held for political reasons. The Government denies that
it holds persons for political reasons.
Exile is illegal ana is not used.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Federal and regional courts continued to show signs of judicial inde-
pendence. In practice, however, severe shortages of adequately trained personnel in
many regions, as well as serious financial constraints, combine to keep the judiciary
weak and overburdened and to deny most citizens the full protections provided for
in the Constitution.
Consistent with the Constitution, the (jovemment continued to restructure and
decentralize the judiciary along federal lines with the establishment of courts at the
district and regional levels. The federal High Court and federal Supreme Court ad-
iudicate cases involving federal law, transregional issues, and national security and
lear both original and appeal cases. The regional judiciary is increasingly autono-
mous; district (Woreda), High and Supreme Courts mirror the structure of the fed-
eral judiciary. The Government delegated some of the war crimes trials to the su-
preme courts in the regions where the crimes were allegedly committed.
The Government continues its sweeping overhaul of the military justice system.
Foreign assistance is being used to train officers and noncommissioned officers in
114
topics including judicial and nonjudicial punishment, human rights, and the conduct
of soldiers during military operations.
The Government's goal is a decentralized judicial system that brings justice closer
to the people.
Authorities detained hundreds of persons without charge during the year, espe-
cially in the Oromiya and Somali regions, for supposed involvement with the OLF
and ONLF. Many were ultimately released without an appearance before a judge.
Such cases often reflect arbitrary actions by local officials, but also result from a
shortage of trained and competent prosecutors and judges. In May 1996, the Gov-
ernment appointed 56 federal court justices to help address this shortage. Regional
offices of the federal Ministry of Justice monitor local judicial developments, but the
federal judicial presence in the regions is limited. Anecdotal evidence suggests that
some local officials interpret decentralization to mean that they are no longer ac-
countable to any higher authority, even within their own regions.
On November 5 authorities arrested three alleged OLF terrorists, who confessed
to hotel and restaurant bombings in Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa.
To remedy the severe lack of experienced staff in the judicial system, the Govern-
ment continued to identify and train lower court judges and prosecutors, although
officials acknowledge that the pay scale offered must be significantly increased to
attract significant numbers of competent professionals. Senior government officials
charged with judicial oversight estimate that the creation of a truly independent
and skiUed judicial apparatus requires decades. The Government has welcomed for-
eign financial and technical assistance.
Pending passage by regional legislatures of laws particular to their region, all
judges are guided exclusively by the federal procedural and substantive codes. Trials
are public, and defendants have the right to a defense attorney. The public defend-
er's office provides legal counsel to indigent defendants, although its scope remains
severely limited, especially with respect to SPO trials. The law does not allow the
defense access to prosecutorial evidence before the trial.
The Constitution provides legal standing to some preexisting religious and cus-
tomary courts and gives federal and regional legislatures the authority to recognize
other courts. By law both parties to a dispute must agree before a case may be
heard by a customary or religious court. Shari'a (Islamic) courts may hear religious
and family cases involving Muslims. In addition some traditional courts still func-
tion. Although not sanctioned by law, these courts resolve disputes for the majority
of citizens who live in rural areas and who generally have little access to formal
judicial systems.
The SPO was established in August 1992 to create an historical record of the
abuses during the Mengistu regime and to bring to justice those criminally respon-
sible for human rights violations. Trials began in 1994 and continued through the
year. The federal High Court has considered the cases of 2,658 defendants accused
of genocide, war crimes, and aggravated homicide. Court dates are scheduled for
1998. Court appointed attorneys represent many of the defendants, following claims
that defendants could not afford an adequate defense. Of the 5,198 defendants, the
Government is trying 2,952 in absentia, including Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam,
the former dictator, who is now in exile in Zimbabwe. Senior government officials
expressed growing frustration with the slow pace of the work of the SPO, but the
special prosecutor and the vice president of the federal High Court announced in
August that all the defendants would appear before court in 1998. Legal observers
expect relatively few additional cases to be brought, with many defendants charged
and tried collectively in each instance.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
All Amhara People's Organization (AAPO) chairman professor Asrat Woldeyes
and four other AAPO leaders were convicted in 1994 of planning armed action
against the Government at a 1993 meeting in Debre Berhan. Asrat was also con-
victed of "incitement to war" in connection with a speech he made in 1992. He was
sentenced to a total of 5 years' imprisonment. Asrat currently faces charges stem-
ming from a May 1994 prison escape in Debre Berhan in which several guards were
killed. Asrat is reportedly in good health.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
requires judicial search warrants but, in practice, they are seldom obtained outside
Addis Ababa.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution and the 1992 Press Law pro-
vide for the right to free speech and press; however, the Government used legal and
other mechanisms to restrict press rights in practice. The Government continued to
prosecute journalists and editors for publishing articles that violated the Press Law.
115
The Government uses provisions of the Press Law concerning pubHshing false in-
formation or inciting ethnic hatred to arrest joumaUsts, and some joumausts prac-
tice self-censorship. A total of 15 journalists were either detained or imprisoned by
the Government at year's end; 13 of them were awaiting trial. Most were accused
or convicted of inciting ethnic hatred or publishing false information in violation of
the Press Law. At year's end, two journalists were serving sentences of 1 year. Of
the 13 awaiting trial, 5 were arrested for publishing reports in Urjii, a newspaper
that is openly supportive of the OLF, which accused the police of executing three
alleged OLF operatives in the Mekanissa area of Addis Ababa on October 8. Two
others were unable to produce guarantors for bail. One journalist was released after
completing a 12-month sentence; another charged with libel was released on bail in
Aiigust.
Despite the threat of legal action, however, the private press is very active. Many
private newspapers continue to publish false information and harshly
antigovemment articles without any onicial sanction. While the private press often
reports that government forces or regional officials commit human rights abuses,
most private press accounts are unsubstantiated and extremely difficult to verify.
However, The Grovemment has not banned any newspaper or publication.
The Government continued to deny access by private journalists to government
press conferences, despite the fact that the Press Law requires the Government to
be accessible to those seeking information. The Government typically ignores this
provision and denies access to information even to government journalists. Both pri-
vate and government journalists wrote extensively about problems of access to infor-
mation. Most, but not all, government ofiicials refuse to speak with the private and
official press.
Citizens are generally free to discuss publicly any topic they choose. A number
of groups critical of the Government held press conferences and public meetings
without retribution.
Only about 1 percent of citizens regularly read any newspaper or magazine, and
citizens outside Addis Ababa have extremely limited access to the print media. As
a result of poor management, market forces, and government enforcement of the
Press Law, only about 20 weekly newspapers appear regularly. Foreign journalists
continued to operate freely and often wrote articles critical oi government policies.
They or their local affiliates were granted greater access to government officials
than were local journalists.
While much of the private press continues to lack professionalism in its reporting,
some print media are developing into more responsiole publications. Others are ac-
tually oppositionist newsletters that often purvey unsubstantiated criticism of the
Government. Several are tied to distinct ethnic groups, especially Amhara and
Oromo, yet severely criticize the Government for being ethnocentric and a party to
national dissolution. Newspapers critical of government leaders and their policies
are widely available in the capital, but scarce elsewhere.
Radio remains the most influential medium in reaching those who live in rural
areas. The Press Law allows for private radio stations, but the only nongovern-
mental radio license granted so far is Radio Fana, a station controlled by the ruling
EPRDF party. The Government operates the sole television station. Ownership of
private satellite receiving dishes, facsimile machines, and modems is permitted.
Internet access is unrestricted, but private satellite transmission uplinks are not al-
lowed, even for international organizations.
The official media, including broadcast, wire service, and print media, are legally
autonomous and responsible for their own management and partial revenue genera-
tion, although they continue to receive government subsidies. Government reporters
practice self-censorship but have, at times, questioned official policies. The Govern-
ment's Press and Information Department acts as official spokesperson and imple-
mented a 1996 information policy to guide contacts among the Government, the
press, and the public.
Academic freedom is respected. Students at Addis Ababa University (AAU) formed
a student council for the first time since 1993. In general, however, political activity
is not encouraged on university campuses. In March authorities detained a number
of student activists for several days aft«r they staged a demonstration outside the
AAU campus without a permit. The students demonstrated in support of farmers
in the Amhara region following the regional government's implementation of a new
land policy.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly, and the Government generally permitted groups to
assemble during the year. Organizers of large public meetings or demonstrations
must notify the Government in advance and obtain a permit. Permits appear to be
routinely granted. A number of large public demonstrations protesting various gov-
,_
116
emment actions took place in Addis Ababa. However, the police stopped demonstra-
tions held without jjermits. Addis Ababa shopkeepers ana businessmen, protesting
announced rent increases, went on strike May 17, only to have a number of their
shops sealed by the police and some of their business licenses revoked. A university
student demonstration against the Government's land reform policy resulted in the
arrest of severed organizers. On the other hand, a major All Amhara Peoples Party
demonstration was neld on May 3 to protest the continued detention of Professor
Asrat without incident. The Addis Ababa municipal government granted permits for
all but one of the major demonstrations that took place in the capital.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association and the right to engage in
unrestricted peaceful political activity. Government procedures for registration of
NGO's were changed in 1996, but a number of problems regarding NGO's remain
unresolved. NGO representatives complain about the slowness of the registration
process, including arrangements for work permits. Primary authority for NGO reg-
istration rests with the Ministry of Justice (MOJ), which has still not issued com-
prehensive written procedures. Nonetheless, at mid-year the pace of registration im-
proved. In 1995 the Government revoked the registration certificates ol 47 domestic
and international NGO's. It has refused to grant new registration to several of these
NGO's despite their attempts to obtain it. EHRCO, which the Government asserts
is primarily a political organization, has not been granted registration as an NGO.
The Action Professionals' Association for the People was reregistered in November.
The Grovemment requires political parties to register with the National Election
Board (NEB). Parties that do not participate in two consecutive national elections
are subject to deregistration. There are about 60 organized political parties. Of
these, eight are national parties and the remainder operate only in specific regions.
The AH Amhara People's Party (AAPO) is a leading opposition party. Although the
AAPO is registered with the NEB, its activists often complain that the Government
limits their ability to campaign for popular support. In July 1996 the NEB granted
registration to the Council of Alternative Forces for Peace and Democracy in Ethio-
pia (CAFPDE) as a national party. The CAFPDE has established branch offices in
several regions and launched its own newspaper, Amaratch, which is highly critical
of government policies. The NEB also registered the opposition Oromo National
Congress as a political party in 1996.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, includ-
ing the right of conversion, and the Government respects this right in practice.
Pentecostals complain that police do not protect them adequately during instances
of conflict with orthodox Christians (see Section 5). In interreligious disputes, the
Government tries to be an impartial arbitrator.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The Constitution provides for freedom of movement, including the right
of domestic and foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation. Citizens can and do
freely change their residence or workplace. Citizens and residents are required to
obtain an exit visa before departing the country. Exit visas are issued routinely, ex-
cept to persons with pending court cases or unpaid debts.
Ethiopian Jews (Falashas and Beta Israel) who wish to emigrate to Israel may
do so if qualified under Israeli law. The status of several thousand Feles Mora (Ethi-
opians who claim forced conversion to Christianity from Judaism during the past
100 years or more) is under review by the Israeli government on a case-by-case
basis. There are 110 to 120 departures per month under provisions of Israeli law
pertaining to family reunification.
According to both the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and foreign
diplomats, the Government treats asylum seekers fairly and cooperates with tne
UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and returning
citizens. It provided first asylum to more than 360,000 persons in 1996, and contin-
ues to host approximately 270,000 refugees; most are from Somalia and Sudan. The
Government, in cooperation with the UNHCR, continues to provide first asylum to
Eersons from Sudan and Somalia. Negotiations between the Government and the
TNHCR concerning the status of 8,000 refugees from Djibouti living in Afar re-
gional state began during the year. There were no reports of forced expulsion of in-
dividuals having a valid claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised this right for the first time in the country's history in 1995.
However, most opposition groups chose to boycott the elections, despite a wide-
spread finding that opposition participation was possible. Boycotting parties claimed
that the CJovemment impeded their ability to participate in the political process.
Concerted efforts by foreign governments to promote dialogue and political reconcili-
117
ation between the Government and several key opposition groups leading up to the
elections were not successful. Nevertheless, observers organized by foreign donor
governments, the Organization of African Unity, and a coalition of domestic NGO's
judged the elections to be generally free and fair, although they cited numerous
irregularities. The boycott was one factor that lead to an overwhelming victory by
candidates of the better funded and better organized EPRDF over candidates of the
relatively weak and poorly organized opposition parties and independent candidates.
Political participation remains closed to a number of organizations that have not
renounced violence and do not accept the Government as a legitimate authority.
These groups include Medhin, the Coalition of Ethiopian Democratic Forces, the
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party, the OLF, some elements of the ONLF, and
several smaller Somali groups.
Neither law nor practice restricts the participation of women in politics. While
women's status and political participation are greater than ever, women are mini-
mally represented in the Council of Ministers and among the leadership of all politi-
cal organizations. Only 1 of the 15 members of the Council of Ministers is a woman;
2 other women hold ministerial rank; and a number of others hold senior positions.
There are only 13 women among the 545 members of the lower House oi Peoples'
Representatives; in the upper house, the House of Federation, 7 of 108 members are
women, including the speaker. Among the 23 judges on the federal High Court, 4
are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights organizations include the Ethiopian Human Rights and Peace Cen-
ter, the Ethiopian Congress for Democracy, the Ethiopian Women's Lawyers Asso-
ciation, the Ethiopian Human Rights League, and the Inter-Africa Group. These
groups are primarily engaged in civic and human rights education, legal assistance,
and trial monitoring. The Ethiopian Human Rights Council, a self-proclaimed
human rights monitoring organization, continues to operate without legal status as
an NGO because the Government considers some of its activities as primarily politi-
cal.
The ICRC conducts regular visits to detention centers throughout the country.
ICRC access during the year improved measurably with the opening of new regional
offices in Gode, a town in the Ogaden area of Somali state, and Assosa, near the
border with Sudan in BenishanguT state.
The Government continues to encourage international human rights groups and
foreign diplomats to observe the war crimes trials, which began in 1994. Delegations
from Human Rights Watch/Africa, the Committee to Protect Journalists, Reporters
sans Frontieres, Amnesty International, Education International, the Lawyers Com-
mittee for Human Rights, and various international labor organizations all visited
during the year. Representatives from these organizations held substantive discus-
sions with a number of senior government officials, including Prime Minister Meles.
Officials of the Federal Security Authority have generally been responsive to re-
quests for information from the diplomatic community.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that all persons are equal before the law. The law pro-
vides that all persons should have equal and effective protection without discrimina-
tion on grounds of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, na-
tional or social origin, wealth, birth or other status. The Government, however, has
not yet put fully into place mechanisms for efTective enforcement of these protec-
tions.
Women. — The Constitution provides for the equality of women, but these provi-
sions are often not applied in practice. Culturally based abuses, including wife beat-
ing and rape, are pervasive social problems. While women have recourse to the po-
lice and the courts, societal norms and limited infrastructure inhibit many women
from seeking legal redress, especially in remote areas. Social practices obstruct in-
vestigations into rape and the prosecution of the rapist.
Although women played a prominent role (including service in combat) during the
civil war, in practice women do not enjoy equal status with men. The law considers
men and women equal, but tradition and cultural factors place the husband as head
of the household. All land belongs to the State. However, land reforms enacted in
March stipulate that women may lease land from Government. Discrimination is
most acute in rural areas, where 85 percent of the population lives. In urban areas,
women have fewer employment opportunities than men, and the jobs available do
not provide equal pay for equal worK. Women's concerns have been factored into the
118
Government's development planning since 1993. There are women's affairs desks in
each of the ministries. To enhance rurther the status of women, the Government for-
maUy adopted a "National Program of Action" in June. The program seeks to ex-
Kana women's access to healtn care, and educate women concerning maternal
ealth.
Children. — ^The Government has encouraged the efforts of domestic and inter-
nationEil NGO's that focus on children's social, health, and legal issues. However,
direct government support beyond efforts to provide improved health care and basic
education remains limited.
Societal abuse against young girls continues to be a serious problem. The great
majority of girls undergo some form of female genital mutilation (FGM), which is
wiaely condemned by international health experts as damaging to both physical and
psychological health. Reports place percentages of women and girls who nave under-
gone FGM at 90 percent. Clitorectomies are typically performed 7 days after birth,
and the excision of the labia and infibulation, the most extreme and dangerous form
of FGM, is performed at any time between the age of 8 and the onset of pubertv.
Excision is the most common form of FGM practiced. The law does not specifically
prohibit FGM, although it is officially discouraged, and the Government has been
very supportive of the National Committee on Traditional Practices in Ethiopia,
which is dedicated to eradicating FGM. The Government is also working to discour-
age the practice of FGM through education in the public schools.
The Constitution defines the age of consent as 15 for females and 18 for males.
Nevertheless, early childhood marriage is common in rural areas, with girls as
young as age 9 being party to arranged marriages. Especially in the Afar region,
young girls continue to be married to much older men, but this practice is coming
under greater scrutiny and criticism. The maternal mortality rate is extremely high,
due in part to food taboos for pregnant women, early marriage, and birth complica-
tions related to FGM, especially infibulation.
Many thousands of street children live in Addis Ababa. These children beg, some-
times as part of a gang, or work in the informal sector in order to survive. Govern-
ment and privately run orphanages are unable to handle the number of street chil-
dren, and younger children are often abused by older children. Due to financial con-
straints, abandoned infants are often overlooked or neglected at hospitals and or-
phanages. There are credible reports that children are occasionally maimed or blind-
ed by their "handlers," in order to increase their earnings from begging.
Child prostitution is a problem. There were many press reports of the large-scale
employment of children, especially underage girls, as hotel workers, barmaids, and
sex workers in resort towns and truckstops south of Addis Ababa. According to the
head of the Labor and Social Affairs Office of East Shoa zone, children are being
bought or stolen from the countryside by "child vendors" and sold to bar and liquor
store owners in Shashemene and Nazareth. The going price for a child is reportedly
about $36. More that 3,000 young girls are working as dancers, barmaids, and pros-
titutes in the town of Shashemene. There are also credible reports that poor rural
families sell their young teenage daughters to hotel and bar owners on the main
truck routes. Social workers note that these girls are prized because their clients
believe that they are free of sexually transmitted diseases. Some families send their
unemployed, out-of-school, underage daughters to work in Middle Eastern countries
as house servants and nannies, some of whom are kept in sexual bondage (see also
Sections 6.c. and 6.d.).
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution stipulates that the state allocate re-
sources to provide rehabilitation and assistance to the physically and mentally dis-
abled. Limited government resources restrict action in these areas. The Amhara De-
velopment Association operates a project to provide vocational training to disabled
war veterans in Bahir Dar. A similar center has been established by the Tigray De-
velopment Association in Mekele. The Government has not yet put into place mech-
anisms to enforce a 1994 law mandating equal rights for the disabled. The Govern-
ment does not have sufficient resources to mandate access to buildings or govern-
ment services for persons with disabilities, and people with minor disabilities some-
times complain ofjob discrimination. An official at the Government's rehabilitation
agency estimated that, partly as a result of the long civil war, there are more than
5 million disabled persons in the population of 58.5 million.
Religious Minorities. — Despite the country's broad level of religious freedom and
tolerance for established faiths, there have been instances of open conflict among
religious groups, most noticeably between Orthodox Christians and Pentecostals. In
most sections of the country, Orthodox Christians and Muslims participate in each
other's religious observances, and there is a level of tolerance for intermarriage and
conversion in certain areas, most notably in Welo. However, newer faiths encounter
problems. Jehovah's Witnesses and Pentecostals have sometimes encountered overt.
119
even violent, opposition from the public. On two occasions Orthodox Christians dis-
rupted Pentecostal revivals in Debre Zeit and Arba Minch, apparently incited by Or-
thodox clergy. Orthodox members inflicted injuries and destroyed property before
Solice intervened to restore order. While some Pentecostals complain that the police
o not do enough to protect them, most observers assert that the Government strict-
ly enforces the constitutional right to freedom of religion, and that the police strive
to maintain impartiality in all interrelirious disputes. Muslims and orthodox Chris-
tians complain about proselytization by Pentecostals and Jehovah's Witnesses. Mus-
lims complain that some Pentecostal preachers disparage Islam in their sermons.
NatioTud I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — There are more than 80 ethnic groups. Al-
though many of these groups have influenced the political and cultural life of the
country, Anmaras and Tigrayans from the northern highlands have played domi-
nant roles. Some ethnic groups such as Oromos, the largest single group, were sub-
jugated during the nineteentn century. In an attempt to address ethnic concerns,
the Government has established a federal system with political boundaries drawn
along major ethnic lines. With federalism, for example, citizens of the Oromiya re-
gion now have a greater say over their own affairs and resources. Primary school
students are taught in their local languages, consistent with the new Constitution.
The military services continued their eflorts to recruit ethnic minorities at all lev-
els. All new recruits are screened as potential officer candidates, and those who
Sualify are offered officer training. The military services have integrated 7,000 sol-
iers who served under the previous regime and have important technical skills.
These soldiers and former militia members are often permitted to retain their pre-
vious grade, up to the rank of colonel. Seven of the military's nine generals are non-
Tigrayans.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Only a small percentage of the population is in-
volved in wage labor employment, which is largely concentrated in urban areas. Ap-
proximately 85 percent of the work force live in the countryside, engaged in subsist-
ence farming.
The Constitution and the Labor Law provide most workers with the right to form
and join unions and engage in collective bargaining, but only about 300,000 workers
are unionized. In general, employees of the civil and security services (where most
wage earners are found), judges, and prosecutors are not allowed to form unions.
Workers who provide an "essential service" also are not allowed to strike. Essential
services incluae a large number of categories such as air transport, railways, bus
service, police and fire services, post and telecommunications, banks, and phar-
macies. There is no requirement that unions belong to the Confederation of Ethio-
pian Trade Unions (CETU), which was established in 1993, decertified in 1994 be-
cause of internal management disputes, and officially reestablished and recertified
in April. The CETU includes eight federations organized by industrial and service
sector rather than by region. With the reemergence of the CETU, the Center for
International Labor Solidarity, the AFL-CIO's Nairobi regional office, has reestab-
lished a working relationship with it, including democracy and human rights edu-
cation.
The Labor Law stipulates that a trade organization may not act in an overtly po-
litical manner. It explicitly gives workers the right to strike to protect their inter-
ests, but it also sets forth restrictive procedures that apply before a legal strike may
take place. These apply equally to an employer's right to lock out workers. Strikes
must be supported by a majority of the workers affected. The Labor Law prohibits
retribution against strikers. Both sides must make efTorts at conciHation, provide at
least 10 days notice to the Government, include the reasons for the action, and in
cases already before a court or labor board, the party must provide at least a 30-
day warning. If an agreement between unions and management cannot be reached,
the Minister of Labor may refer the case to arbitration by a Labor Relations Board
(LRB). The Government has established LRB's at the national level and in some re-
gions. The Minister of Labor and Social Affairs appoints each LRB chairman, and
the four board members include two each from trade unions and employer groups.
Some efforts to enforce these regulations are made within the formal industrial sec-
tor.
In a strike by shopkeepers and businessmen in May, police closed some strikers'
shops and revoked their business licenses.
Independent unions and those belonging to the CETU are free to affiliate with
and participate in international labor bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is pro-
tected under the Labor Law and under the Constitution, and it is practiced freely
throughout the country. Collective bargaining agreements concludea between 1975
120
and the promulgation of the 1993 Labor Law are covered under the 1975 labor code
and remain in force. Labor experts estimate that more than 90 percent of unionized
workers are covered by collective bargaining agreements. Wages are negotiated at
the plant level. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers against
union members and organizers. There are ^evance procedures for hearings on alle-
gations of discrimination brought by individuals or unions. Employers found guilty
of antiunion discrimination are required to reinstate workers fired for union activi-
ties.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prokibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution proscribes slav-
ery, which was officially abolished in 1942, and involuntary servitude. There are no
reports of slavery within Ethiopia, but there were numerous anecdotal accounts of
young people, especially girls, being sent by their families into involuntary servitude
in Saudi Arabia and other Arabian Peninsula states to work as house servants and
nannies, some of whom are kept in sexual bondage. There is reportedly a network
of sex smugglers based in the tourism and import-export sectors who are heavily
involved in soliciting potential clients, recruiting young girls, arranging travel, and
fabricating counterfeit work permits, travel documents, and birth certificates. More
than 40 travel agents and import-export operators have been indicted for these il-
licit activities (see also Sections 5 ana 6.d.).
The Criminal Code specifically prohibits forced labor, but it can be used by court
order as a punitive measure. It does not apply to children age 15 or younger.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Under the
Labor Law, the minimum age for wage or salary employment is 14 years; children
between the ages of 14 and 18 years are covered by special provisions. Forced or
compulsory latwr by children is illegal. However, there are reports that children are
sent into involuntary servitude abroad, and that children are stolen from the coun-
tryside and sold to bar and liquor store owners (see Sections 5 and 6.c.). Children
may not work more than 7 hours per day; work between the hours of 10 p.m. and
6 a.m.; work on public holidays or rest days; or perform overtime work. Authorities
make some efforts to enforce these regulations within the formal industrial sector.
Social welfare activists, civic organizers, government officials and entrepreneurs
agree that child labor is pervasive throughout the country, especially in the informal
sector. Large numbers oi children of all ages grow and harvest crops outside most
government regulatory control in the countryside, or work as street peddlers in the
cities.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no minimum wage in the private sec-
tor. However, since 1985 a minimum wage has been set and paid to public sector
employees, by far the largest group of wage earners. This public sector minimum
wage is about $18 (120 birr) per month, which is insufficient to provide a decent
standard of living for a worker and family. According to the Office of the Study of
Wages and Other Remunerations, a family of five requires a monthly income of $61
(414 birr).
The legal workweek, as stipulated in the Labor Law, is 48 hours, consisting of
6 days of 8 hours each, with a 24-hour rest period. However, in practice, most em-
ployees work a 40-hour workweek, consisting of 5 days of 8 hours each.
The Government, industry, and unions negotiate to set occupational health and
safety standards. However, the Inspection Department of the Ministry of Labor and
Social Affairs enforces these standards ineffectively due to a lack of human and fi-
nancial resources. Workers have the right to remove themselves from dangerous
work situations without jeopardy to continued employment.
GABON
A one-party state until 1990, Gabon held its first multiparty elections in 1991,
with President Omar Bongo's party retaining a large majority in the National As-
sembly. President Bongo, in oftice since 1967, was reelected in 1993 in an election
marred by serious irregularities. After several months of contention and civil unrest,
political parties supporting the President and the principal opposition parties nego-
tiated in October 1994 the "Paris Accords." These agreements includea promises of
reforms to amend electoral procedures, to include opposition leaders in government,
and to assure greater respect for human rights. These were approved by a national
referendum in July 1995. Opposition parties won disorganized municipal elections
in the capital in October and November, while in December parties supporting the
President won more than two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly in poorly
run, fraudulent elections. Regional councils later elected 91 members of the new na-
121
tional Senate, more than half of whom represent the President's party. The judiciary
is independent but remains vulnerable to government manipulation.
TTie national police and the gendarmerie enforce the law and maintain public se-
curity. In conformity with the Paris Accords, the National Assembly reassigned au-
thority over these security forces from the Ministiy of Defense to the Ministry of
the Interior and redesignated as the "Republican Guard," an elite, heavily armed
corps that protects the President. In 1994 the Defense Minister used this corps for
violent repression of public dissent; there have been no reported incidents since that
time. Security forces on occasion beat persons in custody.
The Government generally adheres to free market principles, particularly in the
export sector, in which trade is dominated by p>etroleum, timber, and minerals. A
majority of woricers in the formal sector are employed by the Government or by
lai^e, inefficient, state-owned organizations, although the country did make
progress in 1997 toward its privatization goals. Per capita income is approximately
$4,600 annually, and income distribution is badly skewed in favor of uroan dwellers
and a small economic elite. Immigrants from other African countries dominate the
informal sector. The rural population is poor and receives few social services. Finan-
cial mismanagement and corruption have resulted in significant arrears in domestic
and external debt. The Government continued to meet most of its structural adjust-
ment performance goals.
The Government generally respected the rights of its citizens in many areas; how-
ever, longstanding human rights abuses continued.
The security forces beat and tortured prisoners and detainees, and prison condi-
tions remained abysmal. Societal discrimination and violence against women, and
exploitation of expatriate children as domestic and agricultural workers remained
problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killing.
On August 25, following a round of voting in a local legislative by-election, five
people were killed and at least three wounded during a clash over transporting a
DaUot box near the city of Makokou. Claiming election fraud, supporters of one party
attempted to block gendarmes from moving the ballot box to the official ballot count-
ing site. Both party members and gendarmes claimed the other side initiated the
shooting.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture or cruel ana inhuman punishment. However, se-
curity forces often beat or physically mistreat prisoners and detainees as punish-
ment and to exact confessions.
Conditions in most prisons are abysmal and life threatening. Sanitation and ven-
tilation are poor, and medical care is almost nonexistent. Prisons provide inad-
equate food lor inmates. There were no known visits by human rights monitors to
prisons during the year.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law provides for up to 48 hours of
initial preventive detention, during which time police must charge a detainee before
a judge. In practice, however, police rarely respect this provision. Bail may be set
if there is to be a further investigation. Pretrial detainees have the right to free ac-
cess to their attorneys, and this righi is respected in practice. Detainees have the
right to an expeditious trial, as defined by the law. Pretrial detention is limited to
6 months for a misdemeanor and to 1 year for a felony charge. These periods may
be extended for 6 months by the examining magistrate. The Attorney General's of-
fice estimates that roughly 40 percent of persons in custody are pretrial detainees.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. The judiciary is generally independent but remains vulnerable to government
manipulation.
The Constitution provides for the right to a public trial and the right to legal
counsel. These rights are generally respected in criminal cases. Nevertheless, proce-
dural safeguards are lacking, particularly in state security trials. The law applies
the concept of presumed guilt. A judge may thus deliver an immediate verdict at
the initial hearing, if sufficient evidence is presented by the State.
The judicial system includes the regular courts, a military tribunal, and a civilian
State Security Court. The regular court system includes trial courts, appellate
courts, and the Supreme Court. The Constitutional Court is a separate body charged
122
with examining constitutional questions, including the certification of elections.
There are no traditional or customary courts. In some areas, minor disputes may
be taken to a local chief, but the Government does not recognize such decisions. The
State Security Court, last convened in 1990, is constituted by the Government as
required to consider matters of state security.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^The
Constitution provides for protection from surveillance, from searches without war-
rant, and from interference with private telecommunications or correspondence. As
part of criminal investigations, police may request search warrants from judges,
which they obtain easily, sometimes after the fact. The Government has used them
in the past to gain access to the homes of opposition figures and their families. Gov-
ernment authorities also routinely monitor private telephone conversations, per-
sonal mail, and the movements of citizens.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and in practice, citizens speak freely and criticize leaders. Legislators
in the National Assembly openly criticize government policies, ministers, and other
officials.
The only daily newspaper is the government-owned LTJnion, but there are more
than a half-dozen weekly or periodical publications in newspaper format, represent-
ing indef)endent views and those of various political parties. All — including
L'Union — actively criticize the Government and political leaders of all parties. Most
also criticize the President.
The National Communication Council (NCC), an appointed body, imposed restric-
tions on opposition-owned media several times. One opposition weekly was sus-
pended for a month for publishing an article that allegedly threatened the Presi-
dent, and an opposition-owned radio station was twice censured for broadcasting
interviews and listener comments judged by the NCC to be dangerous to public
order.
The Government controls the national electronic media, which reach all areas of
the country. Four private radio stations have been licensed. A fifth station pre-
viously operating under a temporary closed for financial reasons. Journalists are
subject to an extensive code of rights and responsibilities approved by the National
Assembly in 1995.
The Government does not interfere with broadcasts of international radio stations
Radio France 1, Africa No. 1, or the Voice of America. Foreign newspapers and mag-
azines are widely available.
There are no restrictions on academic freedom, including research.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Citizens and recognized orga-
nizations normally enjoy freedom of assembly and association, which are provided
for by the Constitution. Groups must obtain permits for public gatherings in ad-
vance, and the Government usually grants them.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for religious freedom, and au-
thorities do not engage in religious persecution or favoritism. There is no state reli-
gion. While the Government has not lifted its ban on Jehovah's Witnesses, neither
has it enforced this ban.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights. There are no legally man-
dated restrictions on internal movement. Police and gendarmes frequently stop trav-
elers to check identity, residence, or registration documents, and members of the se-
curity forces regularly harass expatriate Africans working legally as merchants,
service sector employees, and manual laborers. They extorted bribes and demanded
services with the threat of confiscation of residence documents or imprisonment.
Residence permits cost up to $1,000.
An unevenly enforced law requires married women to have their husbands' per-
mission to travel abroad. An exit visa is no longer required for citizens to travel
abroad. Aliens resident in the country must obtain a visa in order to leave and re-
turn.
The Government strictly controls the process of refugee abjudication. Coordination
with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) is generally adequate, and
during the year the Government provided first asylum to more than 1,500 persons.
However, in the course of an involuntary repatriation of Rwandan nationals in Au-
gust, the Government deported at least eight individuals who had been recognized
by the UNHCR as having a legitimate claim to refugee status. These individuals
were returned to Rwanda despite the objections of the UNHCR. There were about
800 refugees at year's end.
123
On November 5, gendarmes arrested and forcibly repatriated two prominent polit-
ical refugees from Equatorial Guinea. Felipe Ondo Obiang (former president of par-
liament) and Guillermo Nguema Ela (former finance minister) were seized by gen-
darmes iust prior to the November 6 ACP sunmiit in Libreville. The arresting ofncer
reportedly told the two men, who were registered with the UNHCR as political refu-
gees, that they would be released after the conference. However, instead of being
released, the Government's head of immigration control in charge of refugees de-
clared that they had no claim for asylum. They reportedly were returned to Equa-
torial Guinea at the request of the President, whose plane was used to deport them.
They were detained at the presidential complex in Eauatorial Guinea, but report-
edly released on November 11. The Government failea to respond to international
protests over the treatment of these refugees.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The 1991 Constitution explicitly provides this right, but mismanagement and seri-
ous irregularities in both the 1990 and 1996 legislative elections and the 1993 presi-
dential election called into serious doubt the extent to which this right exists in
practice.
In a July 1995 constitutional referendum, citizens approved by a 96 percent ma-
jority reforms previously agreed in the Paris Accords, including most significantly
the establishment of an independent National Electoral Commission (NE(J). The ref-
erendum was carried out under arrangements that assured that all political parties
could monitor voting and vote counting.
National Assembfy, Senate, and municipal elections were held in late 1996, after
a series of postponements due to both legislative inaction and requests by the NEC
for additional time. Delays in registering voters and organizing elections were at-
tributed bv all sides to logistical rather tnan political obstacles.
Local elections held in October 1996 were poorly organized and were later re-
peated in key districts. In both rounds, opposition parties won most of the municipal
council seats in the capital, Libreville. This outcome was reversed in the official re-
sults of poorly run legislative elections held in December 1996, in which parties
supporting the President took more than 80 of the 120 National Assembly seats, in-
cluding 8 of the 10 seats representing the capital. The military and NEC mag-
istrates fraudulently ensured victory for parties supporting the President by arbi-
trarily altering vote counts, particularly in the capital. In early 1997, municipal and
regional leaders elected 91 members to the new national Senate without con-
troversy. There are no restrictions on the participation of women and minorities in
politics. There are 6 women among the 120 National Assembly representatives, 9
of 91 members of the Senate are women, and there is 1 woman in the Cabinet.
Women serve at all levels within the various ministries, the judiciary, and the oppo-
sition. Despite governmental protections, indigenous Pygmies rarely participate in
the political process, and the Government has made only marginal efforts to include
them (see Section 5).
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government officially allows the existence of independent human rights
groups. There are two human rights groups, neither of which was active. There were
no reports of harassment by officials.
There have been no active inquiries from foreign groups in recent years.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution forbids discrimination based on national origin, race, gender, or
opinion. The Government does not uniformly enforce these constitutional guarantees
and tolerates a substantial degree of discrimination against women, especially in do-
mestic affairs. It has also provided a lower level of health care and educational serv-
ices to children of families of other African nationalities than it provided to citizens.
y/omen. — Violence against women is common and is especially prevalent in rural
areas. While medical authorities have not specifically identified rape to be a chronic
problem, religious workers and hospital staff report that evidence of physical beat-
ings of women is common. Police rarely intervene in such cases, and women vir-
tually never file complaints with civil authorities. Only limited medical and legal
assistance is available.
The law provides that women have rights to equal access in education, business,
and investment. Women own businesses and property, participate in politics, and
work throughout the government and the private sector. Women nevertheless con-
tinue to face considerable societal and legal discrimination, especially in rural areas.
124
By law couples must stipulate at the time of marriage whether they will adhere
to a monogamous or a polygynous relationship. For monogamous married couples,
a conmion property law provides for the eaual distribution of assets after divorce.
Wives who leave polygynous husbands sufier severe reductions in their property
rights. In inheritance cases, the husband's family must issue a written authorization
before his widow can inherit property. Common law marriage, which is socially ac-
cepted and widely practiced, affords a woman no property rights.
The law still requires that a woman obtain her nusband's permission to travel
abroad; however, this requirement is not consistently enforced.
Children. — ^The Government has used oil revenue to build schools, to pay ade-
quate teacher salaries, and to promote education, even in rural areas. The country
has a relatively high infant mortality rate, and not all children have access to vac-
cination. Traditional beliefs and practices provide numerous safeguards for children,
but children remain the responsibility of the extended family — including aunts,
grandmothers, and older siblings. There is little evidence of physical abuse of chil-
dren. Protection for children's rights is not codified in law.
There is concern about the problems facing the large community of children of Af-
rican noncitizens. Almost all enjoy far less access to education and health care than
do children of Gabonese, and are sometimes victims of child labor abuses (see Sec-
tion 6.d.). Female genital mutilation, which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, occurs among
the resident population of expatriate Africans. There are no laws against FGM, but
according to local women's groups it is not practiced on Gabonese children.
People With Disabilities. — There are no laws prohibiting discrimination against
persons with disabilities, nor providing for access to buildings or services.
Indigenous People. — Several thousand indigenous Pygmies live in northeastern
Gabon. In principle they enjoy the same civil rights as other citizens. Pygmies are
largely independent of formal authority, keeping their own traditions, independent
communities, and local decisionmaking structures. Pygmies did not participate in
government-instituted programs that integrated many small rural villages into larg-
er ones along major roads. As a result, their access to government-funded healtn
and sanitation facilities was limited. There are no specific government programs or
policies to assist or hinder Pygmies.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Persons from all major ethnic groups contin-
ued to occupy prominent positions in government, in the military services, and in
the private sector. Credible reports suggest, however, that ethnic favoritism in hir-
ing and promotion is p)ervasive. There was evidence, especially within the armed
forces, that members of the President's ethnic group held a disproportionately large
share both of senior positions and of jobs within the ranks.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution places no restrictions on the right
of association and recognizes the right of citizens to form trade and labor unions.
Virtually the entire formal private sector work force is unionized. Unions must reg-
ister with the Government in order to be recognized ofiicially. Public sector employ-
ees may unionize although their right to strike is limited if it could jeopardize public
safety. Until 1990 there was only one recognized labor organization, the Gabonese
Labor Confederation (COSYGA), to which all unionized workers contributed a man-
datory percentage of their salaries. In 1992 the Government accepted the establish-
ment 01 independent unions and abolished the mandatory contribution to COSYGA.
In 1994 the National Assembly passed an extensively revised version of the Labor
Code, which was published and implemented in early 1995. The Code provides ex-
tensive protection of worker rights.
Strikes are legal if they are held after an 8-day notice advising that outside arbi-
tration has failed. The Labor Code prohibits direct government action against indi-
vidual strikers who abide by the arbitration and notification provisions. It also pro-
vides that the Government cannot press charges against a group as a whole for
criminal activities committed by individuals. Unions and confederations are free to
affiliate with international labor bodies and participate in their activities. COSYGA
is affiliated with the Organization of African Trade Union Unity, while the Gabo-
nese Confederation of Free Unions (CGSL) is affiliated with the International Con-
federation of Free Trade Unions. Both COSYGA and CGSL have ties with numerous
other international labor organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code provides for
collective bargaining. Labor and management meet to negotiate differences, and the
Ministry of Labor provides an observer. This observer does not take an active part
in negotiations over pay scales, working conditions, or benefits. Agreements also
apply to nonunion woriters. While no laws specifically prohibit antiunion discrimina-
I
125
tion, the court may require employers found guilty by civil courts of having engaged
in such discrimination to compensate employees.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced labor,
and there are no reports that it exists in the adult community. The Gk)vemment also
specifically prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but does not enforce this
prohibition effectively. As reported by UNICEF and other concerned organizations,
immigrant children in particular are often found working as domestic or agricul-
tural nelp.
An international human rights group has reported children in countries such as
Togo and Benin were seized and sold into domestic servitude in Gabon. No con-
firmed cases were available at year's end. There is no organized local market in
child labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Children
below the age of 16 may not work without the express consent of the Ministries of
Labor, Education, and Public Health. These ministries rigorously enforce this law
with respect to children, and there are few Gabonese under the age of 18 working
in the modem wage sector. A significant number of children work in marketplaces
or perform domestic duties. The United Nations Children's Fund and other con-
cerned organizations have reported that government ofiicials often privately use for-
eign child labor, mainly as domestic or agricultural help. These children do not go
to school, have only limited means of acquiring medical attention, and are often vic-
tims of exploitation by employers or foster families. Laws forbidding child labor
theoretically extend protection to foreign children as well, but abuses often are not
reported. Education is compulsory until age 16.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but does not en-
force this prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code governs working conditions
and benefits for all sectors and provides a broad range oi protection to workers. The
Code stipulates a 40-hour workweek with a minimum rest period of 48 consecutive
hours. Employers must compensate workers for overtime work. All companies in the
modem wage sector pay competitive wages and grant generous fringe benefits re-
quired by law, including maternity leave and 6 weeks of annual paid vacation.
Traditionally, representatives of labor, management, and the Government met an-
nually to examine economic and labor conditions and to recommend a minimum
wage rate within government guidelines to the President, who then issued an an-
nual decree. This procedure was not followed in 1995, 1996, or 1997, in part because
the Government was pursuing a policy of wage austerity recommended by inter-
national financial institutions. The monthly minimum wage was kept at its 1994
level of about $110 (cfa 64,000). Wages provide a decent standard of living for a
worker and family.
The Ministry of Health has established occupational health and safety standards,
but does not effectively enforce or regulate them. Application of labor standards var-
ies greatly from company to company and between industries. The Government re-
f)ortedly does not enforce Labor Code provisions in sectors where the bulk of the
abor force is non-Gabonese. Foreigners, both documented and undocumented, may
be obliged to work under substandard conditions; may be dismissed without notice
or recourse; or may be physically mistreated, especially in the case of illegal aliens.
Employers frequently require longer hours of work from noncitizen Africans and pay
them less, often hiring on a short-term, casual basis in order to avoid paying taxes,
social security contributions, and other benefits. In the formal sector, workers may
remove themselves from dangerous work situations without fear of retribution.
THE GAMBIA
The Gambia is ruled by President Yahya A.J.J. Jammeh, the former chairman of
the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC) that seized power in a coup
d'etat in 1994, deposing the democratically elected government of Sir Dawda
Jawara. Jammeh became President following controversial elections in September
1996, which observers considered neither free nor fair. Following his election,
Jammeh dissolved the AFPRC and declared the Cabinet to be the sole ruling body
until the election of the National Assembly and the adoption of a new Constitution.
Four of the 13 Cabinet members are retired army ofilcers who were Jammeh's allies
during or immediately following the coup, and the armed forces strongly support the
Government. In January the Constitution of the Second Republic came into effect,
restoring formal constitutional government, and citizens chose a new National As-
126
sembly in elections whose results generally were accepted by the opposition.
Jammeh's party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC)
won 33 of the 45 Assembly seats filled by-election. Although formal constitutional
rule was restored, key constitutional provisions have not been tested in the courts
and opposition forces continue to encounter official interference. The judiciary re-
portedly has been at times subject to executive branch pressure, but courts dem-
onstrated their independence in 1997 in a number of cases.
The Gambian National Army (GNA) reports to the Minister of Defense (who is
now the President). The police report to the Minister of Interior. The National Intel-
ligence Agency (NIA), established in 1995 by government decree, reports directly to
the President but is otherwise autonomous. Members of the security forces commit-
ted serious human rights abuses.
The Gambia's population of just over 1 million consists largely of subsistence
farmers growing rice, millet, maize, and groundnuts (peanuts), the country's pri-
mary export crop. The private sector, led by reexporting, fisheries, horticulture, and
tourism, contracted after the 1994 coup but is regaining strength. However, cuts in
international economic assistance coupled with hi^ population growth and a poor
harvest have hampered any rapid economic growth. Per capita gross domestic prod-
uct is estimated to be $360.
The (jovemment's human rights record improved somewhat, but serious problems
remain. President Jammeh's dominance and restrictions on opposition parties con-
tinued, and in practice citizens still do not have an effective right to change their
government, however, legislative elections held in January were accepted by the op-
position; presidential elections are scheduled for 2001. Security forces beat detainees
and, in one serious incident, security officials detained and tortured eight opposition
party supporters. Prison conditions remained poor. On occasion security forces arbi-
trarily arrested and detained citizens, and the courts are traditionally responsive to
executive branch pressure, although they demonstrated their independence. The
Constitution declares illegal the prosecution of any member of the AFRC for any of-
ficial act or omission in me performance of official duties following the 1994 coup.
The Government limited freedom of assembly and association. Although opposition
forces were active and vocal in the National Assembly, decrees limiting certain polit-
ical and other human rights remained in effect, (jfovemment intimidation of the
press continued, and the independent press practiced self-censorship. The right to
travel and the right to transfer funds or assets remained restricted for some senior
officials of the former Jawara government facing corruption charges. Discrimination
and violence against women persists. While government health professionals have
focused greater attention on the dangers of female genital mutilation, the practice
is widespread and entrenched.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no confirmed reports of
political or other extrajudicial killings.
The circumstances of the death of Yaya Drammeh, a rebel accused of treason, at
Mile 2 prison on May 25 have not been publicly explained. Drammeh was one of
five men accused of treason for his role in an attack on an army barracks in Novem-
ber 1996 during which six soldiers were killed.
In October a group of soldiers patrolling a beach shot and killed a man. The De-
partment of State for Defense offered official condolences and stated the matter
would be "judiciously and expeditiously addressed." At year's end there had been no
reports of arrest or charges.
There were no developments in the 1995 deaths of Saidbou Haidara or Finance
Minister Ousman Koro-Ceesay. The opposition continued to use the lack of effective
investigation in these cases to criticize the (Jovemment.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids torture or inhuman or degrading punishment. However,
agents of the State used torture on at least one documented occasion, and security
forces also beat military and security detainees.
In June eight United Democratic Party (UDP) officials and supporters (seven men
and one woman) were arrested, detained at National Intelligence Agency (NIA)
headauarters, and tortured by security forces. At a press conference, they revealed
cuts, bruises, and lacerations on their bodies. Other reports indicated more serious
physical abuses. On June 26, the (jovemment promised a full investigation and ap-
propriate action by the Attorney General. Since the incident, police investigators
nave interviewed some witnesses; however, no one has been arrested and no results
127
of the investigation have been made pubHc. The press and human rights observers
also report the detention and severe beating of UDP member Yaya Sanneh, who was
arrested by soldiers on July 27. Sanneh was reportedly held for several davs after
making comments about an abortive attack on a military base near the border with
Senegal.
Prison conditions at Mile 2 and Janjanbureh prisons remained poor. Mile 2 prison
was reported to be austere, overcrowded, and lacking in medical facilities. Prisoners
are locKed in their cells for over 20 hours each day. There were credible reports of
beatings, malnourishment and other harsh treatment of political, military, and secu-
rity detainees. Women are housed separately.
in June newspaper reports claimed that there was a riot at Mile 2 Prison in
which 12 prisoners were mjured. Two reportedly later died of the injuries. The Gov-
ernment contested these reports and specifically denied that anv prisoners had been
killed. In July police raided Mile 2 prison in an attempt to curb reported drug traf-
ficking and poor performance by security guards. Subsequently, however, a number
of prison guards were dismissed and the prison was placed under new management.
Conditions in one local jail were reportedly unsanitary and overcrowded, inmates
slept on cement benches or the floor with no blankets. There was one water tap in
the cell area, but often no water.
Following visits by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), in late
1996 the Government agreed in principle to prison visits by the African Center for
Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHR). The ICRC visited Mile 2 prison
at least twice in 1997, but by year's end there had been no visits by the ACDHR.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The new Constitution includes provisions
to provide protection against arbitrary arrest and detention. However, on occasion
security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens. Periods of detention
ranged from a few hours to 5 days. In 1995 the AFPRC declared by decree that the
NIA would have the power to search, seize, detain, or arrest any individual or prop-
erty without due process, and that the Minister of Interior could order a 90-day de-
tention without cnaree and not subject to writ of habeas corpus. In 1996 Decree 66
gave the Minister of Interior authority to extend detentions without charge for re-
newable 90-day increments. These decrees have not been formally revoked, and the
new Constitution provides that such decrees remain in efiect until found to be in-
consistent with its provisions. The Government has stated that it no longer enforces
these decrees; in practice the Government appears not to enforce them. The Con-
stitution now requires that detainees be brought before a court within 72 hours and
police appear to be respecting this provision in practice.
While approximately 30 people nave been briefly held and questioned, the last
group of political detainees (including former member of Parliament Lamin Waa
Juwara) dating from the AFPRC regime was released on February 3.
Three opposition supporters were detained without charges for several days in
March. Eight opposition party officials and supporters were detained for 5 days in
June and tortured in detention (see Section I.e.). In July another opposition party
member reportedly was detained for several days and tortured. In other instances,
opposition party supporters and oflicials were held for questioning for periods of less
than 1 day.
In January journalist Moco Mccauley was detained for 2 days, charged with work-
ing illegally, and threatened with deportation to Liberia. After his release, Mccauley
fled to Sierra Leone, citing harassment from the Government.
In July police called in for questioning journalists Alhagi Yorro Jallow and Alieu
Badara Sowe, demanded that they reveal their sources, detained them briefly, and
summoned them for questioning several times over a period of several days. Both
Jallow and Badara had written articles reporting a prison riot.
The Government did not exile opponents. However, former President Jawara re-
mains outside the country under threat of arrest and detention on corruption
charges if he returns. Other senior oflicials of the former government, e.g., Vice
President Saihou Sabally, and Secretary General Abdou Sara Janha, also remain
outside the country but do not face official charges.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, the judiciary reportedly has been at times subject to executive
branch pressure, but courts demonstrated their independence in 1997 in a number
of cases. For example, in October the Court of Appeal, the country's highest court,
overturned the treason convictions and death sentences of four men who led an
abortive coup in November 1996. The Government is appealing this decision to the
Privy Counal in London. The Court of Appeal has also overturned several criminal
convictions in less publicized cases.
The judicial system comprises a Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (based
in London), the Court of Appeal, high courts, and the eight magistrate's courts. The
128
new Constitution providea for an October 1998 reconfiguration of the courts in
which a Supreme Court would replace the Privy Council as the ultimate court of
appeal. Village chiefs preside over local courts at the village level.
The AFPRC appointed a number of commissions to investigate individuals and or-
ganizations suspected of corruption during the First Republic. These commissions
have powers similar to a grand jury, with additional authority to recommend the
seizure of assets, to imprison and fine for contempt, and to imprison or demand
bond from individuals considered likely to abscond. There is a ban on political activ-
ity by ministers of the former government and three political parties. This ban is
inconsistent with the new Constitution, but has not been challenged in court or
withdrawn by the Government. Violation of the ban is punishable by life imprison-
ment.
The judicial system reco^izes customary, Shari'a, and general law. Customary
law covers marriage and divorce for non-Muslims, inheritance, land tenure, tribal
and clan leadership, and all other traditional and social relations. Shari'a law is ob-
served primarily in Muslim marriage and divorce matters. Under Shari'a women re-
ceive half of what men receive in inheritance. General law, following the English
model, applies to felonies, misdemeanors in urban areas, and the formal business
sector. Trials are public, and defendants have the right to an attorney at their own
cost.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
new Constitution prohibits such abuses, and the Government generally respects
these prohibitions in practice. The Government, however, has not canceled Decree
45, which abrogated constitutional safeguards against arbitrary search, but remains
formally in effect pending a finding by a court of law that the decree is inconsistent
with the Constitution. In practice the Government appears not to enforce it.
In March three UDP members were arrested at the party leader's house and held
without charges for a few days. In November police briefly disrupted a political
gathering at the same house.
On June 8 a number of UDP activists were arrested at a cinema hall and another
was arrested in the street outside a minister's home. On September 25, two UDP
peirty secretariat members were arrested on private premises while holding a meet-
ing. They were released without charge the same day. An editor of the New Citizen,
which repeated the inaccurate charge in a UDP press release that the party mem-
bers were tortured by police, was detained for 6 hours, told that he would be
charged with causing public alarm, and released without charge but warned that
the matter was still under investigation.
Observers assume that the Government monitors citizens engaged in activity that
it deems objectionable. In the past, surveillance included monitoring of telephones
and mail. Various investigating commissions made findings this year resulting in
the forfeiture of private property, principally that held by former government and
parastatal officials. The work of these commissions, which began under the AFPRC
re^me, is sanctioned under the new Constitution with provisions for due process.
It IS not clear, however, that the full rights of due process were accorded to ofiicials
investigated by the commissions before the Constitution took effect. The evidentiary
standards applied by the commissions in ordering the forfeiture of money and prop-
erty are not clear, and orders by the commissions have not yet been subject to effec-
tive judicial review.
The Government restricted the right to transfer funds or assets of some senior of-
ficials of the former Jawara government accused of corruption.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The new Constitution provides for freedom of
speech and the press; however, in practice the Government significantly limits the
full exercise of these freedoms by using police pressure and laws that inhibit the
media.
In January two foreign journalists and one foreign employee, working for the
independent newspaper The Daily Observer, were deported for working out of sta-
tus, after the paper ran a series of articles critical of immigration authorities. Daily
Observer offices were visited several times by immigration police and by the Na-
tional Intelligence Agency. In October the editor of the Daily Observer was deported
for failing to pay certain payroll taxes.
The Government employed arrest, detention, and interrogation to intimidate jour-
nalists and newspapers that published articles that it considered inaccurate or sen-
sitive (see Section l.d.). Decrees 70 and 71, enacted in March 1996, reauired all
newspapers to post a $10,000 bond or cease publication. These decrees ana the fear
of reprisals and government action have had a chilling effect. Although still inde-
129
Sendent, the nongovernment press grew cautious, with the four major independent
allies practicing a significant degree of self-censorship. However, strong criticism
of the Grovemment is nonetheless frequent, and opposition views appear in the inde-
pendent press. English, French, and other foreign newspapers and magazines are
available.
Radio broadcasts from one government and two private stations normally reach
listeners in the eastern part oi the country. Government radio and television cover
opposition remarks made in the National Assembly, but otherwise serve as propa-
ganda instruments for the Government and its supporters. Private radio stations si-
mulcast news provided by Radio Gambia, the government station, but independent
news is also broadcast. Senegalese and international radio broadcasts attract wide
audiences. Wealthy private consumers also use satellite systems.
There is no university, but a university extension program completed its second
academic year in August. There are no reports of any government restrictions on
academic freedoms.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly; however, the Government restricts this right in practice. Al-
though AFPRC's 1996 Decree 89 formally lifted the ban on political activities, the
authorities rarely grant the principal opposition party (UDP) authorization for pub-
lic meetings, and even private meetings were broken up by the security services.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, the Government
limited this right in practice. Decree 89 also banned three major opposition political
parties, all former presidents, vice presidents, and ministers from political activity;
the penalty providing life imprisonment for an individual or a $100,000 fine for an
organization considerably restricted political activity. Despite the fact that the de-
cree apparently conflicts with the new constitutional provisions, the decree has not
been challenged in court. The three major parties have not resumed activity nor
have the various political figures done so.
On November 21, police tightly restricted people and vehicles permitted at the air-
port to welcome the return of UDP leader Darboe and a state house guard fired
upon a press vehicle covering Darboe's return. On November 22, riot police unsuc-
cessfully attempted to break up a UDP welcome home party at Darboe's residence.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. Adherents of all faiths are free to wor-
ship without government restriction. In June the imam of the mosque at Statehouse
aroused concern when he criticized the Ahmadi Islamic sect, and the expatriate
leadership and expatriate staff of the sect left the country, claiming fear of persecu-
tion. The Government intervened in the dispute and subsequently the sect agreed
to the return of the expatriates to their leadership and technical functions with mis-
sionary work to be conducted by local Ahmadi.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement but allows for "rea-
sonable restrictions.' Although freedom of movement for ordinary citizens remained
unimpeded, the authorities prohibited those under investigation for corruption or se-
curity charges from leaving the country. A number of journalists and government
officials have been required to produce travel clearances, but former ministers have
received their passports and the leader of the opposition UDP and other opposition
figures have traveled outside the country without incident.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. The Government provides first asylum and it provided for approximately
3,000 persons from Liberia and Sierra Leone in 1997, including approximately 1,800
Sierra Leoneans who sought refuge this year. There were no reports of forced expul-
sion of those having a valid claim to refugee status, although some male Sierra
Leoneans who fled by boat in June were not allowed to disembark in Baniul. The
Government works with the UNHCR in approving cases: The UNHCR identifies
those that qualify for asylum or refugee status and the Government approves. There
were no reports of persons forced to return to countries in which they feared perse-
cution.
The Gambia hosts approximately 8,000 refugees from Sierra Leone, Senegal, Libe-
ria, and other countries. The Government continues to host approximately 3,500
Senegalese refugees from the Casamance region, including some 1,500 who arrived
during the year. The Government continued to work with the UNHCR, the Gambian
Red Cross, and other organizations in dealing with refugees. In November 1996, fol-
lowing an attack on a military barracks near the Senegalese border, the Govern-
ment reviewed the status of many of the refugees from Liberia and Sierra Leone,
but there were no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to refu-
gee status.
130
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Despite a new Constitution and January legislative elections, in practice citizens
still do not have an effective right to change their government. Citizens attempted
to exercise the right to change their government through a democratic process in
presidential elections held in 1996. However, the few international observers that
were present noted serious problems in the electoral process. Foreign governments
condemned the election as not free and fair primarily because of restrictions im-
posed by the Government on opposition campaign efforts and access to the govern-
ment-owned mediaprior to the election.
In January the Constitution of the Second Republic came into effect, and citizens
chose a new National Assembly in elections whose results were accepted by the op-
position. Opposition activity in the National Assembly is becoming increasingly sig-
nificant and opposition assembly members state their views forcefully. In February
members of the opposition UDP briefly walked out of the National Assembly in pro-
test of an APRC candidate nomination. However, political activity is still restricted
by the Government's frequent refusals to authorize opposition meetings and by the
continuing authority of Decree 89, which although apparently unconstitutional has
not been challenged in the courts. Decree 89 bans three former political parties and
all persons who held the offices of President, Vice President, and minister since
1965 from involvement in politics until 2024.
During the campaign prior to the January parliamentary elections, President
Jammeh was accompanied by a security entourage that included a military vehicle
with an antiaircraft gun ana another military venicle with a machine gun. Opposi-
tion attempts to organize and engage in public politics are still frustrated by police
refusals to grant permits and by the detention of activists. For example, in early
1997, one former UDP National Assembly candidate and some colleagues were orga-
nizing a meeting. The meeting was not disrupted, but the candidate and a colleague
were ordered to report to the police. They were detained for approximately 8 hours,
although not charged.
The Constitution provides for the democratic election of the President every 5
years. National Assembly elections are held 3 months after the Presidential elec-
tions.
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, and there are no
obstacles to the participation of women in government. The Vice President and 3
of the 15 ministers in the Cabinet are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are several organizations whose mandates provide for human rights mon-
itoring. The AFPRC's Decree 81 of 1996 requires nongovernmental organizations to
register with a National Advisory Council, which has the authority to deny, sus-
¥end, or cancel any NGO's right to operate (including that of international NGO's).
he Government, however, did not take action against any NGO's during the year.
There are two major organizations whose primary mandate is the promotion of
human rights — the International Society for Human Rights (ISHRA) and the Afri-
can Center for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHSR). Both ISHRA and
ACDHRS have conducted training in democratic rights and civic education.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The new Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, religion, disabil-
ity, language, or social status. The Government generally respects these prohibi-
tions. However, statements by the imam of State House in June prompted the with-
drawal of the expatriate leadership and professional staff of the Ahmadi religious
sect. The Government later provided the sect with assurances against persecution.
Women. — Domestic violence, including abuse, is occasionally reported; its occur-
rence is believed to be fairly common. Police tend to consider these incidents to be
domestic issues normally outside their ordinary jurisdiction.
Shari'a law is usually applied in divorce and inheritance. Marriages are usually
arranged, and polygyny is practiced. Women normally receive a lower proportion of
assets distributed through inheritance than do male relatives.
Employment in the formal sector is open to women at the same salary rates as
men. No statutory discrimination exists in other kinds of employment, although
women are generally employed in endeavors such as food vending or subsistence
farming.
Traditional views of women's roles result in extensive societal discrimination in
education and employment. Families generally educate male children before female
131
children. Females constitute about one-third of primary school students and roughly
one-fourth of high school students.
Active women s rights groups exist, focused primarily on economic advantages and
the elimination of female genital mutilation (FGM).
Children. — The Government is committed to children's welfare. The Department
of Education and the Department of Health, Social Welfare and Women's Affairs are
the two most generously funded of all departments. However, lack of resources lim-
its state provision of both education and health services.
The new Constitution mandates free compulsory primary education, but given the
current state of the educational infrastructure, this provision represents a goal and
not an accomplishment. There is no effective compulsory education. Opportunities
for secondary education are even more limited. The care and welfare of children in
distress is considered primarily a family responsibility. Authorities intervene when
cases of abuse or mistreatment are brought to their attention.
The practice of female genital mutilation, which is widely condenmed by inter-
national health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is
widespread and entrenched. Reports place the number of women having undergone
FGM anywhere from 60 to 90 percent. Seven of the nine major ethnic groups prac-
tice FGM at ages varying from shortly after birth until 18 years old. The Govern-
ment in recent years has publicly supported the eradication of FGM and discourages
FGM through health education. However, FGM carried out with parental consent
is not considered a criminal act. The Government has not passed legislation against
FGM and, in the absence of legislation, the judiciary is not prepared to address the
problem.
People With Disabilities. — ^There are no statutes or regulations requiring acces-
sibility for the disabled. No legal discrimination against the physically disabled ex-
ists in employment, education, or other state services. Severely disabled individuals
subsist primarily through private charity. Less severely disabled individuals are
fully accepted in society and encounter no discrimination in employment for which
they are physically capable.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Labor Act of 1990, which applies to all workers
except civil servants, specifies that woricers are free to form associations, including
trade unions, and provides for their registration with the Government. It specifically
prohibits police officers and military personnel, as well as other civil service employ-
ees, from forming unions or striking. About 20 percent of the work force is employed
in the modem wage sector, where unions are most active. Roughly 30,000 workers
are union members, comprising about 10 percent of the work force.
The Gambian Workers Coniederation and the Gambian Workers' Union are the
two main independent and competing umbrella organizations. Both are recognized
by the Government.
The Labor Act authorizes strikes but requires that unions give the Commissioner
of Labor 14 days' written notice before beginning an industrial action (28 days for
essential services). It prohibits retribution against strikers who comply with the law
regulating strikes. Upon application by an employer to a court, the court may pro-
hibit industrial action that is ruled to be in pursuit of a political objective. The
Court may also forbid action judged to be in breach of a collectively agreed proce-
dure for settlement of industrial disputes. Because of these provisions and the weak-
ness of unions, few strikes occur.
Unions may affiliate internationally, and there are no restrictions on union mem-
bers' participation in international labor activities. The country applied in June
1995 to join the International Labor Organization. It has been accepted in principle,
but must make modifications to its labor and employment laws.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Act of 1990 allows
workers to organize and bargain collectively. Althou^ trade unions are small and
fragmented, collective bargaining takes place. Each recognized union has guidelines
for its activities specified by the appropriate industrial council established and em-
powered by the Labor Act. Union members' wages exceed legal minimums and are
determined by collective bargaining, arbitration, or agreements reached between
unions and management after insuring that the agreements are in compliance with
labor law. No denial of registration has been reported. The act also sets minimum
contract standards for hiring, training, terms of employment, and provides that con-
tracts may not prohibit union membership. Employers may not fire or discriminate
against members of registered unions engaged in legal union activities.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits com-
pulsory labor, and it is not known to occur.
132
Although the Government does not formally prohibit forced or bonded labor by
children, it is not known to occur. Most children performing customary chores or
who are engaged in petty trading do so as a part of an extended family.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employm,ent. — ^The stat-
utory minimum age for employment is 18 years. There is no effective compulsory
education, and because of limited secondary school openings most children complete
formal education by age 14 and then begin work. Employee labor cards, which in-
clude a person's age, are registered with the Labor Commissioner, but enforcement
inspections rarely take place. Child labor protection does not extend to youth per-
forming customary chores on family farms or engaged in petty trading.
Although the Government does not formally prohibit forced or bonded labor by
children, it is not know to occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Minimum wages and working hours are estab-
lished by law through six joint Industrial Councils — Commerce, Artisans, Transport,
Port Operations, Agriculture, and Fisheries.
Labor, management, and the Government are represented on these councils. The
lowest minimum wage is about $1.16 (12 dalasis) per day for unskilled labor. This
minimum wage is not sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker
and family. Only 20 percent of the labor force, those workers in the formal economic
sector, are covered by the minimum wage law. The majority of workers are privately
or self-employed, often in agriculture. Most citizens do not live on a single worker's
earnings but share resources within extended families.
The basic legal workweek is 48 hours within a period not to exceed 6 consecutive
days. A 30-minute lunch break is mandated, nationwide, the workweek includes 4
8-nour woric days and 2 4-hour work days (Friday and Saturday). Government em-
ployees are entitled to 1 month's paid annual leave after 1 year of service. Private
sector employees receive between 14 and 30 days of paid annual leave, depending
on length of service.
The Labor Act specifies safety equipment that an employer must provide to em-
ployees working in designated occupations. The Factory Act authorizes the Ministry
of Labor to regulate factory health and safety, accident prevention, and dangerous
trades and to appoint inspectors to ensure compliance with safety standards. En-
forcement is spotty owing to insufficient and inadequately trained staff. Workers
may refuse to work in dangerous situations and may demand protective equipment
and clothing for hazardous workplaces.
GHANA
Ghana continues its transition from a single-party, authoritarian system to a con-
stitutional democracy. Flight Lieutenant (ret.) Jerry John Rawlings has ruled the
country for 16 years. He became the first President of the Fourth Republic following
controversial elections in 1992. This ended 11 years of authoritarian rule under
Rawlings and his Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), which had seized
power from an elected government in 1981. The opposition fully contested the De-
cember 1996 presidential and parliamentary elections, which were described as
Seaceful, free, and transparent by domestic and international observers. President
awlings was reelected with 57 percent of the popular vote. Rawling's National
Democratic Congress (NDC) party won 133 of the Parliament's 200 seats, just short
of the two-thirds majority required to amend the Constitution. The Constitution
calls for a system of checks and balances, with an executive branch headed by the
President, a unicameral parliament, an independent judiciary, and several autono-
mous commissions, such as the Commission for Human Rights and Administrative
Justice (CHRAJ). In reality this system of checks and balances is circumscribed by
a parliament monopolized by the President's party, a hesitant judicial service, and
a system-wide lack of resources that hobbles the effectiveness of all three branches.
The presence of a significant number of opposition parliamentarians since January
has led to increased scrutiny of the Government's activities. The judiciary is subject
to executive influence and lacks adequate resources.
Several security organizations rejiort to various government departments. The po-
lice, under the jurisdiction of an eight-member Police Council, are responsible for
maintaining law and order. A separate department, the Bureau of National Inves-
tigations (BNI), handles cases considered critical to state security and answers di-
rectly to the executive branch. Although the security apparatus is controlled by and
responsive to the Government, monitoring, supervision, and education of the police
in particular remain poor. Credible allegations continue of police involvement in
human rights abuses, especially in areas remote from the capital.
133
The economy remains highly dependent on agriculture, with about 45 percent of
gross domestic product and 70 percent of employment derived from this sector. Gold,
cocoa, and timber are the traditional sources of export earnings, with gold growing
in importance. The economy grew at an estimated rate of 5.5 percent in 1997, up
from the 5.2 percent recorcleain 1996. Increased gold production and a good cocoa
harvest accounted for the slightly higher growth rate. There was improved growth
in service industries and manufacturing, out mining slowed. The privatization of
state-owned enterprises continues, but the pace of divestiture remains slow. Infla-
tion fell from 45 jjercent at the end of 1996 to an average of 30 percent during the
year. The gross domestic product per capita is approximately $340.
The Government's human rights record improved somewhat, but problems remain
in several areas. Police used excessive force, which resulted in a number of
extrajudicial killings, as well as injuries during attempts at crowd control. There
were continued credible repwrts that members of the police beat prisoners and other
citizens; arbitrarily arrested and detained persons; and infringed on citizens' rights
to privacy. Municipal security forces, which fall outside the regular police service,
injured a number of persons by using excessive force to control street vendors and
public demonstrations. Prison conditions remained harsh, and prolonged pretrial de-
tention remained a problem. In a prison riot in April in Kumasi, prison officers in-
jured five prisoners. Inadequate resources and a system vulnerable to political influ-
ence compromised the integrity of the overburdened judicial system. The Govern-
ment closed its case on the deaths of four demonstrators during a 1995
antigovemment protest without any investigation and did not press charges in most
of the fatalities caused by police and customs officers. It did not press charges in
the shooting deaths of two demonstrators in a protest in Kumasi against the semi-
autonomous energy company.
The Government continued to pressure the media. It resorted to a rarely used
criminal libel law to prosecute three independent journalists, and many observers
feared that these cases signaled a renewal of press harassment by the (government.
The trials were postponed repeatedly, and one of the cases subsequently was
dropped. The independent press continued its vigorous and outspoken criticism of
various government policies. Seven independent radio stations operated in Accra
and new stations opened throughout the country. In April the Government issued
a white paper rejecting some of the adverse findings against three government offi-
cials in the 1996 report issued by the CHRAJ. The CHKAJ issued a rebuttal to the
white paper.
Traditional practices still result in considerable discrimination against and abuse
of women and children, with violence against women a particular problem.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings. However, on at least six separate occasions in attempting to control crowds,
poorly trained and ill-equipped police killed at least five citizens and injured at least
seven, reportedly as a result oi stray bullets from warning shots. In at least five
other incidents, police or customs officials shot and killed five suspects
extrajudicially. One police officer was remanded for shooting a taxibus driver's as-
sistant to death after the driver failed to stop following a traffic violation. Although
the Government acknowledges and often denounces the actions of the police, the
Government has been unable to curb police excesses. The Government took no ac-
tion against police officers responsible for accidental killings in December 1995 and
January 1996.
In March police fired warning shots into a crowd of demonstrators in Kumasi who
were protesting against the semiautonomous energy company and killed two per-
sons. The Minister of Interior stated that the police were to blame and rec-
ommended that the Government compensate the families of the victims. However,
the police officials responsible were not identified or disciplined.
Stray bullets fired by police killed two teenagers during a riot over months of ac-
cumulated rubbish in an Accra slum on October 30. After police and military forces
quelled a riot by some 600 residents, 1 demonstrator died on the scene and another
2 were critically injured, 1 of whom died subsequently. Press accounts say that two
teenagers died, but the police maintain only one died and that the two who were
critically injured are still alive. Rubbish pits in Nima, one of Accra's worst slums,
were choked with refuse, including human excrement, after not having been cleaned
for months. Residents of the predominately Muslim area protested by piling garbage
in the middle of a main street and carting trash to the doorstep of their assembly-
man. The assemblyman reportedly called for reinforcements, including the police.
134
the Inspector General of Police, the mayor, and the Interior Minister. The police
claimed they tried to quell the riot with tear gas and used live ammunition to fire
warning shots after running out of rubber bullets. Authorities allegedly arrested
people in their homes and tried to extract others from a mosque to arrest them. It
took 8 hours to restore order. A total of 76 people were arrested. The Interior Min-
ister testified before Parliament that the lives of the police were threatened before
they resorted to the use of arms.
Police shot and killed a 43-year-old auto mechanic during an antinarcotics raid
on November 9 in Ho, the Volta regional capital. A joint police-military task force
had cordoned off the well-known criminal neighborhood of Bankoe-Muviefe and ap-
peared to be seeking the victim, known as Rasta Napo, who had a previous criminal
history. The task force of about 20 men went to the victim's house and, during a
confrontation, shot the victim. According to relatives, the shooting occurred when
Napo was trying to go back inside his house, and a police officer shot him in the
back. He allegedly was shot again and stabbed with a police ba^^onet. According to
police, Napo charged the police with a bayonet and dagger, refusing to retreat alter
a whistle and a warning shot. Another shot was fired, hitting Napo in the head.
In response to the shooting, about 250 youths staged a 3-hour march during the fol-
lowing morning to protest what they described as an extrajudicial killing and an act
of baroarism. They asked the district chief executive for an independent investiga-
tion of the incident, which was initiated but was without result at year's end (see
Sections I.e. and l.d.).
One civilian and one police officer were killed during a clash between police and
citizens on November 1, aft^r 35 police officers stormed the Akwatia diamond mar-
ket to arrest illegal alien diamond dealers. A mob, which eventually numbered
5,000, attacked the police. Human rights activists contend that a police warning
shot intended to disperse the crowd killed one civilian. However, the Interior Min-
ister told Parliament that the civilian death resulted from a mob member's reckless
firing of a gun seized from the police in the melee. The mob seriously injured nine
police officers, including one who later died. On November 16, police arrested 2,000
people in apparent retaliation for the attack. Authorities conducted a dawn raid in
Akwatia, and rousted males from their beds beating them with weapons, batons,
and ropes, and hauled them to the police station. Eventually, a majority of those
arrested were released.
On November 30, a policeman shot and killed a taxibus driver's assistant in
Kaneshie, a neighborhood of Accra, when the vehicle failed to stop after driving
through a one-way lane. The driver was later caught and beaten by army and police
personnel. The policeman responsible for the killing was jailed pending "immediate
and fiill-scale investigations, according to the ponce commanaer, who denounced
the action regardless of whether the driver had violated a traffic law. At year's end,
the policeman was in custody awaiting the Attorney General's advice and deter-
mination of charges.
Customs officers were responsible for the shooting deaths of two individuals, a
man suspected of driving a stolen car and a man suspected of smuggling. On Sep-
tember 30, one man was shot after ignoring an order to stop on reaching the barrier
at Dabala near the Togolese border. He was suspected of driving a stolen car. In
early November, another man was killed after also ignoring an order to stop at the
Dabala customs check point. The customs officer chased the victim by car and shot
him in a nearby village. At year's end, investigations were continuing.
Police in Accra fired on a car full of youths in the predawn hours of December
21, killing a 20-year-old man and injuring another. A police spokesman stated that
the ofiicers were responding to a report of an armed robbery. When they approached
the site of the alleged robber>', the students' vehicle repwrtedly refused to yield the
right of way or heed the police vehicle's lights and siren and, instead, turned off
its lights and accelerated. Suspicious of this behavior, the police fired "warning
shots aimed at the car's tires that passed through the rear window and killed one
of the passengers. The spokesman confirmed that one of the officers is in custody
and that the case is under investigation.
On December 12, security forces killed one person and injured two others while
attempting to control a mob in Wa in the Upper West Region. The crowd was at-
tempting to free 14 people arrested in the wake of a violent incident between Mus-
lim sects 2 days earlier (see Section 2.c.).
In August the authorities filed murder charges against two policemen and a police
laborer in the unexplained death of a man in an Eastern Region police cell in Feb-
ruary 1996.
The Government again refused to launch an independent inquiry into the deaths
of four demonstrators during a protest against government tax policy in May 1995
and finally closed its case inconclusively. There was no further action on the libel
135
case by the Youth and Sports Minister against an independent newspaper that re-
ported on the 1995 U.S. Government report on human rights practices in Ghana
and his possible involvement in the 1995 killings of four demonstrators. The Gov-
ernment has held unresolved lawsuits over certain journalists, effectively cir-
cumscribing their reporting.
In 1995 the police beat a Tetrem man in the Ashanti region who subsequently
died. A police service inquiry determined that one of the two officers involved was
primarily responsible for the suspect's death. This officer was disciplined by the de-
partment by Deing confined to his barracks for 2 weeks and denied his salary for
3 months. At the request of the Attorney General, the other oflicer was charged,
tried, and awaits sentencing.
Journalists were unsuccessful in their continued efforts to persuade the Govern-
ment to investigate extrajudicial killings in the early years of PNDC rule, despite
police professions in 1993 of willingness to investigate such killings. Journalists con-
tinued to raise this issue; however, the Government ignored their requests.
The press reported numerous cases of vigilante-style "instant justice" conducted
by angry citizens and mobs in local communities on suspected criminals and sus-
pected witches.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution states that the dignity of all persons shall be inviolable and that
no one shall be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment
or punishment, or any other condition that detracts from human dignity. Nonethe-
less, there were continued credible reports that members of the police and customs
officials beat prisoners and other citizens. It is generally believed that severe beat-
ings of suspects in police custody occur throughout the country but go largely unre-
ported. Police used excessive force in atternpting to control crowds, at times result-
ing in citizens' deaths (see Section l.a.). In February poorly trained police in Kumasi
and mining security guards injured two people during an environmental protest, re-
portedly as a result of stray bullets from warning shots. On October 4, a policeman
shot a third-year secondary school student in Cape Coast. The student was an unin-
volved spectator injured when police attempted to quell a fight between football
players and spectators. At year's end, the case was still under investigation. Police
conducted a dawn raid in the town of Akwatia on November 16, in apparent revenge
for a bloody clash with illegal diamond traders the previous week during which nine
police officers were injured, one of them fatally. Police rousted males from their
Deds, beat them with weapons, batons, and ropes, and hauled them to the police sta-
tion. Police also threatened and beat women (see Sections l.a. and l.d.).
The International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES) released its 1997 post-
election Public Opinion Report, which stated that 43 percent of the population has
little or no faith in the police service. In November 1996, a police task force burned
three villages in the Western Region as it searched for a suspected killer. Hundreds
of people lost their homes and property. Public suspicion of the police was such that,
in at least nine incidents, citizens in remote villages attacked police who were re-
portedly attempting to enforce the law. Eight police stations were ransacked, forcing
the officers to flee and abandon their sites. Although the police may have been at-
tempting to enforce the law, their unprofessional approach triggered the public reac-
tion. Police presence was reestablished in some areas by year's end.
In late 1997, officers of the Customs, Excise, and Preventive Service (CEPS) bru-
talized two doctors at checkpoints in two well-publicized incidents in the Volta Re-
gion. Following the second incident, the Ghana Medical Association (GMA) called for
a public declaration of disciplinary action taken against the CEPS officials, com-
pensation for the victims, and disclosure of steps being taken to prevent a recur-
rence. A GMA official characterized CEPS personnel in the Volta Region as a "public
liability in view of their improper use of firearms in recent times."
Security forces outside the control of the police service made a high-profile debut
in 1996 and proved a threat to civil liberties. The Accra Metropolitan Assembly
(AMA) dispatcned a specially trained force, known as the City Crime Combating and
Cleaning Unit, to eject forcefully unlicensed street vendors from city streets. The
special force inflicted physical injuries on a number of vendors and destroyed much
of their property. After withdrawing the force for retraining, the AMA disbanded it.
In 1997, however, the force reappeared as the Chameleon Bombers dispatched and
organized by the AMA's office. They continued to inflict injury and destroy property.
Two members were arrested in August after brutalizing two street market women
during an attempt to decongest Accra's overcrowded streets.
Two of the five defendants on trial for an alleged 1994 plot to overthrow the Gov-
ernment reportedly were severely tortured by BNI officials prior to this year. Both
had scars as a result of hot metal applied to their backs while in BNI cells.
45-909 98-6
136
Machomen, private security enforcers hired by citizens to settle private disputes
and vendettas, caused injury and property damage. The Machomen are not legally
constituted, but organized privately and operate outside the law. None, however,
have been arrested for any illegal action, and police, to some extent, appear intimi-
dated by them.
Prisons are in most cases very poorly maintained, and conditions are extremely
harsh. In 1996 the CHRAJ published its long-anticipated report on prison condi-
tions. It described prisons that are unsanitary, overcrowded, and poor^ ventilated.
Prisoners are malnourished (the daily food allowance per prisoner is about $0.35)
and prisoners also suffer from lack of medicine unless paid for by the inmates or
provided by their families. The report concluded in part that prison conditions are
a flagrant violation of the indiviaual's fundamental human rights." The CHRAJ's
findings and recommendations generated much positive press coverage and some
changes, but while the Government concurred witn the 1996 findings, it stated that
lack of funding in 1997 prevented further improvements. Families still supplement
prisoners' food and bribe prison guards for visitation rights.
In April prisoners in Kumasi rioted over lack of food and five prisoners were in-
jured by police officers. Prisoners cited inadequate food and refusal by authorities
to empty prison toilets as prompting the riot.
While tne CHRAJ has access to monitor the prisons, the Government resisted
granting access to the press.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides for protection
against arbitrary arrest, detention, or exile and states that an individual detained
shall be informed immediately, in a language the detained person understands, of
the reasons for the detention, and of the right to a lawyer and to an interpreter,
at state expense. It also requires judicial warrants for arrest and provides for ar-
raignment within 48 hours. In practice, however, many abuses occur, including de-
tention without charge for longer than 48 hours and failure to obtain a warrant for
arrest. The government press reported that the Inspector General of Police and the
Northern Region police commander were sued in 1996 by a private businessman for
unlawful arrest and detention.
Authorities do not routinely notify prisoners' families of their incarceration; such
information is often obtained only by cnance.
The court has unlimited discretion to set bail, which can be excessive. It may
refuse to release prisoners on bail and instead remand them without charge for an
indefinite period, subject to weekly review by judicial authorities. It is common to
remand a prisoner to investigative custody. The Constitution requires, however, that
a detainee who has not been tried within a "reasonable" time shall be released ei-
ther unconditionally or subject to conditions necessary to ensure that he appears at
a later date for court proceedings.
Despite the provisions of the law, abuses occur. People are sometimes detained
for trivial offenses or on unsubstantiated accusations. Approximately 30 percent of
the prison population consists of pretrial detainees. There has been no meaningful
policy implemented by the Government to reduce the numbers of pretrial detainees,
although the independent press has called for reduction of harsh bail conditions for
suspects who do not pose a threat to society. Many credible sources report that pri-
vate citizens pay the police to arrest business associates in deals gone awry. In one
such case in Tema, the detainee was held for 2 months without treatment for a seri-
ous medical problem. The CHRAJ reported one case of a 16-year detention. Re-
manded suspects may languish in prison without trial for up to 9 years.
The 1996 CHRAJ report on prison conditions recommended improvement in the
administration of criminal justice, which currently denies many citizens their con-
stitutional rights to be charged within 48 hours, to have bail posted within the same
period, and to a speedy trial. The report concluded that the "penal system is unwit-
tingly but inexorably punishing the innocent." In response the Attorney General
asked the CHRAJ for a list of those detained for 6 years or more in order to inves-
tigate their cases and the CHRAJ provided such a list. According to the Attorney
General's office, a committee is investigating how the remanded prisoners can either
be brought to trial quickly or released.
The Government unlawfully detained two policemen for 27 days in June and July
after a theft at the residence of the Minister of Justice/Attorney General. After the
media exposed the case, the Government released the detainees and accepted re-
sponsibility for the violation. The Attorney General denied knowledge of the viola-
tion and admitted a possible police over-reaction in keeping the policemen detained
beyond the constitutionally permitted 48-hour limit without charge. The Minister of
Interior submitted a statement to Parliament in which he apologized to the police-
men who were detained and said that the police had acted outside the law. The In-
spector General of Police subsequently undertook a campaign to emphasize the 48-
137
hour rule to police oflicials throughout the country, and improved adherence to this
provision resulted. The BNI paid $11,000 in damages to a detainee held 72 hours
in a case of mistaken identity. Others unlawfully detained were released as they
were discovered. One Tema man was released alter a spot check revealed that he
had been imprisoned 6 years without being charged.
In the wake of an October 30 riot in the Nima slum, authorities allegedly arrested
76 people, many in their homes, and reportedly tried to extract people from a
mosque to arrest them.
In November police arrested 2,000 men in the town of Akwatia, after a mis-
handled sting operation. Police killed one civilian and beat both men and women
(see Sections l.a. and I.e.).
There were no known political arrests. However, the case of an army captain,
charged in 1996 with plotting to overthrow the Government, was dismissed for lack
of merit in October.
The Government does not practice forced exile and encourages citizens with valu-
able skills who are living abroad to return, including dissidents. Some former gov-
ernment and discredited PNDC officials have returned and resumed careers and po-
litical activities.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but in practice the judiciary is subject to executive influence. The Constitution
allows the Government to nominate up to 15 members of the Supreme Court; con-
firmation is the responsibility of a Parliament dominated by the President's party.
Furthermore, the Cnief Justice is empowered to impanel the justices of his choice
to hear cases. These provisions, along with a debilitating lack of resources, have hin-
dered the Court's role as a balance to the power of the executive branch. There were
no oflicial charges of judicial corruption, but a recent survey revealed that 66 per-
cent of citizens Deli eve that money influences the judicial system. Furthermore, the
integrity of the legal system is compromised by a severe lack of financial, human,
and material resources. Police, however, arrested two persons who offered bribes to
the police officer handling the prosecution of cases from the Akwatia riot.
The Constitution establishes two basic levels of courts: superior and lower. The
superior courts include the Supreme Court, the Appeals Court, the High Court, and
regional tribunals. Parliament may establish lower courts or tribunals by decree.
Legal safeguards are based on British legal procedures. Defendants are presumed
innocent, trials are public, and defendants have a right to be present, to be rep-
resented by an attorney (at public expense if necessary), and to cross-examine wit-
nesses. In practice the authorities generally respect these safeguards.
The CKRAJ's charter provides for it to investigate alleged violations of human
rights and take action to remedy proven violations. It contmues to hold workshops
to educate the public, traditional leaders, the police, and the military on human
rights issues. It mediates and settles cases brought to it by individuals with griev-
ances against government agencies or private companies. In 1996 the CHRAJ re-
ceived 12,409 petitions in its offices around the country and completed action on
over 8,775. Forty percent of the cases were resolved through mediation. This effort
compares with 1995 when the CHRAJ received 6,173 petitions in its offices around
the country and completed action on over 3,700 from 1995 and previous years. The
majority of the complaints lodged with the commission were from those who felt
they suffered injustice as a result of abuse of power, unfairness, and high handed-
ness. CHRAJ figures for the number of petitions received and acted upon during
1997 had not been compiled by year's end. In October 1996, the Commission con-
cluded its lengthy corruption probe of high government officials. The Commission's
report, which detailed adverse findings against three public oflicials and exonerated
a fourth, evoked an aggressive government rebuttal and a questioning of the scope
of the CHRAJ's mandate that finally led the CHRAJ to request in 1996 a Supreme
Court interpretation of its rights and responsibilities. The case has been argued be-
fore the court; however, at year's end there was no verdict (see Section 4).
The Chieftaincy Act of 1971 gives village and other traditional chiefs pwwers to
mediate local matters, including authority to enforce customary tribal laws dealing
with such matters as divorce, child custody, and property disputes. However, a num-
ber of laws passed during the PNDC era (1981-92), as well as the 1992 Constitu-
tion, have steadily eroded the authority of traditional rulers and vested it in civil
institutions, such as courts and district assemblies.
Attorneys for five defendants on trial for an alleged 1994 plot to overthrow the
Government (see Section I.e.) criticized prison officials for impeding their access to
their clients. At year's end, the attorneys had access to their clients.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides that a person shall be free from interference within the pri-
138
vacy of his home, property, correspondence, or communication. This article has yet
to be tested in court. Although the law requires judicial search warrants, police do
not always obtain them in practice. Observers assume that the Government contin-
ues to engage in surveillance of citizens engaged in activities that it deems objec-
tionable. In the past, this included monitoring of telephones and mail. Several politi-
cal activists reported being followed.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and opposition political parties and others have used these free-
doms to criticize the Gfovemment. The Government has allowed more control of
print and electronic media to be transferred to the private sector. The Government
pressures certain newspapers indirectly by allowing pending lawsuits to continue
unresolved.
There are 15 newspapers including 2 government-owned dailies, 2 government-
owned weeklies, and 11 independent newspapers published weekly, biweekly, or tri-
weekly. One of the government-owned dailies has national circulation. However,
most newspapers circulate regionally, and many of the smaller independent news-
papers are available only in the capital. Accra has eight radio stations (one of which
is government-owned). While seven stations are independent, they cannot be charac-
terized as outspoken critics of the Government. The number of independent radio
stations outside of Accra also expanded. The government-owned television station is
the only station that broadcasts nationwide. Two other television stations began
broadcasting during the year; one is independent, the other is partially owned by
the Government. Both stations' broadcasts could be received only in Accra. Crovern-
ment-owned media did not seem to receive government subsidies. Neither, however,
was there any real movement toward their divestiture.
The government-owned media occasionally reported charges of corruption or mis-
management in government ministries and government-owned enterprises, but they
never directly criticized the Government's policies or President Rawlings' activities.
The Government occasionally disciplines or dismisses journalists working in govern-
ment-subsidized media for articles deemed unacceptable. The Government ended
subsidies to the state-owned publishing companies, and the newspapers are pub-
lished by profit-making printing companies but have not been offered for public sale.
The independent press was often harshly critical of the Government's policies and
its coverage of President Rawlings, his wife, and his regime often bordered on the
profane. Although the Government did not overtly suppress the independent media,
authorities remained suspicious and wary of them. The Government and govern-
ment officials used civil suits, and occasionally criminal libel suits, to threaten inde-
pendent editors and journalists. In the most glaring case, the Government continued
to prosecute two independent journalists under a rarely used sedition law for alleg-
edly libeling President Rawlings and his wife and, through them, the State. The
trials, repeatedly postponed, were seen by many observers to signal a renewal of
press harassment. There was a particularly overt sign of the regime's suspicious and
distrustful attitude toward press freedom in May when the Government asked an
accredited diplomat, who had criticized the country's criminal libel laws, to leave the
country.
The Government readily granted accreditation to foreign journalists. Foreign peri-
odicals were sold in Accra and other major cities and circulated freely even when
they contained articles critical of the Government. Most citizens obtain their news
from the government-owned electronic media and the British Broadcasting Corpora-
tion radio service.
There were no new developments in the case of the Minister of Youth and Sports
who charged an independent newspaper with libel for its reporting on his possible
involvement in the May 1995 deaths of four demonstrators (see Section l.a.).
There was no restriction of academic freedom on university campuses. The Na-
tional Union of Ghanaian Students, one of the more vocal critics of the (government,
is allowed to organize and hold meetings. In August the threat of a large protest
helped avert an increase in electricity charges (see Section 2.b.).
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly, and the Government generally respects this right in
practice. The Government does not require permits for demonstrations. Parliament
passed a public order law in late 1994 requiring that all organizers of "special
events" or "processions" inform the police of their intentions so that the police can
institute precautionary measures. The law also provides for curfews and arrest
without warrants in specified instances. The authorities did not abuse the provi-
sions of the law during the year.
139
In August the threat of a large demonstration organized in part by the National
Union of Ghanaian Students and the Trades Union Congress helped pressure the
Government to suspend an increase in electricity rates.
In November 1996, five workers demonstrating in favor of union demands for im-
proved working conditions were injured by bullets fired by the police. They were
treated at a police hospital and the company assumed subsequent medical costs. No
action was taken against the police.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government gen-
erally respects this right in practice. NGO's are required to register with the Reg-
istrar General's office, but this registration is routine. However, there is a possible
threat of government interference in a bill that has been languishing in a par-
liamentary committee for nearly 3 years that would establish a government body
with the authority to deny, suspend, or cancel an NGO's right to operate.
Political parties must be accredited by the Electoral Commission. The parties
must show evidence of a "national character," such as official representation in all
10 of the country's regions. The Electoral Commission evaluates whether the party
has shown evidence of a viable national support base before granting accreditation.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
There is no state-favored religion and no apparent advantages or disadvantages
attached to membership in any particular sect or religion. Foreign missionary
groups have generally operated throughout the country with a minimum of formal
restrictions.
In December there were two violent confrontations between Islamic sects in the
northern part of the country involving theological rather than political issues, which
resulted in two deaths and significant property destruction.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights as an aspect of the provision
for personal liberty, and the Government generally respects these provisions in prac-
tice.
Citizens and foreigners are free to move throughout the country without special
f)ermission. Police checkpoints exist countrywide to prevent smuggling, but most are
eft unmanned during daylight hours. There were numerous reports that police used
checkpoints to solicit bribes. Citizen complaints about police harassment caused the
Government to reduce the number of checkpoints from 125 to the 38 most essential
posts. Government roadblocks and car searcnes are a normal part of nighttime trav-
el in larger cities. Taxi drivers in Tamale struck in protest against persistent har-
assment by the police.
Citizens are generally free to travel internationally and to emigrate or to be repa-
triated from other countries.
Ethnic tension and violence in the Northern Region resulted in the deaths of an
estimated several thousand citizens in the Northern Region in 1994—95 in the most
recent outbreak of land-related ethnic conflict, which has existed since the early
part of the century. During the year, the ethnic groups maintained an uneasy calm.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees (UNHCR) and otner humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. Ghana
has a liberal policy of accepting refugees from other West African nations. The Gov-
ernment provides first asylum. It provided first asylum in recent years to Togolese
refiigees, most of whom have returned to Togo as part of the UNHCR's organized
voluntary repatriation program. It continued to provide first asylum to some 5,907
Togolese, approximately 14,600 Liberians, 490 Sierra Leoneans (including 302 who
were grantea refugee status in December), and 27 Nigerians. There were no reports
of persons not being allowed to request asylum. There were no reports of forced re-
turn of persons to a country where they feared persecution. There were no forced
expulsions of refiagees with a valid claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government, and
citizens exercised this rijght through a democratic process in presidential elections
held in December 1996. The country continued its transition from a one-party state
to a more established constitutional system. The political system includes recognized
opposition parties which express their views freely within Parliament.
President Rawlings was reelected in 1996 for a final 4-year term with 57 percent
of the popular vote. The NDC retained control of the 200-member Parliament with
133 seats, while opposition parties took 67 seats, including 1 in June that was de-
layed by a court injunction. The NDC fell one seat short of commanding the two-
thirds majority required to amend the Constitution. To a large degree, opposition
140
members are frustrated by impediments the executive branch imposes by refusing
to support opposition amendments to proposed legislation. Parliament is still work-
ing to develop effective oversight of the workings of the executive branch.
There are no obstacles to the participation of women in government; however,
they compose a small minority in government and politics. In 1997 there were 18
female parliamentarians. Several ministers and Council of State members also were
women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
NGO's interested in human rights continued togrow in number and strength, and
there were 17 NGO's in the field at year's end. These NGO's operated without gov-
ernment interference and without control by the Government (see Section 2.b.).
Prominent NGO's include the Red Cross, Amnesty International, the International
Federation of Woman Lawyers (FIDA), Women in Law and Development in Africa,
and Ghanalert.
The Government cooperates with international humanitarian organizations, in-
cluding the International Committee of the Red Cross.
Although not an NGO, the CHRAJ, at the invitation of President Rawlings, began
investigations in November 1995 into a series of allegations of corruption and other
acts of impropriety made in the press against public officials. The CHRAJ completed
its report in October 1996 and detailed adverse findings against three public offi-
cials; it exonerated a fourth. The Government issued a white paper in April, reject-
ing some of the adverse findings in the CHRAJ report and recommending that inter-
pretations of certain laws be forwarded to the Attorney General's office. The CHRAJ
issued a rebuttal to the white paper. In addition the CHRAJ submitted an interim
report in November on corruption allegations against a senior government official
of the Cocoa Board. The Commission found the allegations to be false. The CHRAJ
issued a report on its investigations at the "witches" camps in the Northern Region.
The report detailed the living conditions of the women in the camps and proposed
how to reintegrate the women into society. The plan involves an educational cam-
paign in conjunction with the Center for National Culture and the House of Chiefs.
The Commission has also provided periodic updates to various sections of its report
on prison conditions.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, sex, religion, dis-
ability, language, or social status. The courts are specifically empowered to enforce
these prohibitions, although enforcement by the autnorities is generally inadequate,
in part due to limited financial resources.
Women. — Violence against women, including rape and wife beating, remains a sig-
nificant problem. These abuses usually go unreported and seldom come before the
courts. Tiie police tend not to intervene in domestic disputes. However, the media
increasingly report cases of assault and rape. The FIDA wrote a handbook and pre-
sented a workshop on domestic violence and aided poor women for free. However,
FIDA believes that women's shelters must be built in order for legal intervention
to be effective.
Women continue to experience societal discrimination. Women in urban centers
and those with skills and training encounter little overt bias, but resistance to
women in nontraditional roles persists. Few women enter college. Women, especially
in rural areas, remain subject to burdensome labor conditions and traditional male
dominance. Traditional practices and social norms often deny women their inherit-
ances and property, a legally registered marriage (and with it, certain legal rights),
and the maintenance and custody of children, all provided for by statute.
Rural women can be punished, with banishment by traditional village authorities
for teenage pregnancy or suspected witchcraft. The press reported that hundreds of
women accused of witchcraft were sent topenal villages in the Northern Region by
traditional authorities such as a shaman. Two villages contained 400 elderly women,
and 1 village contained 2,000 women and family members, all sentenced by a village
male or chief who claimed to have the power to divine witches. Although the women
face no formal legal sanction if they leave, most fear that they would be beaten to
death if caught. The CHRAJ is mounting a campaign to end this traditional prac-
tice, which violates the victims' constitutional rights.
Women's rights groups are active in educational campaigns and in programs to
provide vocational training, legal aid, and other support to women. The Government
18 also active in educational programs, and the President and First Lady are among
the most outspxjken advocates of women's rights. Although there has been no con-
141
Crete policy change on the national level, the 1995 United Nations Conference on
Women and the resulting platform for action continued to generate widespread posi-
tive discussion about the status of women in the country.
Children. — Within the limits of its resources, the Government is committed to pro-
tecting the rights and welfare of children. There is little or no discrimination
against females in education, but girls and women frequently drop out of school due
to societal or economic pressures. Although the percentages increased in several
areas from 1996, participation is still low. Statistics show that from grades 1 to 6,
46 percent of pupils are girls; from grades 7 to 9, this number drops to 43 percent.
In the grades equivalent to high school (grades 10 to 12), the number of girls drops
to 36 percent oi students, and drops even further to 23 percent at the university
level.
There are several traditional discriminatory practices that are injurious to female
health and development. In particular, female genital mutilation (FGM), which is
widely condemned by international health experts as damaging to both physical and
psychological health, is a serious problem. According to one study, the percentage
of women who have undergone this procedure may be as high as 30 percent, al-
though most observers believe 15 percent to be more accurate. FGM is practiced
mostly in Muslim communities in the far northeastern and northwestern parts of
the country. As of 1994, FGM became a criminal act. Officials at all levels have spo-
ken out against the practice of FGM, and local NGO's are making some inroads
through their educational campaigns to encourage abandonment of FGM and to re-
train practitioners. There were, however, no arrests during the year. The two indi-
viduals arrested in 1996 for practicing FGM were convicted, but at year's end, had
not been sentenced.
Although the Constitution prohibits slavery, it exists on a limited scale. Trokosi,
a traditional practice found among the Ewe ethnic group and primarily in the Volta
region, is an especially severe abuse and a flagrant violation of children's and wom-
en s rights. It is a system in which a young girl, usually under the age of 10, is made
a slave to a fetish shrine for ofTenses allegedly committed by a member of the girl's
family. The belief is that if someone in that family has committed a crime, such as
stealing, members of the family may begin to die in large numbers unless a young
girl is given to the local fetish shrine to atone for the onense. The girl becomes the
property of the fetish priest, must work on the priest's farm, and perform other la-
bors for him. Because they are the sexual property of the priests, most Trokosi
slaves have children by him. Although the girls' families must provide for their
needs, such as food, most are unable to do so. There are at least 4,000 girls and
women bound to various shrines in the Trokosi system, a figure that does not in-
clude the slaves' children. Even if released, generally without skills or hope of mar-
riage, a Trokosi woman has continued obligations to the shrine for the duration of
her life. When the fetish slave dies, the family is expected to replace her with an-
other young girl for the fetish shrine.
Although tne Constitution outlaws slavery. Parliament has yet to pass a law ex-
plicitly prohibiting Trokosi. The practice persists because of deeply entrenched tradi-
tional beliefs, and it is therefore unlikely that any legislative prohibition alone
would eliminate the practice. Over the past few years, the CHRAJ has conducted
an awareness campaign with traditional leaders and practitioners in an effort to
bring the practice to an end. The CHRAJ's efforts have been taken in conjunction
with an NGO called International Needs, which has had some success in approach-
ing village authorities and fetish priests at 10 of the 76 shrines, winning the release
of 474 Trokosi slaves to date, and retraining them for new professions. The organi-
zation is working for additional releases. Including work by other organizations, the
total number of slaves released was 672 at year's end.
Another traditional practice that violates the rights of children is forced childhood
marriages. The prostitution of female children exists, despite its illegality. Forced
labor also occurs at the camps for women accused of witchcraft.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution specifically provides for the rights of
feople with disabilities, including protection against exploitation and discrimination,
n practice the disabled are not discriminated against in any systematic or overt
manner. The Constitution also states that "as far as practicable, every place to
which the public has access shall have appropriate facilities for disabled persons."
In practice, however, this provision has yet to be implemented.
Religious Minorities. — In December there were two violent confrontations between
Islamic sects in the northern part of the country, involving theological rather than
political issues, which resulted in two deaths and significant property destruction.
National/ Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Although the Government plays down the
importance of ethnic differences, its opponents occasionally complain that it is domi-
nated by the Ewe ethnic group from the eastern part of the country. The President
142
and many of his close advisers are Ewe, but many ministers are of other ethnic ori-
gins. In the 1997 IFES Report on Public Opinion, 25 percent of the respondents said
that they felt discrimination because of their tribal background.
The Gfovemment created a p>ermanent negotiating team in 1995 comprised of reli-
gious leaders, NGO's, Council of State members, and other interested parties to help
resolve the continuing tensions between the Konkomba and other ethnic groups in
the north. Ethnic tension and violence in the Northern Region resulted in the
deaths of an estimated several thousand citizens in the Northern Region in 1994-
95. The Permanent Peace Negotiating Team (PPNT) is a facilitative body whose pri-
mary purpose is to mediate disputes, most of which relate to chieftancy and land
issues dating from colonial times. In 1996 a series of highly publicised "peace-
making" ceremonies were held at which tribal leaders pledged to solve their dif-
ferences through negotiations. In response to reports of latent insecurity, the PPNT
extended its activities to some northern parts of the Volta Region in October and
in December supervised a peace accord among all parties to the conflict residing
there. The primary issue is land. There were numerous violent confrontations be-
tween and within ethnic groups related to chieftaincy issues, particularly those of
succession. Beyond regular pleas by government officials for peace, there has been
little effective intervention.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — This right is restricted, as the Trades Union Ordi-
nance confers broad powers on the Government to refuse to register a trade union.
However, the Government has not interfered with the right of workers to associate
in labor unions and has not refused to register any unions.
About 9 jjercent of workers belong to unions, a figure that is likely to increase
following the formation of a new federation called the Ghana Federation of Labor,
which will serve as an umbrella organization for several other labor unions not en-
compassed by the Trades Union Congress (TUC), previously the only federation. The
Industrial Relations Act (IRA), initially written in 1958, and amended in 1965 and
1972, governs trade unions and their activities. In recent years, the TUC has been
led by experienced union leaders who, aided by a revised union constitution and by-
laws, continued to define an autonomous role for the TUC within the NDC regime.
Since the 1992 elections, the TUC has taken a somewhat more confrontational
stance toward the Government and has criticized some of its economic policies. Civil
servants have their own union, the Civil Servants Association, which operates out-
side of the TUC umbrella.
The law recognizes the right to strike. Under the IRA, the Government estab-
lished a system of settling disputes, first through conciliation, then through arbitra-
tion. A union may call a legal strike if negotiations and mediation fail. However,
because no union has ever gone through the complete process, there have been no
legal strikes since independence. The IRA prohibits retribution against strikers, and
this law is enforced. There has been no progress in implementing the Government's
declared intention to establish labor tribunals to arbitrate industrial disputes cer-
tified as deadlocked, which has been pending for many years.
Unions have the right to affiliate with international bodies. The TUC is affiliated
with the Organization of African Trade Union Unity headquartered in Accra and is
also a member of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The IRA provides a frame-
work for collective bargaining and some protection against antiunion discrimination.
Trade unions engage in collective bargaining for wages and benefits for both private
and state-owned enterprises without government interference. The Government,
labor, and employers negotiate together, however, through a tripartite commission
to set minimum standards for wages and working conditions. The law requires em-
ployers found guilty of antiunion discrimination to reinstate workers fired for union
activities. No union leaders have been detained in recent years for union or other
activities.
There is legislation that authorizes export processing zones (EPZ's), and a sec-
retariat exists. The Secretariat provides data on designated EPZ's, educates the
public and potential investors on export provisions and concepts, and facilitates es-
tablishment of businesses within designated EPZ's. There are a few EPZ's in oper-
ation. Existing labor law applies in any EPZ, including the right to organize.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits slavery.
The law also prohibits forced or bonded labor, including that performed by children;
however, at least 4,000 women and girls are bound to shrines through the Trokosi
system (see Section 5). Apart from the Trokosi system, forced or bonded labor by
children is not practiced. The International Labor Organization (ILO) continues to
urge the Government to revise various legal provisions that permit imprisonment
143
with an obligation to perform labor for offenses that are not countenanced under
ILO Convention 105.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Labor leg-
islation sets a minimum employment age of 15 and prohibits night work and certain
tjrpes of hazardous labor for those under 18 years of age. In practice child employ-
ment is widespread, and young children of school age often perform menial tasKs
during the day in the market or collect fares on local buses. An ILO survey con-
ducted in three rural districts between 1992 and 1993 concluded that 11 percent of
school age children were employed for wages and another 15 percent without remu-
neration. Observance of minimum age laws is eroded by local custom and economic
circumstances that encourage children to work to help their families.
The law prohibits forced or bonded labor, including that performed by children;
however, at least 4,000 women and girls are bound to shrines through the Trokosi
system (see Section 6.c.).
Officials only occasionally punish violators of regulations that prohibit heavy labor
and night work for children. Inspectors from the Ministry of Laoor and Social Wel-
fare are responsible for enforcement of child labor regulations. They visit each work-
place annually and make spot checks whenever they receive allegations of viola-
tions.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — In 1991 minimum standards for wages and
working conditions were set by a tripartite commission composed of representatives
of the Government, labor, and employers. The daily minimum wage, revised in 1996,
combines wages with customary oenefits, such as a transportation allowance. The
daily minimum wage of 2,000 cedis is less than $1.00. This sum is insufficient for
a single wage earner to support a family. Furthermore, there is widespread violation
of the minimum wage law. In most cases, households have multiple wage earners,
and family members engage in some family farming or other family-based commer-
cial activities.
The law sets the maximum workweek at 45 hours, with one break of at least 36
consecutive hours every 7 days. Through collective bargaining, however, the basic
workweek for most unionized workers is 40 hours.
In 1996 Spintex workers filed petitions with the CHRAJ, the Ministry of Employ-
ment and Social Welfare, and the Ministry of Labor concerning working hours. They
have withdrawn the case from administrative review and, instead, taken the case
to court. Hearings were in process at year's end.
Occupational safety and health regulations are in effect, and the Labor Depart-
ment of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare occasionally imposes sanctions
on violators. Safety inspectors are few, however, and poorly trained. They take ac-
tion if matters are called to their attention, but lack the resources to seek out viola-
tions. Workers have the right to withdraw themselves from dangerous work situa-
tions without jeopardy to continued employment, although they rarely exercise this
right.
GUINEA
President Lansana Conte took office as head of state of the Republic of Guinea
in 1994, after multiparty elections in which the Government dominated the electoral
process. Guinea held its first multiparty legislative elections in 1995, delivering
more than 60percent of Parliament's seats to President Conte's Party of Unity and
Progress (PUP). The PUP is one seat short of the majority required, to make con-
stitutional amendments. Opposition leaders, some international observers, and seg-
ments of the citizenry voiced suspicion of PUPs considerable victories in both par-
liamentary and municipal elections. Although the PUP continues to dominate all
three branches of government, opposition parties have on occasion persuaded PUP
members of Parliament, including the National Assembly leadership, to vote with
the opposition on specific legislative matters. The judiciary is subject to executive
influence, particularly in politically sensitive cases.
The gendarmerie and the national police share responsibility for internal security
and sometimes play an oppressive role in the daily lives of citizens. The Red Be-
rets— autonomous presidential guards — are accountable to almost no one except the
President. Members of all the security forces, which many citizens view as corrupt,
ineffective, and even dangerous, freauently commit human rights abuses.
About 85 percent of the country s 7 million people engage in subsistence agri-
culture. Annual per capita gross domestic product is about $750. More than 90 per-
cent of export earnings come from mining, particularly bauxite, gold, and diamonds.
Additional exports include coffee and fruit. In July 1996, President Conte appointed
144
a new government, including the country's first FVime Minister, which emphasized
economic reform.
The Government continued to circumscribe human rights. The Grovemment's tight
control over the electoral process and the lack of an independent electoral oversight
mechanism, and a prohibition on nongovernmental broadcast media, call into seri-
ous doubt the ability of citizens to change the government. Major human rights
abuses include: disappearances; police abuse of prisoners and detainees; use of tor-
ture by military personnel; inhuman prison conditions and frequent deaths due to
these conditions and lack of medical care; instances of arbitrary arrest and deten-
tion; governmental failure to ensure access by attorneys to clients in prison; the ex-
ecutive branch's influence over the judicial system and the electoral process; occa-
sional instances of vigilante justice by unidentified uniformed personnel; infringe-
ment on citizens' privacy; restrictions on freedom of speech and the press; restric-
tions on freedom of assembly; societal discrimination and violence against women;
and prostitution and genital mutilation of young girls.
The Government dominated the electoral process. However, the PUP head of the
National Assembly and the leaders of the opposition called for the creation of an
independent electoral commission. The independent press criticized the Govern-
ment, but met with a broad range of restrictions, including the arrest of journalists.
The Government owns and operates the electronic media, the major medium for
reaching the vast majority of the public.
The Ministry of Justice, the National Assembly and local nongovernmental orga-
nizations (NGO'S) attempted to educate the citizenry about the judicial process and
individual rights. The Ministry of National Defense also sponsored a series of semi-
nars to teach the armed forces and gendarmes about human rights. The Inter-
national Committee of the Red Cross, trained Ministry of Security oflicials and cus-
toms officers on humanitarian law.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of targeted
political killings.
Relief organizations reported scattered rebel incursions into refugee camps to
steal livestock and other goods. In contrast to previous years, no one was reported
killed in the attacks. In June unknown members of the security forces shot and
killed a Sierra Leonean refugee and wounded his brother while the boys were fish-
ing near the Kolomba refugee camp. The Government reportedly investigated the
incident, but has not released results from the investigation.
Security forces committed extrajudicial killings during the February 1996 mutiny.
Between 30 and 50 persons, mostly civilian victims of stray gunfire, were killed by
military forces and mutineers during the 2-day uprising. The Government made nu-
merous arrests of mutinous soldiers following tne mutiny. Local NGO's reported
that in March and April, the Government released approximately 60 of the soldiers
detained in the 1996 mutiny. Several arrests also were made following the mutiny-
related killing of Colonel ^ny Bangoura, commander of the Alpha Yaya military
camp in Condcry, by uniformed soldiers in March 1996. The suspects were charged
with voluntary assassination, threatening state security, destruction of state prop-
erty, and dereliction of duty. The suspects remained incarcerated, awaiting trial
with the alleged ringleaders of the February 1996 mutiny. In June the Government
activated a State Security Court to try the remaining 30 to 40 alleged mutiny ring-
leaders still in prison awaiting trial (see Section I.e.). At year's end there had been
no trial.
Deaths in custody due to inhuman prison conditions and inadequate medical
treatment are frequent (see Section I.e.).
No investigation has been conducted into the deaths in 1996 of two detainees,
Dian Oury Kante and Mahamed Diallo, who were awaiting trial for murder and rob-
bery in Telimele.
Tliere has been no investigation into the January 1995 deaths of 16 civilian pris-
oners while in custody. There has been no further action in the case of the police-
man arrested for killing a youth at a rally in Conakry in 1995 or in the case of two
police charged with killing a civilian in 1996 in Kissidougou. The Guinean Organiza-
tion for the Defense of Human and Citizen Rights (OGDH) disputes the official tally,
claiming that 24 people actually died while in police custody. A former inmate at
the prison reported that the dead were buried in a clandestine cemetery in the pris-
on courtyard.
Government authorities also blocked separate efforts bv human rights groups and
nongovernmental organizations to investigate political killings that took place in the
145
1970*8 under then-president Sekou Toure and to protect victims' burial plots from
urban encroachment. Two NGO's representing the victims of those who died in
Camp Boiro, the Conakry prison where hundreds of political prisoners and members
of the intelligentsia were detained or killed, held a memorial service on April 3 to
call attention to their cause. A memorial to the victims is being erected at the site.
Vigilante action by victims or others sometimes resulted in the beating to death
of suspected criminals (see Section I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — Opposition leaders, local NGO's, and the independent press re-
ported cases of temporary disappearances that ended with the eventual release of
the prisoners who had been hela oy security forces.
In the months after the February 1996 mutiny, hundreds of soldiers and civilians
disappeared during neighborhood sweeps conducted by armed members of the secu-
rity forces, who were often masked to hide their identities. Some of these individuals
were subsequently released; others continue to be held awaiting trial. The Guinean
Organization for the Defense of Human and Citizen Rights (OGDH) reports that
people were taken from their homes in the middle of the night and incarcerated.
After interrogations dozens of soldiers were transferred to judicial authorities for
legal proceedings related to the mutiny, but in August 1996 prosecutors released 63
detainees for lack of evidence. Baba Sarr, a relative of the mutiny ringleader Major
Gbago Zoumanigui, remained missing since his detention following the February
mutinv.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Penal Code and the Constitution prohibit torture and cruel, inhuman, or de-
grading treatment. However, both civilian and military security forces often use
beatings to extract confessions and employ other forms of brutality, including hold-
ing prisoners incommunicado without charges and under inhuman conditions. Local
human rights organizations and former detainees said some prisoners are bound
and hung by their feet before being beaten. There were no reported judicial proceed-
ings against officers suspected of committing abuses.
Unidentified uniformed personnel acting as vigilantes used torture, beatings, un-
sanitary conditions, and restrictions of food in secret prisons to obtain confessions
from those suspected of involvement in the mutiny and any cases considered as "na-
tional security" (see Section l.d.).
There were reports of sexual assaults by soldiers on refugees, and some soldiers
demanded sex in exchange for entry into the country (see Section 2.d. and Section
5).
Prison conditions are inhuman and life threatening. Family members and friends
are responsible for feeding prisoners. Guards oft«n demanded bribes in exchange for
letting food through to those incarcerated. Standards of sanitation remained poor,
and there were several dozen deaths due to malnutrition and disease. A former in-
mate held in the central prison in Conakry reported being housed with between 60
to 80 prisoners in 1 cell, with 1 toilet and no beds. Prisoners reported threats, beat-
ings, and harassment by guards. There are credible reports from prisoners that fe-
male inmates are subject to harassment and sexual assault by guards.
The OGDH determined that prisoners in at least one major prison, located in
N'Zerekore, suffered more from neglect and lack of resources than from mistreat-
ment. According to the OGDH, the N'Zerekore prison is a converted grain ware-
house built in 1932 for 70 prisoners, but currently houses 120. There is no elec-
tricity or running water.
The independent press, a local human rights organization, and a former prisoner
reported that inmates are routinely beaten and subjected to other forms of abuse
at the prison in Koundara in northern Guinea.
A member of a political opposition party, a soldier, a local human rights organiza-
tion, and former prisoners reported that the Government houses political prisoners
considered a threat to state security at Kassa prison, allegedly located in a former
French colonial structure on an island ofT the coast of Conakry. The (jovernment
denies the existence of the Kassa prison and states that prisoners identified as polit-
ical detainees have been incarcerated for criminal acts and are located in other pris-
ons.
Although the Minister of Justice denounced inhuman prison conditions during
televised visits to prison facilities in 1996, no concrete action was taken to improve
conditions. The Government, however, does permit visits by local humanitarian and
religious organizations, which offer medical care and food for those in severe need.
A former prisoner reported that without this assistance, those who do not have fam-
ilies or friends would starve to death.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Arbitrary arrest remains a persistent
threat despite procedural provisions in the Penal Code designed to safeguard detain-
146
ees. In practice administrative controls over the police are ineffective, and security
forces rarely follow the Penal Code.
The Penal Code requires that the Government issue a warrant before an arrest
can be made and charge detainees before a magistrate within 72 hours. However,
many detainees are incarcerated for longer periods of time before being charged.
After being charged, the accused may be held until the final outcome oi the case,
including a period of appeal. Release on bail is at the discretion of the magistrate
who has jurisdiction. The Constitution proscribes incommunicado detention. The law
provides for access by attorneys to their clients, but authorities frequently do not
respect this provision.
The Government detained about 30 to 40 alleged mutiny ringleaders following the
February 1996 uprising, which involved some 2,000 soldiers who had protested low
salaries and benefits. The mutiny evolved into an attempted coup d'etat that nearly
toppled the Government, during which an estimated 30 to 50 people in Conakry,
mostly civilians, were killed.
Bar Association attorneys, the independent press, and government sources de-
scribe a parallel system of justice run by unidentified uniformed personnel who con-
duct midnight arrests, detain suspects, and use torture in secret prisons to obtain
confessions before transferring detainees to prosecutors. Unidentified security forces
had rounded up hundreds of soldiers and civilians suspected of involvement in the
mutiny. The (jovernment subsequently charged a total of 43 soldiers with murder,
looting, armed robbery, and abandonment of post in connection with the mutiny and
detained the rest without charges. A government prosecutor released 63 detained
soldiers for lack of evidence in August 1996 and security forces allegedly released
60 more detainees in March and April. Judicial authorities denied any responsibility
for the arrests, yet took custody of dozens of detainees transferred by security forces.
The Government continues to detain two members of the Rally of the Guinean
People following trial for killing a policeman during a demonstration in 1995 that
became violent.
The Government does not practice forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for the judiciary's inde-
pendence; however, judicial authorities routinely defer to executive authorities and
the executive branch in politically sensitive cases. Magistrates are civil servants
with no assurance of tenure. Due to corruption and nepotism in the judiciary, rel-
atives of influential members of the Grovernment are above the law. In 1996 the
Cabinet stated that it would pursue those who violate the law but avoid punishment
due to judicial corruption, including autonomous Red Berets; however, no action was
taken. Judges often do not act indep)endently and their verdicts are subject to out-
side interference. Influential persons often intervene on behalf of their relatives to
prevent a negative judgment from being carried out.
The Judiciary includes courts of first instance, two Courts of Appeal, and the Su-
preme Court, the court of final appeal. Since 1988 civilian courts have rendered all
judgments involving civilians under the Penal Code. A military tribunal prepares
and adjudicates charges against accused military personnel, to whom the Penal
Code does not apply. The armed services, however, made no use of a military tribu-
nal following the February 1996 mutiny and transferred dozens of detained soldiers
to the judiciary (see Section l.d.). The Government announced in September 1996
the creation of a Discipline Council for dealing with civil servants who abuse their
positions as government employees, but at year's end, the Council had not pros-
ecuted any cases.
In June Minister of Justice Maurice Zogbelemou Togba activated a Special State
Security Court to try the 30 to 40 alleged mutiny ringleaders who remained in cus-
tody following the attempted uprising in February 1996. Togba has defended the
Special Courts legality, citing statutes predating the 1992 Constitution. Members
of political opposition parties and the independent press maintain that the Court
is unconstitutional, arguing that the Fundamental Law of 1992 superseded related
statutes. They also maintain that because the State presents evidence as well as
makes final judgment, the Court infringes on the prisoners' due process rights be-
cause the judiciary is beholden to the executive and lacks real independence.
The judicial system is plagued by numerous problems, including a shortage of
qualified lawyers and magistrates and an outdated and restrictive penal code. The
Penal Code provides for the presumption of innocence of accused persons, the inde-
pendence of judges, the equality of citizens before the law, the right of the accused
to counsel, and the right to appeal a judicial decision. Although in principle the Gov-
ernment is responsible for funding legal defense costs in serious criminal cases, in
practice it rarely disburses these funds. The attorney for the defense frequently re-
ceives no payment. The Government provided counsel for dozens of soldiers charged
147
in connection with the February 1996 mutiny and the quasi-independent Bar Asso-
ciation started a permanent legal defense fund.
Defense lawyers for the soloiers incarcerated in connection with the 1996 mutiny
complained that they had difficulty obtaining permission to meet with their clients,
particularly after President Conte activated the Security Court in June. They also
reported that prison guards eavesdropped on their conversations, denied family vis-
its to the detainees, and that the Government reduced their clients' salaries by as
much as 60 percent to pay for prison meals.
Many citizens are wary of judicial corruption and prefer instead to rely on tradi-
tional rules of justice at the village or urban neighborhood level. Litigants present
their civil cases before a village chief, a neighborhood leader, or a council of wise
men. The dividing line between the formal and informal justice systems is vague,
and authorities may refer a case from the formal to the traditional system to ensure
compliance by all parties. Similarly, if a case cannot be resolved to the satisfaction
of all parties in the traditional system, it may be referred to the formal system for
adjudication. The traditional system discriminates against women in that evidence
given by women carries less weight (see Section 5).
Many victims of crime fear that they may never achieve justice because of judicial
corruption and may resort to exacting their own form of retribution through vigi-
lante violence. Some suspected criminals, notably thieves and rapists, are beaten to
death or burned after being soaked with a flammable liquid by their victims or by
others, even though there may be insuflicient evidence that a crime has actually
taken place. OGDH reported a Conakry driver, falsely accused of theft, was beaten
to deatn in 1996 by an angry mob after his car broke down. Police authorities rarely
intervene to rescue victims of vigilante justice.
The Government holds less than a dozen political prisoners. Such prisoners are
individuals incarcerated for allegedly politically motivated acts, such as protests,
meetings and campaigns; but arrested and convicted under criminal laws such as
those applying to creating disorder, inciting violence, and corruption. Some of these
individuals consequently received disproportionately harsh punishment due to their
political afTiliation.
The Government denies holding any political prisoners. Members of political oppo-
sition parties and a local human rights organization dispute this claim, saying that
dozens of political prisoners are being detained or have disappeared.
In June four leaders of the main opposition party, the Rally of the Guinean People
(RPG), received 2-year prison sentences. The four opponents were arrested for al-
leged criminal acts in November 1996 and charged with voluntarily causing injury
to others following a rally to welcome their leader, Alpha Conde, back to Guinea.
During an impromptu parade en route to Conde's residence, RPG supporters clashed
with students, several of whom were injured. The students responaed by attacking
the nearby RPG headquarters and were joined by local residents who together
looted and burned what remained of the offices.
In September 1996, a circuit court settled the cases of 35 RPG detainees held in
N'zerekore in a military camp without charges since August 1995. The authorities
originally imprisoned the RPG activists after violence broke out during a general
strme. C5ne policeman was killed in the clashes. In September 1996, the court re-
leased 33 of the activists, sentenced one person to 5 years in jail and another person
to 3 years in jail with a fine of $1,000.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of the home, and judicial search warrants
are required oy law. However, police frequently ignore these procedures. Police and
paramilitary police often ignore legal procedures in the pursuit of criminals. Private
citizens are frequently detained at nighttime roadblocks set up by police and the
military for purposes of security and extortion (see Section 2.d.).
It is widely believed that security ofTicials monitor mail and telephone calls.
Local businesses, especially expatriate companies, often complain of intimidation
and harassment by public ofncials and authorities.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of expres-
sion, subject to certain limitations; however, despite government statements in sup-
port of free speech and a free press, the Government employs a broad range of re-
strictions that vitiate any real protection. The Government prohibits what it consid-
ers seditious talk or chants in public, has established defamation and slander as
criminal offenses, and prohibits communications that personally insult the Presi-
dent, or incite violence, discrimination, or hatred, or that disturb the public peace.
The Government publishes the official newspaper, Horoya, and operates the offi-
cial television and radio (ORTG) stations. Reporters for the official press, who are
148
government employees, practice self-censorship in order to protect their jobs. Several
younger broadcast journalists reported critically about the Government and posed
critical questions at official press conferences.
There is a vocal independent press that is critical of the President and the Gov-
ernment. For example, the weekly satirical newspaper Le Lynx publishes front page
cartoons lampooning the Head of State and senior government officials. The govern-
ment-controlled daily (Horoya) and five weekly newspapers (Le Lynx, La Lance,
L'Oeil, L'Independant, and L'lndependant Plus) publisn regularly in Conakry, and
up to 10 other publications publish sporadically, although hampered by technical
and financial diificulties. One newspaper, L'Espoir, is affiliated with the governing
political party (PUP), and several other newspapers are affiliated with opposition
parties. (Jther papers offer news and criticism of both the Government and the oppo-
sition.
The Government maintains control of the electronic media, and national radio
serves as the most important means of reaching the public. The Government author-
ized in 1996 the temporary FM transmission of Africa Number One, a private Gabo-
nese radio station and promised a permanent license, but the license was not issued
and the station is no longer broadcasting. Many citizens listen regularly to foreign-
origin short-wave radio, and some have access to foreign television satellite broad-
casts.
The Government occasionally detains journalists. Police arrested editor-in-chief,
Louis Celestin, and publisher, Ousmane Camara, of the independent weekly news-
paper L'Oeil on August 1 after the Minister of Justice filed a complaint accusing
the two men of libel and publishing false information. The newspaper had printed
an article criticizing Justice Minister Togba and his attempts to stifle the country's
independent press. The journalists were released on August 11 with no formal
charges filed. They were detained again on August 25, after the paper printed a fol-
low-up story again criticizing the Justice Minister, but subsequently released.
Ismael Bangoura, publishing manager of L'Oeil, was sentenced in January to a
month in jail, and was fined after conviction a token sum of 1 Guinean franc for
"publishing false information and for illegal publication." The Justice and Security
Ministers leveled the charges against Bangoura after the paper published an article
criticizing a government meeting.
On April 25, President Conte fired Minister of Information and Culture Michel
Kamano. Kamano, a senior ranking cabinet minister, was a vocal proponent of es-
tablishing independent radio.
Political tracts occasionally circulate in Conakry and other urban areas. Some
tracts support the Government, while others specifically criticize senior officials.
Foreign publications, some of which criticize the Government, are often available.
The Ministry of National Education and Scientific Research exercises limited con-
trol over academic freedom through its influence on faculty hiring and control over
the curriculum. In general, teachers are not subject to classroom censorship.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law restricts freedom of
assembly, and the Government exercises its power to thwart unwanted political ac-
tivity. The Penal Code bans any meeting that has an ethnic or racial character or
any gathering "whose nature threatens national unity." The (jovernment requires
notification 72 hours prior to public gatherings, otherwise the events are considered
illegal.
Ilie Government bans all street marches except for funerals. Pursuant to this
statute, local authorities may cancel a demonstration or meeting if they believe that
it poses a threat to public order. They may hold event organizers criminally liable
if violence or destruction of property ensues.
Union organizers of a nationwide teacher strike in April reported being harassed
by youths they believed had been recruited by local government officials (see Section
6.b.).
Freedom of association is protected by law, but there are cumbersome require-
ments to obtain government recognition. Political parties must provide information
on their founding members and produce internal statutes and political platforms
consistent with the Constitution before the Government recognizes them. There are
approximately 46 legally recognized political parties; deputies of 9 different parties
are represented in the National Assembly.
There were credible reports of harassment and oppression of the Rally of the
Guinean People (RPG) party (See Section I.e.).
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion and
permits religious communities to govern themselves without state interference. The
Government generally respects these rights in practice. The quasi-governmental Na-
tional Islamic League represents Guinea's Muslims, who make up 85 percent of the
population. The League states that it supports peaceful coexistence with other reli-
149
gious denominations, and actively attempts to facilitate dialogue to eliminate ethnic
and religious tensions. Although the Government and the National Islamic League
have spoken out against the proliferation of Shi'ite fundamentalist sects, which tney
alleged were "generating confusion and deviation" within Guinean Islam, they have
not restricted these groups. Foreign missionaries and church-affiliated relief agen-
cies operate freely.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides citizens with the right to travel freely within
the country and to change their place of residence and work. The Government re-
quires all citizens to carry a national identification card, which they must present
on demand at security checkpoints. Travelers face harassment by police and at mili-
tary roadblocks, particularly late at night. The independent press and local NGO's
reported that travelers are often pressured into paying bribes to allow free passage.
On April 22, President Conte announced the shutdown of the infamous "Kilometer
36," a manned checkpoint on the only road leading from Conakry to the interior of
the country. The checkpoint had been the scene of rampant corruption and harass-
ment. The Government reduced security force presence at the checkpoint, however,
it later reestablished the checkpoint at full strength and established new ones as
well throughout the country following the May 25 coup in neighboring Sierra Leone.
Government officials state the corruption is being perpetrated by a few rogue sol-
diers. Abuse, however, at official checlcpoints is systematic.
The Government permits foreign travel for its citizens, although it retains the au-
thority to limit it for political reasons. The Government officially closed its land bor-
ders with Sierra Leone and Liberia for security reasons related to a May 25 coup
in Sierra Leone and for the July elections in Liberia and the border with Sierra
Leone remains closed. Commerce authorities restricted overland trade in August
1996 of some products in an effort to improve tax collection and these restrictions
continue.
In June President Conte, concerned about internal security, barred Sierra
Leoneans from entering Guinea without proof of onward travel plans. Officials from
the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said
that refugees continued to move relatively freely into Guinea, however, due to po-
rous borders.
The Government permitted Liberians to return to their country to vote in national
elections in July. However, these persons were not officially permitted to reenter
Guinea as asylum seekers.
The Government cooperates fully with the UNHCR, the World Food Program,
other humanitarian organizations, and donor countries to assist refugees. The Gov-
ernment provides first asylum in accordance with United Nations and Organization
of African Unity conventions. According to a 1997 census report, the Government
provided asylum to more than 400,000 refugees, primarily from Liberia and Sierra
Leone. Refugees account for half or more of the populations of the Forest region
cities of N'zerekore, Gueckedou, and Macenta. According to the UNHCR, approxi-
mately 40,000 additional refugees entered the Forecariafi region following the May
25 coup in Sierra Leone. Many of the approximately 30,000 Sierra Leonean refugees
already in Forecariah and an additional 170,000 Sierra Leonean refugees living in
the Forest region were scheduled for repatriation, but the May coup forestalled this
effort.
There were some reports of forced repatriation. An international NGO reported
that refugees were loaded onto military trucks to be returned to Sierra Leone fbllow-
ing the coup. The UNHCR reported that about 20 Sierra Leoneans fleeing coup vio-
lence were detained at the border but eventually released to UNHCR workers. The
UNHCR also received unconfirmed reports that boatloads of Sierra Leonean refu-
gees were turned away by the Government at the port of Conakry.
The Government has provided school buildings, access to local medical facilities,
and land for farming to assist those designated as refugees. However, relief organi-
zations report that some local authorities have demanded portions of donated fuel
and food from delivery convoys.
While the Government has generally been hospitable toward refugees, several
NGO's reported that local police and border patrol guards oflen demanded bribes
before allowing refugees into the country. Some border officers demanded sex in lieu
of money from women who had insufficient funds to pay bribes.
International NGO's said that refugees are subject to arbitrary arrests, but the
harassment is not specifically targeted at refugees. The UNHCR reports that detain-
ees, oflen held for naving insufficient identification or being suspected rebels, are
charged before a magistrate within 72 hours as required by law. A UNHCR official
said that a refugee prisoner died in custody in Lola in 1996, but at year's end there
had been no reported government action or investigation. Unknown members of the
150
security forces killed one refugee and wounded another in June (see Section l.a.).
A World Food Program oflicial reported that refugees are not receiving their com-
plete meal rations donated by the organization.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although the 1990 Constitution provides for a popularly elected president and a
multiparty parliament, the ability of citizens to exercise effectively this provision is
restricted. The Government's tight control of the electoral process and lack of an
independent electoral oversight mechanism call into serious doubt the ability of citi-
zens to change the Government.
President Conte took office in 1994 after multiparty elections in December 1993
in which the Government dominated the electoral process. In 1995 the President's
party, PUP, won 62 percent of the legislative seats (one seat short of the majority
required to make constitutional amendments) and 56 percent of the municipal va-
cancies. The International Commission of Jurists reported seeing no seals on the
legislative ballots, results envelopes left open, and various means of intimidation
used at some polling places. The African-American Institute said that the National
Electoral Commission — the supposed "moral guarantor of electoral fairness" — had
only a marginal role.
Opposition leaders deemed the entire process an "electoral masquerade" and "a
comedy," and openly questioned the credibility and legitimacy of PUPs municipal
and legislative landslide victories. Shortly after results were announced, nine oppo-
sition parties joined forces to form an umbrella organization, CODEM, dedicated "to
act, organize, and combat together to make Guinea a land of liberty." These parties'
deputies took their seats in the National Assembly and played an active role in
budgetary and general sessions, (jovemment radio and television provided live cov-
erage of some legislative sessions in 1996, but not in 1997.
FVesident Conte consolidated control of several key government operations in
March. He issued a presidential decree that gave him new, direct control over the
central bank, major public works, and the State Inspector General, enabling the
President to bypass his ministers. The decree also curtailed the authority of Prime
Minister Toure, whose portfolio had further been stripped of economic matters.
On June 17, F*resident Conte decreed personnel changes in the administration of
the country's interior. The 38 new secretaries general (deputies to governors and
prefects) are all members of the PUP with strong ties to the President, thereby
threatening the autonomy of elected mayors as secretaries general control city budg-
ets. The President already appoints the governors and prefects to administer regions
and subregions respectively, and they siipervise the secretaries general who are em-
ployees of the Minister of the Interior. (Opposition party officials and the independ-
ent press have charged that this action signals that the Government is using public
funds to build its electoral base within traditional opposition strongholds in antici-
pation of the 1998 presidential elections. Conte was also criticized by members of
his own party for quashing the democratic process within the PUP during leader-
ship elections at a party congress this year.
During the April-May session of the National Assembly, a majority of deputies
once again rejected the Minister of Territorial Administration's efforts to appoint,
rather than elect, neighborhood councils, as he attempted in 1996. No neighborhood
council elections have been scheduled.
Women are underrepresented in the (jovernment. The President appointed a Cab-
inet in July 1996 and reduced the number of women who hold positions in the 23-
member Cabinet from 4 to 2. Women head the low profile ministries of Social Affairs
and Youth, Sports, and Civic Education. There are only 9 female deputies in the
114-member National Assembly. There are few women at senior levels below min-
ister and no women among senior military ranks. Women also play a minor role in
the leadership of the major political parties.
The Cabinet and armed forces leadership include representatives of all major eth-
nic groups. However, a disproportionate number of^ senior military officers are
Soussou, the President's ethnic group.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Local NGO's primarily interested in human rights issues include: the Guinean Or-
ganization for the Defense of Human Rights; the Guinean Human Rights Associa-
tion; the Children of the Victims of Camp Boiro; S.O.S. Burial Grounds; the Associa-
tion of Victims of Repression; Humanitarian Assistance for Prisons; Defense of Pris-
oners' Rights; Women Jurists for Human Rights; the Committee for the Defense of
Civic Rights; and the Coordinating Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting
151
Women's and Children's Health. Government oflicials are cenerally cooperative and
responsive to their views; however, various olUcials have olocked private efTorts to
memorialize victims of the Sekou Toure regime.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that all persons are equal before the law regardless of
gender, race, ethnicity, language, beliefs, political opinions, philosophy, or creed, but
the Government does not uniformly enforce these provisions.
Women. — Violence against women is common, although estimates differ as to the
extent of the problem. Wife beating is a criminal offense and constitutes grounds
for divorce under civil law; however, police rarely intervene in domestic disputes.
Although the Government has made regular statements in the media against sex-
ual harassment, women working in the formal sector in urban areas complain of fre-
quent sexual harassment. There are credible reports from prisoners that female in-
mates are subject to harassment and sexual assault by guards. The social stigma
attached to rape prevents most victims from reporting it. The Government has not
vigorously pursued criminal investigations of alleged sexual crimes.
Refugees from Liberia and Sierra Leone report that some soldiers demand sex in
exchange for entry into Guinea. There are also reports of sexual assaults on refu-
gees. In February UNHCR reported that a refugee was raped by two men in mili-
tary garb. No arrests were made. The UNHCR reported that a refugee was raped
by two members of the military in N'zerekore in November 1996. Military officials
told the UNHCR that one soldier was arrested but he later escaped. Two male refu-
gees raped a female refugee in Yomou in June. Security officials detained the men
and placed them under the supervision of refugee camp ofTicials. At year's end, pros-
ecution was reportedly proceeding, but they had not come to trial.
The Constitution provides for equal treatment of men and women, and the Min-
istry of Social Affairs and Women's Protection works to ensure such equality.
Women face discrimination, however, particularly in rural areas, where opportuni-
ties for women are limited by custom and the demands of child-rearing ana subsist-
ence farming. Women are not denied access to land, credit, or businesses, but inher-
itance laws also favor male heirs over females. Government officials acknowledge
that polygamy is commonly practiced, although it is prohibited by law. Divorce laws
generally tend to favor men in awarding custody and dividing communal assets.
Legal evidence given by women carries less weight than that given by men (see Sec-
tion I.e.). The Government has affirmed the principle of equal pay for equal work,
but in practice, women receive less pay than men in most equally demanding jobs.
Children. — The Constitution provides that the Government has a particular obli-
gation to protect and nurture the nation's youth, and the Government allocates a
significant percentage of the budget to primary education. The President appoints
a cabinet minister to defend women's and children's rights and a Minister of Youth.
Total enrollment in primary education is just over 580,000, 34 percent of whom
are girls. Approximately 35 percent of all eligible students are enrolled in primary
schools, but the ratio is much smaller for secondary schools. The proportion of girls
enrolled in secondary schools is much lower than the percentage in primary schools.
The Government spent 5 percent of its gross domestic product on education in 1996.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is nearly uni-
versal. It is practiced in allregions and among all religious and ethnic groups. FGM
is performed on girls and women between the ages of 4 and 70. FGM is illegal under
the Penal Code and senior officials have spoken against the practice, but there have
been no prosecutions for violations of the Code. Elxact figures on this procedure are
difficult to establish due to its private nature. Expert estimates vary between 65
and 90 percent. The lower figure, if accurate, would represent a decline over the
past decade due to education of the population by woman's rights groups about the
health risks involved with the practice. However, infibulation, the most dangerous
form of FGM, is still performed in the Forest region. Despite diseases resulting from
crude and unsanitary surgical instruments and deaths resulting from the practice,
the tradition continues, seriously afTecting women's lives. FGM also increases the
risk of HIV infection since unsterilized instruments are shared among participants.
The Government has made efforts to educate health workers on the dangers of
this procedure and supports the efTorts of the Committee on Traditional Practices
Affecting Women and Children (CPTAFE), a local NGO dedicated to eradicating
FGM and ritual scarring. The CPTAFE reports high rates of infant mortality and
maternal mortality due to FGM.
In March, working in collaboration with the World Health Organization's regional
efTorts, the Government initiated a 20-year strategy to eradicate FGM.
152
A growing number of men and women oppose the practice. Urban, educated fami-
lies are opting increasingly to perform only a slight symbolic incision on a girl's
genitals rather than the complete procedure. Those who perform FGM oppose its
eradication since it is quite lucrative for them.
The CPTAFE, in conjunction with the (}ovemment, local journalists, and inter-
national NGO's, is promoting an education campaign to discourage underage mar-
riage. Although sucn marriages are prohibited by law, parents contract marriages
for girls as young as age 11 in the Forest region.
Prostitution exists in the informal economic sector and employs girls as young as
age 14. The Government does not take action even if prostitution of minors is
brought to its attention and does not actively monitor child or adult prostitution.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution provides that all persons are equal be-
fore the law. There are no special constitutional provisions for the disabled. The
Government has not mandated accessibility for the disabled, and few disabled peo-
ple work, although some develop opportunities in the informal sector.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — While the Constitution and the Penal Code
prohibit racial or ethnic discrimination, ethnic identification is strong. Mutual sus-
picion affects relations across ethnic lines, in and out of government. Senior govern-
ment levels and the highest military ranks below the President include representa-
tives of all three maior ethnic groups.
President Conte, however, reserved the majority of recent senior promotions in
the armed forces for Soussous, his own ethnic group. Opposition leaders contend
that Soussous are overly represented in high-level cabinet positions.
In March ethnic tensions sparked violence in Koule, a small town in the Forest
region. Members of the Malinke and Gerze ethnic groups clashed following an al-
leged rape of a Gerze woman by a Malinke man. Military personnel reported that
at least three Gerze were killed in the violence. Several hundred villagers from both
ethnic groups were seen fleeing the area by an NGO delegation, observed the town
center empty of residents, numerous dwellings burned and sacked, and dozens of
armed soldiers patrolling the streets.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of employees
to form independent labor unions and prohibits discrimination based on union aflili-
ation. Only an estimated 5 percent of the work force is unionized. Most union mem-
bers are employees of the Government, national utilities (electric, water, and tele-
phone companies), or foreign-controlled companies.
The Labor Code states tnat all workers, except military and paramilitary person-
nel, have the right to create and participate in organizations that defend and de-
velop their individual and collective rights as workers. It requires elected worker
representatives for any enterprise employing 25 or more salaried workers.
The National Confederation of Guinean Workers (CNTG) was the sole trade union
before the Labor Code was enacted. Althou^ there are now other trade unions and
labor confederations, the CNTG remains the largest confederation.
The CNTG is indirectly funded by the State, although dissident members seek to
increase the Confederation's freedom from government control. Independent unions
and confederations have gained popularity, such as the Free Union of Teachers and
Researchers of Guinea and the National Organization for Free Trade Unions of
Guinea. Several disgruntled groups within the CNTG left the Confederation in 1996
citing corruption of among leadership. These groups joined with some independent
unions to form the United Syndicates of Guinean Workers.
The Labor Code grants salaried workers, including public sector civilian employ-
ees, the right to strike 10 days after their representative union makes known its
intention to strike. It prohibits strikes in sectors providing "essential services" (hos-
pitals, radio and television, army, and police).
A nationwide public-school teachers strike immobilized the education sector for
2 weeks beginning on April 14. Union leaders ended the strike after President Conte
promised to reinstate an 8 percent pay raise for all state employees.
Members of the independent union, Free Union of Educators and Researchers of
Guinea (SLECG), and the government afTiliated union, Professional Union Federa-
tion for Education (FSPE), went on strike to restore a previously agreed wage in-
crease as well as cost of living adjustments. Union leaders reported harassment by
the Government and its supporters, including the arrest of eight teachers, mob at-
tacks on teachers' homes, cutting of phone lines, burning of tires in front of union
headquarters by youths armed with rocks and clubs, threatening phone calls, and
refusal by police to intervene. In August the teachers received an 8 percent salary
increase (the same increase was also given to all other civil servants). Teachers also
received the right to claim seniority oenefits for any past training or internships.
153
Unions may freely affiliate with international labor groiips. The Government con-
tinues to designate the CNTG to represent workers in tne International Labor Orga-
nization conference.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Under the Labor Code, rep-
resentative workers' unions or union groups may organize in the workplace and ne-
gotiate with employers or employer organizations. The law protects the right to bar-
gain collectively concerning wages and salaries without government interference.
Work rules and woric hours established by the employer are developed in consulta-
tion with union delegates. The Code also prohibits antiunion discrimination. Union
delegates represent individual and collective claims and grievances with manage-
ment. Individual woricers threatened with dismissal or other sanctions have tne
right to a hearing before management with a union representative present and, if
necessary, to take the complaint to the Conakry Labor Court, which convenes week-
ly to hear such cases. In the interior, civil courts hear labor cases.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code specifically for-
bids forced or compulsory labor, and there is no evidence of its practice. The Labor
Code specifically forbids forced and bonded labor by children and the Government
enforces this prohibition effectively.
d. Status Of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — According
to the Labor Code, the minimum age for employment is 16 years. Apprentices, how-
ever, may start at 14 years of age. Workers and apprentices under the age of 18
are not permitted to work at night, nor for more than 12 consecutive hours, nor on
Sundays. The Labor Code also stipulates that the Minister of Labor and Social Af-
fairs must maintain a list of occupations in which women and youth under the age
of 18 cannot be employed. In practice enforcement by Ministry inspectors is limited
to large firms in the modem sector of the economy. A 1997 study by the Ministry
of Planning states that approximately 66 percent of children between the ages of
7 and 14 were employed in the rural sector, the rate jumped to 91 percent in the
15 to 19 age group. In urban areas, approximately 19 percent of children between
the ages oi 7 and 14 are employed. The rate jumps to 50 percent for children be-
tween the ages of 15 and 19. Child labor in factories is not a prevalent problem be-
cause of the low level of manufacturing.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohi-
bition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code provides for the establishment
by decree of a minimum hourly wage, but the Government has not done so. There
are also provisions in the Code for overtime and night wages, which are fixed per-
centages of the regular wage. According to the Labor Code, regular work is not to
exceed 10-hour days or 48-nour weeks, and there is to be a period of at least 24
consecutive hours of rest each week, usually Sunday. Every salaried worker has the
legal ri^t to an annual paid vacation, accumulated at the rate of at least 2y2 work-
days per month of work. In practice the authorities enforce these rules only in the
relatively small modern urban sector.
The Labor Code contains provisions of a general nature regarding occupational
safety and health, but the Government has not elaborated a set of practical work-
place health and safety standards. Moreover, it has not issued any of the ministerial
orders laying out the specific requirements for certain occupations and for certain
methods of work that are called for in the Labor Code. The Ministry of Labor and
Social Affairs is responsible for enforcing labor standards, and its inspectors are em-
powered to suspend work immediately in situations hazardous to health. However,
enforcement remained more a goal than a reality. Labor inspectors acknowledge
that they cannot even cover Conakry, much less the entire country, with their small
staff and meager budget.
Under the Labor Code, workers have the right to refuse to work under unsafe con-
ditions without penalty. Nevertheless, many workers fear retaliation should they
refuse to work under unsafe conditions. Employees in high-risk professions, such as
night guards, drivers, and police, have protested conditions.
GUINEA-BISSAU
Joao Bernardo Vieira was elected President in the Republic of Guinea-Bissau's
first multiparty elections in 1994. Vieira has ruled the country since taking power
in a 1980 coup. He is also a member of the African Party for the Independence of
Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC), which was the only legal political party
from independence in 1974 until adoption of a multiparty constitution in 1991. The
154
PAIGC holds 62 of the 100 seats in the National Assembly where 4 other parties
are represented. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary, but its
functioning is hampered by a lack of resources and by corruption.
The police, under the direction of the Ministry of the Interior, have primary re-
sponsibility for the nation's internal security. The armed forces are responsible for
external security and may be called upon to assist the police in internal emer-
gencies. The police were responsible for human rights abuses.
The population of 1 million relies largely upon subsistence agriculture and the ex-
port 01 cashew nuts. Annual per capita gross domestic product is estimated at $840.
The country underwent a major economic transformation in 1997 with its entrance
to the West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA). The introduction of
the UEMOA's cfa franc has provided the country with its first convertible currency.
In addition UEMOA provides a larger potential market for the country's products.
In the short term, admission has caused some adjustment problems, including cur-
rency shortages, but on the whole UEMOA membership is expected to be positive.
The country remains burdened by a heavy external debt and has inadequate tax
revenues.
Political pluralism brought about greater transparency. However, the overall
human rights situation did not improve during the year. Police continued to engage
in arbitrary detention, physical mistreatment, and other forms of harassment. The
Government did not punish any members of the security forces for abuses. Prison
conditions remained poor, and prolonged detention and a lack of due process contin-
ued. Journalists continue to practice self-censorship. Discrimination against women
and female genital mutilation are problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
The Interior Ministry claims to be continuing an internal investigation into the
1996 shooting of two African deportees by police following demonstrations; one of
the deportees died. The authorities have yet to release any results or punish anyone
involved.
The 1992 death of Ussumane Quade, an army officer beaten to death while in po-
lice custody, remains unresolved. Early this year, two police officers were arrested
in connection with his death; however, they were never charged and were later re-
leased. The human rights monitors from the Guinean Human Rights League contin-
ued to press for prosecution of the officers.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits cruel and inhuman punishment, and evidence obtained
through torture or other coercion is invalid. However, the Government often ignores
these provisions. Security and police authorities have historically employed abusive
interrogation methods, usually in the form of severe beatings or deprivation. The
Government rarely enforces provisions for punishment of abuses committed by secu-
rity forces. Beatings and deprivation have continued to be used in prisons as a
means of coercion. The head of the national police has initiated a program to edu-
cate police in the interior against using such methods. The program was conducted
in three regions during 1996 and 1997. According to the police, a lack of resources
prevents the program from being used elsewhere.
Two policemen accused of rape in 1995 have yet to stand trial, and no trial date
has been set. As is the case for most prisoners awaiting trial, the policemen are free
during the day and jailed at night. Human rights monitors report other incidents
in which police accused of rape or mistreatment of prisoners have not been pros-
ecuted.
Prison conditions are poor but generally are not life threatening. Prison authori-
ties have very little control over inmates, many of whom simply leave during the
day. The Interior Minister has requested international donor assistance to rehabili-
tate the prisons.
The Human Rights League was given access to the prisons during the year.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The legal system provides for procedural
rights, such as the right to counsel, the right to release if no timely indictment is
brought, and the right to a speedy trial. In practice the judicial system generally
fails to provide these rights.
Police detain suspects without judicial authority or warrants, occasionally through
the devices of house arrest. The Government holds detainees without charge or trial
for extended periods of time, sometimes incommunicado.
155
Human rights monitors estimate that pretrial detainees arrested without war-
rants and imprisoned without charge make up more than 90 percent of the prison
population. The authorities do not routinely observe bail procedures.
The African deportees from Spain, who were in custody in 1996, have all been re-
leased and returned to their home countries. The Gk)vemment began an investiga-
tion into the matter, but at year's end has released no results.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but judges, who are poorly trained and paid, are sometimes subject to political
pressures and corruption. The Supreme Court is especially vulnerable to political
pressure, as its menibers are appointed by the President and serve at his pleasure.
The judiciary is reluctant to decide cases of a political nature. Cases against sev-
eral former and current members of the Government have continued to be delayed.
The Supreme Court has found itself incapable of dealing impartially with highly
charged political cases. The Court was asked to rule on the constitutionality ofthe
President's actions in naming a new government in May. The opposition charged
that he failed to consult with political parties in Parliament, as required by the Con-
stitution. The Court ruled that although the President's actions were unconstitu-
tional, the decree he issued that namea the Government would be allowed to stand
for the good of the nation.
This judgment was not the original decision written by the justice assigned to the
case. Sne wrote a decision that dismissed the Government due to the unconstitution-
ality of the decree by which it was appointed. Before her initial decision could be
released, however, the Supreme Court President — after President Vieira"s interven-
tion— issued a press release ostensibly summarizing the Court's decision. In it he
stated that, althoiigh the President's actions were unconstitutional, the Government
could remain in ofnce. After additional presidential pressure, court members forced
the decision's author to change her decision to conform with the press release.
Trials involving state security are conducted by civilian courts. Military courts try
only crimes under the Code oi Military Justice committed by armed forces person-
nel. The Supreme Court is the final court of appeal for both civilian and military
cases. The President has the authority to grant pardons and reduce sentences.
Citizens who cannot aflbrd an attorney have the right to a court-appointed lawyer.
Traditional law still prevails in most rural areas, and urban dwellers often bring
judicial disputes to traditional counselors to avoid the costs and bureaucratic im-
pediments of the official system. Police often resolve disputes.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of domicile, person, and correspondence,
but the Government does not always respect these rights. The police do not always
use judicial warrants and have forced entry into some private homes. International
and domestic mail is at times opened; however, this violation is by poorly paid post-
al employees in search of money or other valuables, not by security personnel.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, but journalists continue to practice self-censorship.
In addition to the government-run newspaper, there is a daily newspaper and four
weekly newspapers. All newspapers publish sporadically due to financial con-
straints. The national printing press, the only facility for publishing newspapers in
the country, often lacks the raw materials to publish them.
There are currently three independent radio stations and one government-con-
trolled station in Bissau. In addition Radio Portugal and Radio France international
broadcasts are received directly from Lisbon and Paris. There are also three commu-
nity radio stations run by the indigenous nongovernmental organization (NGO) Ac-
tion for Development and there are plans to open a fourth community radio station
supported by Plan International. One independent radio station rebroadcasts British
Broadcasting Corporation news and another has plans to begin rebroadcasts of the
Voice of America.
One of the community stations has faced harassment from the local authorities.
In July two of its journalists were arrested after broadcasting an interview with a
local farmer who was critical of a local judge. The judge ordered the station to air
a statement disclaiming the interview. When the journalists refused, the judge
found them in contempt of court and ordered them jailed. The National Council of
Social Communication (Media) issued a ruling in favor of the journalists, and the
case is to be heard by the Supreme Court, but at year's end no date had been set
for trial, although both journalists have been released.
Academic freedom is observed in schools and research institutions.
156
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government respects this right in practice. Govern-
ment approval is required for all assemblies and demonstrations. During the year,
the Government approved all such requests. Numerous organizations held rallies,
some of which were highly critical of the Government. Unlike its actions in 1996,
the Government did not try to prevent such demonstrations.
Student demonstrations in May in Bissau and regional capitals turned violent.
Demonstrators attacked government buildings and private property. In one regional
capital, while acting to restore order and protect government personnel, the police
fired on the demonstrators, injuring two, one severely. Five police officers were also
injured.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government re-
spects this right in practice. The Government does not prohibit or discourage ac-
tively the formation of associations. All private associations are required to register
with the Government.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. While religious groups must be licensed
by the Government, none has been refused. Various faiths, including Jehovah's Wit-
nesses, continued missionary operations during the year. The Government includes
members from all major religious groups.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government generally does not restrict movement within the coun-
try, foreign travel, or emigration. However, checkpoints and police harassment
occur. Passports are issued by the Minister of the Interior. Citizens are guaranteed
the right to return and are not subject to political revocation of their citizenship.
The Government allows refugees to stay if they fear persecution at home. There are
no formal provisions to recognize this status, but it is granted on a case-by-case
basis. No refugees have been deported to a country where they fear persecution.
The Government provided first asylum to refugees from the conflicts in Liberia,
Sierra Leone, and the Casamance region of Senegal. There are over 15,000 Senegal-
ese refugees along the Bissauan-Senegalese border, and renewed fighting in the
Casamance region is expected to cause their numbers to grow. The United Nations
High Contmiissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) set up a refugee camp in Jolomete, well
south of the Senegalese border, but only 750 Senegalese refugees have agreed to re-
locate. The Government requested this location to prevent refugees from being in-
volved in the Casamance separatist movement. There were no reports of forced re-
turn of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
In 1994 voters were able to choose their government freely for the first time in
the nation's history. The PAIGC retained power in elections judged to be free and
fair by international observers, although they acknowledged some irregularities.
Local elections promised by the Government since 1995 have yet to materialize.
The Government's first local electoral law was the subject of much criticism, as it
seemed to offer preferential treatment to areas supporting the Government. After
a court challenge by the opposition, the Government withdrew the law and formed
an all-party parliamentary commission to draft new legislation. The Minister of Ter-
ritorial Administration promised local elections by the end of 1997. However, such
elections were not expected to be held until late 1998 at the earliest since the new
law is not drafted, the electoral census is not complete, and donors await a realistic
funding plan from the Ministry.
Using his emergency power clause following student demonstrations, the Presi-
dent dismissed the country's first postelection government in May. The opposition
and most citizens praised this action. However, ignoring a constitutional require-
ment for consultation, the President then named a new government without ade-
quate consultation with the political parties. The opposition filed a court challenge
to the new Government's constitutionality. The Supreme Court ruled, in a decision
brought on by the President's interference (see Section I.e.), that although the Presi-
dent's action was unconstitutional, the Government could remain in ofiice for the
good of the nation. Public opinion was highly critical of this decision, and the opposi-
tion charged that the Court overstepped its authority. Some opposition leaders
called for Parliament's dissolution and new legislative elections. The President indi-
cated that legislative elections were a possibility. Due to public sentiment, he dis-
missed the Government, consulted with the opposition, and reappointed the same
government.
157
Women are underrepresented in the National Assembly, where they have only 8
of the 100 seats. Three of 15 Cabinet ministers are women, including the Interior
Minister.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government did not interfere with the Guinea-Bissau Human Rights League
(LGDH), and international human rights groups continued to investigate human
rights abuses obiectively without government harassment. Moreover, the authorities
relationship with the IGDH appears to have improved considerably since the new
Government took office. The Prime Minister and the LGDH president have had sev-
eral substantive discussions.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and law prohibit discrimination on the basis of sex, race, and
religion. In practice, however, the Government does not effectively enforce these pro-
visions.
Women. — Physical violence, including wife beating, is an accepted means of set-
tling domestic disputes. Although police will intervene in domestic disputes if re-
quested, the Government has not undertaken specific measures to counter social
pressure against reporting domestic violence, rape, incest, and other mistreatment
of women.
Discrimination against women persists although officially prohibited by law.
Women are responsible for most work on subsistence farms and nave limited access
to education, especially in rural areas. Women do not have equal access to employ-
ment. Among certain ethnic groups, women can not own or manage land nor innerit
propertv.
Children. — The Government allocates only limited resources for children's welfare
and education.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is widely
practiced within certain ethnic groups, especially the Fulas and the Mandinkas. The
practice is increasing as the population becomes more Muslim. The practice is now
being performed not only on adolescent girls, but also on babies as young as 4
months old. The Government has not outlawed the practice. It has, however, formed
a national committee, which is conducting a nationwide education campaign to dis-
courage it. International NGO's, including Radda Barnen (the Swedisn equivalent
of Save the Children) and Plan International, as well as several domestic NGO's
such as Friends of Children and Sinim Mira Nasseque, are working through the na-
tional committee to eliminate FGM.
People With Disabilities. — There is no legislation mandating accessibility. The law
does not specifically prohibit discrimination against people with disabilities, and the
Government does not ensure equal access to employment and education. The State
has made some efforts to assist disabled veterans through pension programs, but
these programs do not adequately address veterans' health, housing, and food needs.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides all civilian workers with
the freedom to form and join independent trade unions. However, the vast majority
of the population works in subsistence agriculture. Most union members are govern-
ment or parastatal employees; only a small percentage of workers are in the wage
sector and are organized.
The Government registers all labor unions. There are 11 labor unions registered
and operating. All unions are ofTicially independent of the Government, but seven
unions are afiiliated with the National Trade Union Confederation (UNTG), which
retains close informal ties with the PAIGC. The law does not favor UNTG-affiliated
unions over others. The Constitution provides for the right to strike and protection
for workers from retribution against strike activities.
The only legal restriction on strike activity is the requirement for prior notice.
Legal strikes were conducted by several unions, with no retribution against the
strikers.
All unions are free to affiliate freely with national confederations and inter-
national labor organizations of their choice.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution does not
provide or protect the right to bargain collectively, and there were no instances of
fenuine collective bargaining. Most wages are established in bilateral negotiations
etween workers and employers, taking into consideration the minimum salaries set
annually by the Government's Council of Ministers.
158
The Government's provisions for the protection of workers against antiunion dis-
crimination have very little effect due to low union membership. The Government
has not taken further action, but no workers have alleged antiunion discrimination.
The Government adopted no laws to establish penal sanctions against employers
practicing such discrimination. The practice is not widespread.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^Forced or compulsory labor, in-
cluding that performed by children, is not permitted by law. These prohibitions are
generally enforced in the formal sector. However, children are often forced by their
parents or guardians to work as street traders or agricultural laborers in the infor-
mal sector (see Section 6.d.). The Government has not taken effective action to com-
bat such practices.
In 1996 the armed forces chief of staff, Ansumane Mane, was arrested after sev-
eral children died in an explosion that occurred when they were forced to prepare
shell cases for sale to Casamance rebels. Mane was placed under house arrest, but
never formally charged; he was ultimately pardoned and reinstated by President
Vieira.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Forced or
compulsory labor by children is not permitted by law. This prohibition is generally
enforced in the formal sector (see Section 6.c.).
The (jeneral Labor Act of 1986 established a minimum age of 14 years for general
factory labor and 18 years for heavy or dangerous labor, including all labor in
mines. These minimum age requirements are generally followed in the small-wage
sector, but the Ministry of Justice and Labor does not enforce these requirements
in other sectors. Children in cities often work in street trading, and those in rural
communities do domestic and field work without pay. The Government does not at-
tempt to discourage these traditional practices.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Wor^.— -The (jovemment's Council of Ministers annu-
ally establishes minimum wage rates for all categories of work but does not enforce
them. The lowest monthly wage is approximately $15 (9,000 cfa francs). This wage
is inadequate to maintain a rmnimum standard of living, and workers must supple-
ment their income through oth^r work, reliance on the extended family, and subsist-
ence agriculture. The maximum number of hours permitted in a normal workweek
without further compensation is 45, but the (jovemment does not enforce this provi-
sion.
The Ministry of Justice and Labor establishes legal health and safety standards
for workers, with the cooperation of the unions, wnich are then adopted into law
by the National Assembly. However, these standards are not enforced, and many
persons work under conditions that endanger their health and safety.
Workers do not have a guaranteed right to remove themselves from unsafe work-
ing conditions without losing their jobs. Given high unemployment, a worker who
left for such reasons would be readily replaced.
KENYA
President Daniel Arap Moi won reelection in December in Kenya's second general
elections since the restoration of multiparty politics in 1991. While observers consid-
ered the elections imperfect, they concluded that the vote broadly reflected the popu-
lar will. In addition to his role as President, Moi also commands the military serv-
ices and controls the security, university, civil service, judiciary, and provincial, dis-
trict, and local governance systems. The ruling party, the Kenya African National
Union (KANU) has a slim majority of the unicameral National Assembly's 200 seats.
The judiciary is subject to executive branch influence.
The large internal security apparatus includes the Police Criminal Investigation
Department (CID), the Directorate of Security and Intelligence (DSI), the National
Ponce, the Administration Police (AP), and the paramilitary CJeneral Services Unit
(GSU). The CID and the DSI investigate criminal activity and monitor persons
whom the State considers subversive. Members of the security forces committed se-
rious human rights abuses, and on a larger scale than in 1996.
The economy includes a well-developed private sector in trade, light manufactur-
ing, and finance. The large agricultural sector provides food for local consumption,
substantial exports of cofiee, tea, cut flowers, and vegetables, and approximately 70
percent of total employment. Tourism remained the largest single foreign exchange
earner, despite a major setback caused by ethnic violence along the coast in August
and September. Drought, followed by floods, kept upward pressure on food prices.
Annual per capita gross domestic product is $270.
159
Throughout the first 8 months of the year, the Government's human rights record
deteriorated, with serious problems in many areas. Many aspects of the situation
improved significantly in the last 4 months of the year, although human rights vio-
lations continued to occur. Police continued to conunit extrajudicial killings and to
torture and beat detainees. They arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens (al-
though not for political reasons after the enactment of the reforms), and held them
for prolonged periods. Prison conditions remained life threatening. The judiciary was
subject to executive branch influence, and several judges complained in public about
executive interference in judicial afTairs. Authorities infringed on citizens privacy
rights. Throu^ the spring and summer, as the tempo of political activity quickened,
government harassment and intimidation of opponents significantly increased. The
Government detained critics of the ruling party, including opposition parliamentar-
ians, journalists, clergy, and human rights activists, for periods ranging from a few
hours to several days. Government authorities severely limited freedom of speech,
assembly, and association, and blocked opposition leaders' access to their supporters
and to the electronic media. Journalists practiced some self-censorship. The Govern-
ment deployed the National Youth Service (NYS), which traditionally has provided
young Kenyans job training in exchange for several years of national civilian serv-
ice, to block opposition political meetings. The number of disrupted opposition politi-
cal meetings and civic education workshops in the first 8 months of the year rose
sharply over 1996.
Beginning in late September, however, there was a visible improvement in the
human rights situation, as the bipartisan Interparties Parliamentary Group (IPPG)
brokered a package of wide-ranging political reforms, which the Government en-
acted in early November. These paved the way for a generally free campaign and
credible, if imperfect, national elections at year's end. The results broadly reflected
the popular will and marked a step forward in citizen's ability to change their gov-
ernment peacefully, although their ability to do so has not yet been fully dem-
onstrated at the presidential level. After denying registration to many political par-
ties for several years, the Government finally acted on the applications and reg-
istered 16 new parties. Government disruption of opposition and civic education
meetings declined in September, then halted altogether oy mid-October.
Discrimination against women and violence against women and children remained
serious problems. Animosity against and among various ethnic groups continued,
and there were a series of incidents involving ethnic violence on the coast in August
and early September, causing at least 100 deaths. Mob violence also resulted in
many deaths. After IV2 years in operation, the Government's standing committee
on human rights has yet to make public any of its reports or make a visible impact
on the human rights situation. The Government arrested and prosecuted a number
of police officers for abuses. It also directed police not to harass journalists or carry
guns when covering public meetings. In February the Government acceded to the
United Nations Convention Against Torture and directed police not to torture or
beat detainees, albeit with limited results.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Prior to September, security forces
continued to use lethal force frequently and committed extrajudicial killings. Accord-
ing to government figures, police killed 94 suspected criminals in 1997. The non-
governmental Kenyan Human Rights Commission (KHRC) reported that police
killed 123 people in the period from January through September, including at least
12 by torture. Human rights groups criticized police "recklessness" and eagerness
to open fire, as well as the Government's failure to take appropriate action against
most policemen responsible for killings. Hundreds of prisoners died in custocfy due
to life threatening prison conditions, including inadequate food and medical treat-
ment (see Section I.e.).
In February Administration Police in Migori shot and killed Frederick Adhiambo.
The police report stated that the police opened fire when Adhiambo charged them
with a knife, a claim contradicted by the local KHRC monitor who reported that
Adhiambo was shot in the head inside his house. In March Nairobi police shot and
killed Anthony Chege Muthoni, a student scheduled to enter the University of
Nairobi.
The same month University of Nairobi student leader Solomon Muruli died in a
mysterious fire in his dormitory room. A week before his death, Muruli positively
identified a senior police officer as one of the men who abducted and tortured him
in November 1996. Shortly before his death, he received a letter threatening his life
160
if he proceeded to identify police officers in connection with his abduction. The pub-
lic inc[uest into Muruli's death is continuing.
While the majority of the police killings occurred during the pursuit of criminal
suspects, a number involved innocent bystanders. In January Brother Lany
Timmons, a Catholic monk, was shot and killed by two Administration Police ofii-
cers responding to an alleged robbery in Njoro near Nakuru. Police initially de-
scribed the incident as an accident, but church officials termed the incident "sus-
picious," noting that Timmons had recently confronted local government officials
over corruption.
There are indications that some of the people who died in police custody were vic-
tims of torture. These included Moses Macharia Gicheru in Pangani, Ali Hussein
Ali in Wajir, and Lomurodo Amodoi in Lokichoggio (see Section I.e.). According to
credible accounts, the notorious Makuyu "flying squad" police unit tortured a num-
ber of detainees, several of whom died, inclucfing Josepn Mwangi Muiruri, Irungu
Kimani, Noah Njuguna Ndung'u, Joseph Ndungu Njoroge, James Gitau Kuanju,
and Julius Mwangi Njoroge. There were also credible reports that security forces
beat and brutalized citizens in the Likoni and Kwale areas of the coast, in connec-
tion with searches for the raiders who perpetrated ethnic attacks in August and
September. Reportedly, several of these victims were beaten to death (see Section
I.C.).
Police investigated some extrajudicial killings by security forces, and several po-
lice officers faced prosecution. According to the Attorney General's office, at least 15
police officers were charged with brutality, excessive force, and wrongful killing in
1997. In the course of the year, a police officer was charged with murder in the
death of Anthony Chege Muthoni, and police constable Francis Kimanzi Mabaya
was charged with the murder of Brother Timmons. The Government charged 11 po-
lice officers with murder in the December 1996 death of 2 Kenyatta University stu-
dents, and 3 police officers and 1 army corporal with murder in the June death of
Ali Hussein Ali. After the latter four men were discharged by the court in October,
the Government opened an inquest file and the first public inquest is scheduled for
February 1998. The inauest into the July 1995 death from torture of Rosemary
Nyambura finished, ana the magistrate recommended that the police officers re-
sponsible be arrested and charged with murder. The Government also launched in-
quests into the following deaths in police custody: Moses Macharia Gicheru in
Pangani, John Kibuki Kanini in Lari, and Lomurodo Amodoi in Lokichoggio. In re-
sponse to a KHRC queiy, the Government launched an inquest into the November
1996 death of Francis Nlunahi from torture while in police custody in Nyang'ori. In-
quests into the 1996 police killing of Egerton University student Festo Etaba
(Jkonya and the 1996 death in poHce custody of Amodoi Achakar Anamilem are con-
tinuing, and an inquest into the 1996 death in police custody of Francis Munahi is
schedmed to open January 1998.
There have, however, been no effective police investigations into many cases of
extrajudicial killing. There have, for example, been no investigations of the deaths
in police custody of Joseph Mwangi Muiruri, Irungu Kimani, Noah Njuguna, and
Julius Mwangi Njoroge. Police made no arrests in connection with the deaths of 14
civilians during proreform rallies on July 7 ("Saba Saba") in several cities. A num-
ber of these individuals are known to have died at the hands of police. The (jovem-
ment announced public inquests into the fatal shootings of Paul Niore Macharia and
student David Kanuni Mutugi in Thika, and four people in Nyanururu on July 7.
According to an eyewitness, a police woman shot Mutugi at point blank range as
he knelt pleading before her. The authorities usually explain that the lack of inves-
tigation of extrajudicial killings is because no official complaint has been filed. But
the form required for filing complaints is available only at police stations, which are
often "out" of the forms or not forthcoming in providing them. There is also consid-
erable skepticism of a process that assigns the investigation of police abuse to the
police itself
Prior to September, KANU youthwingers perpetrated a number of violent attacks,
some involving fatalities. Human rights activists charge that the youthwingers were
operating with tacit or explicit police approval, and several cases lend credence to
this charge. All but one of the KANU youthwingers who beat Evans Baraza Obango
to death in a Nairobi slum in March were released by the police; an investigation
into the incident was completed and the file was forwarded to the Attorney General
for action. Prior to the IPPG initiative. President Moi and other KANU leaders
called upon KANU youthwingers on a number of occasions to help the police put
down proreform rallies or threatened that the youthwingers would prevent rallies.
There were also cases, however, in which the police intervened to protect opposition
and nongovernmental organization (NGO) leaders from attacks by KANU
youthwingers, particularly in the last 4 months of the year.
161
There was a major outbreak of ethnic-targeted violence along the coast in August
and early September, resulting in at least 100 deaths and thousands of people flee-
ing to safe havens in Mombasa or inland. Most of the victims were immigrants from
upxjountry Kenya who had settled along the coast, and the attacks reflected indige-
nous ethnic animosity and economic discontent toward the upcountry settlers. How-
ever, there were indications that the violence had political roots, with local KANU
political leaders reportedly involved in the planning. The efforts of security forces
to contain the violence were slow and piecemeal, allowing the violence and the exo-
dus of refugees to continue for many weeks.
Deadly attacks and revenge counterattacks occurred frequently between Pokots
and Marakwets, Turkanas and Samburus, and Maasais and Kisiis. There were also
incidents of ethnic-targeted violence and killing in Isiolo, Meru/Nyambene, Garissa,
and Kilgoris. In early 1997, the KHRC published a special report, "The Forgotten
People, which detailed a series of raids from Ethiopia into Kenya involving pillage,
rape, and torture at the hands of tribal bandits and Ethiopian army troops who en-
tered Kenya searching for fleeing Ethiopian rebels.
Mob violence increased during the year. Human rights observers attribute this to
lack of confidence in the police and the judicial process. The KHRC documented 99
deaths by mob violence in the period from January through September, compared
with 95 deaths by mob violence in the whole of 1996. "Mob justice" most often is
inflicted on individuals suspected of criminal activities. Occasionally strangers or so-
cial misfits were targets. The Government condemned the practice of mob justice
and arrested and charged 358 people in court with participating in incidents of mob
violence.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution states that "no one shall be subject to torture or degrading punish-
ment or other treatment." However, security forces continued to use torture as a
method of interrogation and to punish both pretrial detainees and convicted pris-
oners. On February 11, the Government acceded to the U.N. Convention Against
Torture, although it denied that torture was a problem in Kenya, apart from iso-
lated instances. Several days later. Commissioner of Police Duncan Wachira di-
rected police not to beat suspects during interrogation. Despite the Commissioner's
directive, however, the use of physical violence by the security forces and credible
reports of police abuse and torture continued. The KHRC reported at least 55 cases
of torture by police in the first 9 months of 1997. In 12 instances, police torture re-
sulted in deatn (see Section l.a.).
In January police tortured Yusuf Haji, who reported that four policemen whipped
him in the Kibera section of Nairobi in the presence of the Provincial Commissioner.
In February, 15 people charged with robbery in Kibera told the court that they had
been tortured in police custody. In March eight people charged with theft in Nairobi
told the court that they had been tortured by police. Mandera primary school teach-
er Mohammed Abdi Aden reported that he had been tortured by police for failing
to produce a national identification card on demand. A number of the approximately
200 people arrested in connection with an August 8 proreform rally that turned vio-
lent, resulting in four deaths, reported that tney were subjected to torture, starva-
tion, and inadequate medical attention in Kamiti maximum security prison in
Nairobi. Other reported cases of police torture included Charles Ritho Gicheru in
Nyeri in August, a 17-year-old student named Mugeti in Kisii in August, and James
Kobi Masagala in Thika in September. There were credible reports that police tor-
tured several people arrested in connection with the outbreak of ethnic violence on
the coast during the summer. Police also reportedly abuse street children (see Sec-
tion 5).
Security forces used excessive force to break up several proconstitutional reform
rallies in Nairobi from May to August. They fired tear gas into crowds and beat par-
ticipants and bystanders at random. Police also beat journalists (see Sections l.d.
and 2.a.). Police deployed in the Likoni and Kwale areas of Coast province to stem
ethnic violence there engaged in random beatings of local people, causing several
deaths. There are credible reports that the police also committed several rapes (see
Section l.d.).
During the year the Government investigated some allegations of police torture
and prosecuted some members of the police. Three police constables were sentenced
to 10 years in prison for torturing prisoner Charles Ireri in Embu in 1994; two po-
licemen were arrested and charged in the January 1994 detention and torture of
Truphena Obwaka Shirako in Langas in Uasin Gishu District, but no verdict has
been reached yet. Human rights activist Josephine Nyawira Ngengi has filed suit
against the Government claiming damages for illegal confinement, torture, and har-
assment by Nakuru police in 1994. In November Police Commissioner Wachira dis-
162
^anded the notorious Makuyu "flying squad" police unit (see Section l.a.) that re-
portedly frequently beat ana tortured detainees, often demanding bribes. (At year's
end, however, area Members of Parliament stated that only two police officers had
been transferred, whUe the other 28 continued working m Makuyu.) There has,
however, been no official investigation into the reported torture of Jane Wambui and
Virginia Nyambura Wambui in Kikuyu Town in December 1995, although the two
women had the charge of robbery against them dismissed on the grounds they had
been tortured.
FVison conditions are often life threatening, due both to a lack of resources and
to the Government's unwillingness to address deficiencies in the penal system. Pris-
oners are subjected to severe overcrowding, inadequate water, poor diet, sub-
standard bedding, and deficient health care. According to the Government, 631 pris-
oners died in iaiis during the year, due chiefly to anemia, heart attack, malaria, ty-
phoid fever, dysentery, tuberculosis, and AIDS. The country's 78 prisons are se-
verely overcrowded, averaging 30 percent above holding capacity witn a daily aver-
age of 34,775 inmates in 1996. Some facilities, such as the Nairobi Remand Prison,
are overcrowded by several hundred percent. In late 1996, the Government released
over 4,000 prisoners imprisoned on lesser charges to alleviate prison overcrowding.
Rape of both male ana female inmates is a serious problem, as is the growing inci-
dence of AIDS. Disease is widespread in prisons and the death rate is high. Prisons
do not have resident doctors, and only one prison had a doctor permanently as-
signed. In January prisoners held in Kamiti Maximum Prison refused to appear in
court because they had been barred from seeing their attorneys and were being de-
nied food and medicine. Prisoners are sometimes kept in solitary confinement far
longer than the maximum 90 days allowed by law. Piisoners and detainees report
that they are frequently denied tne right to contact their relatives or lawyers. Pris-
oners are subjected to torture and inhuman treatment by police.
Officially, men, women, and children are kept in separate cells. However, there
are reports of men and women being placed in cells together, and youths (as young
as early teenagers) are frequently kept in cells with adults in overcrowded prisons
and remand centers.
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of prison conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Despite constitutional protections, police
continued to arbitrarily arrest and detain citizens. The Constitution provides that
persons arrested or detained shall be brought before a court within 24 hours in non-
capital offenses and 14 days in capital cases. A 1993 amendment to the Penal Code
excludes weekends and holidays from this 14-day period. The law does not stipulate
the period within which the trial of a charged suspect must begin. Suspects are
oft^n held for weeks, even months, before bemg brought to court. The Government
has acknowledged cases in which persons have been held in pretrial detention for
several years. Persons arrested and charged are statutorily allowed access to their
families and attorney, however, this right is often not honored. Prisoners may be
visited by family members and attorneys only at the discretion of the State. This
privilege is often denied. For those who have been charged, it is often possible to
be released on bail with a bond or guarantees of return.
The parliamentary reforms passed in November repealed the detention without
trial provisions of the Preservation of Public Security Act (PSA), the provision under
which particularly troublesome political activists had been imprisoned in years past.
The reforms also greatly reduced the powers of local oflicials called chiefs under the
Chiefs' Act (formerly Chiefs' Authority Act). The authority of chiefs to restrict move-
ment of people was repealed and, while they still have the power to detain people,
they must take them immediately "to the nearest police station." The reforms also
repealed the Vagrancy and Outlying Districts Acts, whose broad discretionary pow-
ers had been used to detain people or restrict movement.
The Task Force on the Reform of Penal Laws and Procedures, created by the At-
torney General in 1993, submitted its final report to the Attorney General in De-
cember. The report recommended seven new bills to reform the criminal justice sys-
tem.
Through the first 8 months of the year, security forces continued to harass, follow,
inconvenience, and occasionally briefly detain opposition Members of Parliament
(M.P.'s), NGO officials, clergy, journalists, and other government critics. The detain-
ees were usually held for several hours then released without charge. In a few cases,
they were held for weeks or months. One KANU dissident experienced an escalating
pattern of harassment, which began when his business was "staked out" by police
officers, and there was minor vandalism to his property. This escalated to attacks
on patrons of his hotel, and death threats against his family, and culminated with
the resurrection of a 1994 criminal case against him. The charges were dropped
when he withdrew his dissident candidacy. He then encountered further threats and
163
intimidation when he ran opposite President Moi in the December 1997 parliamen-
tary race.
Harassment of political and human rights activists in the first 8 months of 1997
functioned to criminalize opposition political positions and human rights advocacy
(see Section 4). In February police charged into and clubbed Safina activists, jour-
nalists, and members of the Release Political Prisoners (RPP) pressure group in a
maricet town near Nyeri. In April Kitui police surrounded the home of opposition
g residential candidate Charity Ngilu and kept her blockaded inside overnight (see
ection 2.b.). Following the outbreak of ethnic violence on the coast in August, police
arrested KHRC investigator Alamin Mazrui, Saiina founder Khelef A. KnaUfa, and
National Democratic Union leader Ali S. Chizondo, releasing them on bond several
days later. Harassment of opposition and human rights activists, however, dimin-
ished greatly with passage of the IPPG-brokered reforms.
The KHRC charged police and security forces with abetting disorder in the far
north districts of Marsabit and Moyale. Police arbitrarily arrested and tortured citi-
zens, especially members of the Borana tribe, in the course of their efforts to repress
banditiy in the border region over the past several years.
The Government does not use formal exile as a means of political control. It did,
however, prevent Sheik Khalid Balala, a self-styled leader of the unregistered Is-
lamic Party of Kenya (IPK), from returning to Kenya in 1994, and then effectively
kept him in exile in CJermany for 3 years. In July the Government allowed Balala
to return to Kenya.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^Although the Constitution provides for an inde-
pendent judiciary, it is subject to executive branch influence in practice. The Presi-
dent has extensive powers over appointments, including those of Chief Justice, At-
torney General, and Appeal and High Court judges. The fVesident can also dismiss
judges and the Attorney (General upon the recommendation of a special presi-
dentially appointed tribunal. Judges do not have life tenure and serve on a contract
basis.
The court system consists of a Court of Appeals, a High Court, and 2 levels of
magistrates' courts, where most criminal and civil cases originate. The Chief Justice
is a member of both the Court of Appeals and the High Court, which undercuts the
Erinciple of judicial review. President Moi's appointment of Zacchaeus Chesoni in
•ecember as Kenya's Chief Justice raised widespread protest among legal experts,
who argued that the lack of independence Chesoni displayed as Chairman of the
Kenya Electoral Commission did not augur well for the prospects of judicial inde-
pendence.
Statements by President Moi on matters before the courts are a major problem
plaguing the judicial system. They are often tantamount to interference with the
independence of the judiciary. For example, in 1997 President Moi directed the
courts not to "interfere" in internal KANU party matters. Another problem is the
power that the Constitution gives the Attorney CJreneral to discontinue proceedings
in private prosecution cases. Attorney (jeneral Amos Wako has argued tnat citizens
must first notify his ofiice before initiating private prosecution. He has used this au-
thority on a number of occasions to terminate cases against government officials.
On several occasions, judges spoke out and sought to assert judicial independence.
In March the Chairman of the Kenya Magistrates' and Judges' Association publicly
criticized government interference in the judiciary and restrictions imposed on the
freedom oi association of magistrates and judges. A Nairobi judge overruled Presi-
dent Moi's February directive to the courts not to entertain disputes arising within
political parties. These two justices have not been transferred or otherwise nega-
tively affected by their public statements. In the past, judges who made public criti-
cisms or issued rulings against the (Jovernment have been punished with transfer
to isolated places or nonrenewal of their contracts.
Customary law is used as a guide in civil matters affecting persons of the same
ethnic group so long as it does not conflict with statutory law. Civilians are tried
pubhcly although some testimony may be given in closed session. Judges hear all
cases; there is no jury system. There is a presumption of innocence, and defendants
have the right to attend their trial, to confront witnesses, and to present witnesses
and evidence. Civilians can also appeal a verdict to the High Court and ultimately
to the Court of Appeals. Military personnel are tried by military courts-martial, and
verdicts may be appealed through military court channels. The Chief Justice ap-
points attorneys for military personnel on a case-by-case basis.
Defendants do not have the right to government-provided legal counsel, except in
capital cases. For lesser charges, free legal aid is not usually available outside
Nairobi. As a result, poor people without an attorney may be convicted for lack of
an articulate defense. Althougn defendants have access to an attorney in advance
of trial, defense lawyers do not always have access to government-held evidence.
164
since the Government can plead the state security secrets clause as a basis for with-
holding evidence. The Government raised court fees for filing and hearing cases by
several hundred percent in 1995. The daily rate for arguing a case before a judge,
for example, rose from $10 to $50; out of reach for most citizens.
Critics of the Government — politicians, journalists, lawyers, students — have been
harassed through abuse of the legal process. In a study of the judiciary published
in early 1997, the International Bar Association concluded that there has been "a
persistent and deliberate misuse of the legal system for the purpose of harassing
opponents and critics of the Government." Many opposition M.P.'s, student leaders,
and human rights activists have one or more court cases hanging over their heads,
often for months or even years.
The Government did not hold any political prisoners at year's end. In January the
Government released on bail the last two of the three prisoners in the well known
human rights case of Koigi Wa Wamwere. Koigi and his two associates had been
denied a lair judicial process in their 1993 conviction on apparently politically moti-
vated charges of armed robbery. In October the KHRC and the Release Political
Prisoners organization presented the Attorney General with a list of 774 persons
they claimed were political prisoners, either imprisoned or out on bail pending trial
on sedition or related political cases. Among these were James Apiny Adhiambo,
convicted of participation in a 1982 failed coup attempt, and the "Koigi Three" de-
fendants. In December the Grovernment released Apiny and dropped all charges
against the Koigi Three.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Al-
though the Constitution provides that ' no person shall be subjected to the search
of his person or his property or the entry by others on his premises," it p>ermits
searches without warrants "to promote the public benefit." The Police Act permits
police to enter a home forcibly ii the time required to obtain a search warrant would
prejudice" their investigation. Although security officers generally obtain search
warrants, they occasionally conduct searches without warrants to apprehend sus-
pected criminals or to seize property believed to be stolen.
Prior to September, security forces closely monitored the activities of dissidents.
They followed and otherwise harassed a number of them. Security forces employ
various means of surveillance, including a network of informants to monitor the ac-
tivities of opposition politicians and human rights advocates. Opposition leaders,
students, and others report that the Government targets them with surveillance,
telephone wiretaps, and interference with written correspondence. One leader of the
constitutional reform movement, for example, frequently changed his place of resi-
dence to avoid surveillance. In March seven leaders from various universities in-
formed the press that they were being stalked and threatened by government secu-
rity forces.
Although citizens are free to choose their political affiliations, the Government
discourages civil servants from membership in opposition parties.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^Although the Constitution provides for freedom
of speech and of the press, the Government has interpreted broadly several existing
colonial-era laws to limit free expression (see Section l.d.). It has used these laws
to disperse opposition rallies and to prevent speakers from criticizing the Govern-
ment. Some mdependent periodicals report that the business community is under
pressure from the Government to refrain from advertising in their magazines, push-
ing some to the edge of insolvency. The court conviction in June of the independent
weekly. The People, for defaming an adviser to the President, and the accompanying
award of a record $180,000 (10 million shillings) in damages, sent fear through the
independent press. A High Court judge, however, set aside the award in November,
requiring the publication to pay only court costs. In September Nakuru police de-
tained Joseph Kaiuki, editor of the Rifl Valley Times, and held him incommunicado
for 4 days because of a report in his paper critical of the same presidential advisor.
In spite of these pressures, the press, civic organizations, ana the opposition con-
tinued to present their views to the public, particularly in the print media. However,
government pressure leads journalists to practice some self-censorship.
On the whole, however, the print media remained candid and independent, de-
spite continued government pressure and harassment. Weekly newspapers and mag-
azines, many openly critical of the Government, have substantial audiences. The
[»rint media include three daily newspapers that report on national politics. The
argest newspaper. The Nation, is independent and publishes articles critical of gov-
ernment policies. The second largest newspaper. East African Standard, is con-
trolled by an investment group with close ties to the Government and the ruling
KANU party. Despite the new management's pledge to maintain the newspaper's
165
independent editorial policy, it has evolved into a tabloid that is less critical of the
Government. The third daily newspaper, Kenya Times, reflects KANU party views.
According to members of the inciependent press, relations between the press and
the Government have greatly improved in recent years. Even when government offi-
cials have requested the independent press to suppress damaging articles, the final
decision has been left to the editors. While the traditional taboos surrounding the
President and, to a lesser extent, his family remain in effect, political cartoons pic-
turing President Moi, often in a negative light, appear frequently in the independ!ent
press. Nevertheless, newspaper and magazine editors continued to be subjected to
varying degrees of government pressure to censor themselves, particularly regarding
President Moi's family and corruption involving his advisers.
There were a number of instances of overt Harassment and occasional detention
of journalists in the first 8 months of the year, which dropped off dramatically in
the last 4 months. In January police disrupted what they called an "illegal" press
conference called by Democratic Party leaders to protest denial of campaign meeting
licenses. In February police seized Nation photographer Susan Musote as she was
photographing delays and extortion in the issuing of new identity cards and held
her for 2 hours before releasing her. The same month, police beat up two Daily Na-
tion reporters in Mathara, a suburb of Nairobi, for photographing identity card reg-
istration. In March Police Commissioner Wachira directed police not to harass jour-
nalists. There were, nevertheless, further incidents of police harassment of journal-
ists. GSU troops beat two journalists covering the ethnic violence in Likoni in Au-
gust. The September-October parliamentary reform dialog and legislation noticeably
improved the behavior of security forces toward journalists.
The Government maintains a near monopoly over the electronic broadcast media
through tight control of broadcasting — particularly radio, the principal news me-
dium for most Kenyans. It controls the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC),
which operates the country's premier radio, broadcast television, and cable tele-
vision networks. KBC stations do not criticize the Government and give a large
share of news time to government or KANU party functions and scant coverage to
opposition activities. KANU supporters also own two other television networks —
Kenya Television Network (KTN), which airs news programs with somewhat more
balanced political coverage, and Stellavision (STV). KTN which provided the only ef-
fort at balanced television news coverage, is limited to the Nairobi metropolitan
area. But even this limited openness is now threatened by the purchase of KTN late
in the year by the Standard Newspapier Group, which is sympathetic to the Govern-
ment.
The Government, moreover, continued to delay action on numerous radio and tele-
vision license applications. The Ministry of Information explains that it is waiting
for the recommendations on media liberalization from the Attorney General's task
force on press law. That task force is now into its fourth year with no sign of any
recommendations. There was some movement on radio licensing during the year.
The Government granted broadcast licenses to Royal Media Services (owned by a
leading KANU supporter), the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Universal
Entertainment, and Kitcom Africa. However, it ignored more than 50 outstanding
radio and television applications, many of long standing. The Nation Newspaper
Group, the most respected media organization in Kenya, has been waiting almost
6 years for a license to go into the broadcast media, highlighting the arbitrariness
of the broadcast licensing process.
The government monopoly of the broadcast media fosters unbalanced and unfair
reporting. This monopoly severely limited the opposition's ability to communicate
with the electorate, since the KBC is the only source of current information for most
Kenyans outside the Nairobi area. An indicator of the Government's tight control
over the broadcast media was the suspension of two KTN news editors for over 2
months for showing footage of police beating people in their homes and in a church
during the July 7 proreform rally. In September the two men were reinstated, but
in different positions.
The parliamentary reforms passed in early November somewhat improved the
outlook for freedom of speech and the press. In November, the chairman of the Elec-
toral Commission directed the KBC to accord equal treatment to all political parties
and to provide all registered parties participating in the campaign 25 minutes of
free raoio and television broadcast time. Althougn the KBC slightly increased its
coverage of the opposition during the election campaign, access by political parties
to KBC remainea neavily biased in favor of KANU and President Moi. Moreover,
the KBC coverage of the opposition was generally negative, whereas it was uni-
formly positive towards KANU.
Representatives of the international media are generally free to operate. The Gov-
ernment complains that its hospitality to foreign correspxindents indirectly worsens
166
Kenya's national image because foreign journalists write so many negative articles
about other countries that bear a Nairobi dateline. However, in September Presi-
dent Moi met informally with the local and international press for the first time in
memory in an effort to improve relations.
The Government continued its ban on 30 books and publications on grounds of
sedition or immorality. These included "Development Agenda," Kenneth Matiba's
"Return to Reason," "The Quotations of Chairman Mao Tse Tung," and Salmon
Rushdie's "Satanic Verses," and the Catholic periodical, Inooro. However, the par-
liamentary reforms eliminated sedition as a ground for censorship of publications,
and they called for the creation of a board to review the decision to prohibit these
publications and to review any future ban on publications.
Despite constitutional provisions for free speech, academic freedom is cir-
cumscribed by both school administrators and security forces. Administrators and
police frequently take harsh action against even peaceful student demonstrations,
whether over political or bread-and-butter issues, forcefully dispersing and some-
times arresting students. Student leaders report that they are sometimes followed
and even threatened by government security forces (see Sections I.e. and l.f.). A
number of student activists have been expelled from universities in recent years be-
cause of political activities, and most have been refused readmission.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, although the Government's use of the Public Order Act, which
gave the authorities power to control public gatherings, seriously restricted this
right for many years. The act prohibited meetings or processions oi 10 or more per-
sons without a license from the District Commissioner. Through the first 8 months
of the year, the Government continued to restrict the right of peaceful assembly by
refusing to license, or by forcefully disrupting, opposition political meetings and civic
education workshops sponsored by churcnes and NGO's.
Continuing an increase in disruptions in the last quarter of 1996, the number of
meetings blocked or disrupted by the Government surged in the first 8 months of
the year. The Government continued to approve few applications by opposition par-
liamentarians to hold political meetings, effectively fclocking them from meeting
with their constituents. Their applications were either routinely denied as a "threat
to security," or just not acted on. Police disrupted a large number of opposition polit-
ical meetings, including by-election campaign rallies in January and March. In Feb-
ruary police charged into and beat up a group of Safina party activists in a market-
place near Nyeri. Over a single weekend in April, police disrupted three separate
meetings by opposition leaders Raila Odinga, Charity Ngilu, and Kijana Wamalwa,
shooting and seriously wounding Wamalwa s bodyguard.
Ruling KANU party leaders, on the other hand, had no trouble obtaining meeting
licenses. They usually do not even bother to apply for licenses, since the police do
not interfere with their meetings even without a license. The few KANU meeting
license applications refused, or meetings disrupted, were those of KANU leaders
critical of; or at odds with, the national party leadership.
The Government also blocked a series of*^ constitutional reform rallies and meet-
ings. Security forces broke up rallies in Nairobi on May 3 and 31, June 1 and 19,
and July 7, the last resulting in 14 deaths (see Section l.a.). The Government de-
ployed the National Youth &rvice (NYS), which traditionally has provided young
Kenyans job training in exchange for several years of national civilian service, to
block opposition political meetings. The (government blocked a proreform rally on
Madar^a Day, June 1, by placing all the reform leaders it coula find under house
arrest. In the face of increasing domestic and international criticism, the Govern-
ment then allowed two reform rallies to proceed, one in Mombasa on July 21 and
one at Uhuru Park in Nairobi on August 8. The latter turned violent leaving four
persons dead, including two policemen.
Following domestic and international criticism of the spate of disruptions in April,
Police Commissioner Wachira warned that police who misused firearms at political
gatherings would be punished "according to the law." A few days later. Minister of
State Kalweo announced that police covering public functions would bear only clubs
and tear gas, not guns. Two administration policemen were detained and charged
in the Wamalwa shooting. Following the enactment of the parliamentary reforms in
November, Commissioner Wachira directed the police to remain neutral in the elec-
tion campaign and offered round-the-clock police protection to all presidential can-
didates. Both of these directives were effectively implemented and markedly im-
proved the election atmosphere.
One of the November reforms was revision of the controversial Public Order Act,
replacing the requirement that public meetings must be licensed with a simplified
requirement that organizers merely notify the local police of planned meetings. The
revision expressly excluded "meet the people" tours by politicians from the notifica-
167
tion requirement and provided that only a senior police officer could halt a meeting
on the grounds of "clear, present or imminent danger of a breach of the peace or
public order.
Prior to enactment of the IPPG reforms, the Government repeatedly criticized
NGO's and the concept of civic education, accusing NGO's of engaging in covert ac-
tivities and (luestioning their patriotism because oi their foreign funding. Civic edu-
cation, Presiaent Moi declared, is unnecessary in Kenya. The Government gave form
to this hostility in a February circular directing local officials that NGO's sponsoring
civic education are "a threat to the security of the state and their activities must
be curtailed." The authorities disrupted numerous civic education workshops
through the spring and summer. In April the Catholic Church protested the contin-
ued government "harassment and intimidation" of its civic education workshops in
Turkana District.
Meeting disruptions began to taper off after the IPPG started its reform dialogue
at the end of August. In September police blocked four opposition political meetings
and three civic education meetings, and in October three opposition political meet-
ings and two civic education meetings. They allowed many other meetings to take
place in various places around the country. Following passage of parliamentary re-
forms in early November, there were very few government disruptions of opposition
and civic education meetings, police interventions largely involved potentially vio-
lent situations.
The Government used the Societies Act to restrict freedom of association. The act
requires every association to be registered or to be exempted from registration by
the Registrar of Societies. For the past 3 years, however, the Government refused
to act on a number of political party registration applications. However, in Novem-
ber following passage of the parliamentary reforms, the Government finally acted
on pending party applications, increasing the number of registered political parties
from 12 to 26. !^me are tiny, inactive groups, others such as Safina are potentially
major parties. The Islamic Party of Kenya (IPK), however, remained unregistered.
The party is challenging the 1994 denial of registration in the courts.
At mid,-year, a shadowy group, "Jeshi La Mzee" ("the old man's army"), surfaced
whose purpose was apparently to harass reformers calling for significant constitu-
tional changes. The group was active in disrupting several proconstitutional reform
rallies in Nairobi. Reformers charged that Jesni La Mzee was a "terrorist gang" re-
cruited and paid by KANU leaders to attack reform rallies. The group has been in-
active since early August.
NGO's are registered by the Government NGO Coordination Board under the
NGO Act. The Government has used this structure to put pressure on the non-
ffovemmental National NGO Council. In July it directed the Council to compile a
ist of "political NGO's," presumably to carry out President Moi's threat of
deregistering all "political NGO's." When the Council refused, the President threat-
ened to withdraw its operating permit, accusing it of diverting funds intended for
civic education to finance subversive organizations. The Government did not carry
out this threat.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government does not infringe on religious activities, except to require registration
by new churches.
The Government did interfere with some activities sponsored by churches, notably
civic education, which it perceived as disguised support for opposition political par-
ties. In the first 8 months of the year, the authorities disrupted numerous civic edu-
cation woricshops sponsored by the Catholic Church and the National Council of
Churches of Kenya (NCCK), the major Protestant umbrella organization (see Sec-
tion 2.b.).
On July 7, pursuing demonstrators who had taken refuge inside security forces
stormed All Saints Cathedral in Nairobi. They beat the demonstrators. After origi-
nally denying that the incident occurred, the police later apx^logized. This desecra-
tion was, however, a product of government intolerance of political dissent, not of
religious persecution.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— By law, citizens may travel freely within the country. However, the es-
tablishment of security zones during the 1992 elections and again following ethnic
clashes in 1993, restricted the ability of many citizens to travel in large parts of
Kenya. In the first 8 months of 1997, opposition leaders were blocked on a number
of occasions from visiting, or forced to leave, certain locations. In May, for example,
KANU youthwingers roughed up opposition leader Raila Odinga in Kapsabet and
forced him to flee, while police stood by and watched. President Moi stated in April
that no opposition politicians should "dare step into Rift Valley," stirring fears tnat
"KANU zones" closed to the opposition would be restored.
45-909 98-7
168
Many of the rural people displaced by the violent ethnic clashes in Rift Valley in
1991-93 have still not returned to their homes and remain displaced in urban areas.
Late in the year, the Government made some efforts in the Molo area (northern Rift
Valley) to regularize land ownership for some of the displaced there. Many of the
thousands of people displaced by the violence in Coast Province in the late summer
remained afraid to return to their homes because of a fear of renewed violence.
(Voter turnout in Likoni was less than 37 percent, the lowest in the country.)
The Government does not restrict emigration or foreign travel. However, the law
requires a woman to obtain her husbanas or father's permission in order to obtain
a passport (see Section 5). Civil servants must get government permission for inter-
national travel, which is normally granted.
The Government offers first asylum and provided it to the approximately 180,0(X)
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)— registered refugees
who live in oflicial camps. An undetermined number of refugees live outside camps
in cities and rural areas. Somalis account for about 80 percent of the total refugee
population, followed by a large number of Sudanese, and a scattered number of
other nationalities from across the region. A total of less than 2,700 refugees, mostly
Ethiopians, were repatriated in 1997.
At the direction of the Government, the UNHCR took steps to close the three refu-
gee camps near the coastal city of Mombasa. Two of these camps were effectively
closed in August and some 7,000 people living there moved, against their expressed
wishes, to camps near the Somali and Sudanese borders. Many of the refugees in
the remaining Mombasa camp have registered to return to Somalia rather than re-
locate to another camp in Kenya. However, this repatriation has not yet occurred,
and significant numbers of people in this camp appear likely ultimately to accept
relocation within Kenya.
In July the authorities began rounding up hundreds of refugees and other aliens
in urban areas. During these roundups, police oflen detained any African foreign na-
tional they happened across regardless of whether the person had proper docu-
mentation or not. Entire families were picked up, treated roughly during arrest, and
then kept in detention for days or sometimes weeks under harsh conditions. The
treatment of these detainees improved somewhat following foreign embassy and
UNHCR intervention. However, the arrests continued, albeit at a much slower pace.
The position of refugees and improperly documented aliens became even more pre-
carious when, on September 6, President Moi criticized refugees for abusing Kenya's
hospitality and verbally ordered the UNHCR to remove all refugees from the coun-
try. A few days later, the (jovemment told the UNHCR it had 1 month to remove
all refugees. However, President Moi subsequently relaxed his order to expel refu-
gees from the country, suspended the roundup of aliens, and established a mecha-
nism for direct communication between his office and the UNHCR.
The law provides for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with
the standards of the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and
its 1967 Protocol. Nevertheless, when over 400,000 refugees fleeing civil strife and
drought arrived from the neighboring countries of Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia, and
Uganda in 1991, the Government suspended indefinitely the process by which it
ruled on applications for refugee status or asylum. Since then, a handful of affluent
individuals have effectively purchased de facto convention status, but for practical
purposes, an official asylum or refugee application process no longer exists. Con-
sequently, resettlement is not an option.
Incidents of rape of women and young girls in refugee camps continued to occur,
though police attention to the problem slightly improved this situation. Acts of vio-
lence, including carjackings and banditry, still occur with frequency in the camps
and the Dadaab area (near the Somali border), which sometimes led to the injury
or death of some refugees and police. Late in the year, flooding displaced 20,0()0 of
the refugees in these camps.
Despite the apparent hardening of the Government's policy toward refugees, there
were no reports of expulsions from the country of those naving a valid claim to refu-
gee status. However, early in the year, the Government moved forcefully to prevent
a mass wave of persons fleeing drought conditions in Somalia from crossing the bor-
der. Once this now of potential refugees was halted, the Government invited the
UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations to provide assistance in place to
these individuals. The (jovernment followed the same procedure when a similar sit-
uation occurred in late 1996.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
through free and fair multiparty elections, although their ability to do so has not
169
yet been fully demonstrated at the presidential level. The December 29 presidential
election, despite numerous logistical and other flaws, generally reflectea the will of
the people. The 1997 presidential and parliamentary elections were marked by
much less violence and intimidation than the 1992 polls, and by less fraud, and
other irregularities. Opposition candidates won 60 percent of the vote, but these
votes were split among four main and several fringe parties, thereby giving KANU
a majority of seats in Parliament and President Moi a mandate to dominate the po-
litical process for another 5 years.
At the local level, the President exercises sweeping power over the political struc-
ture. The President appoints both the powerftil provincial and district commis-
sioners and a multitude of district and village officials. In past elections, many local
officials actively assisted the ruling KANU. However, in the December elections
there was a real effort to delink provincial government officials from the campaign
and polling processes. Before the campaign began, the Government issued instruc-
tions enjoining provincial and local officials from partisan involvement; nearly all
local government and security officials adhered to these directives.
At the national level, the Constitution authorizes the President to dissolve the
legislature and prohibits debate on issues under consideration by the courts. This
law, in conjunction with a ruling by the Speaker of the Assembly that the Presi-
dent's conduct is inappropriate for parliamentary debate, has limited the scope of
deliberation on controversial political issues. M.P.'s are entitled to introduce legisla-
tion, but in practice it is the Attorney General who does so. As the head of KANU,
which now controls a slim majority of parliament seats, the President is also able
to influence significantly the legislative agenda.
Government harassment and intimidation of the political opposition significantly
increased in the first 8 months of 1997, but the last 4 months of the year saw a
marked easing of this interference. Although the government monopoly of the elec-
tronic media prevented opposition parties from reaching television and radio audi-
ences, this situation improved somewhat towards the end of the year, as the par-
liamentary reforms mandated more evenhanded coverage of opposition activities
(see Section 2.a.). In the first 8 months of the year, the licensing provision of the
Public Order Act prevented opposition leaders from meeting their supporters, and
the Government's use of other colonial-era sedition laws restricted freedom of ex-
f>ression (see Sections 2. a. and 2.b.). The IPPG reforms ameliorated somewhat the
ack of statutory independence of the presidentially appointed Electoral Commis-
sion, which oversees elections, by nearly doubling its size. The President appointed
the new members from a list proposed by opposition parties. However the opposition
continued to charge that voter constituencies were gerrymandered in favor of
KANU.
The two-step process of new national identity card issuance, followed by voter reg-
istration, was flawed. The process of applying for the new generation identity card
went relatively well; about 11 million oi the 13.3 million eligible citizens, i.e., age
18 and above, applied before the close of the application process in February. Actual
issuance of the new cards, however, was often very slow and sometimes occurred
months after the application.
The voter registration drive in May-June registered slightly more than 9 million
people. There were, however, numerous inefficiencies in the process, including reg-
istration sites running out of^ application forms and cards issued with errors. There
were, moreover, widespread and credible allegations of bribery in the registration
process. In addition, hundreds of thousands of young people who had reached the
voting age of 18 were unable to register to vote. Because they were too young to
have received older model identity cards and because of the inefficiency of'^the new
card issuance, they did not receive their new cards before voter registration closed.
Possession of an old or a new model card was a prerequisite for voter registration.
This disenfranchisement is widely seen as a result of inefficiency rather than politi-
cally inspired, although there were claims that many youths were denied identifica-
tion cards for ethnic and political reasons (see Section 5).
The violence that erupted along the coast in August (see Section l.a.) was eth-
nically targeted against "upcountry" immigrants who tend to vote for the opposition.
The violence, reportedly organized in part oy local KANU politicians, probably effec-
tively disenfranchised large numbers of opposition supporters.
The 3-week presidential and parliamentary campaigns in December were largely
free of government interference. Election meetings occurred without hindrance, and
most local government officials kept their distance from the campaign. Although
there were numerous problems with ballot distribution on the December 29-30 elec-
tion days, the voting for president largely reflected the will of the people. The over-
whelming majority — 95 percent — of the 210 parliamentary elections likewise appear
170
to have reflected the popular will, although there were credible reports of vote rig-
ging in 10 to 12 constituencies.
Although there are no legal restrictions traditional attitudes circumscribe the role
of women in politics,. Women are seriously underrepresented at decisionmaking lev-
els in the Government. The new Parliament elected on December 29 includeafour
female M.P.'s, down from seven in the last Parliament. Within the opposition,
women figure most prominently in the Democratic Party and the Social Democratic
Party. A group of women in Nairobi formed the Women's Political Caucus early in
the year to looby for issues of concern to women and to increase the influence of
women on government policy. A parliamentary proposal that one-third of the par-
liamentary seats be reserved for women was defeated in April. The IPPG reform leg-
islation requires that half of the nominations for the 12 nominated M.P.'s be women.
Members of all tribal and ethnic groups participate in the political process. How-
ever, since white paleontologist Richard Leakey announced his involvement in the
Safina party in 1995, F'resident Moi has repeatedly cautioned against the participa-
tion of white Kenyans in political activities. (Nonetheless, one white Kenyan was
reelected as an M.P. on a KANU ticket in this year's election.) Numerous tribes —
including the Kisii, Meru, Embu, Kamba, Kikuyu, Taita, Kalenjin, Luhya, Turkana,
Maasai, Giriama, Luo, and Somali — are represented in the President's Cabinet. (Sig-
nificantly, two of the largest tribes — the Kikuyu and the Luo — were excluded.) How-
ever, the President reportedly relies on an inner circle of advisers, drawn mostly
from his Kalenjin tribe. There is widespread anti-Asian sentiment, which some op-
position political leaders have sought to use for their own ends (see Section 5).
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There is a growing number of human rights organizations in Kenya. These in-
clude the KHKC, the Kenya Antirape Organization, the Legal Advice Center, the
Catholic Justice and Peace Commission, the Protestant NCCK, the Release Political
Prisoners pressure group, and the Center for (jovemance and Development (CGD).
There is also an array oi legal organizations, including the Public Law Institute, the
Law Society of Kenya (LSK), the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ/Kenya),
and the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA/Kenya), that are con-
cerned with human rights.
NGO's and some opposition parties maintain comprehensive files on human rights
abuses. The Kenya Social Congress (KSC) Party has published several detailed
studies of human rights violations in Nyanza Province. The Safina party tracks
extrajudicial violence and disruption of opposition political meetings. A number of
attorneys represent the poor and human rights defendants without compensation,
though they can meet only a small percentage of the need and are largely con-
centrated in urban areas.
The KHRC produces a "Quarterly Repression Report" cataloging the human rights
situation in the country, as well as a steady stream of special reports. It organizes
activities to publicize special causes, such as its campaign against police killing. The
Institute for Education in Democracy (lED) and other NGO's monitor elections in
cooperation with the Electoral Commission. The lED, along with the Catholic
Church and the Protestant NCCK, monitored the sequential steps in the electoral
process, including identity card registration, voter registration, election monitor
training, media access, and the actual elections (nomination of candidates, cam-
paign, and polling day).
Prior to agreement on the IPPG reform package, the Government's relations with
human rights groups, domestic and international, were poor. It regularly criticized
human rights organizations and other NGO's and disrupted their meetings and
workshops. Police disrupted the launch of the KHRC's campaign against police kill-
ing in January (see Section 2.b.). The following month, policemen kicked and beat
up a KHRC monitor in Nairobi for collecting signatures for a petition against police
violence. In August Mombasa police detained KHRC board member Professor
Alamin Mazrui in connection with the outbreak of ethnic violence on the coast (see
Section l.d.).
While the Government often criticized domestic and international human rights
NGO's, it also made some efforts to reach out and engage them. It allowed human
rights organizations to witness autopsies of several persons who had died in police
custody. In August it issued a formal response to Amnesty International's Memoran-
dum of Concern over the Kenyan human rights situation issued in May. Amnesty
International welcomed the dialog with the Government but still expressed "serious
concerns about the human rights situation in Kenya." During an August visit, Am-
nesty International discussed the human rights situation with numerous senior gov-
ernment officials. The Attorney Genera's Office responded in detail to foreign em-
J
171
bassies' human rights inquiries. The Electoral Commission facilitated the March
visit of the U.S. -based International Foundation for Election Systems to analyze the
electoral system.
The Government Standing Committee on Human Rights established in May 1996
has maintained a low profile and kept its distance from most pressing human rights
problems. After a year and a half, it has not made any public report of its findings
or activities. The 10-member committee is empowered to "investigate alleged viola-
tions of constitutional freedoms," including abuse of power by piiolic officials. It is
tasked with drafting recommendations on human rights problems and providing
these to the government agencies under whose purview the problems fall. The com-
mittee presented its first report to President Moi in November 1996, but details of
the report have not been made public.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of a person's "race, tribe,
place of origin or residence or other local connection, political opinions, color, or
creed." However, the authorities did not efl"ectively enforce all these provisions.
Women. — Violence against women is a serious and widespread problem. The num-
ber of rapes reported to police has increased from 1,274 in 1993 to 1,455 in 1995
and 1,020 in the first 6 months of 1996. KHRC figures on assaults on women and
girls rose from 4,580 in 1994 to 4,889 in 1995 and 3,674 in the first half of 1996.
The available statistics probably underreport the number of incidents, however,
since social mores deter women from going outside their families or ethnic groups
to report sexual abuse.
The Government has condemned violence against women, and the law carries
f)enalties of up to life imprisonment for rape. Still, the rate of prosecution remains
ow because of cultural inhibitions against publicly discussing sex, the fear of ret-
ribution, the disinclination of police to intervene in domestic disputes, and the un-
availability of doctors who might otherwise provide the necessary evidence for con-
viction. Furthermore, wife beating is prevalent and largely condoned by much of
Kenyan society. Traditional culture permits a man to discipline his wife by physical
means and is ambivalent about the seriousness of spousal rape. There were contin-
ued incidents of rape of refugee Somali women at the Dadaab camps, where women
were assaulted outside camp perimeters in the course of gathering firewood.
Women experience a wide range of discriminatory practices, limiting their politi-
cal and economic rights and relegating them to second class citizenship. The Con-
stitution extends equal protection of rights and freedoms to men and women, but
long lacked a specific prohibition of discrimination on grounds of gender. This was
corrected by the parliamentary reforms of November, which amended the Constitu-
tion to include aiscrimination on the grounds of gender as one of the Constitu-
tionally prohibited forms of discrimination. Constitutional provisions on citizenship,
however, continue to discriminate against women by allowing men, but not women,
to automatically bequeath citizenship to their children. While the Government has
ratified international conventions on women's rights, it has not passed domestic en-
abling legislation. The task force on laws relating to women, established by the At-
torney General in 1993, has yet to make its report.
Levels of education and literacy are widely different for men and women. The
number of boys and girls in school is roughly equal at the primary level, and then
becomes increasingly disproportionate until men outnumber women almost 2 to 1
in higher education. Literate men significantly outnumber literate women.
Women continue to face both legal and actual discrimination in other areas. For
example, a woman, is legally required to obtain the consent of her husband or father
before obtaining a national identity card or a passport. In practice, a woman must
also have her husband's or father's approval to secure a bank loan. Women can le-
gally work at night only in the export processing zones (EPZ's). According to pension
law, a widow loses her work pension upon remarriage, whereas a man does not.
The Law of Succession, which governs inheritance rights, provides for equal con-
sideration of male and female children. In practice, most inheritance problems do
not come before the courts. Women are often excluded from inheritance settlements
or given smaller shares than male claimants. A widow, moreover, cannot be the sole
administrator of her husband's estate unless she has her children's consent.
Women have long dominated agricultural work in terms of numbers of laborers,
and they have become more active in urban small business. Still, the average
monthly income of women is about 37 percent lower than that of men. Not only do
women have difficulty moving into nontraditional fields, they are also promoted
more slowly than men and bear the brunt of job retrenchments. Societal discrimina-
tion is most apparent in rural areas, where women account for 75 percent of the
172
agricultural work force. Rural families are more reluctant to invest in educating
girls than in educating boys, especially at the higher levels.
The nation's best known women's rights and welfare organization, Maendeleo Ya
Wanawake (Development of Women in Kiswahili) was established as a nonpolitical
NGO during the colonial era, but now operates under the close supervision of the
Government. A growing number of women's organizations are active in the field of
women's rights, including FIDA, the National Council of Women of Kenya, the Na-
tional Commission on the Status of Women, the Education Center for Women in De-
mocracy, and the League of Kenyan Women Voters.
Chilaren. — The system of free education in the early years of Kenya's independ-
ence (1963) has given way to a "cost-sharing" education system in which students
pay both tuition and other costs. These are a heavy burden on most families. While
there is mandatory schooling for all up to grade 12, there is a very high dropout
rate in part because of the heavy educational expenses. Moreover, the shortage of
schools also obviates the legally required universal schooling. The health care sys-
tem for school children, which once provided periodic medical checkups and free
milk, now appears to be completely defunct.
Female genital mutilation (FGM) which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is practiced
by certain ethnic groups and remains widespread, particularly in rural areas.
Health officials estimate that as many as 50 percent of females nationwide have suf-
fered FGM. According to Maendeleo Ya Wanawake, the percentage is as high as 80
to 90 percent in some districts of the Eastern, Nyanza, and Rill Valley provinces.
FGM is usually performed at an early age. President Moi has issued two presi-
dential decrees banning FGM, and the Government prohibits government-controlled
hospitals and clinics from practicing it. So far, however, there is no law banning
FGM. In 1996 Parliament defeated a motion outlawing FGM just 1 week after it
passed a motion to implement the Beijing Women's Conference platform, one provi-
sion of which called for ending FGM.
Economic displacement and population growth continued to fuel the problem of
homeless street children. The child welfare society of Kenya estimated that the
number of Nairobi's street children increased from 33,000 in 1990 to 45,000 this
year, while the Government estimates their growth at 10 percent per year. These
children are often involved in theft, drug tramcking, assault, trespass, and property
damage. According to a 1997 Human Rights Watch report, these street children face
harassment as well as physical and sexual abuse from the police and within the ju-
venile justice system simply because they are poor and homeless. They are held in
deplorable conditions in crowded police station cells, often without toilets or bed-
ding, with little food, and inadequate supplies. They are often incarcerated with
adults and frequently beaten by police.
Child rape and molestation are rapidly growing problems. There are frequent
press reports of rape of young girls, with rapists often middle aged or older. Legally,
a man (wes not "rape" a girl under 14 if he has sexual intercourse with her against
her will; he commits the lesser offense of "defilement." The penalty for the felony
of rape can be life imprisonment, while the penalty for defilement is up to 5 years'
imprisonment. Men convicted of rape normally receive prison sentences of between
5 and 20 years, plus several strokes of the cane.
Child prostitution has emerged as a maior problem in urban areas, often con-
nected with the tourist trade. There have been numerous press reports regarding
the rapid increase in child prostitution in Nairobi and Mombasa. A provincial gov-
ernment study in Nyanza province last year found that Kisumu city had 300 male
and female child prostitutes as young as 8 years of age and that the practice existed
in small towns throughout the province.
People With Disabilities. — Government policies do not discriminate against people
with disabilities with regard to employment, education, or state services. Disabled
persons are frequently denied driving licenses, however. There are no mandated pro-
visions of accessibility for the disabled to public buildings or transportation.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — According to the 1989 government census
released in May 1994, the Kikuyu are the largest ethnic community, comprising 21
percent of Kenya's then 22 million people. Luhya, Luo, Kamba, and Kalenjin (an
amalgamation of 9 small tribes) follow, each with more than 11 percent of the popu-
lation.
Opposition politicians and local human rights groups report that the Government
continues to discriminate against Rift Valley Kikuyus. They assert that provincial
authorities have denied national identification cards to a substantial number of
Kikuyu youths, even those born and raised there. Without identification cards, these
youths cannot marry, attend universities, obtain employment, or register to vote.
173
There is widespread resentment by African Kenyans toward Asians living in
Kenya. T^e large Asian community consists of second and third generation Asians
with fiall Kenyan citizenship and smaller body of recent immigrants. Many African
Kenyans resent people of Asian descent for tneir affluence, and their reluctance to
assimilate African culture and to employ black Kenyans in management positions.
They also see Asians as taking jobs and commercial opportunities away. The in-
volvement of some Asians in corrupt activities with government officials further
fuels popular resentment.
Pohticians, both opposition and ruling party, from time to time sought to appeal
to majority prejudices by attacking Asian Kenyans, accusing them of exploiting and
usurping the natural inheritance of African Kenyans. In March opposition leaders
Kenneth Matiba and Raila Odinga verbally attacked Asians and called for the ex-
pulsion of "some Asians." President Moi led. the response in rejecting this racist dia-
tribe, but at times even he resorted to racist attacks, as in his criticism in Septem-
ber of one Asian member of the constitutional reform movement, using typical slurs
directed at the Asian community.
The Government has singled out the overwhelmingly Muslim ethnic Somalis as
the only group required to carry an additional form of identification to prove that
they are citizens. They must produce upon demand their Kenyan identification card
and. a second identification card verifying screening. Both cards are also required
in order to apply for a passport. The continued presence of Somali refugees has ex-
acerbated the problems faced by Kenyan Somalis.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Except for central government civil servants, includ-
ing medicaF personnel and university academic staff, all workers are free to join
unions of their choice. The law provides that as few as seven workers may establish
a union, provided that the objectives of the union do not contravene the law, and
that another union is not already representing the employees in question.
The Government may deregister a union, but the Registrar of Trade Unions must
give the union 60 days to challenge the deregistration notice. An appeal of the Reg-
istrar's final decision may be brought before the High Court. President Moi
deregistered the Kenya Civil Servants Union in 1980. Since 1989 the Central Orga-
nization of Trade Unions (COTU) has sought to reverse this decision.
There are at least 33 unions representing approximately 350,000 workers, less
than 20 percent of the country's industrial work force. Except for the 150,000-mem-
ber Kenya National Union of Teachers, all unions are affiliated with the one ap-
proved central organ — the COTU. The COTU leadership generally does not pursue
worker's ri^ts vigorously. As a result, most union activity takes place at the shop
steward level, which disadvantages the average worker in disputes with manage-
ment.
The Government created COTU in 1965 as the successor to the Kenya Federation
of Labor and the Kenya African Workers Congress. The 1965 decree establishing
COTU gives the President the power to remove COTU's three senior leaders from
office and grants nonvoting membership on the executive board to representatives
of the Ministry of Labor and of KANU. A 1993 High Court decision nullified an at-
tempt to install leaders more acceptable to the Government, but the plotters refused
to vacate COTU headquarters. Following a 1994 Appellate Court order, however,
the Registrar of Trade Unions agreed to recognize the old COTU leadership. Al-
though the board is composed of the leadership of affiliated unions, it is common
for KANU to provide funding and other support for the election of senior union offi-
cials. For the past few years, trade union leaders from afiiliated unions have sought
to bring about democratic reforms in the election and appointment of labor officials,
independence from the Government, and establishment of links with any political
party that supports worker rights. The reelection of the COTU leadership in July
1996 indicated that there would be no major changes in the near future. During the
period prior to the scheduled 1997 national election, some trade union leaders began
pushing COTU to take part in the election reform dialogue. The COTU leadersnip
took a progovemment position.
The Trade Disputes Act permits workers to strike, provided that 21 days have
elapsed following the submission of a written letter to the Minister of Labor. Mem-
bers of the military services, police, prison guards, and members of the National
Youth Service are precluded by law from striking. Other civil servants, like their
private sector counterparts, can strike following the 21-day notice period (28 days
if it is an essential service, such as water, health, education, or air traffic control).
During this 21-day period, the Minister may either mediate the dispute, nominate
an arbitrator, or reler the matter to the Industrial Court, a body of five judges ap-
pointed by the President, for binding arbitration. Once a dispute is referred to either
174
mediation, fact-finding, or arbitration, any subsequent strike is illegal. However, the
act gives the Minister of Labor broad discretionary power to determine the legality
of any strike.
The Minister used this power to declare strikes by bank workers and bus drivers
illegal, although the required notice had been given. The Government's response to
wildcat strikes is usually severe. Several unions, including municipal workers, and
other civil servants held brief strikes for back or increased wages. Air traflic control-
lers and pilots, as well as the powerful independent Kenya National Union of Teach-
ers (KNUT), initiated successful job actions, e.g., strikes, sick-outs, and work slow-
downs, without government reprisal. This is due to civil aviation workers' critical
place in the tourist economy and the potential to adversely aflect the country's inter-
national air safety reputation. The Government quickly settled the teacher's wage
dispute rather than risk antagonizing the well-organized and influential teachers
before the general election. Notwithstanding their success, workers' rights groups
continue to raise the general problem of the Government's harshness towards labor
with the International Labor Organization's (ILO) Committee on Freedom of Asso-
ciation.
Internationally, COTU is affiliated with both the Organization of African Trade
Union Unity and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. Many of its
affiliates are linked to international trade secretariats.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — While not having the force
of law, the 1962 Industrial Relations Charter, executed by the Government, COTU,
and the Federation of Kenya Employers, gives workers the right to engage in legiti-
mate trade union organizational activities. Both the Trade Disputes Act and the
Charter authorize collective bargaining between unions and employers. Wages and
conditions of employment are established in negotiations between unions and man-
agement. In 1994 the Government relaxed wage policy guidelines to permit wage
increases of up to 100 percent and renegotiation of collective agreements. Collective
bargaining agreements must be registered with the Industrial Court in order to en-
sure adherence to these guidelines.
The Trade Disputes Act makes it illegal for employers to intimidate workers. Em-
ployees wrongfully dismissed for union activities are generally awarded damages in
the form of lost wages by the Industrial Court; reinstatement is not a common rem-
edy. More often, aggrieved workers have found alternative employment in the
lengthy period prior to the hearing of their cases.
Legislation authorizing the creation of export processing zones (EPZ's) was passed
in 1990. The EPZ Authority decided that local labor laws, including the right to or-
ganize and bargain collectively, would apply in the EPZ's, although it grants many
exemptions in practice. For example, the Government waived aspects of the law that
prevent women from working at night (see Section 6.e.). Labor and some govern-
ment officials continued to criticize health and safety conditions in the EPZ's.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution proscribes slav-
ery, servitude, and forced labor, including forced and bonded labor by children. How-
ever, under the Chiefs' Authority Act, a local authority can require people to per-
form community services in an emergency, although this did not occur in 1997. The
ILO Committee of Experts has found that these and other provisions of the law con-
travene ILO Conventions 29 and 105 concerning forced labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Em-
ployment Act of 1976 makes the employment in industry of children under the age
of 16 illegal. The act applies neither to the agricultural sector, where about 70 per-
cent of the labor force is employed, nor to children serving as apprentices under the
terms of the Industrial Training Act. Ministry of Labor officers nominally enforce
the minimum age statute, and the Government is making strong efforts to eliminate
child labor, working closely with the ILO's International Program for the Elimi-
nation of Child Labor. Kenya is a signatory to ILO Convention 138, which sets the
minimum working age at 15, but applies a more stringent standard.
Children often work as domestic servants in private homes, including those of rel-
atives. Although there is no widespread pattern of children being used as forced or
bonded labor, which is prohibited by law (see Section 6.c.), there are some cases,
mostly in rural areas, oi children being loaned as workers to pay ofT debts. There
are many instances of children working in the informal sector, mostly in family
businesses. In commercial agriculture, children usually assist parents, who are
small shareholders, rather than work as employees in their own right. However, de-
teriorating economic conditions have given rise to more child labor in the informal
sector, which is difficult to monitor and control. In addition, there has been an in-
creasing number of underage girls employed in the sex industry (see Section 5).
Given the high levels of adult unemployment and underemployment, the employ-
175
ment of children in the formal industrial wage sector in violation of the Employment
Act rarely occurs.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — ^The legal minimum wage for blue collar work-
ers in the wage sector has 12 separate scales, varying by location, age, and skill
level. The lowest minimum wages were $34 (1,700 shillings) per month in urban
areas and $19.50 (955 shillings) in rural areas. The minimum wage is insufficient
to meet the daily needs of a worker and family. The annual 2 percent wage increase
had a limited impact on worker income. Most workers relied on second jobs, subsist-
ence farming, informal sector opportunities, or the extended family for additional
support.
Tne Regulation of Wages and Conditions of Employment Act limits the normal
workweek to 52 hours, although nighttime emoloyees may be employed for up to
60 hours per week. Some categories of workers have a shorter workweek. As is the
case with respect to minimum wage limitations, the act specifically excludes agricul-
tural workers from its purview. An employee in the nonagricultural sector is enti-
tled to 1 rest day per week. There are also provisions for 1 month of annual leave
and sick leave. Trie law also provides that the total hours worked (i.e., regular time
plus overtime) in any 2-week period for night workers may not exceed 144 hours;
the limit is 120 hours for other workers. Workers in some enterprises claimed that
employers forced them to work extra hours without overtime pay. The Ministry of
Labor is tasked with enforcing these regulations, and there are few reports of viola-
tions.
The Factories Act of 1951 sets forth detailed health and safety standards; it was
amended in 1990 to include the agriculture, service, and government sectors. The
65 health and safety inspectors attached to the Ministry of Labor's Directorate of
Occupational Health and Safety Services have the authority to inspect factories and
work sites. As a result of the 1990 amendments, the Directorate's inspectors may
now issue notices enjoining employers from practices or activities that involve a risk
of serious personal injuries. Previously, only magistrates were vested with this au-
thority. Such notices can be appealed to the Factories Appeals Court, a body of four
members, one of whom must oe a High Court judge. The number of factory inspec-
tions increased dramatically in 1993 and subsequently has continued at a high level.
Workers are not forced by law to remain in hazardous conditions; however, many
would be reluctant to remove themselves because of the high unemployment prob-
lem.
LESOTHO
Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy. Prime Minister Ntsu Mokhehle of the Leso-
tho Congress for Democracy (LCD) party is the head of government and exercises
executive authority. In 1993 Mokhehle, then leader of the Basotholand Confess
Party (BCP), won free and fair multi-party general elections that resulted in BCP
control of the Government and the bicameral Parliament. In June a schism in the
BCPs ranks led Mokhehle to abandon the party he formed in 1952 and establish
the new Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) Party. He took a majority of the
members of the BCP with him, giving the LCD a 40-seat majority in the 65 member
House of Assembly. The BCP was relegated to minority opposition status, with only
23 seats.
The BCP refused to accept its opposition status. Beginning in August, BCP mem-
bers refused to regularly attend parliamentary sessions and tried to make the coun-
try ungovernable, as opposition parties in the House of Assembly and the appointed
33-member Senate chose not to cooperate with the new LCD. Despite the fact that
the LCD Government was formed in a constitutional manner, the opposition claims
that the LCD is illegitimate and lacks the moral authority to rule because it never
received an electoral mandate. Under the 1993 Constitution, the King is a ceremo-
nial monarch with no executive authority and is proscribed from taking political ini-
tiatives. In 1994 King Letsie III, in collaboration with elements of the army, staged
a palace coup, unconstitutionally suspended Parliament and installed an appointed
Ruling Council. However, domestic and international pressures led to a rapid return
of constitutional government. The judiciary appears subject at times to (jovernment
and chieftainship influence.
The security forces consist of the Lesotho Defense Force (LDF), the Royal Lesotho
Mounted Police (RLMP), and the National Security Service (NSS). The Government
adopted legislation that brought these services under more direct civilian control.
The LDF now answers to the Prime Minister, through the Ministry of Defense. The
NSS is directly accountable to the Prime Minister, and the RLMP reports to the
176
Minister of Home Affairs. Members of the security forces on occasion committed
human rights abuses.
Lesotho is a landlocked country surrounded by South Africa, and is almost en-
tirely dependent on its sole neighbor for trade, finance, employment, and access to
the outside world. A large proportion of the adult male work force is employed in
the mines in South Africa; miners' remittances account for slightly over one-third
of gross national product (GNP). Real GNP was projected by the Ministry of Plan-
ning to grow at a rate of 5.5 percent during 1997, with inflation estimatea at below
9 percent at year-end. Per capita GNP was approximately $790. State-owned organi-
zations predominate in the agro-industrial and agri-business sectors, but private
sector activity dominates in the small manufacturing and construction sectors.
Under the traditional chieftainship system, the vast majority of land, particularly
in the interior, is owned by the Crown, and managed in trust by traditional chiefs
who control land tenure and land use rights. Limited long-term (99-year) leasehold
rights for land exist for farmers, householders and enterprises, but is still legally
viewed as belonging to the King.
The Government generally respected the human rights of citizens; however, there
continued to be problems in some areas. Police occasionally used excessive force
against suspects in custody. Discipline in the security services improved somewhat,
but a few controversial disturbances still occurred. A police mutiny in February re-
flected entrenched mistrust and competition between the Government and some ele-
ments within the police force, and an uneasy institutional relationship between ele-
ments of the police and the army. It was sparked by the Government's only attempt
to prosecute anyone for extrajudicial killings or other abuses committed in the con-
flicts of 1994 through 1996. As a result of their involvement in that mutiny, 33
members of the RLMP face sedition and high treason charges. The noninvolvement
of the LDF in the police mutiny is a mark of progress in its evolution away from
partisan politics toward a more professional and cooperative pattern of civil/military
relations. In fact, the Army was called on to forcibly quell the police mutiny. Prison
conditions are poor. The Government did not prosecute any one for extrajudicial
killings or other abuses committed in the conflicts of 1994 through 1996. For exam-
ple, palace guards who opened fire on demonstrators during the 1994 palace coup
were given blanket amnesty as well as were the members of the coup's provisional
government; and, also in 1994 the Deputy Prime Minister chaired a commission of
inquiry for the incident in which the former Deputy Prime Minister was shot and
killed allegedly by soldiers, but the results were not made public and there is no
indication that military or law enforcement officials or palace guards were pros-
ecuted for their involvement in incidents leading to these deaths. The security serv-
ices reportedly monitor telephones illegally. Women's rights continued to be severely
restricted, and domestic violence remained common. Government enforcement of
prohibitions against child labor is lax in commercial enterprises involving hazardous
conditions. Societal discrimination against people with disabilities is common.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no confirmed reports
that officials were involved in political or extrajudicial killings. The commission of
inquiry and investigation that looked into the September 1996 incident in which po-
lice opened fire on striking construction workers did not result in any prosecution
or disciplinary action against the police involved.
The Government did not successfully prosecute anyone for extrajudicial killings
or other abuses committed in the conflicts caused by political unrest from 1994
through 1996. The only initiative to do so was the attempt to summon eight RLMP
police officers to appear before the magistrate court in connection with the 1995 ex-
change of gunfire at a police station that killed three police officers. They were
named by a conunission of inquiry that concluded its work on December 1996. The
eight officers' refusal to appear in court led to the 10-day February police mutiny,
which was finally put down by an LDF assault on central police headquarters. At
year's end they faced treason and sedition charges for the mutiny, but no charges
for the 1995 killings. Palace guards who opened fire on demonstrators during the
1994 palace coup were given blanket amnesty as were the members of the coup's
provisional government. In 1994 the Deputy Prime Minister chaired a commission
of inquiry into the incident in which the former Deputy Prime Minister was shot
and killed, allegedly by soldiers, but the results were not made public. There is no
indication that military or law enforcement officials or palace guards were pros-
ecuted for their involvement in incidents leading to these deaths.
177
The authorities also failed to investigate or prosecute any security officials for the
extrajudicial or summary killings committed during the political unrest of 1994.
They also failed to investigate 1994 reports of police brutality, as well as pre-1994
reports of deaths in police custody of a number of unionists and criminal suspects.
D. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture or inhuman or degrading punishment or other
treatment, and there were no reports of its use. However, there were credible re-
ports that police officers occasionally used excessive force against criminal suspects
in their custody. It was commonly alleged by NGO's and victims that police used
excessive force, in the form of beatings, against criminal suspects in their custody.
Some NGO's have alleged that police engage in acts of torture. Occasionally these
allegations are accompanied by aoctor's reports suggesting physical abuse of alleged
victims. However, no police officer was prosecuted for such acts during the year and
police leaders deny that torture is practiced or is condoned as a matter of policy.
Prison conditions are poor. Prison facilities are overcrowded and in disrepair, but
conditions do not threaten the health or lives of inmates. Prison conditions are not
monitored independently.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention, and there were no known incidents of these abuses. However,
police mutineers were imprisoned without charges from February through Decem-
ber, and have yet to be tried for these charges.
Persons detained or arrested in criminal cases and defendants in civil cases have
the right to legal counsel. The 1981 Criminal Procedures and Evidence Act, as
amended in 1984, makes provision for granting bail. Bail is granted regularly.
The Government has repealed the provisions of the 1984 Internal Security Act
(ISA) allowing for investigative detention. There is concern within the legal frater-
nity that the police mutineers, who were arrested in February, were being held for
a longer than usual period of time and without a trial by year's end. The delay was
reportedly due to the fact that the prosecution had not completed its investigation.
A member of the LDF was arrested and charged in July with sedition and treason
for allegedly conspiring to overthrow the Government. He is being held at a maxi-
mum security prison and his trial is still pending.
Pretrial detainees constitute a significant pwrtion of total prison population, up to
one-half in some locations. Because of the case backlog, periods of pretrial remand
can last several years.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. However magistrates appear to be subject at times to government and
chieftainship influence.
The judiciary consists of the court of appeal (which meets semiannually), the High
Court, magistrate's courts, and customary or traditional courts, which exist largely
in rural areas to administer customary law.
The High Court also provides procedural and substantive advice and guidance on
matters of legal procedure to military tribunals; however, it does not participate in
arriving at judgments. Military tribunals have jurisdiction only over military cases,
and their decisions may not be appealed. Both law and custom severely limit the
rights of women (see Section 5), but court procedures and treatment of women are
not blatantly discriminatory.
Accused persons have the right to counsel and public trial. The authorities gen-
erally respect court decisions and rulings. There is no trial by jury. Criminal trials
are normally adjudicated by a single High Court judge who presides, with two asses-
sors serving in an advisory capacity. In civil cases, judges normally hear cases
alone.
There were no reports of political prisoners. There is no system to provide public
defenders.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Al-
though search warrants are usually required under normal circumstances, the ISA
provides police with wide powers to stop and search persons and vehicles and to
enter premises for similar purposes without a warrant. There are no prohibitions
against monitoring telephone conversations on national security grounds and the se-
curity services are believed to do so routinely.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the (jovernment generally respected these rights in practice.
There are several independent newspapers — including one each controlled by the
Roman Catholic and Lesotho Evangelical Churches, and two English-language
178
weekly newspapers that routinely criticize the Government. The official state-owned
media consist of one radio station, one local television channel which broadcasts
only one 1-hour daily newscast, and two weekly newspapers, which all faithfully re-
flect the official positions of the ruling party. There are no private radio or television
stations.
The Grovemment has withdrawn all of its advertising from a local language
(Sesotho) newspaper, which is linked to a faction of the BCP. The Government al-
leged that the newspaper defamed members of the Cabinet. Four cabinet ministers
filed a civil lawsuit against the newspapjer, seeking compensation for the alleged
slander and defamation. In addition, ruling party members of Parliament ques-
tioned the newspaper's editors at length, ana implicitly threatened another civil
lawsuit. The Hign Court later threw out the lawsuit, and ordered the ministers con-
cerned to cease using a government lawyer to represent them in the case, to obtain
private legal counsel, and to refrain from using the attorney general in private mat-
ters. The editor of the newspaper believes that these actions amounted to press har-
assment by the Government and were an effort to censor or influence the editorial
policy of a private news organ. It appears that this was an effort by the Government
to intimidate and influence a newspaper editor who was critical of its policies. How-
ever, the newspaper continues to oe published and is widely read, and there have
been no other overt attempts to close it or limit its circulation.
In September the Speaker of Parliament took an unprecedented and controversial
step to Dan the public and the news media from attending parliamentary sessions.
He claimed that some members of the public, who were taking sides in partisan de-
bates between the LCD and the BCP, were inappropriately interrupting the delib-
erations, disturbing the decorum of the House oi Assembly, and directing unaccept-
able language toward Members of Parliament. The rules of Parliament did not allow
the Speaker to make a distinction between members of the public and the press in
this matter, so the speaker banned both groups from parliamentary sessions. This
ban was lifted in December and the press and public have returned to the Par-
liament's gallery.
The Government fully respects academic freedom. Although the Government owns
and administers the country's only university, the academic staff represent the full
political spectrum and are unhindered from expressing their views.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Under a 1993 revision of the
ISA, a public meeting, rally, or march no longer requires prior police permission,
only advance notification. Tne police and local authorities generally respected these
rights in practice. Political party meetings and rallies occur regularly throughout
the country.
The Government did not investigate or prosecute any of the security personnel
who killed and wounded several protesters at a peaceful 1994 progovemment dem-
onstration.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association. Although the Government
generally respects this right in practice, in July and August the Government briefly
banned all demonstrations at the royal palace after opposition parties marched
there to protest to the King the formation of the LCD. The Ministry of Interior stat-
ed that the King could not be presented with petitions personally because he had
no mechanism of addressing petitions outside the cabinet and the Government.
In addition to the BCP ana the Basotholand National Party (BNP), there are sev-
eral smaller political parties.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens jgenerally are able to move freely within the country and across
national boundaries. The Government places no obstacles in the way of citizens who
wish to emigrate.
In 1994 the Government allowed about 25 refugees to register with the United
Nations Hi^ Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCRj to study in I^esotho. They were
expected to return to their countries of first asylum after completing their studies.
Other than these students, Lesotho has no resident refugee population. There is no
clear policy on first asylum or forcible return of refugees, but the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs officials indicate that they would consult with the UNHCR in specific
cases.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised this right in 1993 in the first multiparty democratic elections
in more than 20 years. The BCP won control of the National Assembly. Despite its
landslide electoral victory, the BCP Government was forced to contend with a num-
179
ber of challenges to its power in 1994. Those challenges culminated in August 1994
when King Letsie III, with LDF' backing, exceeded his constitutional authority when
he unconstitutionally suspended the Parliament and installed a Ruling Council.
Many citizens responded by demonstrating their support for the democratically
elected BCP Government. Organized labor and others held two national demonstra-
tions— "stay aways" from work — to demonstrate support for the ousted Government,
and there were numerous rallies at the National University. As a result of both do-
mestic and international pressure, the King reversed himself, and the BCP regained
control of the Government.
The 1994 memorandum of understanding between King Letsie III and Prime Min-
ister Mokhehle — which was brokered by South Africa, Botswana, and Zimbabwe —
called for the reinstatement of the Kings father, Moshoeshoe II, who had been de-
posed by the previous military government and exiled in 1990; as well as steps to
Droaden the political process. The 1994 suspension of the Constitution by King
Letsie III, although short-lived, highlighted tne fragility of constitutional rule. In
early 1995, Moshoeshoe II was reinstated as King. However, King Letsie III was
again sworn in as King in January 1996, upon the death of his father. The formal
coronation of King Letsie III was held on October 31.
Preparations are underway for the second consecutive national multiparty elec-
tions, which are scheduled for April and May, 1998.
There are no legal impediments to women's participation in government or poli-
tics, but women remained underrepresented. There are 2 women in the 65-member
House of Assembly and 7 women in the 33-member Senate. Both the Minister of
Transportation and Communication and the Deputy Speaker of the House of Assem-
bly are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government did not hinder the activities of various nongovernmental human
rights groups. These groups freely criticized both the Government and the short-
lived Ruling Council. The Government was cooperative during an Amnesty Inter-
national visit in 1994.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, color, sex, language, reli-
gion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, birth or other status, and
the Government generally respected these prohibitions in practice. However, the
Constitution also recognizes customary law as a parallel legal system, and women
have severely restricted inheritance and property rights under the traditional
chieftainship system (see Section 5, Women;.
Women. — Domestic violence, including wife beating, occurs frequently. Reliable
statistics are not available, but the problem is believed to be widespread. In Basotho
tradition a wife may return to her "maiden home" if physically abused by her hus-
band. Under common law, wife beating is a criminal offense and defined as assault.
Women have severely restricted inheritance and property rights under the tradi-
tional chieftainship system which is recognized under the Constitution. However,
few domestic violence cases are brought to trial. Women's rights organizations, such
as the local chapter of the International Federation of Women Lawyers, have taken
a leading role in educating women regarding their rights under customary and com-
mon law, highlighting the importance of women fully participating in the democratic
process.
Children. — The Government has not adequately addressed directly children's
rights and welfare issues, although it has devoted substantial resources to primary
and secondary education. Education is not compulsory even for the primary levels,
and there are significant instances particularly in rural areeis, where children do not
attend school because they are involved in subsistence activities in support of their
family's welfare, or families cannot afford the costs associated with school attend-
ance (for example, fees for purchase of uniforms, books, and materials;. This prob-
lem of school nonattendance affects boys disproportionately more than girls. In tra-
ditional rural Basotho society, livestock herding by young boys is a rite of passage
and a prerequisite to manhood in the community. There is no pattern of societal
abuse against children, but many children work at a young age (see Section 6.d.).
People With Disabilities. — Discrimination against physically disabled persons in
employment, education, or provision of other public or government services is un-
lawful. However, societal discrimination against the disabled is common. The Gov-
ernment has not legislated or mandated accessibility to public buildings for the dis-
abled.
180
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Most citizens speak a common language and
share common historical and cultural traditions. Small numbers of Asians (pri-
marily ethnic Chinese and Indians) and South African whites are active in the coun-
try's commercial life. Economic and racial tension between the Chinese business
community, specifically textile and garment industry employers, and the Basotho re-
mained a problem.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the legal right to join or form unions
without prior government authorization, with the exception of civil servants.
The Labor Code specifically prohibits civil servants from joining unions. The Gov-
ernment regards all work by civil servants as essential. In a judgment by the Leso-
tho High Court in June concerning a 2-year-old petition filed by the Lesotho Union
of Public Servants (LUPE) against the registrar of law. Chief Justice Kheola dis-
missed LUPE's application on the grounds that it was not consistent with the labor
code. The LUPE filed an appeal. The Ministry of Labor lacks adequate numbers of
investigators to systematically review these claims by trade unionists. Union leaders
believe little government action has been taken to remedy this situation.
Under the 1993 Labor Code, prepared with the assistance of the International
Labor Organization (ILO), all trade union federations require government registra-
tion. There are two small trade union federations that rarely cooperate with each
other, the Lesotho Trade Union Congress and the Lesotho Federation of Democratic
Unions. Unions are not formally affiliated or tied to political parties.
The labor and trade union movement is very weak and fragmented. There are sev-
eral small unions in the public and industrial sectors but there is no unified trades
union congress. There are cases of multiple unions competitively organizing small
numbers of workers in the same sector. Overall, unionized workers represent only
about 10 percent of the work force. Consequently, efTorts toward collective bargain-
ing and tripartite policy-making are not amenable to strong trade union influences.
There is credible evidence that many employers inhibit union representatives and
organizers from gaining access to employer premises to organize workers or rep-
resent them in disputes with owners or managers.
A large percentage of the male labor force works in the gold and coal mines of
South Africa. The remainder are primarily engaged in traditional agriculture. A ma-
jority of Basotho mine workers are members of the South African National Union
of Mineworkers (NUM). However, as a foreign organization, the NUM is not per-
mitted to engage in union activities in Lesotho.
No legally sanctioned strike has occurred since independence in 1966. Legal pro-
tection for strikers against retribution is not always enforced in cases of illegal
strikes. In late August, workers at the state-owned Lesotho Telecommunications
Corporation (LTC) began an industrial action that led to a lock-out, but ofiicials
called it an illegal strike. The LTC Board of Governors filed an urgent application
in the Lesotho High Court requesting the Court to bar workers from the LTC prem-
ises. In October the High Court ruled in favor of the Board of Governors that these
employees were illegally on strike. Subsequently, the Board fired over 300 techni-
cians and other auxiliary staff members and denied them severance and other bene-
fits. The workers appealed for a reversal against this allegedly wrongful and unfair
dismissal.
The Government was successful in negotiating the reinstatement of employees fol-
lowing several illegal strikes in 1995 and 1996. Security forces violently suppressed
strikes in the textile, garment, and construction industries during 1994 and once
during 1996.
There were no instances of governmental restrictions on international affiliations
or contacts by unions or their members.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — All legally recognized trade
unions in principle enjoy the right to organize and bargain collectively, but in prac-
tice the authorities often restrict these rights. Employers are often not cooperative
in this area. Employees are often threatened with expulsion and loss of employment
once they join unions. There is credible evidence that some employers in the textile
and garment sector engage in the use of blacklists to deny employment to workers
who have been fired by one employer within that sector. Although there was some
collective bargaining activity between unions and employers to set wage and benefit
rates, employers generally continued to set wage rates through unilateral action.
There is a large backlog of industrial dispute cases on the docket of the Labor
Court, which has only one labor judge who is only now dealing with cases filed in
1995.
181
There are several industrial zones, in which mostly textile and apparel firms en-
gage in manufacturing for export. All national labor laws apply in tnese industrial
zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Government specifically pro-
hibits forced and bonded labor by children, and there were no reports that it oc-
curred. The 1987 Employment Act prohibits forced or compulsory labor, and there
is no indication that such labor is practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Em.ployment. — The Gov-
ernment specifically prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and there were
no reports that it occurred (see Section 6.c.).
The legal minimum age for employment in commercial or industrial enterprises
is 14. In practice, however, children under age 14 are often employed in the textile
and garment sector and in family-owned businesses. As much as 15 percent of the
textile work force of some 15,000 may be children between the ages of 12 and 15,
according to a 1994 study by a foreign government. After visiting all 14 of Lesotho's
nonpartisan garment producers in 1994, the ILO, responding to a complaint by
trade unions in the textile and clothing industry, was not able to confirm the unions'
allegation of illegal child labor.
There are prohibitions against the employment of minors in commercial, indus-
trial, or nonfamily enterprises involving hazardous or dangerous working conditions,
but enforcement is very lax. The Ministry of Labor and Employment's Inspectorate
is severely understaffed. Young people under 18 years of age may not be recruited
for employment outside of the country. In traditional society, the rigorous and occa-
sionally dangerous working conditions for the country's young livestock herdboys are
considered a rite of passage and a prerequisite to manhood within rural Basotho
culture which is beyond the reach of labor laws (see Section 5 Children.)
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Wages are low. The monthly minimum wage
for unskilled labor is $68 (320 maloti); for a heavy vehicle operator it is $131 (616
maloti). Minimum wages in lower skilled jobs are insufficient to ensure a decent
standard of living for a worker and family. Most wage earners supplement their in-
come through subsistence agriculture or remittances from relatives employed in
South Africa. Many employers now pay more than minimum wages in an enort to
attract and retain motivated employees. There are also indications that some em-
ployers, especially in export sectors, treat the minimum wage as a maximum wage,
rather than a minimum. This situation is made possible by the high levels of unem-
ployment and underemployment, which ofTer a large pool of surplus unskilled labor
that bids down wage rates and undermines job security for workers who make de-
mands for better wages and conditions of work.
The labor code spells out basic worker rights, including a maximum 45-hour work-
week, a weekly rest period of at least 24 hours, 12 days of paid leave per year, and
paid public holidays. The labor code requires employers to provide adequate light,
ventilation, and sanitary facilities for employees and to install and maintain ma-
chinery in a manner designed to minimize the risk of injury. In practice employers
generally follow these regulations only within the wage economy in urban areas,
and the Ministry of Labor and Employment enforces the regulations haphazardly.
The Labor Code does not explicitly protect the right of workers to remove them-
selves from hazardous situations without prejudice to employment. However, Labor
Code sections on safety in the workplace and dismissal imply that dismissal in such
circumstances would be illegal.
LIBERIA
After more than 7 years of civil war, implementation of the August 1996 Abuja
Peace Accord restored peace to Liberia. The human costs of the war were im-
mense— 200,000 war-related deaths, 1.2 million persons displaced internally, and
approximately 750,000 refugees in neighboring countries.
Under the provisions of the Abuja Accords, presidential and legislative elections
were held on July 19 for the first time in 12 years. Thirteen political parties com-
peted, including the parties of the three major former faction leaders — Charles G.
Taylor, Alhaji Kromah, and George Boley. Charles Taylor won the presidency with
over three-quarters of the votes cast and his party, the National Patriotic Party,
won control of both houses of the legislature. The elections were judged free and
transparent by international observers. Taylor was inaugurated as President on Au-
gust 2 and promised to give high priority to national reconciliation, human rights,
the rule of law, ensuring a stable environment for economic development, and elimi-
182
nating corruption. The judiciary is subject to political influence, outside pressure,
and corruption.
Approximately 10,500 West African peacekeepers (ECOMOG) were deployed
throughout the country, providing the security that facilitated disarmament, demo-
bilization, the holding of national elections, and the return of some refugees. More
than 20,000 weapons and over 10 million rounds of ammunition were turned in to
ECOMOG between November 1996 and February 1997, the end of the period for vol-
untary disarmament. Demobilization and reintegration programs for tne more than
20,000 former combatants who disarmed (21 percent of whom were former child
fighters under age 17) were established but many former combatants were unable
to participate. While significant disarmament was achieved, factional command and
control structures were not completely dismantled and remained largely in place.
ECOMOG remained the key militaiy force supporting the Liberian National Transi-
tion Governments (LNTG) III and IV as well as the new Taylor administration. In
December ECOMOG began drawing down its troops in preparation for leaving the
country; an agreement for a continued ECOMOG presence was being negotiatecT For
the past 7 years, ECOMOG assumed many police powers in the absence of a central
government capability. The outlook for maintenance of security after ECOMOG's de-
parture remains unclear. Although the ECOMOG peacekeeping force generally
maintained internal discipline, there were a number of^ incidents in which individual
ECOMOG soldiers killed and tortured civilians.
As an institution, the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) remained largely inactive.
In October the Government announced that it would begin restructuring the AFL,
although the Abuja Accords stated that ECOMOG was to restructure the AFL. The
President's decision resulted in a very public dispute between him and the
ECOMOG force commander. The new Taylor administration also sought to move
4,000 largely Krahn AFL troops and their families from the central barracks in
downtown Monrovia to the outskirts of the capital, creating tension between the
AFL troops and the new Government.
Under the LNTG III and IV Governments, the Liberia National Police (LNP) and
the National Security Agency (NSA), which report to the Ministry of Justice, to-
gether with the Special Security Services (SSS), which report directly to the Head
of State, were responsible for internal security, but they lacked the resources and
training to function effectively. After Taylor's inauguration in August, his adminis-
tration made security a top priority, placing many NPFL former combatants in the
security apparatus. In September Taylor reappointed as police director his cousin,
who was known to have directed and participated in the looting of Monrovia in April
and May 1996. In October the President announced that a 1,000-man paramilitary
force would be armed and deployed along the border with Sierra Leone to prevent
a spillover of hostilities from that country. By year's end, the administration had
placed several hundred unarmed NSA and SSS ofTicials at major border crossing
points with Cote d'lvoire, Guinea, and Sierra Leone. Members of the security forces
committed human rights abuses.
The economy, ravaged by civil war, remained in severe disarray. The Taylor ad-
ministration inherited an external debt estimated at over $2 billion and over $230
million in domestic debt. No reliable information on the gross domestic product was
available. Prior to 1990, the cash economy was based primarily on iron ore, rubber,
timber, diamond, and gold exports. Eighty-five percent unemployment, a 15 percent
literacy rate, the continued internal displacement of civilians, and the absence of in-
frastructure throughout the country continued to depress productive capacity, de-
spite the country's rich natural resources and potential self-sufficiency in food. Gov-
ernment officials, businessmen, and former combatants continued to exploit the
wealth of the country, logging old growth timber through environmentally unsound
mining methods, and illegally tapping rubber trees in plantations under their con-
trol. Profits from these illicit enterprises were used for personal benefit. In Decem-
ber the President announced that a new currency would be introduced in 1998 to
replace the two separate currencies that were in use in different parts of the country
in addition to the U.S. dollar, which is also legal currency. The new currency was
designed to address the multiple currencies problem, which had hindered economic
activity.
The Government's human rights record was poor, and there were serious prob-
lems in many areas; however, there was some improvement in comparison with
1996. Security provided throughout the country by ECOMOG and the largely suc-
cessful disarmament program Ted to a decline in human rights abuses prior to Sep-
tember; however, abuses increased towards the end of the year. Security forces com-
mitted extrajudicial killings; however, it was difficult to distinguish in many cases
whether some killings were a result of political, criminal, ethnic, or other motives.
Security forces were responsible for a number of disappearances. Security forces
183
beat citizens, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs used torture to coerce confessions.
Conditions in jails remained life threatening, and police and other security forces
at times arbitrarily arrested and detained persons and infringed on citizens' privacy
rights. On two occasions, the Government investigated or punished security force
members for offenses. The judicial system, hampered by ineniciency, corruption, and
a lack of resources, was reconstituted in April with the installation of a
defactionalized, independent Supreme Court to decide disputes arising from the na-
tional elections. However, after his election. President Taylor, exercising his con-
stitutional prerogative, installed a new Supreme Court. The judiciary was generally
unable to provide citizens in all parts of the country with their rights to due process
and a fair trial due to lack of resources. The Government limited freedom of speech
and the press; security forces intimidated and occasionally beat journalists, and
journalists often practiced self-censorship. The Government restricted freedom of
movement. Unfavorable conditions limited the return of refugees from neighboring
countries, as well as former combatants who were not relocated after disarmament.
However, by December more than 100,000 refugees and internally displaced persons
had returned to their previous home areas. Approximately 1.5 million citizens de-
pend upon humanitarian assistance to survive. At year's end, authorities increased
the harassment of democracy and human rights groups. Violence and discrimination
against women, and violence against children are longstanding problems. The prac-
tice of female genital mutilation (FGM) persisted, although apparently on a much
reduced scale. Discrimination against religious and ethnic minorities remained a
problem. Forced labor, including by children, was a problem, and authorities pro-
vided little protection for worker rights. Ritualistic killings and vigilante justice con-
tinued.
No progress was made in resolving outstanding incidents of past human rights
abuses, despite the appeal of many local and international organizations. The Taylor
administration enacted a controversial bill in October to create a Human Rights
Commission, which was limited to investigating only current and future human
rights abuses, with no power to compel the testimony of witnesses and no govern-
ment funding to conduct its activities. In December President Taylor appointed a
former rival, Alhaji Kromah, as chairman of the commission on national reconcili-
ation; however, the commission was not constituted or functioning by year's end.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — The incidence of political and
extrajudicial violence and killing decreased in comparison with 1996, but violence
and killings increased during the last months of the year. It was often diflicult, how-
ever, to distinguish between political, criminal, or ethnic killings. Members of the
security forces committed a number of extrajudicial killings.
On January 16, nine people, including five former fighters of the ULIMO-Krahn
faction, were ambushed and killed on the Tubmanburg highway in Bomi County,
allegedly by former members of the Congo Defense Force. Also in January, a
Mandingo taxi driver was brutally murdered in Monrovia. The killing led to a wild-
cat strike of taxi drivers, most of whom are Mandingos, who claimed continued anti-
Mandingo bias in the society (see Section 5). In March a senior government official
from the Ministry of Finance was killed in his home in the course of an apparent
robbery. Some observers believe that he was killed to conceal alleged governmental
financial mismanagement.
In August and September, a number of bodies of individuals killed in suspicious
circumstances were discovered in Monrovia, for example, the body of an unidentified
adult male was found on the lawn of a former finance minister who belongs to the
Mandingo ethnic group. In August a female teacher and major opposition party sup-
porter was killed by an unknown assailant. Thirteen bodies were found in the 2-
month period. There is no conclusive evidence whether the killings were criminally
or politically motivated. There have been no leads as to the perpetrators.
In October police, alleging an escape attempt, fatally shot a suspected armed rob-
ber, there are unconfirmed reports that he was shot in the back of the head at close
range and that he had ties to a major opposition political party. Also in October,
Monrovia city police beat a taxi driver to death for a minor vehicle violation. No
action was taken against the police. On November 29, government security person-
nel detained opposition political leader Samuel Saye Dokie and three family mem-
bers at a checkpoint near Gbarnga, Bong County. The Dokies disappeared. Their
mutilated, burned bodies were discovered 3 days later. The head of the SSS admit-
ted that he had ordered the Dokies' arrest, but disavowed participation in or knowl-
edge of the Dokies' murder. Five suspects, including at least three SSS officers in-
184
volved in the Dokie abduction, were subsequently arrested; they were awaiting trial
at year's end. On December 19, a 34-year-old man, who had been beaten brutally
by police, died while in custody in Monrovia. At year's end, no action had been
taken against the police.
At least two persons died in detention facilities due to harsh conditions and ofii-
cial negligence (see Section I.e.).
The results of the investigation into the October 1996 assassination attempt
against Charles Taylor was never made public.
Ritualistic killings, in which young people are murdered and body parts extracted,
continued. Incidents included: In February an 18-year-old boy in Gardnersville, a
Monrovia suburb; in March in Junction, Grand Cape Mount county, a young woman;
in May a 1-month old baby in Caldwell, Montserrado county; also in May, a fisher-
man in Grand Bassa county; in October, a 2-year-old girl in Buchanan, Grand Bassa
county; and a young man from Monrovia in September. No police action has been
reported against such practices.
Vigilante justice also continued. In February civilians in Monrovia caught and
beat to death a known rapist and armed robber after police refused to take the sus-
pect into custody. The police subsequently took no action.
No progress was made in investigating the many killings from previous years, in-
cluding two massacres in Sinje, Grand Cape Mount county in 1996. There was no
progress in the case of the canibalization of a university student referred to civil
authorities by ECOMOG or the canibalization of the AFL Chief of Staff in 1996.
There was no further developments in the discovery of mass graves in 1996. None
of the equipment stolen from international agencies was returned and none of those
who stole relief supplies and food in 1996 were tried or punished for their crimes.
Although ECOMOG generally maintained internal discipline, there were a num-
ber of incidents in which individual ECOMOG soldiers killed civilians. In February
ECOMOG soldiers were involved in the death of a man in Vonzula, Grand Cape
Mount county. In May during a cordon-and-search operation for illegal weapons at
Lajoy gold mine. Grand Cape Mount county, ECOMOG soldiers tortured and mur-
dered two men. In June ECOMOG soldiers also beat to death a man in Sanoyea,
Bong county while interrogating him. There was no reported investigation of the in-
cident or punishment of the soldiers involved.
b. Disappearance. — There were no confirmed reports of disappearances per-
petrated by ECOMOG or the LNTG III regular police or security forces. However,
there were credible reports that security forces were involved in such disappear-
ances. Members of the joint security forces of the LNTG IV in May attacked and
beat the general commander of a police station in Monrovia who later disappeared.
In December four persons incarcerated in the (Gbarnga) Bong county detention facil-
ity disappeared. Tnere have been confirmed disappearances of a few people and sev-
eral opposition activists and businessmen are missing or otherwise unaccounted for
at year's end.
There were credible reports that a number of demobilized child fighters, who had
been reunited with their families, were abducted again by members of their former
warring factions for forced labor (see Section 5).
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and other degrading treatment; however, govern-
ment security forces beat persons, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs used torture
to coerce confessions.
During the latter part of the year, there were numerous credible reports of gov-
ernment security forces beating and intimidating journalists (see Section 2. a.), as
well as beating civilians for minor offenses.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs used torture to coerce confessions. Although the
Supreme Court ruled that "trial by ordeal," or "sassywood" — commonly, the place-
ment of a burning metal object on a suspect's body to induce confession in a criminal
investigation — is unconstitutional, the Ministry of Internal Affairs continued to have
licensed agents who subjected suspects to this practice at the Ministry. A lawsuit
brought in 1994 for injuries resulting from sassywood is still pending before the Su-
preme Court.
In September joint security forces and ECOMOG troops wounded six people at the
Bridgestone/Firestone rubber plantation in Harbel, Margibi county, during a labor
strike (see Section 6.e.).
After the end of the period for voluntary disarmament in February, some
ECOMOG troops detained more than 50 former fighters during nationwide cordon-
and-search operations for weapons. Many of these lormer combatants reported being
tortured to elicit information about illegal weapons; they were then incarcerated in
the Monrovia Central Prison. The prisoners were never charged with any offense
and were released in March. During several cordon-and-search operations in which
185
ECOMOG arrested, interrogated, and shot several former combatants, ECOMOG
left the victims, who in some cases suffered life -threatening injuries, untreated; but
following the intervention of an international organization, the victims received
treatment. Individual ECOMOG soldiers also tortured and killed persons (see Sec-
tion l.a.).
In September and October, while enforcing a long-forgotten law that prohibits
market activity on Sundays and at any time during tne week on the streets, police
beat several women marketeers, confiscated and never returned thousands of dol-
lars worth of goods and produce, and destroyed hundreds of small market stalls.
There were many incidents in which former combatants, who claimed not to have
received sufficient benefits for disarming, harassed and extorted civilians and, in
some areas, engaged in massive looting. There were credible reports that returning
refugees and displaced persons were harassed by former combatants, especially in
the border areas. Also in January, civilians in Grand Cape Mount asked that hu-
manitarian relief supplies not be delivered for fear that former fighters would con-
tinue to steal the supplies at gunpoint (see Section l.f.). In February when former
fighters in Nimba, Bomi, and Grand Cape Mount counties continued to harass civil-
ians, the ECOMOG force commander issued a stern warning about such behavior
and took additional steps to protect civilians.
In January several individuals, who claimed to have been kidnaped, incarcerated,
and tortured, in the Watanga (Monrovia) secret jail of the former NrLF faction, pub-
licized the details of their detention. Their claims appeared to be credible. They also
reported that other persons were murdered and that they were ordered to bury
them.
Neither the LNTG III, LNTG FV, nor the newly elected Government adequately
addressed the often life threatening conditions in government jails. The Inter-
national Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), in cooperation with the Ministry of
Justice, sought to make improvements to prison facilities in Monrovia and Kakata.
The Governments did not provide prisoners with adequate food or medical care.
They did not pay guards for months. Cells were small, crowded, and filthy. Two in-
mates died in the Bong County detention facility in November, allegedly from star-
vation. Women, constituted about 5 percent of the prison population, and were held
in separate cells, but there were no separate facilities for juvenile offenders. Police
who caught children for petty crimes often took them to their own homes rather
than incarcerating the minors with adult criminals.
The police director ordered the escaped prisoners released in 1996 to return to jail
or be subject of an intensive search. One prisoner surrendered, but later escaped
again.
Human rights groups were granted access to prisoners in Monrovia, and these
groups frequently obtained needed medical treatment for prisoners. In a number of
cases, human rights groups and interested individuals achieved the release of pris-
oners.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and provides for the rights of the accused, including warrants for arrests, and
the right of detainees either to be charged or released within 48 hours. In practice
some LNP officers and other security officials often disregarded these rignts and
made arbitrary arrests. Many ofTicers, whose average monthly salary was already
less than $5.00, often were not paid and accepted bribes to arrest persons based on
unsubstantiated allegations. The police have almost no logistic or forensic capabili-
ties, and generally were unable to investigate crimes, including murder cases. Most
people arrested for serious crimes are not released within 48 hours or brought be-
fore a judge as the Constitution requires. In September and October, the new police
director, allegedly in an effort to combat the increase of armed robberies in the cap-
ital, arrested dozens of suspects who were incarcerated for prolonged periods with-
out being charged. The police director and the SSS director also frequently forced
journalists who published stories perceived as antigovernment to visit police head-
quarters or the Justice Ministry where they were often threatened and intimidated.
In July the editor of the Liberia Communications Network was arrested at a press
conference held in the Independent Elections Commission's (lECOM) headquarters
after asking the lECOM chairman whether there had been tampering with the bal-
lots for the national election; the editor was not charged and was later released. In
August the editor of the Funtimes Gazette was arrested for publishing an article
about President Taylor's personal life. Following public criticism, the editor was re-
leased. In October the LNP Director ordered the editor of the Inquirer newspaper,
which had published several critical articles about the police, arrested for allegedly
buying stolen property, although there was no evidence to support the charge. The
Inquirer editor later was released. The police director also attempted, but failed, to
have Liberia's leading human ri^ts advocate arrested following a press conference
186
that the advocate had called to protest the Inquirer's editor's arrest. Following pub-
lic criticiam, this matter, too, was dropped. Also in October, the LNP Director or-
dered the arrest of one of his officers without an arrest warrant, based upon the
officer's reported death threat against the director. The arresting officers, unable to
locate the individual either at his home or at church, detained the man's wife, chil-
dren, and other occupants of the house; a local human rights organization urged po-
lice to release them from unconstitutional detention, which they did once the officer
surrendered.
ECOMOG soldiers played the major role in policing the country, particularly dur-
ing the early part of the year. Many citizens continued to turn to ECOMOG rather
than the unarmed, unpaid, and underequipped police force to arrest and detain al-
leged criminals. ECOMOG regularly tumea detainees over to civilian authorities. In
May, however, ECOMOG detained several former members of the ULIMO-Krahn
faction in Tubmanburg and a former Krahn cabinet minister and two assistants in
Monrovia for their alleged participation in an attempt to assassinate Charles Taylor.
Although the Krahn were held for several weeks, they were never charged or turned
over to civilian authorities.
The Government does not employ forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^Although the Constitution provides for an inde-
pendent judiciary, the judiciary has always been subject to political, social, familial,
and financial pressures. Corruption and lack of professionalism remained a recur-
rent problem. Even after the elections, the judiciary did not function in most areas
of the country due to lack of infrastructure. Acting under his constitutional author-
ity, in October President Taylor installed a new Supreme Court which began mak-
ing plans to make the judiciary more professional and reestablish courts outside of
the capital. All of the new Supreme Court justices are trained professionals. At
year's end, how they will execute their responsibilities is not clear.
The court structure is divided into four levels, with the Supreme Court at its
apex. All levels of the court system in Monrovia, including the Supreme Court, func-
tioned, though erratically. Two new courts were established. Although a new juve-
nile court was constituted in June, the first in the country's history, no cases were
tried. A criminal court for hearing armed robbery cases also was created, but re-
mained relatively inactive due to lack of resources and trained personnel.
Under the Constitution, defendants have due process rights that conform to inter-
nationally accepted norms for fair trial. Most of these rights, however, were ignored
in practice. Customary law also was used and, as in previous years, the Ministry
of Internal Affairs subjected persons accused of occult practices and other crimes to
"trial by ordeal," submitting defendants to physical pain to adjudicate guilt or inno-
cence (see Section I.e.).
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — While
the Constitution provides for these rights, authorities sometimes ignored them. The
Constitution provides that police must obtain a warrant, or have a reasonable belief
that a crime is in progress, or is about to be committed, before entering a private
dwelling. In practice most police and other governmental security forces entered pri-
vate homes and churches without a warrant to carry out arrests and investigations.
In one case, police arrested family members of a suspect whom they sought to locate
(see Section l.d.).
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Con-
flicts.— More than a million civilians remained dependent on humanitarian aid for
survival. However, before the end of the period for voluntary disarmament in Feb-
ruary, some civilians asked that no food be delivered to their communities because
they did not want to be further brutalized by factional fighters, who seized such pro-
visions from their homes and communities. In June former fighters in Bong county
went on a rampage and looted civilian homes as well as a Catholic relief service
food warehouse. In December disgruntled former NI-'FL fighters looted and set
ablaze the homes of administration officials in more than 10 towns, including Bu-
chanan, in Grand Bassa county, claiming that President Taylor had neglected them
since they were disarmed.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, however, the Government limited and continually challenged these
freedoms. In April the NPF'L-appointed Information Minister blocked the publica-
tion of six Monrovia newspapers, claiming that they had not paid the required reg-
istration fees. His action was interpreted as an indirect warning that the Govern-
ment would ban papers if it objected to what was printed. In July after a local news-
paper reprinted a foreign newspaper editorial about Taylor's election victory, the In-
187
formation Minister cautioned members of the press to scrutinize their newspapers
to ensure that they accorded due courtesy ana respect for government officials. In
November the Minister also blocked the reopening of an independent newspaper, al-
legedly because the law required that permits be requested in January. Shortly
thereafter, the Information Minister granted a permit to another new newspaper
owned by the President. The Minister also repeatedly warned members of the press
to be careful about what they printed concerning the Government and singled out
three newspapers in particular as being antigovemment. Citizens, including journal-
ists, usually showed considerable restraint and self-censorship in favor of the Gov-
ernment. In November the Taylor administration also threatened to close the na-
tional radio station, which was known for its independence. In December the sta-
tion's reporting became more favorable towards the Government. Government har-
assment of the press increased noticeably at year's end.
Starting in September, arbitrary arrest, illegal detention, and intimidation of jour-
nalists by government security forces became commonplace (see Section l.d.). Six
independent newspaper editors and many journalists were arbitrarily detained and
arrested for publishing articles that security forces considered antigovemment; a
well-known former NPFL general and six unidentified men attempted to kidnap a
leading broadcast journalist from his home; the country's foremost political cartoon-
ist received numerous death threats and may have been put under surveillance by
government security forces; an indepjendent journalist, who was detained in Bong
County following the Dokie funeral and his attempted investigation into the cir-
cumstances surrounding the Dokies' deaths, was charged by the police with treason;
this charge was later reduced.
The restrictive Media Law, instituted during the Doe regime in the 1980's, re-
mained in force and provided the Ministry of Information with wide discretion in
regulating journalists. In May the Press Union of Liberia adopted a code of conduct
for journalists to encourage professionalism. The code of conduct, however, in some
instances appeared aimed at punishing journalists for publishing articles unfavor-
able to the Government. Some members of the press were barred from official press
conferences at the executive mansion for printing stories unfavorable to the Govern-
ment; other members of the press were beaten at the executive mansion by govern-
ment officials. No official action was taken against the perpetrators.
Largely as a result of the national elections and the candidates' desire to influence
public opinion, the press grew from 6 newspapers in January to 15 by July. Charles
Taylor either owned or controlled seven of the newspapers that published regularly
up to the elections. Newspapers controlled by other prominent political figures usu-
ally were published only when there was a political purpose involved. All eight inde-
pendent newspapers had to deal with repeated attempts at censorship and struggled
to stay in business. By October the number of regularly published newspapers had
dropped to six. Four could be considered independent and, when the Government
allowed them, were capable of serious, critical, newsworthy reporting.
Before the war, there were three regional television stations in operation in addi-
tion to one in Monrovia. Regular television broadcasts ceased when the war started
in 1989. The President's privately owned media company reopened a television sta-
tion in Monrovia on August 2 to broadcast Taylor's inauguration. The station re-
mained on the air but only broadcast sporadically. In September DUCOR Radio
Broadcasting opened Monrovia's second television. It, too, oroadcast only sporadi-
cally.
Throughout the year, the government radio station (ELBC), the Taylor-owned sta-
tion (KISS-FM), and the two independents— Radio Monrovia and DUCOR radio —
broadcast regularly but only within the greater Monrovia area. A Taylor-owned
short wave radio station, based in Totota, Bong county, aLso broadcast throughout
West Africa, the only station with such a capacity prior to the holding of national
elections on July 19. This short wave radio station was the only source of informa-
tion for voters outside the greater Monrovia area and contributed to Taylor's elec-
toral victory. The ELBC also had a short wave radio, but it broadcast only sporadi-
cally. Subsequent to the election, two other radio stations— the Catholic Church's
Radio Veritas and the independent Star Radio — began broadcasting throughout the
country. With the exception of the Taylor-owned media, most other stations, includ-
ing the government-owned station, were poorly equipped and subject to pressure
from government ofTicials. In December the Ministry of Post and Telecommuni-
cations claimed that Radio Veritas and Star Radio were illegally using diplomatic
broadcast frequencies and threatened to shut them down. In early January 1998,
Star Radio was closed by the Government.
During the lECOM announcement of election results, ECOMOG forced Radio
Monrovia to stop its live broadcasts.
188
Academic freedom was generally respected at the University of Liberia; however,
the administrators and faculty carefully avoided antagonizing any powerful interest
groups. The students felt more free to voice their criticisms. Due to a lack of fund-
ing, the university did not begin its academic year in August, as is customary, but
resumed in December.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — ^The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly and the Government generally respects this right, but
limited it in some instances. Although ECOMOG generally ensured security
throughout the country in the period leading up to and during the presidential cam-
paign and on election day, there were several incidents of political harassment and
violence against candidates. While campaigning in Sanniquellie, Nimba county, the
Unity Party standard-bearer and her campaign workers were assaulted: Taylor par-
tisans smashed the candidate's car windsnield, threw acid on two of her campaign
workers, and severely beat another. On June 17, in Gbamga, Bong county, the Ref-
ormation Alliance Partes presidential candidate was greeted by catcalls and rock
throwing by Taylor partisans when he began his campaign in the former NPFL
stonghold. Several otner incidents were reported around the country, especially in
Monrovia. However, the number of incidents decreased as the electoral campaign
progressed and total violence during the campaign was low. The Constitution pro-
vides for the right of association, and the Government generally respects this right,
but limited it in some instances.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution recognizes freedom of religion as a fun-
damental right, and Liberia has no established state religion. Although Islam is
gaining adherents, as much as 40 percent of the population profess to be Christian.
A significant portion of the population follows traditional animism or blends tradi-
tional religions with Christianity or Islam. Although the law prohibits religious dis-
crimination. Islamic leaders complained that Muslims, especially Mandingos, were
discriminated against (see Section 5). In September when the new Speaker of the
House invited a Muslim mullah to open the session with a prayer. Christian mem-
bers of the House strenuously objected, arguing that such action was unconstitu-
tional. After long debate, the mullah was allowed to pray, but the legal issue re-
mains unresolved.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement throughout the
country as well as the right to leave or enter. In the period leading to national elec-
tions, ECOMOG maintained numerous checkpoints throughout the country. The
week before the July 19 presidential election, the border with Guinea was closed,
although the border with Cote d'lvoire remained open. After the elections, ECOMOG
significantly reduced the number of its checkpoints and began to prepare for hand-
ing over its security functions to the new Government. Freedom of movement within
the country after the Taylor administration took oflice was further restricted by nu-
merous checkpoints set up by security forces and by the extremely poor condition
of roads that had not been maintained during the 7 years of war. Also in December,
the Government reinstituted an exit visa requirement for all residents and some-
times refused to issue permits for travel. The Government also announced that dip-
lomats should notify the Foreign Ministry a week in advance of any proposed travel
outside of the capital.
Some government officials, including the police, and some former fighters set up
roadblocks to harass and extort money or other valuables from civilians, including
internally displaced people and refugees who had returned to their home towns and
villages, and humanitarian aid workers.
Following the military coup in Sierra Leone in May, ECOMOG increased its pres-
ence along the border with Sierra Leone and, at diiierent times, when fighting in-
tensified in eastern Sierra Leone, restricted access to its border area. On October
21, the Taylor administration announced that it was closing the border with Sierra
Leone to prevent fighting in Sierra Leone from reigniting fighting in Liberia. The
practical effect of this announcement was unclear since ECOMOG controlled the
borders. Following fighting in Sierra Leone in December, more refugees Hed into Li-
beria through unmanned border crossing points.
Since 1990 over 1.2 million citizens (of an estimated prewar population of 2.8 mil-
lion) have been internally displaced. With the improved security conditions made
possible by ECOMOG, more than 100,000 internally displaced persons and refugees
returned to their home villages to register and vote. According to the UNHCR, as
many as 480,000 Liberian refugees remain in neighboring West African countries.
The Government provided first asylum. Following the military coup in Sierra
Leone in May, about 30,000 new Sierra Leonean refugees fled to Liberia. Although
no official census has been taken, there are probably more than 120,000 Sierra
Leoneans living along the western border in Grand Cape Mount and Lofa counties.
189
The LNTG III and IV Governments and the Taylor administration cooperated
with the ofiice of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and
other humanitarian organizations in attempting to assist refugees, primarily Sierra
Leoneans. However, inaccessibility to refugees due to poor road conditions and the
limited capacity of local NGO's severely limited the amount of relief assistance that
could be provided. The Taylor administration has coof>erated with the UNHCR's ef-
forts to inform Liberian refugees about the UNHCR's voluntary repatriation oper-
ations. There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where tney
feared persecution.
There were several instances of mistreatment of foreigners, including citizens of
ECOWAS countries, especially Nigerians. In September two members of ECOMOG's
Nigerian contingent (which constituted over half of the ECOMOG force) in Monrovia
were stoned and beaten by a mob provoked by the superstitious belief that even
slight body contact with foreigners could harm Liberians. Several immigration ofli-
cers were dismissed for beating and harassing foreign nationals in October. Some
members of the expatriate community complained about the Taylor administration's
lack of cooperation in issuing visas. In October the administration announced that
Sierra Leonean refugees living in Grand Cape Mount county would be moved inland
for security reasons, but at year's end had not implemented this policy.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for the right of free and fair elections and citizens exer-
cised their right to change their government in elections deemed free and trans-
parent on July 19. Since the election was held on the basis of proportional represen-
tation. President Taylor's party, the National Patriotic Party, won control of the leg-
islature by the same 75 percent margin that he won the presidency.
The July 19 national elections were held under the auspices of the Abuja II Peace
Accord rather than the Constitution. On the first day that the newly elected na-
tional legislature convened, it reafilrmed the primacy of the Constitution in all mat-
ters, including future elections.
At year's end, the legislature had not exercised real independence from the execu-
tive branch. There are only a handful of opposition legislators, but they tend to be
much weaker than traditional opposition figures.
There are no restrictions on the participation of women in politics; however, they
are underrepresented, largely illiterate, and generally did not have access to voter
and civic education programs during preelectoral activities. The sole female can-
didate among 13 in the presidential race finished a distant second. Overall numbers
of women in nigh-ranking positions in the Taylor administration and in the various
political parties are low. Two of the 20 cabinet positions are held by women and
a woman was appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
One cabinet mmister is Muslim (see Section 5).
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The LNTG III and FV Governments and the Taylor administration permitted do-
mestic and international human rights groups to operate. During the national elec-
tions, more than 400 international and 600 local observers surveyed election activi-
ties. However, at year's end, reported incidents of harassment of democracy and
human rights groups had increased.
Domestic human rights organizations were underfunded, understafTed, and their
personnel lacked adequate training. In September 12 of the small, local human
rights organizations joined to establish the National Human Rights Center of Libe-
ria. In October four human rights groups constituted a new umbrella organization
called the Liberia Federation of Human Rights Organizations. Both of these organi-
zations sought to ensure that human rights issues were kept in the forefront of the
country's postconfiict development plan.
Some 01 the human rights groups, as well as lawyers performing legal aid work
and U.N. human rights personnel, visited prisoners in the police holding cells and
the central prison. None reported governmental interference with their activities. As
a result of the security environment provided by ECOMOG prior to the elections,
several domestic human rights organizations established branches outside of the
capital.
The United Nations Observer Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL) had responsibility for
monitoring the human rights situation until September 30, when its mandate ended
following completion of disarmament, demobilization, and the holding of national
elections. For 9 months, three experienced UNOMIL human rights officers con-
ducted investigations and worked to build the capacity of local human rights organi-
190
zations. No UNOMIL human rights reports were made public. In December it was
announced that a U.N. peace-building mission would be established in Monrovia for
6 months.
In October the new Government created a human rights commission; however, it
triggered considerable controversy by limiting the commission's investigatory power
to prospective abuses only, with no power to compel testimony or gatner evidence
and no funding to support operations. At year's end, the human rights commission
had not functioned. Although the independent media urged the Government to cre-
ate a commission to investigate the Dokie murders, the Government declined.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on ethnic background, race, sex,
creed, place of origin, or political opinion, but discrimination exists. There are no
laws against gender based discrimination, ethnic discrimination, or female genital
mutilation (FGM).
Women. — Domestic violence against women was extensive but never seriously ad-
dressed as an issue by the governments, the courts, or the media. Several NGO's
in Monrovia and Buchanan continued programs to treat abused women and girls
and increase awareness of their human rights, but NGO's are not vocal about wom-
en's political rights.
The status of women varies by region, ethnic group, and religion. Before the out-
break of the civil war, women held one-fourth of the professional and technical occu-
pational positions in Monrovia. Some women currently hold skilled jobs in govern-
ment, including the judiciary. On the whole, however, the situation of women dete-
riorated dramatically with the onset of war, the closing of most schools, and the loss
of their traditional role in the production, allocation, and sale of food. In urban
areas, women can inherit land and property. In rural areas, where traditional cus-
toms are stronger, a woman is normally considered the property of her husband and
his clan and usually is not entitled to inherit from her husband or retain custody
of her children if her husband dies. The LNTG III and IV Governments and the
Taylor administration did not sign a law passed by the legislature that would have
ensured equal rights for women. There were very few programs to help any combat-
ants reintegrate into society; and particularly, no programs especially designed to
help former female combatants. The absence of special programs, however, was not
discriminatory, but reflected the fact that there were few former female former com-
batants. Several women's organizations, however, advanced family welfare issues,
helped promote political reconciliation, and assisted in rehabilitating former combat-
ants as well as civilians affected by the war.
In Monrovia at the end of the year, a growing number of professional women's
groups — including lawyers, marketeers, and businesswomen — became increasingly
vocal about their concerns. Government officials often responded negatively to public
criticism and there were reports of harassment and possible surveillance of out-
spoken critics.
Children. — Due to the poor condition of government schools, most children who at-
tended school went to private institutions. However, many private schools had to
be refurbished, which were largely destroyed during the April and May 1996 fight-
ing since the Government decided not to pay private schools the subsidies that had
been in effect before the war, school fees were drastically increased, thereby denying
a large sector of the school-age population access to education. In both public and
private schools, however, children were often asked to provide their own books,
desks, copy books, pencils, and reams of paper.
Denied a normal childhood during the civil war, Liberian youth were seriously vic-
timized. An estimated 50,000 children were killed; of those wounded, orphaned, or
abandoned, many witnessed terrible atrocities or committed atrocities themselves.
Twenty-one percent (4,306) of the combatants who disarmed under the provisions
of the Abuja II peace accord were child soldiers under the age of 17. As education
and nurturing were almost completely disrupted, many children suffered post trau-
matic stress disorder syndrome. Some are still addicted to drugs. It is estimated
that 1.4 million children experienced violence, hunger, and homelessness during the
war. The number of street children in Monrovia and the number of abandoned in-
fants increased significantly following disarmament. NGO's and UNICEF continued
retraining and rehabilitation programs for a limited number of former child fighters
(see Section 6.d.).
After a 2-year effort by the Association of Female Lawyers, a bill creating a juve-
nile court system, enacted in 1959 and amended in 1971, was implemented in June.
The new court system was limited to Monrovia and lacked the resources and person-
191
nel to function effectively. Children continue to be incarcerated with adults and
there were long delays in deciding cases involving minors.
Female genital mutilation (FGM) is widely condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health. FGM traditionally has
been performed on young girls by northern, western, and central tribes, particularly
in rural areas among traditional societies. Prior to the onset of the civil war in 1989,
approximately 50 percent of women in rural areas between the ages of 8 and 18 un-
derwent FGM. In some instances, female health professionals in the tribes partici-
pated in the practice to the extent of providing postop>erative care. The war, how-
ever, totally aisrupted village life. The war caused most of the population to flee to
neighboring countries or become internally displaced. Social structures and tradi-
tional institutions, such as the secret societies which often performed FGM as an
initiation rite, were also undermined by the war. Most experts believe that the civil
war has caused a reduction in FGM, estimating that the incidence has dropped to
as low as 10 percent. The most extreme form oiFGM, infibulation, is not practiced.
The Government has taken no action against FGM.
People With Disabilities. — The war produced a large number of people with per-
manent injuries in addition to persons disabled from other causes. There is no legal
discrimination against the disabled, but in practice they do not enjoy equal access
to public buildings. There are no laws mandating accessibility to public buildings
or services.
Religious Minorities. — The law prohibits religious discrimination. However, some
Muslims, who now represent a significant portion of the population, believe that Li-
berian secular culture gives preference to Christianity in civic ceremonies and ob-
servances, and that discrimination spills over into areas of individual opportunity
and employment. Although there are some Muslims in senior government positions,
many Muslims believe that they are bypassed for highly desirable government jobs.
The Taylor administration dismissed many Muslims, particularly Mandingos, from
longstanding jobs. Following President Taylor's public accusation in September that
Muslim Mandingos were fighting in Sierra Leone, prominent Mandingos in Monro-
via and elsewhere began receiving threats to their person and property from un-
known individuals. Many Muslim ousiness proprietors believe that the Taylor Gov-
ernment's decision to enforce an old statute prohibiting businesses from opening on
Sunday discriminates against them, as they celebrate their Sabbath on Friday and
consequently are forced to close for the two most active selling days of the week.
There were also credible reports that returning Muslim Mandingo refugees were not
allowed to resettle in their nome villages in Lofa, Bong, and Nimba Counties.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Although the Constitution bans ethnic dis-
crimination, it also provides that only "pjersons who are negroes or of negro descent"
may be citizens or own land, thus denying full rights to many people who were bom
or lived most of their lives in Liberia. There has been no governmental initiative
to repeal this racial test. In September and October during the confirmation hear-
ings for Taylor Government nominees, the issue of national and ethnic origins was
widely debated, particularly for two cabinet nominees, of mixed Lebanese-Liberian
Earentage, and for one minister-designate who is a Muslim Mandingo, naturalized
iberian citizen.
The 1975 economic "Liberianization" law prohibits foreign ownership of certain
businesses, such as travel agencies, retail gasoline stations, and beer and sofl-drink
distributors. In October several bills extending the Liberianization law were passed
by the legislature, but by year's end they had not been signed into law by the Presi-
dent.
Some members of former President Samuel Doe's ethnic group, the Krahn, believe
that they were being systematically discriminated against by the Government, al-
though there are some Krahn holding ministerial positions in the Government.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution states that workers, except mem-
bers of the military and police, have the right to associate in trade unions. The Con-
stitution also states that unions are prohibited from partisan political activity. Gov-
ernment interference in union activities, especially union elections and leaderships
conflicts, was commonplace both before and during the civil war.
Although legal economic activity almost halted during the war, unions pro-
liferated. Thirty-two functioning unions were loosely organized under two umbrella
OS — the Federation of Liberian Trade Unions and the Congress of Liberian
Unions — with the common objective of protecting the rights of their 60,000
members, who were largely unemployed. TTie actual power the unions exercised was
extremely limited, as the country's work force is largely illiterate and the labor laws
tend, in some respects, to favor management.
192
The Constitution is silent on the right to strike, but labor laws protect this right.
Due to the destruction of the economy and the continuing 85 percent unemployment
rate, strikes were infrequent. On September 6, however, aoout 300 people dem-
onstrated at the Bridgestone/Firestone rubber plantation in Harbel, Margibi county,
demanding greater death and insurance benefits and immediate reemployment of
more than 3,000 former employees. After ECOMOG troops fired warning shots into
the air to disperse the crowd and the shots were ignored, ECOMOG moved to break
up the demonstration, shooting six workers.
During the year, neither the LNTG III, LNTG IV, nor the Taylor administration
took discriminatory actions against organized labor. With the advent of each new
administration, however, many workers were dismissed and replaced with political
appointees. Unlike previous administrations, the Taylor Government reportedly dis-
missed large numbers of Muslim Mandingos. The Taylor Government also strictly
enforced the union registration reouirements that had fallen into disuse during the
war. Many civil servants had not oeen paid for almost a year; the Taylor adminis-
tration paid most of them by the end of December.
Liberia's status as a beneficiary of the trade preferences under the United States'
generalized system of preference (GSP) program was suspended in 1990 as a result
of the Doe Government's failure to take steps to provide internationally recognized
worker rights.
Labor unions traditionally have afTiliated with international labor groups such as
the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — With the important exception
of civil servants, workers (including employees oi public corporations and autono-
mous agencies) have the right to organize and bargain collectively. In the past,
agreements were negotiated freely between workers and their employers without
government interference. These rights were largely moot because of the lack of eco-
nomic enterprise.
There were no export processing zones. All were destroyed after the war started.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
labor, but even before the civil war this prohibition was widely ignored in rural
areas where farmers were pressured into providing free labor on "community
projects" that often benefited only local leaders. In many parts of the country, this
practice continued. The proliferation of forced labor during the civil crisis by factions
that used captured enemies declined dramatically with tne conclusion of voluntary
disarmament in February.
The Constitution prohibits forced and bonded labor by children. There were credi-
ble reports, however, that former combatants kidnaped former child soldiers who
had been reunited with their families in order to use them for forced labor, pri-
marily in illicit logging and mining operations.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum A^ge for Em.ployment. — Even be-
fore the civil war, enforcement of the law prohibiting employment of children under
age 16 during school hours in the wage sector was Tax. In all areas of the country,
particularly where there were no schools, small children continued to assist their
parents as vendors in local markets or on the streets, to take care of younger broth-
ers and sisters, and to work on family subsistence farms. With few educational op-
portunities and with rampant economic hardship, most children still worked to help
keep their families alive.
The Constitution prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, however, there
were reports of its use (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor law provides for a minimum wage,
paid leave, severance benefits, and safety standards, but the enforcement mecha-
nism collapsed during the war and the Taylor administration did not make this a
high priority issue. With the economy almost totally destroyed, citizens were forced
to accept any work that they could find regardless of wages or working conditions.
The 1977 Labor Law requires a minimum wage of approximately $.25 per hour not
exceeding 8 hours per day, excluding benefits, for unskilled laborers. Agricultural
workers are paid $1.50 for an 8 hour day, excluding benefits. Skilled labor has no
minimum fixed wage, but industrial workers usually received three or four times
the wage paid to agricultural workers. The Ministry of Labor did not have the re-
sources to monitor compliance with the labor laws. In practice wages are paid in
Liberian dollars which are worth less than three cents in U.S. currency. Even if
both spouses work, the minimum wage is far less than a family needs to survive.
Families dependent on minimum wage incomes also engage in subsistence farming,
small scale marketing, petty extortion, and begging.
The Labor Code provides for a 48-hour, 6-day regular workweek with a 30-minute
rest period per 5 hours of work. The 6-day workweek may extend to 56 hours for
service occupations and to 72 hours for miners, with overtime pay beyond 48 hours.
193
Prior to 1990, there also were government-established health and safety standards,
enforced in theory by the Ministry of Labor. During the war, these regulations were
not enforced. Even under the Labor Code, workers did not have a specific right to
remove themselves from dangerous situations.
MADAGASCAR
Madagascar held its second presidential election under the 1992 Constitution in
December 1996, following the impeachment and removal of then-President Albert
Zafy earlier in the year. The winner, former Second Republic President Didier
Ratsiraka, took office in February. The election was widely accepted as free and fair.
Under the Constitution, power is divided among: The President, the Prime Minister
and his Government, and a bicameral legislature (Senate and National Assembly).
A number of institutions provided for in the Constitution, including the Senate, an
independent judiciary, some decentralized local governments, and new courts that
require Senate appointments had still not been established by year's end. I^egisla-
tive elections scheduled for August did not take place because of new requirements
that voters possess national identity cards. These elections are planned for March
1998.
The State Secretary of the Ministry of Interior for Public Security — and, under the
State Secretary, the National Police — are responsible for law and order in urban
areas. The Ministry of Armed Forces comprises the National Army, including army
troops, air force, navy, and the gendarmerie. The gendarmerie has primary respon-
sibility for security except in major cities, and is assisted in some areas by regular
army units in operations against bandit gangs and cattle thieves. Military force
strength continued to decline slowly, dropping below 20,000 troops. There are also
traditional village-level law enforcement groups or vigilance committees, known as
dina. There were occasional reports that police and gendarmes committed human
rights abuses, as did the dina.
Madagascar is a very poor country. The economy relies heavily on agriculture;
production of corfee and vanilla fell further, but shrimp exports rose. Rice, the major
staple, remained at near self-sufTiciency. Manufacturing in export processing facili-
ties increased modestly. The smuggling of vanilla, gold, precious stones, and cattle
continued to be major problems. Overall economic performance improved, but three-
fourths of the population of 13 million still live in poverty. P^oreign economic assist-
ance remains a major source of national income. Living standards are low, with av-
erage per capita gross domestic product estimated at $230 per year. Annual infla-
tion stabilized at about 9 percent during 1996 and 1997. Unemployment and under-
employment, especially among youth, remained high. The Government implemented
a program of economic reform and structural adjustment to foster a stronger market
economy.
The human rights situation improved somewhat from 1996. There was very little
political violence. However, there were occasional reports of police brutality against
criminal suspects and detainees, as well as instances of arbitrary arrest and deten-
tion. Prison conditions remained harsh and oflen life threatening. In some prisons,
women experienced abuse, including rape. A total of 62 new judges were appointed
in an effort to relieve the overburdened judiciary. Nonetheless, suspects were often
held in lengthy pretrial detention that often exceeded the maximum sentence for the
alleged ofTense. Dina imposed summary justice in rural areas where the Govern-
ment's presence was weak, but authorities increased their efforts to bring dina
under closer regulation and scrutiny. Women continued to face some societal dis-
crimination.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings by government forces. However, harsh prison conditions and the authorities'
failure to provide adequate food and medical treatment contributed to an undeter-
mined number of deaths in custody (see Section I.e.).
Village dina continued to mete out summary justice, including executions, to com-
bat rising rural banditry.
There were no developments in several pre-1997 incidents: The 1994 beating
death of radio journalist Victor Randrianirina, who had allegedly reported on sap-
phire smuggling; the deaths of unarmed civilians by security forces in 1991-93; the
deaths of more than 30 demonstrators who were killed by the Presidential Guard
194
at lavoloha Palace on August 10, 1991; and a March 31, 1992, incident in which
soldiers killed 6 pro-Ratsiraka supporters at the national constitutional convention.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution specifically provides for the inviolaoility of the person. However,
there were occasional reports that police or members of other security forces mis-
treated prisoners or detainees. There were also instances of dina trials in which tor-
ture was used to elicit confessions.
Prison conditions are harsh and life threatening. Prisoners' diets are inadequate,
and family members must augment daily rations. Prisoners without relatives nearby
sometimes live for days without food. Prison cells average less than 1 square meter
of space per inmate. The authorities do not provide adequate medical care. The pris-
on population suffers a range of medical problems that are rarely treated, including
malnutrition, infections, malaria, and tuberculosis. These conditions have caused an
unknown number of deaths.
Women in prisons suffer abuses, as do the children who are sometimes confined
with them. Gfender segregation is not absolute, and some rapes by other prisoners
were reported.
The Government permits prison visits by the International Committee of the Red
Cross, religious and nongovernmental organizations (NGO's), lawyers' associations
investigating excessive pretrial detention, and investigative journalists.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides for due process
for accused persons, but in practice the authorities do not always observe legal safe-
guards against arbitrary arrest and detention. In particular, excessive investigative
detention of suspects results in denial of due process.
According to law, a criminal suspect must be charged, bound over, or released
within 3 days of arrest. An arrest warrant may be obtained but is not always re-
quired. According to the Penal Code, defendants in ordinary criminal cases have the
right to be informed of the charges against them, must be charged formally within
the specified time permitted, and must be allowed access to an attorney. Court-ap-
pointed counsel is provided for indigent persons accused of crimes that carry a mini-
mum 5-year jail sentence. An attorney or the accused may request bail immediately
after arrest, aft^r being formally charged, or during the appeal process, but it is
rarely granted in the case of violent crimes.
About 70 percent of persons held in custody were in pretrial detention. Despite
existing legal safeguards, investigative detention often exceeds 1 year, and 3 or 4
years' detention is common, even for crimes for which the maximum penalty may
be 2 years or less. The accused may wait years in prison only to be ultimately exon-
erated in court. The Ministry of Justice began a pilot program to reduce excessive
pretrial detention through case reviews and expedited judgments. There are an esti-
mated 20,000 persons in pretrial detention.
Although the law allows detainees to sue the Government for damages in cases
of unlawiul detention, no such suits were reported. By law persons accused of sub-
versive activity may be detained incommunicado for 15 days and are subject to in-
definite detention if considered necessary by the Government; however, this law was
not invoked during the year.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, implementing legislation has not been passed. The establishment of
a number of courts also provided for in the Constitution awaits the long-delayed in-
auguration of the Senate.
The judiciary has three levels of jurisdiction: Local courts for civil and criminal
cases carrying limited fines and sentences; the Court of Appeals, which includes a
criminal court, for cases carrying sentences of 5 years or more; and the Supreme
Court. The judiciary also includes courts designed to try specific kinds of cases such
as cattle theft. The High Constitutional Court is an autonomous court that under-
takes technical reviews of laws, decrees, and ordinances and certifies election re-
sults.
While awaiting reform, the judiciary remained under the Ministry of Justice. Lack
of internal controls and relatively low salaries for magistrates encourage corruption.
With judicial reform stagnated, the pace of court proceedings has slowed and cre-
ated a huge backlog, contributing to the problem of excessive investigative deten-
tion.
Trials are public, and defendants have the right to an attorney, to be present at
the trial, to confront witnesses, and to present evidence. Defendants enjoy a pre-
sumption of innocence under the Penal Code.
The right of traditional dina village institutions to protect property and public
order is codified in the Constitution as well as earlier laws. Dina aajudicate or arbi-
195
trate civil disputes within and between villages. Dina are also established in some
urban areas. In practice, dina increasingly deal with criminal cases because of in-
creasing crime, tne physical isolation of many rural areas, and the ineffectiveness
of the police and the judiciary outside urban centers. Dina punishments were at
times severe and in some cases included capital punishment.
Decisions by dina are not subject to coaified safeguards for the accused, but in
some instances may be challenged at the appeals court level. Some cases have also
been referred to the Office of the Mediator (ombudsman), which investigates and
may seek redress from formal judicial authorities. An interministerial committee
that includes the Ministries of Justice, Interior, and Armed Forces was established
to improve surveillance of dina and assure their adherence to law. The Ministry of
Justice has moved away from its earlier permissive approach to dina and empha-
sized their subordination under the formal judicial system.
The Government continued to combat crime and lawlessness in isolated rural re-
gions by augmenting the gendarmerie — traditionally responsible for law and order
in rural areas — with army units.
Military courts are integrated into the civil judicial system, and differ only in the
kinds of cases tried and in the inclusion of military officers on jury panels. Such
courts have jurisdiction over some cases involving national security, including acts
allegedly threatening the nation and its political leaders; invasion by foreign forces;
and rioting that could lead to the overthrow of the Government. Defendants in mili-
tary cases, as in civil law, enjoy an appeals process that reexamines points of law
rather than the facts of the case. A civilian magistrate, usually joined on the bench
by a panel of military officers, presides over military trials.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. The judici-
ary functions effectively in this area. The press is independent; journalists who in-
vestigated prison conditions provided reports in the print and electronic media dur-
ing the year.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice. However, fear of crime effectively restricts travel to some
places, especially at night. For foreign residents, the requirement for exit visas was
removed late in the year.
The Government generally cooperates closely with the United Nations High Com-
missioner for Refugees in processing the small number of refugees or asylum seek-
ers. However, the Government has failed to resolve the status of 54 Ethiopian asy-
lum seekers who have been in Madagascar since 1994. There were no reports of
forced expulsion of those with recognized or pending claims to refugee status. The
issue of provision of first asylum has never arisen.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government through direct universal suf-
frage and secret ballot. Didier Ratsiraka was elected to a 5-year term as President
in 1996 in the second election held under the 1992 Constitution. In 1993, 138 mem-
bers of the National Assembly were elected to 4-year terms, which were extended
by 6 months in 1997 by a High Constitutional Court decision. I^ocal mayors and
councils were elected in 1995. A referendum to amend the Constitution was also
held in 1995. The 1993, 1995, and 1996 elections were generally free and fair.
Under the Constitution, the President has primary responsibility for national de-
fense and foreign policy, while the Prime Minister is head of government and re-
sponsible for domestic policy. The President selects the IVime Minister under provi-
sions of the 1995 referendum that amended the Constitution. The Prime Minister
is appointed when a new National Assembly is elected or upon a vacancy. The Con-
stitution gives the President, acting in conjunction with the Council of Ministers,
the right to dissolve the National Assembly if there have been two governmental
196
crises in the previous 18 months. The High Constitutional Court must rule that
such crises have occurred. The Prime Minister is required to submit his resignation,
as is the Cabinet, if a motion of censure is passed by a two-thirds majority of the
National Assembly.
The Senate had not yet been created by year's end. Under the current Constitu-
tion, two-thirds of the Senate's members are to be selected by local, department, and
regional government officials, while one-third of the members are to be appointed
by the President. These provisions are widely expected to be modified by constitu-
tional referendum before the Senate is installed. Although local government elec-
tions were held in November 1995, the departmental and regional elections sched-
uled for 1996 were postponed after the impeachment of then-President Zafy neces-
sitated an early presidential election.
There are no legal impediments to the participation of women in government or
politics, but in practice women are underrepresented in both areas. The Government
of 31 ministers and state secretaries appointed in March includes 5 women. Only
6 percent of National Assembly deputies are women. However, nearly half the mag-
istrates are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their nndings on human rights cases. Government officials
are usually cooperative and responsive to their views. The Constitution provides for
an independent ofilce to promote and protect human rights. In 1994 the National
Assembly assigned that role to the Office of the Mediator (ombudsman), which relies
on moral suasion to correct abuses. The Office publishes annual reports on its activi-
ties and distributes brochures to educate citizens on their rights and responsibil-
ities. The reports outline the rights of women and children and bring public atten-
tion to the potential for human rights violations by dina.
The Government is open to visits by international human rights groups and to
domestic and international election observers. A number of international organiza-
tions sent observers for the first and second rounds of the 1996 presidential election.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits all forms of discrimination and outlaws groups that ad-
vocate ethnic or religious segregation. There are no government institutions specifi-
cally designated to enforce these antidiscrimination provisions.
Women. — Violence against women is not widespread. Police and other legal au-
thorities intervene if physical abuse is reported. Tnere is no law dealing specifically
with violence against women except with regard to rape. Spouses can be tried for
nonrape abuses, generally under civil law.
There is some societal discrimination against women, particularly in urban areas,
where many women manage or own businesses or hold management positions in
state industries. A number of nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) focus on civic
education of women and girls to assure that they understand their rights and legal
protections and avail themselves of these safeguards.
The national police recruited a significant number of women, and the National As-
sembly passed a law authorizing women to attend service academies. NGO's led by
women were highly influential in national debate on citizen empowerment, the
rights of the disabled, and the rule of law.
Under a 1990 law, wives have an equal voice in selecting the location of a m.arried
couple's residence, and they generally receive an equitable share of common prop-
erty on divorce. Widows with children inherit half of joint marital property. A tradi-
tion known as "the customary third" is occasionally observed in some areas. Under
this custom, the wife has a right to only one-third of a couple's joint holdings. How-
ever, a widow receives a pension, while a widower does not.
Children. — While official expenditures on children's welfare are low, the Govern-
ment has maintained the spending levels of the Ministries of Health and Education
despite increasing fiscal austerity. These expenditures are not sufficient to maintain
an adequate level of public services under current economic conditions. The Govern-
ment provides education through the secondary or vocational level, and it is compul-
sory through the age of 14. However, attendance at primary schools is estimated
to have declined to about 48 percent of primary school-age children from approxi-
mately 70 percent in 1996.
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no systematic discrimination against disabled
persons in employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. There
197
is no law mandating access to buildings for people with disabilities. One NGO,
Fondation Ikoriantsoa, proposed a law to define the rights of the disabled, which
the Government submitted to the National Assembly for consideration.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The Malagasy, who are of mixed Malayo-
Polynesian, African, and Arabic heritage, include 18 distinct groups differing in re-
gional and ancestral affiliation. Although there are some linguistic differences, near-
ly all speak a dialect of the Malagasy language. None of these groups constitutes
a majority of the population. There are significant minority populations of Chinese
and Indo-Pakistani heritage, as well as a large number of resident French citizens.
A long history of military conquest and political consolidation raised the political
and economic status of highland ethnic groups of Asian origin above that of coastal
groups of more African ancestry. Centralized administration and economic planning
since independence reinforced the concentration of economic and political power in
the central highlands, where the capital is located. These policies feed enduring ten-
sion between coastal and highland peoples. Ethnic, caste, and regional solidarity are
often factors in hiring practices.
An Indo-Pakistani community has resided in Madagascar since the early part of
the century. This community, traditionally focused on commerce, now numbers
about 20,000 persons. Few have made successful claims to Malagasy nationality,
which is customarily acquired through a native-bom Malagasy mother. Indo-Paki-
stani merchants are widely mistrusted. In past years, their shops have been looted
during civil disturbances.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the 1995 Labor Code provide
workers in the public and private sectors with the legal right to establish and join
labor unions of their choosing without prior authorization. However, essential-serv-
ice workers, including police and soldiers, may not form unions. Unions are required
to register with the Government, and registration is routinely granted. About 80
percent of the labor force of 5 million is engaged in agrarian production. Union
members account for only about 5 percent of the total labor force.
There are a number of trade union federations, many formerly afTiliated with po-
litical parties. Neither public nor private sector unions have played a major political
or economic role in recent years. The Government exercises very limited control over
organized labor.
The Labor Code and the Constitution include the right to strike, including in ex-
port processing (free trade) zones (EPZ's). Workers performing essential services
have a recognized but restricted right to strike. In practice, short strikes took place
without reprisal. The Code requires workers to exhaust conciliation, mediation, and
arbitration procedures before striking, but has not in practice been a significant de-
terrent to legal strikes.
Short and generally nondisruptive strikes by, for example, civil servants, trans-
port workers, and other professionals took place over fiscal and administrative prob-
lems in many cities, (jovernment workers and university students also called strikes
to protest austerity measures.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) has noted a number of instances in
which the Government has failed to bring law and regulation into conformity with
existing conventions or otherwise submit texts for ILO review, including those ad-
dressing forced labor, freedom of association, guarding of machinery, hygiene in
commerce and offices, and weight limits. In most instances, these failures indicated
legislative inertia rather than abuses.
Unions freely join and participate in international bodies and may form federa-
tions or confederations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Both the Labor Code and the
Constitution provide for the right to bargain collectively. The Code states that col-
lective bargaining may be undertaken between management and labor on the initia-
tive of either party. In fact, collective bargaining agreements are rare. The Govern-
ment is often involved in the bargaining process, in part because of the large per-
centage of public employees who are union members.
The Labor Code prohibits discrimination by employers against labor organizers,
union members, and unions. In the event of antiunion activity, unions or their mem-
bers may file a grievance against the employer in civil court. Labor laws apply uni-
formly throughout the country, including in the EPZ's. However, the Government's
enforcement of labor laws and regulations is hampered by lack of stafT and financial
resources. The 27 Ministry of Labor inspectors visit industrial work sites with some
regularity but most often those located near the capital.
-^ 198
There are several EPZ's which are, in practice, firms operating under sp>ecial im-
port and export rules. Such firms are required to follow all pertinent labor law and
regulation, including minimum wage laws.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code explicitly pro-
hibits forced labor, and it is not known to occur. The Government prohibits forced
and bonded labor by children and enforces this prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The
Labor Code defines a child as any person under the age oi 18 years. The legal mini-
mum age of employment is 14 years, and work by individuals under the age of 18
is prohibited at sites where there is apparent and imminent danger. The Govern-
ment also enforces child labor laws in the small formal economic sector through in-
spectors of the Ministry of Civil Service, Labor, and Social Laws. In the large agri-
cultural sector, young children work with parents on family farms at much younger
ages. In urban areas, many children work as petty traders and casual transport
workers, or are beggars.
The law prohibits forced and bonded child labor, and the authorities enforce this
prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
Education is compulsory to the age of 14. In practice, however, only about 48 per-
cent of children attend primary school.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code and implementing legislation
prescribe working conditions and wages, which are enforced by the Ministry of Civil
Service, Labor, and Social Laws. The law makes separate provisions for agricultural
and nonagricuitural labor.
The minimum wage is set by the Government. Other wages are set by employers
with individual employees, sometimes below the standard minimum wage. When
there is a failure to reach agreement, the Ministry of Labor convenes a Committee
of Employment Inspectors to resolve the matter. If this process fails, the committee
refers the matter to the chairman of the Court of Appeals for final arbitration. No
such cases reached the Court of Appeals during the year. The minimum wage is $28
(fmg 151,000) per month. This wage does not provide a decent living for a worker
ana family ana must be supplemented by subsistence agriculture, petty trade, sup-
port from relatives, or employment of other family members. Minimum wage rates
are not always respected, since high unemployment and widespread poverty lead
workers to accept wages at lower levels.
The standard legal workweek in nonagricuitural and service industries is 40
hours, and 42V2 hours in agriculture. At least one 24-hour rest period each work-
week is mandated. The Labor Code sets rules and standards for worker safety and
work site sanitation. Ministry of Civil Service, Labor and Social Laws officials mon-
itor labor conditions. However, they are usually able to cover only the capital region
effectively. If violators do not remedy cited violations within the time allowed, tney
may be legally sanctioned or assessed administrative penalties. In some sectors,
safety equipment is not used due to the expense of protective clothing and other
safety devices. There have been no published reports of occupational health hazards
or accident trends. There is no explicit right for workers to leave dangerous work-
places without jeopardizing their employment.
MALAWI
The Republic of Malawi held its first democratic, multiparty elections since inde-
pendence in May 1994. President Bakili Muluzi principally relies on the ruling Unit-
ed Democratic Front (UDF), which holds 82 of the 177 seats in the National Assem-
blj'. The opposition Malawi Congress Party (MCP), formerly the sole legal party,
holds 52 seats. The opposition Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) split over the UDF-
AFORD coalition ana the continued presence of AFORD Members of Parliament
(M.P.'s) in the Cabinet, reducing AFORD's number of MPs to 27. Seven former
AFORD M.P.'s and two former MCP M.P.'s sit as independents. AFORD and MCP
ended their 9-month boycott of Parliament in March. The legislature demonstrated
only limited independence from the executive. In October a High Court judge ruled
that cabinet ministers could not also sit as Members of Parliament, potentially af-
fecting 21 seats. The judiciary has demonstrated independence in several high pro-
file political cases, although there are frequent allegations that its decisions result
from px)litical bias or bribery.
The National Police, headed by the Inspector General of Police under the Ministry
of Home Affairs, is responsible for internal security. Although the army is apolitical,
the f)olice occasionally called on the army for support. While violence and common
crime have become frequent, there was no indication of organized activity in Malawi
199
or abroad by remnants of the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP), formerly the MCPs
f>aramilitary wing. Despite notable improvements, there continued to be credible al-
egations of human rights abuses by the police.
Malawi is small, densely populated, and landlocked. The economy is predomi-
nately agricultural. Over 85 percent of the population derives its income from agri-
culture. Tobacco remains the primary foreign exchange earner; other cash crops in-
clude tea, coffee, and sugar. Foreign aid remains a critical source of income. The
Government continued privatizing the ownership of public enterprises. The economy
was expected to grow by 7 percent in real terms; the inflation rate was about 15
percent. Annual per capita income is below $200. Wealth remains concentrated in
the hands of a small elite.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens in many
areas, but serious problems remained. The police continued to abuse detainees and
to use excessive force in handling criminal suspects. There were instances of deaths
of detainees while in, or shortly after release from, police custody. In implementing
reforms, the Inspector General of Police stressed public accountability and trans-
parency. Prison conditions remained poor. Lengthy pretrial detention, the inefficient
and understaffed judicial system, and limited resources called into question the abil-
ity of defendants to receive a timely and, in some cases, a fair trial. High levels of
crime prompted angry mobs to execute summarily alleged criminals.
The Malawi Broadcasting Corporation inaugurated its second channel, and the
Government granted two broadcast licenses, one to a station broadcasting only reli-
gious programming and one to a private station scheduled to begin broadcasting in
early 1998. By contrast the print media continued to report freely. The Human
Rights Commission mandated by the Constitution to explore human rights viola-
tions made little progress. Women continued to experience severe societal discrimi-
nation, and violence against women and children remained a problem. The Govern-
ment took steps in its economic development programs to assist disadvantaged
women. The Government intimidated civil servant strikers, dispersed them with
tear gas, prohibited their peaceful assembly, and arrested, suspended, or transferred
strike leaders in an effort to break the union.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killine. — There were no reports of political
killings. There were incidents of deaths of detainees while in, or shortly after re-
lease from, police custody. These deaths involved possible use of excessive force or
possible negligence, as in the June death of one of the suspects in a bank fraud case.
Several prisoners died largely due to poor prison conditions (see Section I.e.).
Frustrated by inadequate law enforcement and rising crime, angry mobs some-
times resorted to vigilante justice in beating, stoning, or burning suspected crimi-
nals to death. The Government made no discernible effort to punish individuals who
carried out these abuses.
b. Disappearance. — There were no repwrts of disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treat-
ment. Although that provision is generally respected, the Inspectorate of Prisons, an
investigative Dody mandated by tne Constitution, confirmed that the police contin-
ued to physically abuse detainees. However, the incidence of abuse dropped. While
higher ranking officials demonstrated familiarity with new standards for the hu-
mane treatment of prisoners, their subordinates commonly employed unacceptable
techniques. According to an October 1996 Inspectorate of Prisons report, unaccept-
able techniques included beatings, whippings, dog attacks, knifings, and the inten-
tional deprivation of food, water, toilet facilities, and medical care to force confes-
sions. These abuses are sometimes hidden by keeping a prisoner in police custody
until wounds heal before turning the prisoner over to the prison system for remand.
The mistreatment is partly due to the mistaken belief oi many police officers that
the law requires them to present a case (not just charges) to the court within 48
hours of arrest. The Government continued to seek community involvement in its
comprehensive reform of the police.
Prison conditions remained poor. Overcrowding, inadequate nutrition, and sub-
standard sanitation and health facilities remained serious problems. Poor conditions
contributed to the deaths of several prisoners following an outbreak of tuberculosis
at the prison in Zomba. While not kept in separate facilities, women are segregated
within the prison compound and tended by female guards.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law permits the accused to challenge
the legality of detention, to have access to legal counsel, and to be released or in-
45-909 98-8
200
formed of charges by a court of law within 48 hours. In an effort to comply with
the 48-hour rule, police occasionally resorted to beatings in order to extract informa-
tion necessary to their case. In cases where the court determines that a defendant
cannot afford to supply his own counsel, legal services are supposed to be provided
by the Government. With few persons able to afford legal counsel, the country's four
public defenders were not sufncient to meet the needs of indigent detainees. Bail
is frequently granted to reduce prison overcrowding. Its use often bears only a tenu-
ous relation to the merits of an individual's situation. December statistics indicated
that approximately 35 percent of the 5,950 prison inmates were detainees awaiting
trial.
Exile is not used.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
cifiry, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary dem-
onstrated a high degree of independence from elected ofiicials in several high profile
political cases. Allegations that individual judges were corrupt or politically biased
were common. The judicial system is also handicapped by serious weaknesses, in-
cluding poor record keeping, shortage of trained personnel, and a heavy caseload.
The Constitution provides for a High Court, a Supreme Court of Appeal, and sub-
ordinate magistrate courts. The Chief Justice is appointed by the President and con-
firmed by the National Assembly. Other justices are appointed by the President fol-
lowing a recommendation by the Judicial Service Commission. All justices are ap-
pointed until the age of 65 and may be removed only for reasons of incompetence
or misbehavior, as determined by a majority in Parliament and the President.
By law defendants have the right to a public trial but not to a trial by jury. In
dealing with murder cases, the High Court nevertheless used juries of seven persons
from the defendant's home district. Defendants are also entitled to an attorney, the
right to adduce and challenge evidence and witnesses, and the right of appeal. How-
ever, the judiciary's budgetary and administrative problems effectively denied expe-
ditious trials for many defendants.
Traditional court judges, absorbed into the magistrate court system, received
some training to acquaint them with court procedure and the body of law they are
now expected to administer.
Many of the country's old repressive laws were superseded by the new Constitu-
tion. Tne High Court overturned old laws that were in conflict with the Constitu-
tion. In consultation with nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) and par-
liamentarians, the Law Commissioner addressed the ambiguities in the Constitution
and proposed legislation on women to bring Malawi's laws into compliance with new
constitutional standards.
Juvenile offenders have special rights under the Constitution, including the right
to be separated in custody from adults, to be treated in a manner that accounts for
age and the possibility for rehabilitation, and to be exempted from the punishment
of life imprisonment without the possibility of release.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Govern-
ment authorities generally respected the constitutional right to privacy regarding
person, family, home, and private communications. However, army and police forces,
in carrying out sweeps for illegal weapons, did not obtain search warrants as re-
quired by law. Postal authorities have apparently ceased their past practice of open-
ing and inspecting private correspondence.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The new Constitution superseded old laws re-
stricting the press and now provides for freedoms of speech and press. The Govern-
ment generally respected these rights in practice. The Government also generally
tolerated the broaa spectrum of political and ideological opinion presented in the
country's two dozen newspapers. However, media representatives complained about
government secrecy and periodic verbal threats against members of the press by
government officials.
Malawi has three radio stations. A small private station broadcasts only religious
programming and is not permitted to broadcast news. In October the Government
granted a license for a second private radio station. State-owned Malawi Broadcast-
ing Corporation (MBC), which broadcasts on two channels, is the most important
medium for reaching the public. MBC programming was dominated by reporting on
the activities of senior government figures and official government positions. Parties
and groups opposed to the Government largely were denied access to the broadcast
media. MBC refused te air paid public announcements of labor union events. The
Government effectively blocked consideration of legislation to make MBC a more
201
independent public broadcasting entity and continued to deny applications to estab-
lish any more new private radio stations.
There were no restrictions on academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and association, and the Government respects these rights in
J>ractice. Authorities routinely granted oflicial permits, which are required by law
or large meetings. The Government requires organizations, including political par-
ties, to register with the Registrar General in the Ministry of Justice. Despite fre-
quent lengthy delays, there were no reports of groups being denied registration.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. Religious groups must register with the
Government. Missionaries experienced occasional difnculties in renewing employ-
ment permits. While the Government announced a new policy and procedures on
temporary employment permits, there were lengthy delays involved in securing re-
newals oi permits (see Section 5).
d. Freedom, of Movem.ent Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens have freedom of movement and residence within the country,
and the right to leave and return. Despite the lifting of restrictions on the move-
ment of Asians, to date there has been little movement by Asians and other expatri-
ates from cities and towns to rural areas.
The Government cooperated with the Office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in managing the refugee community. According to the
UNHCR, Malawi hosted over 1,700 refugees, primarily from Somalia and the Great
Lakes region, at the country's refugee center. Although the Government grants refu-
gee status, it does not accept refugees for resettlement and does not permit them
to work or study. Asylum applicants are granted hearings to make their case for
refugee status. Although there were no reports of bona fide refugees seeking first
asylum being turned away, NGO sources have expressed concern that some oithose
found not to be bona fide refugees — primarily Congolese — were rejected because of
poor quality translation or ambiguous questions that trapped or misled otherwise
qualified refugees. There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country
where they feared persecution.
There was a sharp increase in the number of Rwandan and Congolese asylum
seekers during December 1996 and the first quarter of the year. The Government
is increasingly wary of those who travel long distances to seek asylum in Malawi.
In February the Government decided that no further applications for asylum from
Rwandans would be considered. The Government also invoked the principle of first
country of asylum, as many of the Rwandans and Congolese either had requested
asylum in another country or had the opportunity to do so. In August refugees at
the center were told that they could choose to go home voluntarily or they would
be required to demonstrate fear of persecution on an individual basis. Many reg-
isterea their willingness to repatriate. In August security personnel turned up at
the center, and even though they did not interact with the refugees, approximately
600 refugees fied, fearing forced repatriation. After additional assurances that any
repatriation would be voluntary, some refugees returned to the camp. By mid-Sep-
tember 57 Rwandans had registered their willingness to repatriate, and a screening
process had begun for those unwilling to repatriate.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens are generally able to exercise this constitutional right. Malawi has uni-
versal suffrage for citizens 18 years of age and older. There were allegations of vote
buying and intimidation during by-elections.
President Muluzi, Vice President Justin Malewezi, and a 25-member Cabinet ex-
ercise executive authority. The Second Vice Presidency remains vacant following the
resignation of Chakufwa Chihana and the collapse of the UDF-AFORD coalition.
While the executive and the legislature were elected in free, democratic elections,
the executive in fact exerted considerable influence over the legislature. In Novem-
ber 1996, the Minister of Local Affairs reaffirmed the Government's commitment to
the ongoing reorganization of local government structures, but the Government has
taken no steps to date to organize local elections, raising the possibility of further
postponement. In July the Minister of Local Government announced that, to hold
down costs, local government elections would be postponed and would be held con-
currently with the May 1999 presidential and parliamentary elections. Since that
announcement, debate over representative local government has intensified among
the Cabinet, opposition parties, NGO's, and the electoral commission. The commis-
sion has questioned the postponement, arguing that there would be confusion if
local and national elections were held simultaneously in 1999. Although the Govern-
202
ment does not prevent the operation of opposition political parties, the parties have
alleged that the Government utilizes bribery and other inducements to encourage
opposition party divisions and defections of key personnel to the UDF.
There are no laws that restrict the participation of women or minorities in the
political process. However, there are very few women in prominent government posi-
tions. Only two ministers and two deputy ministers are women, and there are nine
women in the National Assembly. The Parliamentary Women's Caucus has worked
effectively with the Law Reform Commissioner on draft legislation to bring laws into
compliance with constitutional guarantees protecting women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of local and international human rights groups operated without
government restriction, training civic educators, advocating changes to existing laws
and cultural practices, and investigating and publishing their findings on human
rights cases. Government officials are generally cooperative and responsive to their
views.
The Ombudsman is mandated by the Constitution to investigate and take legal
action against government officials responsible for human rights violations and
other abuses. However, the Ombudsman's freedom of action was circumscribed by
legislation that requires a warrant and a 3-day waiting period to gain access to cer-
tain government records. The Constitution also provides for a National Compensa-
tion Tribunal (NCT) to entertain claims of criminal and civil liability against the
former government. As of August, the NCT estimated that it would need $35 million
to cover the estimated 7,000 filed claims; to date, only 15 percent of these claims
have been resolved. Other large sums were disbursed to settle non-NCT lawsuits
against the Government for similar human rights violations. However, the promi-
nence of many of the recipients raised concerns of favoritism. With two members
named, the constitutionally mandated Human Rights Commission, also entrusted
with monitoring and protecting against violations of constitutional rights, had bare-
ly begun to function by year's end and awaits further legislation on membership and
procedures.
The Inspectorate of Prisons and local oreanizations monitor police behavior and
prison conditions without government interference.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution specifically provides for equal rights for women; forbids discrimi-
nation based on language, culture, or religion; and generally provides every citizen
the right to equality and recognition before the law. In practice the capacity of gov-
ernment institutions to assure equal rights for all citizens is limited.
Women. — Spousal abuse, especially wife beating, is common. Malawian society has
begun to take problems of violence against women more seriously. The press pub-
lished more frequent accounts of rape and abuse, and the judiciary imposed heavier
penalties on those convicted of rape. However, domestic violence is not discussed
openly by women, reportedly even among themselves, and there are no confidential
shelters or facilities for treatment of women who suffer physical or sexual abuse.
Police do not normally intervene in domestic disputes.
Under the new Constitution, women have the right to full and equal protection
by law and may not be discriminated against on the basis of their sex or marital
status. In practice, however, discrimination against women is pervasive, and women
do not have opportunities equal to those available to men. Women have significantly
lower levels of literacy, education, political representation, formal and nontradi-
tional employment opportunities, and access to resources to increase agricultural
productivity.
Women, especially in rural areas, historically have been unable to complete even
a primary education and are therefore at a serious disadvantage in the job market.
In education, accepted economic and social practice hampers the ability of women
and girls to succeed. In the 15—45 age group, female literacy is less than 35 percent.
Male literacy is about 45 percent. Girls drop out of school more frequently than
boys, and in the last year of primary school, only about 25 percent of all students
are girls. Despite recent significant gains in girls' education, large gaps remain be-
tween girls' and boys' achievement. Still, there have been signs of improvement in
education for girls. Girls are now entering first grade in the same proportion as
boys, and 39 percent of the secondary school entrants are girls.
Women often do not have equal access to legal and financial assistance, and wives
are often victims of discriminatory inheritance practices in which the majority of the
estate is taken unlawfully by the deceased husoand's family. Women are usually at
1
203
a disadvantage in marriage, family, and property rights but have begun to speak
out against abuse and discrimination. Female-headed households are disproportion-
ately represented in the bottom quarter of income distribution. In a country where
85 percent of the population is rural, 70 percent of the rural female population farm
full-time. Typically, women work more hours than men to complete the same farm
tasks because they rarely have the improved tools and equipment and remain re-
sponsible for all household tasks. Women have limited access to agricultural exten-
sion services, training, and credit. Some progress has been made in all of these
areas with gender training for agricultural extension workers and the gradual intro-
duction of rural credit schemes for women. The participation of women in the lim-
ited formal labor market is particularly constrained. Women make up less than 5
percent of the country's managerial and administrative cadres.
Women face significant health challenges. Malawi has a high maternal mortality
rate. AIDS is a major threat, and females in the 15 to 24 age bracket are six times
more likely to be HIV positive than men.
The Law Reform Commissioner has undertaken a review of legislation that dis-
criminates against women and has proposed legislation to bring the law into compli-
ance with new constitutional standards. In November Parliament passed an affili-
ation bill that raised the minimum level of child support.
The Government addresses women's concerns through the Ministry of Women,
Youth, and Community Services. The National Commission on Women in Develop-
ment coordinates government and NGO activities. The inaugural meeting of the
Gender Initiative Network (GEN) was held in March. The GIN attempts to bring to-
gether the largely urban women's rights activists and the overwhelming rural ma-
jority to discuss common interests.
Children. — The Constitution provides for equal treatment of children under the
law, and the Government greatly increased spending on children's health and wel-
fare. The Government established free primary education for all children in 1994,
although education is not compulsory. Well over half of the country's children live
in poverty, mostly in rural areas. Children in rural, female-headed households are
among the poorest. A few charitable organizations attempted to reduce the number
of child beggars in urban areas and find alternative care for them. The problem of
street children worsened as the number of orphans whose parents died from HIV/
AIDS increased. In 1995 there were an estimated 140,000 children who had lost
their mother to AIDS, and this is expected to increase to 300,000 by 2000.
Only a third of children are within relatively close access to safe drinking water.
The infant mortality rate is high. Child malnutrition is a serious problem.
There are societal patterns of abuse of children. A few small ethnic groups prac-
tice female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health. The media
have also begun to report on the sexual abuse of children, especially in relation to
traditional practices of initiation. While rites to initiate girls into their future adult
roles are still shrouded in secrecy, emerging data suggest that abusive practices are
widespread and more damaging than previously believed. Also the belief that chil-
dren are unlikely to be HIV positive contributes to the sexual abuse of minors. Na-
tional data on AIDS cases show that adolescent girls are three to four times more
likely than adolescent boys to be HIV positive or to suffer from AIDS.
In November Parliament passed an affiliation bill, which raised the minimum
level of child support.
People With Disabilities. — The Government has not mandated accessibility to
buildings and services for the disabled, but one of the national goals listed in the
new Constitution is to support the disabled through greater access to public places,
fair opportunities in employment, and full participation in all spheres of society. The
Ministry of Education has expressed interest in beginning special education pro-
grams, but funding to implement them is uncertain. Special schools and training
centers, which assist individuals with disabilities, and several self-supporting busi-
nesses run by and for the disabled have existed for some time.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Malawians of African heritage are members
of indigenous tribes and are not discriminated against by government or society.
Former restrictions on where Asians could live and work are now unconstitutional,
(see Section 2.d.).
The (government considered various proposals on temporary employment permits
for expatriates but has yet to clarify its policy and procedures. The Government's
decision not to automatically renew the permits caused concern and sometimes
hardship to businessmen, teachers, health workers, and missionaries. Business resi-
dence permits are readily granted to new investors.
204
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Although signed into law in May 1996, the Labor
Relations Act did not enter into force because the Ministry failed to publish a notice
establishing the date the legislation was to take effect. TTius, labor issues continue
to be covered by the old legislation. Workers have the legal right to form and join
trade unions, but unions must register with the Ministry of Labor and Manpower
Development (MOLMD). Unionization is on the rise, but resistance on the part of
many employers remained. Army personnel and police may not belong to trade
unions, but other civil servants are allowed to form unions. There were 13 reg-
istered trade unions. Given the low percentage of the work force in the formal sector
(about 12 percent), plus the lack of awareness of worker rights and union benefits,
only a minuscule percentage of the work force are union members. Unions are inde-
pendent of the Government, parties, and other political forces. Although there are
no restrictions on the number of union federations, Malawi has only one, the Malawi
Congress of Trade Unions (MCTU). All unions are affiliated with it. According to
the MOLMD, there are no unusually difficult registration procedures that would
prevent a trade union from registering.
Members of registered unions in "essential services" have the right to strike after
having carried out prescribed procedures. Essential services are nowhere specified;
they are determinea by the Minister of Labor. The Trade Union Act requires that
labor disputes in essential services be reported in writing to the Minister of Labor,
who then attempts to negotiate a settlement. He may refer the case to a tribunal
within 28 days of receiving the dispute report if it is not possible to reconcile the
parties. The law implies that if a trade dispute has gone through this process, and
if it has not been resolved or referred to a tribunal, workers in essential services
may strike. There were several strikes, especially in the public sector, with no clear
agreement on which ones were legal. As the Trade Union Act requires that unions
must approve strikes by secret ballot, all the strikes may have been illegal.
In April the Government intimidated civil servant strikers by, among other
things, dispersing them with tear gas and police dogs, prohibiting them from assem-
bling peacefully outside their places of work, arresting activists on dubious grounds,
and suspending or transferring strike leaders in an effort to break the union. The
civil servants returned to work without resolving any of the outstanding issues.
Through the end of the year, the Government and union continued to talk sporadi-
cally.
Laws do not specifically prohibit retaliation against strikers. There is no prohibi-
tion on actions against unions that are not legally registered. Arbitration rulings are
legally enforceable.
Unions may form or join federations and affiliate with international organizations
with government permission.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^Unions have the right to or-
ganize. The right to bargain collectively, although practiced, is only implied and not
expressly protected by law.
The Ministry of Labor sets minimum wage rates based on recommendations of the
Tripartite Wages Advisory Board.
The law pronibits antiunion discrimination by employers, but there are no effec-
tive mechanisms for resolving complaints, and there is no legal requirement that
employers reinstate workers dismissed because of union activities.
In August 1995, Parliament approved legislation to establish export processing
zones (EPZ's); six were operational by year's end. The full range of labor legislation
applies to the EPZ's.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government does not specifi-
cally prohibit forced and bonded labor oy children, but there were no reports that
it occurred outside the agricultural sector (see Section 6.d.). The new Constitution
prohibits forced labor, and such labor is generally not employed.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices ana Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but there
are no reports that it occurred outside the agricultural sector. The Constitution de-
fines children as those under the age of 16 years and prohibits the employment of
children in work that is hazardous, harmful, industrial, or interferes with their edu-
cation. However, while primary education is now free and universal, it is not com-
pulsory. Less than 20 percent of children finish primary school, which runs from age
6 to age 13. Enforcement by police and labor inspectors in the MOLMD is not effec-
tive because of budgetary constraints. There is significant child labor on tobacco and
tea estates, subsistence farms, and in domestic service. There is no special legal re-
striction on children's daytime work hours.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There are two legislated minimum wage rates.
The urban minimum wage is roughly $0.68 (MK11.85) per day, including $0.05 for
205
rent; in all other areas it is roughly $0.49 (MK8.50) per day, including $0.05 for
rent. These waees are insufficient to support a worker and family. Moreover, the
MOLiMD is unable effectively to enforce the minimum wage. The prescribed mini-
mum wages are lai^ely irrelevant for the great majority of citizens who earn their
livelihood outside the formal wage sector. Wage earners tend to supplement their
incomes through farming activities carried out through the extended family net-
work.
The maximum legal workweek is 48 hours, with a mandatory weekly 24-hour rest
period. The laws require payment for overtime work and prohibit excessive compul-
sory overtime. However, labor inspections are more the exception than the rule, and
the statutory restrictions are frequently violated.
The Workers' Compensation Act includes extensive occupational health and safety
standards. Enforcement of these standards by the MOLMD is erratic, and workers —
particularly in industrial jobs — often work without basic safety clothing and equip-
ment. MOLMD officials say that workers have the right to remove themselves from
dangerous work situations without jeopardy to continued employment. However,
given the low level of education of most workers and the high level of unemploy-
ment, they are unlikely to exercise this right. Workers dismissed for filing com-
plaints about workplace conditions can theoretically file a complaint with the near-
est labor office or sue the employer for wrongful dismissal.
MALI
Mali is a constitutional democracy. President Alpha Oumar Konare was reelected
to a s6cond 5-year term in May. The Government held first-round legislative elec-
tions in April, but the Constitutional Court canceled the results due to poor organi-
zation of tne polling process. The Government subsequently held legislative elections
in July and August. A collective of 18 opposition parties boycotted both the presi-
dential and legislative elections, which were administratively fiawed but considered
generally free and without evident fraud. Numerous opposition parties, however, did
participate. The ruling party, the Alliance for Democracy in Mali (ADEMA), domi-
nates tne newly elected National Assembly, which includes representatives of oppo-
sition and ADEMA-aligned parties. The President reappointed Prime Minister
Ibrahim Boubacar Keita as head of government. The Government named a new cab-
inet in September that includes opposition and ADEMA-aligned members. The 1995
peace agreement between the Government and Tuareg and Maur rebel groups re-
mained in force. The Government continues to exert influence on the judiciary.
Security forces are composed of the army, air force. Gendarmerie, the National
Guard, and the police. The army and air force are under the control of the civilian
Minister of the Armed Forces and Veterans, as are the Gendarmerie and the Na-
tional Guard. The police are under the Ministry of Territorial Administration and
Security. The police and gendarmes share responsibility for internal security.
Mali is a very poor country with a market-based economy. Most of the work force
is employed in the agricultural sector, particularly farming and animal husbandry,
making the country highly dependent upon adequate rainfall for its economic well-
being. The principal exports are cotton, livestock, and gold, which are the country's
leading sources of foreign exchange. There is a very small industrial sector, largely
based on the manufacture of textiles, beverages, and processed food products. The
Gross National Product is approximately $270 per capita, which provides most of
the population with a low standard of living. Tne Government continues to make
progress in implementing reforms aimed at modernizing the economy. Nevertheless,
the country is still beset by economic problems, including a poor infrastructure and
heavy dependence upon foreign assistance. Social limitations, including a current es-
timated literacy rate of roughly 20 percent and a high population growth rate, also
contribute to poverty.
The Government generally respected constitutional provisions for freedom of
speech, press, assembly, association, and religion. However, prison conditions are
poor, and the judicial system's large case backlog results in long periods of pretrial
detention. The executive branch retains influence over the judiciary. However, dur-
ing the year, the Constitutional Court demonstrated independence by rejecting sev-
eral items submitted by the National Assembly pertaining to electoral and adminis-
trative matters. Election related violence resulted in the deaths of four persons. So-
cial and cultural factors continued to sharply limit economic and educational oppor-
tunities for most women. In September the Government upgraded the former Com-
mission for the Promotion of Women to become the Ministry for the Promotion of
Women, Children, and the Family. However, societal violence against women and
206
children, including spousal abuse and female genital mutilation (FGM), is wide-
spread.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — On May 11, a bomb exploded in a
crowded Bamako market on the day of the presidential elections, killing a 12-year-
old vendor and wounding several other persons. On July 20, unidentified person(s)
shot into a group of people outside a polling station in San on the day of the legisla-
tive elections, killing two persons and wounding several others. In neither instance
have the assailants been identified.
On August 10, a mob beat a police officer to death in Bamako outside an opposi-
tion party meeting. The police subsequently arrested 10 opposition party officials for
inciting violence against a police officer and for failing to assist a person in peril.
The Prosecutor General released the 10 on bail on October 3; further investigation
is underway. At year's end, the judicial system was reviewing the case to determine
whether to proceed with a trial.
In March there were three incidents where mobs attacked four individuals ac-
cused of using magical powers to reduce the size of male sex organs or make them
disappear. On March 28, an individual died as a result of a mob beating; two per-
petrators were subsequently arrested.
There were no developments in the 1994 deaths of the Swiss Cooperation Mission
director and his two Malian colleagues, who were killed by an army patrol in
Niaftinke. A government mission of inquiry into their deaths determined that the
actions were unwarranted and unjustified. However, to date, the Government has
taken no action to expedite the case, which remains on file at a regional court. In
March 1996, President Konare ofiered a public apology, which was accepted by the
Swiss Government. The latter subsequently resumed its assistance program after a
year's suspension.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, and the authorities generally respect
these provisions. However, in August police officers assaulted a group of journalists
(see Section 2.a.).
Prison conditions are poor. Prisons continue to be characterized by overcrowding,
inadequate medical facilities, and limited food supplies. They remain below mini-
mum international standards. In Bamako juvenile offenders are usually held in the
same prison as adult offenders but are kept in separate cells. Women are housed
in the same prison facility as men but live in a separate compound. In regional pris-
ons outside the capital, men and women are housed in the same building out in sep-
arate cells. In these facilities, children share cells with adult prisoners of the same
sex.
Several organizations, including the Malian Association of Human Rights, the Ma-
lian Association of Women Jurists, and other nongovernmental organizations visited
prisoners and are working with women and juvenile prisoners to improve their con-
ditions. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) continued to visit
leading members of the former government.
A report released by Amnesty International (AI) in December accuses the Govern-
ment of instances of torture. The Government denied the charges and requested AI
to visit the country to investigate its claims. The opposition generally agreed with
the report. There were no media reports of torture during the year.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides that suspects
must be charged or released within 48 hours and are entitled to counsel. In practice,
however, detainees are not always charged within the 48-hour period. Moreover, ad-
ministrative backlogs and insufiicient lawyers, judges, and courts often cause
lengthy delays in bringing people to trial. In extreme cases, individuals have re-
mained several years in prison before coming to trial. Judicial warrants are required
for arrest. Local lawyers have estimated that about half of prison inmates are pre-
trial detainees. Limited rights of bail or the granting of conditional liberty exist,
particularly for minor crimes and civil matters. On occasion the authorities release
defendants on their own recognizance.
In October and November, President Konare pardoned, freed on bail or conditional
liberty, or dropped charges against 62 opposition officials. On December 8, he com-
muted death sentences against all 21 individuals under threat of this penalty, in-
cluding former President Moussa Traore and General Coulibaly. On December 26,
he pardoned former Minister of Defense, General Mamadou Coulibaly, as a pre-
Ramadon humanitarian gesture.
1
/ 207
Former first lady Mariam Traore and former Customs Commissioner Douah Abra-
ham Sissoko, who were placed under detention following the fall of the Moussa
Traore regime in 1991, remain under detention. In 1997 they were charged with
"economic crimes," including "abuse of a position of power," and "illicit enrichment."
Their cases have not come to trial and remain under review by the Civil Chamber
of Investigation.
The Government does not practice forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but the executive branch continues to exert influence over the juaicial system.
The Ministry of Justice appoints iudges and supervises both law enforcement and
judicial fiinctions, and the Presiaent heads the Superior Judicial Council, which
oversees judicial activity. During the July and August electoral period, President
Konare resp>ected the Court's decisions on electoral law, even though the decisions
often went against his preferred course of action. During the year, the Constitu-
tional Court demonstrated its independence by rejecting several items submitted by
the National Assembly pertaining to electoral ana admmistrative matters. In Janu-
ary the Court ruled that citizens of members of the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS) could not vote in Malian elections; the National Assembly
deputies in multicandidate districts must be elected nationwide by one system — ei-
ther by majority vote or proportionally; and that independent candidates could run
in all elections. In September the Court ruled that a simple majority rather than
a two-thirds majority could adopt ordinary laws; that National Assembly debates
could not be held in local languages due to the status of French as the nation's offi-
cial language; and that the National Assembly could not remove deputies from office
for failure to attend sessions.
The Supreme Court has both judicial and administrative px)wers. The Constitution
established a separate Constitutional Court which oversees issues of constitutional-
ity and acts as an election arbiter. The Constitution also provides for the convening
of a High Court of Justice with the power to try senior government ofTicials in cases
of treason.
Except in the case of minors, trials are public, and defendants have the right to
be present and have an attorney of their choice. Defendants are presumed innocent
and have the right to confront witnesses and to appeal decisions to the Supreme
Court. Court-appointed attorneys are provided for the indigent without charge. The
maiority of disputes in rural areas are decided by the village chief in consultation
with the elders. If these decisions are challenged in court, only those found to have
legal merit are upheld.
Women and minorities are not discriminated against in courts, but traditional
practice discriminates against women in inheritance matters.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of the home, and the Government respects
this right in practice. Police searches are infrequent and require judicial warrants.
Security forces do, however, maintain physical and technical surveillance of individ-
uals and groups believed to be threats to internal security, including surveillance
of telephone and written correspondence of individuals deemed to be a threat to na-
tional security.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. There are ap-
f)roximately 40 independent newspapers and journals, in French, Arabic, and local
anguages. There are five daily newspapers: three are independent, one is allied
with the ruling party, and one is government controlled.
The Government controls one television station and one of many radio stations,
but all present a wide range of views, including those critical of the Government,
the President, the Prime Minister, and other politicians.
Fifteen independent radio stations exist in Bamako, and there are approximately
40 additional stations throughout the country. Two private television companies re-
broadcast French, British, South African, and American television programs, includ-
ing news bulletins. The Government made little progress toward private television
licensing during the year.
Laws passed in 1993 regulate the press and provide for substantial penalties, in-
cluding imprisonment, for slander and for public injury to the Head ot State, other
officials, and foreign diplomats; these laws leave injury undefined and subject to ju-
dicial interpretation.
On August 11, police officers assaulted and detained for 2 hours a group of jour-
nalists attending a press conference at the headquarters of an opposition party in
208
Bamako. Two of the journalists sustained injuries. On the following day, the Gov-
ernment apologized for the incident; the 40 to 50 police officers involved were for-
mally reprimanded for their actions. The event occurred 1 day after a mob outside
an opposition meeting beat a police officer to death.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Grovernment generally respects them in practice. On April 16,
the police prevented the opposition from marchmg in protest over the mismanaged
legislative election. While political meetings take place openly, in a local decision,
the Gtovemor of Bamako announced in mid-year that no permits would be issued
for political rallies during the period prior to the legislative elections due to the fear
of mob violence. The restriction applied to the remainder of the election campaign
(May to August) after previous rallies had turned violent. Nonetheless, several oppo-
sition rallies were held during the period of prohibition; police sometimes used tear
gas to disperse illegal gatherings. Following the election period, permits for rallies
were issued, includmg one for a December 28 march and rally held by a collective
of opposition political parties.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion and de-
clares Mali to be a secular state. The Government does not discriminate on religious
grounds, and citizens are free to practice their faiths. Although legal restrictions on
the Baha'i faith still exist, the Government does not enforce them, and Baha'i wor-
ship freely. The Minister of Territorial Administration and Security can prohibit re-
ligious publications that he concludes defame another religion, but there were no
known instances of publications being prohibited.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government gen-
ereilly respects them in practice. The Government generally does not restrict inter-
nal movement, and does not restrict international travel. However, police routinely
stop and check both citizens and foreigners to restrict the movement of contraband
and to verify vehicle registrations. Some police and gendarmes use the occasion to
extort bribes.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. Although Mali has no legislation regarding refugee asylum and resettlement,
the Government, in practice, provides first asylum for refugees. Those granted refu-
gee status by the UNHCR are permitted to remain, albeit in a legal vacuum due
to the absence of resettlement legislation. There were no reports of forced return
of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
As many as 15,000 Mauritanian refugees remain in Mali, although their status
has not been formalized because the Government does not recognize them as refu-
gees. They are being assisted by NGO's and the UNHCR, which is also facilitating
their voluntary repatriation.
The Government has cooperated with the UNHCR in repatriating Malian Tuaregs
from neighboring countries. More than 111,000 refugees have returned spontane-
ously or with UNHCR assistance. The remaining 33,500 Malian refugees are ex-
pected to repatriate by early 1998.
Mali hosts approximately 2,000 Sierra Leonians and Liberians, 1,600 of whom are
registered with the UNHCR as refugees. The status of the remaining 400, who have
requested asylum, is yet to be determined.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government and did so for the first time
in 1992. In May citizens elected President Alpha Oumar Konare to a second 5-year
term by secret ballot in elections that were open to all, well-administered, and free
of evident fraud and manipulation. Eight candidates competed for the presidency,
although six asked to withdraw on the day before the election. The Constitutional
Court refused their request, but permitted their names to be deleted from the an-
nounced balloting totals.
The Constitutional Court canceled the results of legislative elections held in April
due to the poor organization of the polling process. The Government subsequently
held the elections on July 20 and August 3. A collective of opposition px)litical par-
ties consisting of 18 opposition parties boycotted both the presidential and the legis-
lative elections; 17 parties participated in the legislative elections and 8 won seats
in the National Assembly. In several instances, however, opposition candidates ran
on the same slate as candidates from the maiority party, the Alliance for Democracy
in Mali. ADEMA holds 130 of 147 seats in the National Assembly, with 12 held by
allied parties and 5 held by opposition parties.
209
Under the Constitution, the President is Chief of State and Commander-in-Chief
of the armed forces and is elected for a term of 5 years with a Hmit of two terms.
The President appoints the Prime Minister.
There are no restrictions on voting, legal or otherwise, for women or minorities.
However, women are underrepresented in politics. A total of 18 women hold seats
in the 147-member National Assembly, compared with 3 elected in 1992. Six cabinet
members are women. Nomadic peoples, including Fulani and Taureg, are rep-
resented in both the Cabinet and National Assembly. The President of the Assembly
is Fulani.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Independent human rights organizations — including the Malian Association for
Human Rights (AMDH), a smaller Malian League of Human Rights, and a local
chapter of Amnesty International — operate openly and without interference from the
Government. Since 1994 the Government has held an annual Democracy Forum in
December to which it invited citizens to voice discontent and grievances against the
Government publicly in the presence of international human rights observers. The
events are well attended by local citizens from all walks of life who speak freely.
International media and human rights observers were present at the forum. The
ICRC has an office in Bamako and has strengthened its presence in the north by
opening offices in Timbuktu and Gao.
Held on December 10, the annual Democracy Forum received live radio and tele-
vision coverage for its 12-hour session. A panel of international jurors reviewed 92
questions on government performance ana human rights, questioning government
ministers on the slowness of the judicial system, insufficient number of judges, and
Eoor prison conditions. The Minister of Justice responded that he had closed the
[idal prison, built new prisons, and undertaken a review of the judicial system.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on social origin, color, language,
sex, or race, and the Government respects these provisions in practice. However, so-
cial and cultural factors give men a dominant role.
Women. — Although the Constitution prohibits discrimination based on sex and
provides for the basic rights of all persons, violence against women, including wife
beating, is tolerated and common.
Women's access to jobs in the professions and government, and to economic and
educational opportunities has traditionally been limited. Women's groups held a se-
ries of workshops and seminars that assisted in increasing enrollment of girls in the
primary schools. For example a 1995-96 national demographic and health survey
found that 81 percent of women between the ages of 15 and 49 received no edu-
cation (compared with 69.3 percent of men). Women comprise 15 percent of the labor
force. The Government, the major employer, pays women the same as men for simi-
lar work. Women oflen live under harsh conditions, especially in the rural areas,
where they perform hard farm work and do most of the cnildrearing. Despite legisla-
tion giving women equal rights regarding property, traditional practice and igno-
rance of the law prevent women from taking full advantage of this reform. In March
1996, the Government launched a 4-year national plan of action for the promotion
of women. The plan, financed by national, regional, and local community budgets,
seeks to reduce inequalities between men and women in six target areas, including
education, health, and legal rights. Under the plan there have oeen several work-
shops and seminars on relevant issues. On October 30, President Konare presided
at the opening of a workshop on women's rights to emphasize his Government's
commitment to enhancing the status of women.
There are numerous active women's groups that promote the rights of women and
children. In September the Government appointed six women to the rank of min-
ister in the new cabinet (see Section 3). Women have very limited access to legal
services. They are particularly vulnerable in cases of divorce, child custody, and in-
heritance rights, as well as in the general protection of civil rights.
Children. — Although primary education is compulsory through the sixth grade,
only one in two children receives basic education. Literacy rates among women,
however, remain low due to a low degree of adherence to this requirement, a lack
of primary schools, cultural tendencies to place less emphasis on education for
women, and the fact that most of the population live in rural areas. There is no
constitutional or legal provision to protect the interests and rights of children, and
no juvenile court system. However, the Malian Social Services Department inves-
tigates and intervenes in cases of reported child abuse or neglect.
210
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is still com-
mon, especially in rural areas, and is performed on girls at an early age. According
to the 1995-96 national demographic and health survey, at least 93.7 percent of
women have undergone this mutilation. The Government has not proposed legisla-
tion prohibiting FGM. However, it supports educational efforts to eliminate the
practice through seminars and conferences and provides media access to proponents
of its elimination. In December 1996, the Government formed a National Action
Committee to promote the eradication of harmful health practices against women
and children. The Committee actively engages in information and public awareness
canvpaigns, training, promotion of research, legislative reform, and support for
NGO's with related interest.
People With Disabilities. — There is no specific legislation protecting the rights of
the pnysically or mentally disabled, nor mandating accessibility. The Government
does not discriminate against the physically disabled in regard to employment, edu-
cation, and other state services. In October the Government sponsorea a month-long
solidarity campaign to promote the participation of the disabled in society and in-
creased employment opportunities for the disabled. Given the high unemployment
rate, however, the physically disabled are often unable to find work.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the Labor Code specifically
provide for the freedom of workers to form or join unions and protect freedom of
association. Only the military, the Gendarmerie, and the National Guard are ex-
cluded from forming unions. Virtually all salaried employees are organized. Workers
have established independent unions for teachers, magistrates, health workers, and
senior civil servants, and most are affiliated with the National Union of Malian
workers (UNTM) confederation. The UNTM has maintained its autonomy from the
Government.
Early this year, the UNTM fragmented following a dispute over leadership. In
September, however, 9 of the 12 component groups reconstituted the UNTM. Three
groups remain outside the main body, and continue to dispute the UNTM's direc-
tion.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike, although there are restrictions
in some areas. For example, civil servants and workers in state-owned enterprises
must give 2 weeks' notice of a planned strike and must enter into negotiations with
the employer and a third party, usually the Ministry of Labor. The Labor Code pro-
hibits retribution against strikers, and the Government respects this requirement
in practice. During the year, post office, teachers, police, and electrical workers
unions threatened to go on strike. Each subsequently negotiated and signed collec-
tive bargaining agreements.
Unions are free to associate with and participate in international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Coltectiuely. — The growth of independent
unions has led to more direct bargaining between these unions and their employers.
Wages and salaries, however, for those workers belonging to the UNTM unions are
set Dy tripartite negotiations between the Ministry of Labor, labor unions, and rep-
resentatives of the federation of employers of the sector to which the wages apply.
These negotiations usually set the pattern for unions outside the UNTM. The Min-
istiy of Labor acts as a mediator in labor disputes.
Neither the Constitution nor the Labor Code addresses the question of antiunion
discrimination, but there have been no reports or complaints of antiunion behavior
or activities. If the parties cannot come to agreement, the dispute goes to the Labor
Court for decision.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor. However, a history of de facto slavery in northern salt mining
communities has been reported. There is a hereditary service relationship between
members of the Bellah ethnic group and Taureg populations. There are reliable ac-
counts of incidents of Bellahs voluntarily leaving tneir Tuareg families and of rejoin-
ing the households of Tuaregs repatriated from neighboring countries. There were
no confirmed reports that Bellahs were bought and sold.
Although there have been no reports of forced or bonded child labor, apprentice-
ship, often in a family member's or a parent's vocation, begins at an early age, espe-
cially for children unable to attend school.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment adopted a Labor Code in 1996 that has specific policies pertaining to child
labor. The Labor Code prohibits forced or bonded child labor, and the authorities
enforce this provision through the use of labor inspectors. Inspectors from the Min-
211
istry of Employment, Public Service, and Labor conduct surprise and complaint-
based inspections. However, resource limitations restrict the frequency and efTec-
tiveness of oversight by the Labor Inspection Service and the Service operates only
in the modern sector (see Section 6.c.).
The Labor Code permits children between the ages of 12 and 14 to work up to
2 hours per day during school vacations with parental approval. Children between
the ages of 14 and 16 may work up to 4° hours per day with the permission of a
labor inspector, but not during nights, holidays, or Sundays. Children between the
ages of 16 and 18 may work in iobs that are not physically demanding; males may
work up to 8 hours per day and females up to 6 hours per day.
These regulations are often ignored in practice. Moreover, the Labor Code has no
effect on the vast number of children who work in rural areas, helping with family
farms and herds, and in the informal sector, e.g., street vending. These children are
not protected by laws against unjust compensation, excessive hours, or capricious
discharge.
Education is free and in principle is open to all, although the majority of students
leave school by the age of 12. While primary school is compulsory, it is only avail-
able to one-half of the children. Child labor predominates in the agricultural sector,
and to a lesser degree in crafts and trades apprenticeships, and cottage industries.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code specifies conditions of employ-
ment, including hours, wages, and social security, but in practice many employers
either ignore or do not comply completely with tne regulations. The national mini-
mum wage rate, set in 1994, is approximately $40 (cfa 21,000) per month. Workers
must be paid overtime for additional hours. The minimum wage is supplemented
by a required package of benefits, including social security and health care. While
this total package could provide a minimum standard of living for one person, in
practice most wage earners support large extended families and must supplement
their income by some subsistence farming or work in the informal sector.
The normal legal workweek is 40 hours (45 hours for agricultural employees),
with a requirement for at least one 24-hour rest period. The Social Security Code
provides a broad range of legal protection against hazards in the workplace, and
workers' groups have Drought pressure on employers to respect parts of tne regula-
tions, particularly those affecting personal hygiene. With unemployment high, how-
ever, workers are often reluctant to report violations of occupational safety regula-
tions. The Labor Inspection Service of the Ministry of Labor oversees these stand-
ards but limits enforcement to the modern, formal sector. Workers have the right
to remove themselves from dangerous work situations and request an investigation
by the Social Security Department, which is responsible for recommending remedial
action where deemed necessary.
MAURITANIA
Mauritania is an Islamic republic. The 1991 Constitution provides for a civilian
government composed of a dominant executive branch, a Senate and National As-
sembly, and an independent judiciary. President Maaouya Ould Sid'Ahmed Taya
has governed since 1984, first as head of a military junta, and since the 1992
multiparty election as head of a civilian government. (Jn December 12, Taya was
reelected President, receiving over 90 percent of the vote, running against four other
candidates. The election was widely regarded as fraudulent and was boycotted by
the Opposition Front (a five party coalition). Most opposition parties boycotted ear-
lier parliamentary elections, but participated in Senate elections in 1994 and 1996;
they gained only one seat. In the country's first multiparty legislative elections held
in October 1996, 1 opposition and 6 independent candidates were elected to the 79-
member National Assembly. The outcome of these elections was marred by fraud
on all sides and pervasive government intervention, representing a backward step
in the country's efforts to establish a pluralist democracy. The judiciary is subject
to significant pressure from the executive through its ability to influence judges.
The Government maintains order with regular armed forces, the National Guard,
the Gendarmerie (a specialized corps of paramilitary police), and the police. The
Ministry of Defense directs the armed forces and Gendarmerie; the Ministry of Inte-
rior directs the National Guard and police. The armed forces are responsible for na-
tional defense. The National Guard performs police functions throughout the coun-
try in areas in which city police are not present. The Gendarmerie is a paramilitary
group responsible for maintenance of civil order in and outside metropolitan areas.
Security forces are under the full control of the Government and responsible to it.
Some members of the security forces committed human rights abuses.
212
Mauritania, with a population of 2.4 million, has a generally market-oriented
economy based on subsistence farming, herding, and a small commercial sector. Fish
and iron ore are the country's main export-earners. Drought, desertification, insect
infestation, rapid urbanization, extensive unemployment, pervasive poverty, and a
burdensome foreign debt handicap the economy. Severe drought in 1996—1997 fueled
urbanization, furtner straining government finances. Annual per capita national in-
come has declined in recent years and is estimated at $503 (1996 figure). Mauri-
tania receives foreign assistance from bilateral and multilateral sources. A small
elite controls much of the country's wealth and commerce.
The Government's human rignts record remained poor, and problems remain in
certain areas. Democratic institutions remain rudimentary and the Government cir-
cumscribes citizens' ability to change their government. Police at times used exces-
sive force, beat or otherwise abused detainees, and used arbitrary arrest, incommu-
nicado prearraignment detention, and illegal searches. The Government failed to
bring to justice officials who commit abuses. Prison conditions are harsh and
unhealthy. Pretrial detention is often very lengthy. Although the Government insti-
tuted judicial programs and training, the executive continued to exercise significant
pressure on the judiciary, and in practice the right to a fair trial was restricted. The
Government suspended for lack of professionalism four judges who refused to recog-
nize the rights 01 former slaves. The Government broadened the scope for opposition
activity and improved access to government-owned media during tne election cam-
paign, but it continued to seize and suspend some publications, and limit freedom
of religion. Societal discrimination against women continued, and female genital
mutilation remained a serious problem despite government efforts to halt the prac-
tice. Ethnic tensions are gradually easing, but the Halpulaar, Soninke, and Wolof
ethnic groups are underre presented in political life and some feel excluded from ef-
fective political representation.
The Government continued efforts to resolve a serious abuse from the 1989-91 pe-
riod, in which approximately 70,000 Mauritanians were expelled or fled, by facilitat-
ing cooperation between the Mauritanian Red Crescent Association and the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), to assist returnees from the ref-
ugee camps in Senegal. The Government estimates that 30,000-35,000 have re-
turned; the UNHCR documented 25,970 total returnees to four provinces along the
Senegal River, but believes that the total number of returnees is significantly high-
er. The Government failed to address fully another major abuse from the 1989-1991
period, when 503 members of the military, mainly from the Halpulaar ethnic group,
were killed, tortured, and maimed. The Government in earlier years gave pensions
to the documented widows of those killed, but not to undocumented inaividuals
claiming to be additional wives. In 1996 the Government extended that benefit to
some of those who survived the purge. Further action on alleged wives, absent docu-
mentation, appears unlikely. A 1993 amnesty law precludes legal pursuit of those
responsible for the killings, and the Government does not acknowledge responsibil-
ity or wrongdoing nor has it provided honorable discharge papers to survivors or
other compensation to families of those killed.
A system of officially sanctioned slavery in which government and society join to
force individuals to serve masters does not exist; however, slavery in the form of
unofficial voluntary or forced and involuntary servitude persists. Many persons con-
tinue to live in conditions of unolTicial paid or unpaid servitude and many persons
still consider themselves to be slaves.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings.
On April 11, gendarmes shot a man crossing the Senegal River from Senegal to
Mauritania at Bababe, in the company of two others. He died after being trans-
ferred to the military hospital in Nouakchott. The Government maintained that he
was a thief and smuggler. A human rights group reported that the man knew the
fendarmes and was shot because he had refused to pay them a bribe (see Section
.c).
On November 17, the Coast Guard fired on Senegalese fishermen in Mauritanian
waters, killing 1 person and wounding as many as 10. The Coast Guard called on
the men to stop but they did not. The individual died while trying to fiee.
Extrajudicial killings from past years remained unresolved, principally the 1990-
91 deaths while in military custody of 503 largely Halpulaar and Soninke military
personnel and civilians detained in the investigation of an alleged coup attempt. In
1993, the Government began to provide pension benefits to some of the widows and
213
families of those killed, and in 1996 the Government recognized the prior govern-
ment service of some of the civilian survivors and began to pay them pensions. The
military has not released the results of its 1991 internal investigation, and in 1993
Parliament passed an amnesty bill to preclude legal pursuit of those responsible.
The Government has not acknowledged responsibility or wrongdoing nor has it pro-
vided honorable discharge papers to survivors to facilitate alternative employment
and their reintegration into society.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture and other forms of cruel or inhuman punishment, but the
police continue on occasion to beat criminal suspects while in custody. There were
credible reports that police tortured some of those arrested in June 1996 for drug
trafficking during^ pretrial detention, however, there are no reports of such abuse
during the year. Methods of torture included beatings and around the clock ques-
tioning. Authorities have not tried or punished persons suspected of committing
such abuses. Police in some instances used force to break up peaceful demonstra-
tions or disperse crowds. Military forces along the Senegal River used excessive
force against individuals suspected of smuggling. Authorities have not tried or pun-
ished persons suspected of committing such abuses. The Government's failure to
bring to justice officials who commit abuses and fail to observe legal procedures has
contributed to the widespread belief that security officials are a force apart from
government authority and not subject to legal restraints. The armed forces produced
m May and distributed to troops a guide on proper conduct for soldiers, under the
auspices of the Mauritanian Red Crescent.
Prison conditions are harsh and do not meet minimum international standards.
There is severe overcrowding, poor sanitation, and inadequate medical treatment.
The independent press and human rights activists periodically report the deaths of
prison inmates; authorities cite natural causes, although witnesses claimed to have
evidence of mistreatment. Prisoners from European countries receive privileged
treatment but those from other African countries are often treated worse than
Mauritanians. The central prison in Nouakchott, built for a prison population of 300
men, now houses more than 650 prisoners. Observers report better conditions at the
women's prison and children's detention center in Nouakchott. The Government is
enlarging the central prison in Nouakchott, constructing individual and group cells,
lodging lor prison wardens, an infirmary, a sports recreation area, and sanitary fa-
cilities. A new prison in Akjoujt is nearing completion.
The Government permits prison visits by diplomats and human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution stipulates that authori-
ties cannot arrest, detain, prosecute, or punish anyone except as provided for under
the law; however, at times police arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens. The ac-
tual application of the constitutional safeguards continued to vary widely from case
to case.
The law requires that courts review the legality of a person's detention within 48
hours of arrest. The police may extend the period for another 48 hours, and a pros-
ecutor or court may detain persons for up to 30 days in national security cases. Only
after the prosecutor submits charges does a suspect have the right to contact an at-
torney.
Human rights activists report that police are showing greater respect for legally
mandated procedures. Pretrial detention after arraignment is extensive. According
to an appeal written by prisoners in the Nouakchott prison, only 130 of the inmates
have received a sentence, and 450 have not received a trial, but observers believe
that the actual number to be lower.
Some indicted prisoners are released before trial without explanation; familial,
tribal, or political connections may explain some of these cases. There is a provision
for granting bail, but it is rarely used.
From January 21-30, police arrested nine individuals suspected of illegal ties to
Libya, one of them the leader of the opposition political party. Action pour le
Changement. They were arrested under a 1991 decree stating that political parties
may not cooperate with foreign parties in a way incompatible with the law. Initially
held under incommunicado prearraignment detention, three were released 8 days
after their arrest; another was released later. Five stood trial in F'ebruary and re-
ceived sentences ranging from a 3-week suspended sentence to 6 months in jail. An
appeals court overturned four of the five convictions in April. The fifth person
served out his 6-month sentence.
In May security forces detained and approximately 60 university students for
their involvement in student protests at the University of Nouakchott. Eleven of
these students were then sent to their villages and held under house arrest there.
All were released at the end of the school term in June without being able to take
214
their final examinations. Security forces reportedly repeatedly arrested and later re-
leased a few other students.
In April the Government detained under house arrest 15 teachers' union officials;
all were released by July (see Section 6.b.).
Occasional reports of arbitrary arrests and intimidation committed by security
forces continued, particularly among returned refugees in communities along the
Senegal River, but the extent of abuses declined, as the Government, in conjunction
with the UNHCR and Mauritanian Red Crescent society, resettled many returnees
(see Section 2.d.). Local authorities often detained local residents involved in land
disputes, or in disputes between farmers and nomads along the river.
T^ie Government does not employ forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution provides for the inde-
pendence of the judiciary, in practice the executive branch exercises significant pres-
sure on the judiciary through its ability to appoint and influence judges. In addition
the judicial system's fairness is limited by poorly educated and poorly trained judges
who are susceptible to social, financial, tribal, and personal pressures.
There is a single system of courts, having introduced a modernized legal system
that conforms with the principles of Shari a. The judicial system includes lower,
middle, and upper level courts, each with specific jurisdictions. Departmental, re-
gional, and labor tribunals are the principal instances at the lower level. The 53 de-
f>artmental tribunals, composed of a president and magistrates with traditional Is-
amic legal training, hear civil cases involving sums less than $72 (10,000 UM) and
family issues (e.g., domestic, divorce, and inheritance cases). Thirteen regional tribu-
nals accept appeals in commercial and civil matters from the departmental tribu-
nals and hear misdemeanors. Three labor tribunals, composed oi a president and
two assessors (one who represents labor and one who represents employers), serve
as final arbiters for labor aisputes. At the middle level, three courts of appeal, each
with two chambers (a civil and commercial chamber, and a mixed chaniber) hear
appeals from the regional courts and have original jurisdiction for felonies. Nomi-
nally independent, the Supreme Court is headed by a magistrate appointed to a 5-
year term oy the President. The Supreme Court reviews decisions and rulings made
by the courts of appeal to determine their compliance with the law and procedure.
Constitutional review is the purview of a six-member Constitutional Council, com-
gosed of three members named by the President, two by the National Assembly
resident, and one by the Senate President. Annual review of judicial decisions is
undertaken by the Supreme Council of the Magistrature, over which the President
presides; the president and senior vice president of the Supreme Court, the Minister
of Justice, three magistrates, and representatives from the Senate and National As-
sembly are members of this Council. The annual review is intended to determine
whether courts applied the law correctly and followed proper procedures.
The Constitution provides for due process and the presumption of innocence until
proven guilty by an established tribunal. All defendants, regardless of the court or
their ability to pay, have the legal right to representation by counsel during the pro-
ceedings, which are open to the public. If defendants lack the ability to pay for coun-
sel, the court appoints an attorney, from a list prepared by the National Order of
Lawyers, who provides defense free of charge. The law provides that defendants
may confront witnesses, present evidence, and appeal their sentences, and these
rights are generally observed in practice.
Because Shari'a provides the legal principles upon which the law and legal proce-
dure are based, courts do not in all cases treat women as equals of men, for exam-
ple, the testimony of two women is necessary to equal that of one man. In addition
in awarding an indemnity to the family of a woman who has been killed, the courts
grant only naif the amount they would award for a man's death. There are no fe-
male magistrates. However, for commercial and other modem issues not specifically
addressed by Shari'a, the law and courts treat women and men equally.
With international assistance, the Government continued a program to improve
judicial performance and independence, consisting of organizing all laws and stat-
utes into a single reference text and training officials throughout the justice system.
Three training programs began to improve the skills of magistrates. In February the
Government held its first workshop on judicial reform. Two hundred judicial officials
have also embarked on training. Thirty new judges, all university law graduates,
began a 2-year training program at the National School of Administration. Within
President Taya's current term, the investment, administration, commercial, civil,
and arbitrage/banking codes are to be updated and made cohesive. Popular dis-
satisfaction with the judicial system and the belief that security officials can commit
abuses with impunity persisted.
Early in 1997, the Government formally suspended four magistrates for lack of
professionalism, because in custody cases involving the children of slaves, they had
215
awarded custody to the fathers, who were also the former masters in disregard of
the law. The decision dated from December 28, 1996, but was published in the Jour-
nal Oniciel on March 30.
A Mauritanian arrested in January as part of the sweep of pro-Libyan activists
was sentenced in February to a 6-month prison term for activity opposed to Mauri-
tania's relations with Israel.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
requires judicial warrants in order to execute home searches, but the authorities
often ignore this requirement.
Government surveillance of dissidents and the political opposition is believed to
continue, although the extent to which the Government used informants is un-
known.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, but the Government continues to restrict these rights through
prepublication press censorship by the Interior Ministry. NGO's and the privately
owned press openly criticized the Government and its leaders. Antigovemment
tracts, newsletters, and petitions circulated widely in Nouakchott and other towns.
All newspapers and political parties must register with the Ministry of the Inte-
rior. Although the Government did not refuse to register any journal, it suspended
from April 26 to May 25 the right to publish of the independent weekly, Mauritanie
Nouvelles, seized its September 25 to October 5 editions, and again suspended it in
October for 3 months. On June 23, La Verite and its Arabic version, Al-Bushra, both
known to be close to the Government, were shut down permanently and their assets
seized. Fourteen instances of censorship involving 8 newspapers also took place,
compared with 18 in 1996.
At least 42 independent, privately owned newspapers, including 3 new French
language and 14 new Arabic language publications, appeared or reappeared during
the year, many on an irregular basis. These journals are weeklies, published in Ara-
bic or French, and reach limited audiences. Mauritanie Nouvelles introduced an Ar-
abic version in July. Readership of the independent press increased, in particular
during the electoral period. Independent journals reported openly and critically on
the opposition and government alike, and published party declarations and tracts
without government censure or restraint. The President's Ramadan speech in Janu-
ary launched a widespread, open debate on slavery. Several hundred newspaper ar-
ticles on the subject subsequently appeared without censure; one was ceiisored by
the Government.
The Ministry of the Interior reviews all newspaper copy prior to publication. The
Press Law provides that the Minister of the Interior can stop publication of material
discrediting Islam or threatening national security. Although the Ministry did not
excise material from journals or otherwise censor individual articles, the authorities
seized 17 individual issues of various journals; by comparison, in 1996, 23 individual
issues were seized. The Government provided no specific reason for the seizures. A
new regulation in August mandated that newspapers and journals also must be
cleared through the Ministry of Justice prior to publication, with two copies for the
public prosecutor's office and five for other Ministry of Justice officials. The Ministry
authorizes sales and distribution within 2 to 3 days.
The electronic media (radio and television) and two daily newspapers. Horizons
and Chaab, are government-owned and operated. Radio is the most important me-
dium in reaching the public, and the official media strongly support government
policies. During the presidential election campaign, the Government gave all five
candidates equal access to its two newspapers and to the electronic media; for the
first time, citizens heard or read criticisms of both the Government and the Presi-
dent in these media and not just in the independent newspapers. Opposition parties'
access to government radio broadcast facilities at other times is limited, but Radio
France International broadcasts interviews with government opponents on FM. Citi-
zens can watch television broadcasts on stations from France, the United States,
and other Arab countries without special antennae. The Government denied private
applications to establish radio stations.
The one university is government funded and operated. Academic freedom is gen-
erally respected, and there were no cases in which the Government prevented re-
search or publication, or censored lectures.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government generally respects this right, although
there were occasions when it restricted public gatherings. The law requires that all
216
recognized political parties and NGO's apply to the local prefect for permission for
large meetings or assemblies. Permission is generally freely granted.
The National Guard and police used force and tear gas to disperse crowds and
to maintain order during the high school student protests that took place in early
March in Nouakchott and in the interior, sparked by discontent over fuel price hikes
that raised the cost of transportation. Police reportedly used violence on the Univer-
sity of Nouakchott campus during the university student strike in May. On May 4,
50 students came to the U.S. Embassy to present their case. One student was in-
jured when police dispersed them.
The two recognized labor confederations and two teachers unions held Labor Day
rallies. The unregistered Free Confederation of Mauritanian Workers (CLTM) was
given permission to march with one of the two confederations but declined and in-
stead became involved in a sculTle with police (see Section 6. a.). The opposition held
public marches and demonstrations without incident.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, however, the Government
circumscribes the efiorts of some groups by denying them official recognition. The
number of political parties, labor unions, and NGO's continued to increase. Some 21
political parties and a wide array of NGO's, many of them highly critical of the Gov-
ernment, met openly, issued public statements, and chose their own leadership. New
regulations issued by the Government in 1996 to facilitate the establishment of
NGO's engaged in economic and social development, environmental protection, and
humanitarian assistance were published on February 28. These streamlined proce-
dures facilitated the recognition of several existing NGO's and led to the estaolish-
ment and recognition of a large number of new NGO's. The Government has not
yet granted some NGO's oflicial standing but allowed them to operate. Registration
of some NGO's is pending the determination of modalities related to the new law.
Among these is the Mauritanian Association for Human Rights- the Government
claims that it appeals to specific ethnic groups, namely the Afro-Mauritanian com-
munity, and is a potentially divisive force. The Government also has not recognized
two antislavery NGO's, the independent SOS-Esclaves and the progovemment Na-
tional Committee for the Eradication of the Vestiges of Slavery in Mauritania. How-
ever, the Government allows these associations to function, issue reports and state-
ments, and, in the case of SOS-Esclaves, assist individuals in their dealings with
the Government to resolve m-oblems.
c. Freedom of Religion.— The 1991 Constitution established Mauritania as an Is-
lamic republic and decrees that Islam is the religion of its people and the State. All
but a small number of citizens are Sunni Muslims and are prohibited by their reli-
gion from converting to another religion. The Government prohibits proselytizing by
non-Muslims. Christian churches nave been established in Nouakchott, Atar,
Zouerate, Nouadhibou, and Rosso. The expatriate community of Christians and the
few citizens who are considered Christians from birth practice their religion openly
and freely in these churches. Muslims freely attend Christian weddings and funer-
als when invited and on occasion have performed the formal witness role at Catholic
weddings. The possession of Bibles and other Christian religious materials in pri-
vate homes is not illegal, but the Government views any attempts by Christians to
convert Muslims as undermining Mauritanian society. The authorities carried out
immediate investigations and provided enhanced protection to a Christian NGO that
received two written death threats in July and August but no arrests were made.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom oimovement and residence with-
in all parts of the territory, and provides for the freedom to enter and leave. Histori-
cally there were few restrictions on travel in Mauritania's nomadic society. With ur-
banization and automobile travel, the Government set up regular road checkpoints
where the Gendarmerie checks papers of travelers. The Government imposed no
nighttime curfews.
The Government cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organiza-
tions in assisting refugees. The Government provided first asylum to refugees from
many countries. There were no reports of refugees being forced to return to a coun-
try where they feared persecution. The UNHCK completed its repatriation program
of Malian refugees from Mauritania in early June and closed its last camp for Ma-
lian refugees in eastern Mauritania on June 30. The Government is willing to per-
mit the estimated 2,000 Malians, who did not choose earlier repatriation, to stay
in Mauritania.
Of the approximately 70,000 Afro-Mauritanians who were expelled by Mauritania
or fled to Senegal and Mali during the 1989-91 crisis, and of those bom abroad
since then, the Government estimates that 30,000 to 35,000 have returned, 7,000
during the year. The UNHCR has documented 24,970 persons who had returned to
villages in four provinces along the Senegal River by November 17. The UNHCR
217
lacks access to many returnee sites and keeps no statistics on the number of persons
returning to urban areas. Nomads are also difficult to document. Many entire vil-
lages as well as almost all Peulh (nomadic herders of the Halpulaar ethnic group)
have returned. Based on a 1995 census in Senegal, the UNHCR estimates that
60,000 to 65,000 Mauritanians remain in Senegal, including 15,000 children bom
there since 1989, and from 10,000 to 15,000 Mauritanian Halpulaars remain in
Mali. Of these, an unknown number have permanently integrated into the local pop-
ulations of their asylum countries. The Government has stated since 1993 that any
Mauritanian outside the country may return. However, the Government, the coun-
tries of asylum, and the UNHCK have signed no tripartite repatriation agreement.
Under the UNHCR-funded, 2-year "special plan for rapid insertion" (PSIR) begun
in mid- 1996 to assist returnees, the Mauritanian Red Crescent, the UNHCR, and
NGO's have undertaken over 113 small agriculture, water, health, education, and
construction projects in 77 villages to assist returnees. Cooperation by local authori-
ties in addressing restitution and citizenship matters varies greatly, depending on
individual officials and the returnee's region.
Repatriation efforts have achieved greater results in the Trarza and Brakna re-
gions than in Gorgol and Guidimaka to the east. Many returnees received their
original homes, some property, and a portion of their land. Restoration of identity
papers in a timely manner has varied, and some of those repatriated who returned
in 1995 have not vet received identification cards. In some regions, persons lacking
identity cards could not travel freely.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government, but
the Government circumscribes it in practice. The 1992 multiparty election of a civil-
ian president ended 14 years of military rule, but both the opposition and inter-
national observers concluded that the elections were fraudulent. Although civilians
fill all ministerial-level positions, some members of the former Military Council, in
addition to President Taya, remained in positions of power within the executive
branch, the National Assembly, the armed forces, and government-owned enter-
prises. The armed forces continued to provide strong support to the regime. The
Government denied elements of the opposition the opportunity to receive full access
to government media and to compete on an equal footing.
The country's first multiparty legislative elections were held in October 1996.
Only 1 opposition and 6 independent candidates were elected to the 79-member Na-
tional Assembly. The outcome of the elections was marred by fraud on all sides and
pervasive government intervention to support candidates from the ruling PRDS
party. After the Government announced that presidential elections would take place
on December 12, the anniversary of the 1984 coup, a coalition of five opposition par-
ties announced on June 26 that it intended to boycott the election unless certain
demands were met. These requirements included enhanced media access, an opposi-
tion role in election preparation, creation of an independent electoral commission,
enlarging the commission charged with electoral list revision, and provision of offi-
cial copies of the voting report from each polling station to representatives of each
candidate. The Government granted the opposition full access to its media but did
not meet the other demands. Five individuals, including a 1992 presidential and an
Afro-Mauritanian for the first time, ran for president. The Government sent teams
to cover each candidate's campaign, and all received equal treatment in the official
electronic and print media as well as the usual treatment in the independent press.
President Taya won an overwhelming victory, although his opponents fared much
better in the cities than in the rural areas. The official turnout of 75 percent and
winning percentage of 90 percent were infiated, since many individuals voted more
than once.
Women have the right to vote, and formed the majority of voters in the presi-
dential election. Many are active in election campaigns. There are increasing num-
bers of women in senior government positions, including one cabinet member, two
secretaries-general, two senior presidential advisors (including a Halpulaar), and
four senior advisors to ministers. Women are well represented in the Secretariat of
Women's Affairs, including a number of Halpulaar women. There are three female
members of the National Assembly (including one Haratine and one Soninke from
the Forgeron caste), but no female senators. Halpulaars, Soninkes, and Wolofs are
underrepresented in senior government positions. Of the Government's 19 ministe-
rial posts, 2 incumbents are Haratine, 2 Halpulaar, and 1 Soninke; the remainder
are of either White Moor or of mixed White Moor/Haratine ethnicity (see Section
5). The full 23-member Cabinet, including secretaries of state has 2 Haratines, 2
218
Halpulaars, and 1 Soninke. The Afro-Mauritanian and Haratine population provides
13 National Assembly deputies and 10 senators.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are an increasing number of human rights organizations; they operate
without government restriction. The oldest is the Mauritanian League for Human
Rights, an independent but government-recognized body. In February it published
a report that scrutinized the legacy of slavery and listed legislation pertaining to
it. A second and still unrecognized organization, the Mauritanian Human Rights As-
sociation (AMDH), while not affiliated with the opposition, has many opposition
members. It has been more critical of the Government than the League, particularly
on the unresolved abuses of the 1989-91 period.
Other organizations, including 10 unregistered associations, also address human
rights issues. The pan-African organization Gerddes-Africa, or International Study
and Research Group on Democracy and Economic and Social Development in Africa,
established a branch in Mauritania in 1994. Two other groups, SOS-Esclaves and
the National Committee for the Struggle Against the Vestiges of Slavery in Mauri-
tania, focus their efforts on overcoming the country^s vestiges of slavery (see Section
6.C.). SOS-Esclaves was particularly active in drawing public attention to this issue,
issuing in March a report detailing its activities and a petition appealing to national
and international audiences to support measures to eradicate slavery. SOS-Esclaves
also intervened effectively with government authorities to push resolution of some
of the cases, in particular child custody cases, brought to the organization by former
slaves.
The Committee of Solidarity with the Victims of Repression in Mauritania is con-
cerned with the plight of the 1989 expellees. The Consultative Group for the Return
of the Refugees was founded to promote the return of the remaining Mauritanian
refiigees in Senegal. The Collective of Workers Victims of the 1989 Events seeks re-
dress for government employees who lost their jobs in the events of 1989. The Com-
mittee of the Widows and the Collective of Survivors focus on the suflerings of the
victims of the 1990-91 military purge and their families. The Collective of Survivors
of Political Detention and Torture (CRADPOCIT) was established in 1996 to seek
redress for abuses committed during the 1986-87 period. These, and other groups
of individuals with common concerns, function openly and actively, but their efforts
are somewhat circumscribed because they are not ofiicially recognized (see Section
2.b.). Ten organizations created an umbrella organization, the Reseau Nationale des
Droits de UHomme in April to coordinate on human rights issues. Both registered
and unregistered NGO's attended sessions of the African Commission of Human and
People's Rights, which met in Nouakchott in June, but initially the Government de-
nied access to unregistered groups.
Representatives from a varietv of European, African, American, and Arab human
rights organizations visited Mauritania. Antislavery International, the African
American Institute, the American Jewish Committee , the International Committee
of the Red Cross, and the International Labor Organization (ILO) were among these
visitors. In March Africare signed an agreement with the Government to establish
an office in Nouakchott. These groups were allowed free access, and there were no
reports of harassment or reprisal against Mauritanian interlocutors during or fol-
lowing the visits.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equality before the law for all citizens, regardless
of race, national origin, sex, or social status, and prohibits racially or ethnically
based propaganda. In practice the Government often favors individuals on the basis
of ethnic and tribal afliliation, social status, and political ties. Societal discrimina-
tion against women, strongly rooted in traditional society, is endemic, although the
situation is improving.
Women. — Human rights monitors and female lawyers report that physical mis-
treatment of women by their husbands is rare. The police and judiciary occasionally
intervene in domestic abuse cases, but women in traditional society rarely seek legal
redress, relying instead upon family and ethnic group members to resolve domestic
disputes. The incidence of reported rape is low. It occurs, but newspaper accounts
of attacks are rare.
Women have legal rights to property and child custody, and, among the more
modem and urbanized population, these rights are recognized. By local tradition, a
woman's first marriage, but not subsequent marriages, requires parental consent.
In accordance with Shari'a, marriage and divorce do not require the woman's con-
219
sent, polygyny is allowed, and a woman does not have the right to refuse her hus-
band's wish to marry additional wives. In practice polygyny is very rare among
Moors but common among Afro-Mauritanians. Arranged marriages are also increas-
ingly rare, particularly among the Moor population. Women frequently initiate the
termination of a marriage, which most often is done by husband or wife by repudi-
ation rather than divorce. It is also common in Moor society for a woman to obtain,
at the time of marriage, a contractual agreement that stipulates that her husband
must agree to end their marriage if he chooses an additional wife. The rate of di-
vorce among Moors is estimated to be 37 percent and the remarriage rate after di-
vorce 72.5 percent.
Women still face some legal discrimination. For example, the testimony of two
women is necessary to equal that of one man, and the value placed on women's lives
in court-awarded indemnities is only half the amount awarded for a man's death
(see Section I.e.). Women do not face legal discrimination, however, in other areas
not specifically addressed by Shari'a. The Secretariat for Women's Affairs works
with many NGO's and cooperatives to improve the status of women. A booklet pub-
lished late in 1996 advises women of their rights.
There are no legal restrictions on the education of girls and women. Girls com-
prised 45 percent of all school enrollments in 1996—1997. Some 75 percent of school
age girls attended elementary school in 1996, up from 44.8 percent in 1990 (com-
pared with 85.9 percent for boys, up from 58.3 percent). At the secondary level, fe-
male students constituted 36 percent of those enrolled. Despite the increases, enroll-
ment in eastern Mauritania, the Brakna, and along the Senegal River remained at
a lower level. The (government introduced a special program in 1995-96 to boost fe-
male enrollment at the elementary level. Women made up 14.9 percent of the uni-
versity's 1996-97 enrollment, compared with 9 percent in 1990. Women also con-
stituted 26.5 percent of students enrolled in technical schools, compared with 2 per-
cent in 1990.
The Government seeks to open new employment opportunities for women in areas
that are traditionally filled by men, sucn as health care, communications, police,
and customs services.
The law provides that men and women receive equal pay for equal work. While
not universally applied in practice, the two largest employers, the civil service and
state mining company, respect this law. In the modem wage sector, women also re-
ceive generous family benefits, including 3 months of maternity leave.
Children. — The (Jovemment does not require attendance at school and a lack of
financial resources limits available educational opportunities. However, almost all
children, regardless of sex or ethnic group, attend Koranic school from the ages of
5 to 7 and gain at least rudimentary skills in reading and writing Arabic in addition
to memorizing Koranic verses.
The law makes special provisions for the protection of children's welfare, and the
(jovemment has programs to care for abandoned children. These programs are,
however, hampered by inadequate funding. The (government relies on foreign donors
in such areas as child immunization. Moreover, it does not enforce existing child
labor laws, and children perform a significant amount of labor in support of family
activities. There are isolated but credible press reports of parents agreeing, in ex-
change for money, to send their young children to work in foreign countries. The
most common cases are of boys between the ages of 8 and 10 years who are sent
to work as "camel jockeys" or herders in the United Arab Emirates or Qatar. In Oc-
tober the (jovemment discovered that 11 children between the ages of 3 and 5 years
had boarded a plane to Bamako for this purpose and alerted the Government of
Mali. The children were returned from Bamako. The parents, who had voluntarily
sent the children, were queried but no arrests were made (see Section 6.d.).
Traditional forms of mistreatment of females continue, mostly in isolated rural
communities, but these practices appear to be on the decline. Such mistreatment
consists of forced feeding of adolescent girls (gavage) and female genital mutilation
(FGM), which is widely condemned by international health experts as damaging to
both physical and psychological health. F'GM is performed most often on young girls,
often on the seventh day after birth and almost always before the age of 6 months,
and it is practiced among all ethnic groups except the Wolof. A March 1996 report
by the United Nations Population Fund cited Mauritania as a country in which 25
percent of the women undergo FGM, which was confirmed by a study in September
Dv Jeune Afrique Economique. Among Halpulaar women, over 95 percent undergo
FGM. The practice prevails among Soninke women as well. A broad foreign-funded
study is currently underway to obtain more precise details. Local experts agree that
the least severe form of excision is practiced, and not infibulation, the most severe
form of FGM. The practice of FGM has decreased in the modem urban sector.
220
It is the clear public policy of the Government, through the Secretariat of Wom-
en's Affairs, that FGM should be stopped, and the Government bars hospitals from
performing it. However, the Government does not attempt to interfere with the
practice. The Secretariat of Women's Affairs established a committee in June to
combat gavage and FGM. Public health workers and NGO's educate women to the
dangers of FGM and to the fact that FGM is not a requirement of Islam. A 1996
officially produced Guide to the Rights of Women in Mauritania (with religious en-
dorsement) stresses that Islam does not require FGM and that if medical experts
warn against it for medical reasons, it shoula not be done.
People With Disabilities. — The law does not specifically provide for people with
disabilities, and the Government does not mandate preference in employment or
education or public accessibility for disabled persons. It does, however, provide some
rehabilitation and other assistance for the disabled.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Ethnic minorities and low-caste individuals
among all ethnic groups confront societal discrimination. Ethnic and cultural ten-
sion and discrimination arise from the geographic and cultural line between tradi-
tionally nomadic Arabic-speaking (Hassaniya) Moor herders and Afro-Mauritanian
(Peuhl) herders of the Halpulaar group, and sedentary cultivators of the Halpulaar
(Toucouleur), Soninke, and Wolof ethnic groups in the south. Although culturally ho-
mogeneous, the Moors are divided among numerous ethno-linguistic clan groups and
are racially distinguished as White Moors and Black Moors. The majority of what
are known as Black Moors are Haratine, literally "one who has been freed," al-
though some Black Moor families were never enslaved. The Halpulaar (the largest
Afro-Mauritanian group), the Wolof, and the Soninke ethnic groups are concentrated
in the south. "White" Moors, large numbers of whom are dark-skinned after cen-
turies of intermarriage with members of Sub-Saharan African groups, dominate po-
sitions in government, business, and the cler^. The Halpulaar, Soninke, and Wolof
ethnic groups are underrepresented in the military and security sectors.
Ethnic tensions surfaced dramatically in the mass expulsions of Afro-
Mauritanians in 1989-90 and the purge of Afro-Mauritanians from the military in
1991. Few regained their positions.
The Constitution designates Arabic along with F*ulaar, Soninke, and Wolof as
Mauritania's national languages. Successive governments — both civil and military —
have pursued various policies of "Arabization" in the schools and in the workplace.
Non-Arabic-speaking ethnic groups have protested this policy, as have Arabic-speak-
ing groups that want their children to ootain a bilingual Arabic-French education.
The Government provides bilingual Arabic-French programs where the community
demand is sufficient. Elementary school classes are also available in the other na-
tional languages in several localities.
Some hostility and bitterness from the explosive ethnic violence of the 1989-91
events persist between ethnic groups, although political coalitions among the groups
are increasingly important.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for freedom of association
and the right of citizens to join any political or labor organization. All workers ex-
cept members of the military and police are free to associate in and establish unions
at the local and national levels.
Prior to the 1993 amendment of the Labor Code, which repealed provisions re-
stricting trade union pluralism, the government-controlled labor central, the Union
of Mauritanian Workers (UTM), was the only labor confederation allowed by law.
Since 1993 six new labor confederations have been recognized and four unolYicial or
unrecognized unions formed. The UTM, which many workers still view as closely
allied with the Government and the Parti Republicain Democratique et Sociale
(PRDS), has lost ground to these organizations. The General Confederation of
Mauritanian Workers (CGTM), recognized in 1994 and with 23 member unions, is
not affiliated with any political party, although most of its members favor the oppo-
sition; it continued to gain considerably in strength during the year, in part because
of the UTM's internal discord. The Government, which previously subsidized only
the UTM, now provides funds also to the CGTM, proportional to its membership.
Both confederations supplied representatives to the country's four labor tribunals,
and the CGTM was included in most government deliberative or consultative bodies
in which the UTM alone has participated in the past. A third labor confederation,
the Free Confederation of Mauritanian Workers (CLTM), which was formed in 1995
and leans politically toward the opposition party, Action px)ur le Changement, has
not been recognized by the Government but is nevertheless allowed to function. The
CLTM complained in May of discrimination in the workplace and by the Govern-
ment in trade union activity. Several independent trade unions, in particular three
221
for teachers at the elementary, secondary, and university levels, were also active.
Seminars to educate the tripartite partners on responsible trade unionism and
democratic labor relations were held under foreign embassy and other sponsorship.
The bulk of the labor force is in the informal sector, with most workers engaged
in subsistence agriculture and animal husbandry; only 25 percent are employed in
the wage sector. However, nearly 90 percent of the inaustrial and commercial work-
ers are organized. The law provides workers with the right to strike, and there were
several strikes and partial work stoppages. Most strikes were settled quickly due
to limited worker and union resources. Authorities arrested secondary teachers who
threatened a strike in April and later cut their salaries. The law provides for tri-
partite arbitration committees composed of union, business, and government rep-
resentatives. Once all parties agree to arbitration, the committee may impose bind-
ing arbitration that automatically terminates any strike.
International trade union activity increased. The Government included both
CGTM and UTM representatives in its delegation to the ILO in June, and the ILO
conducted an extensive series of training workshops in which both confederations
participated as they did in 1996. The CGTM and UTM have applied for membership
m the ICFTU, but at year's end the applications are still pending. The UTM partici-
pated in regional labor organizations, and the CGTM has an application pending to
join the Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU).
The Government petitioned the United States for reconsideration of Generalized
System of Preferences (GSP) trade privileges in June. The United States revoked
GSP benefits in July 1993 for failure to respect freedom of association or to take
steps to eliminate forced labor, including vestiges of slavery (see Section 6.c.).
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides that unions
may freely organize workers without government or employer interference. General
or sectoral agreements on wages, working conditions, and social and medical bene-
fits are negotiated in tripartite discussions and formalized by government decree.
Wages and other benefits can also be negotiated bilaterally between employer and
union and the results of such negotiations are filed with the Directorate of Labor.
The Secondary School Teachers Union (SEPES) threatened to strike in April to
protest the Government's unwillingness to grant wage concessions and implement
Islamist dress and other practices in the schools. The Government threatened to dis-
miss teachers who struck, briefly occupied SIPES headquarters, and detained under
house arrest some 15 SIPES leaders. The Government linked SIPES to incitement
of student demonstrations in March over increased transportation costs arising from
fuel price rises. Some members of SIPES struck on May 7 for 2 hours without inci-
dent. All SEPES detainees had been released by July. When the National Order of
Lawyers threatened to strike in July, concessions were made and the strike was
averted.
Laws provide workers with protection against antiunion discrimination and em-
ployees or employers may bring labor disputes to three-person labor tribunals ad-
ministered jointly by the Ministries of Justice and Labor with the participation of
union and employer representatives.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Gk)vernment prohibits forced
and bonded labor, including by children, but does not enforce this prohibition effec-
tively in specific cases (also see Section 5).
Mauritanians continue to suffer the effects of generations of the practice of slav-
ery and of slave caste distinctions in both Moor and Afro-Mauritanian communities.
Slavery was officially abolished three times in Mauritania, most recently by the
post-independence government in 1980.
A system of officially sanctioned slavery in which government and society join to
force individuals to serve masters does not exist; however, slavery in the form of
unofficial voluntary or forced and involuntary servitude persists. Many persons con-
tinue to live in conditions of unofficial paid or unpaid servitude and many persons
still consider themselves to be slaves.
NGO positions on the existence of slavery are not uniform. For example, SOS-
Esclaves in an April report characterizes slavery as a persistent social reality,
whose occurrence among disadvantaged classes is far from negligible. The OAU's Af-
rican Commission on Human and People's Rights report issued in April disputed the
conclusions of SOS-Esclaves. While not dismissing the possibility of isolated cases
of slavery in the remote countryside, the Commission concluded that the persistence
of vestiges of slavery was the more convincing explanation of social relations. Anti-
Slavery International believes that there is insufficient evidence one way or the
other to conclude whether or not slavery exists, and that an in depth, long term
study was required to determine whether the practice continues.
222
Adult males cannot be obliged by law to remain with their masters nor can they
be returned if they leave. Adult females with children, however, may have greater
diiliculties and may be compelled by pressures other than physical force to remain
in a condition of servitude. For example, in some cases, former masters refijse to
allow children to accompany their mothers; in other cases, the greater economic re-
sponsibility of a family may be the principal impediment to seeking a new life. Chil-
dren's legal status is more tenuous than that of adults.
There were no reported cases of sales or "transfers" of individuals — often chil-
dren— from one employer or master to another. There were occasional confirmed
cases of "transfers" in 1996, but reports of sales are rare, cannot be confirmed, and
are confined to past years. In several highly publicized cases, children were returned
from former masters claiming to be their fathers to their mothers. The longstanding
case of Aichana Mint Abeid Boilil came to a close in January when her last child
was returned to her. In an inheritance case in Boutilimit, a young woman given to
the son of her former master, was returned to her family in Nouakchott.
Many citizens, whether Moor or Afro-Mauritanian, continue to call themselves
"slave" even though they are legally free to live and work where they choose. This
is exacerbated by the Government s weak record of enforcing the ban on slavery.
Many individuals still live with masters or former masters. Poverty, persistent
drought, and a weak economy provide few economic alternatives for many and leave
some former slaves open to possible exploitation by former masters. Significant
numbers, especially in the cities, work for former masters for a pittance or in ex-
change for room and board, clothing, and medical benefits. Some also receive gifts
on important family occasions such as births, marriages, and deaths. Invisible but
crippling psychological bonds make it difficult for many individuals, who have gen-
erations of lorebearers who were slaves, to think of themselves as free from former
masters. Because of religious instruction in the past, some individuals continue to
link themselves to former masters and fear religious sanction if that bond is broken
by anyone else.
"Slave" as a caste designation is common to all ethnic groups — Sub-Saharan Afro-
Mauritanian groups as well as Moor. The legacy of these caste distinctions continues
to affect the status and opportunities available to various groups of Mauritanians.
In some groups, for example, individuals of a higher caste who seek to marry some-
one of a lower caste may be barred by the community, and in Soninke communities
members of the slave caste cannot be buried in the same cemetery as other castes.
President Taya used his January 9 speech on the eve of Ramadan to publicly ad-
dress the issue of slavery and its legacy in Mauritania for the first time. The speech
aroused widespread public debate over the slavery question in newspapers and
among NGO's. Over 200 articles on the subject appeared. Only one newspaper, Al-
Akhbar on January 28, was censored for an article related to the debate.
The Government focuses on education, literacy, and agrarian reform as the main
means to eradicate the vestiges of slavery. Its record in cases in which an individ-
ual's civil rights are affected oecause of status as a former slave, however, is weak.
When complaints were filed with the Government to remedy cases involving deten-
tion of individuals against their will, the Government intervened in accordance with
the law, although sometimes only after considerable prodding and passage of time.
A mother appealed a February 1996 ruling by a magistrate in Brakna giving cus-
tody of her two children to a former master who claimed to be their father. He was
later determined actually to be their father and received custody. Determination of
such cases is problematic in a country where there is polygyny, "secret" marriages,
no written records, and divorce by repudiation. The courts are prepared to pursue
the concept of genetic testing to determine paternity, but no such cases have yet
been brought.
Three NGO's, SOS-Esclaves, the National Committee for the Struggle Against the
Vestiges of Slavery in Mauritania, and the Initiative for the Support of tne Activi-
ties of the President, had as their focus issues related to the history of slavery in
Mauritania. Of these, SOS-Esclaves was particularly active in bringing to public at-
tention cases in which it found the rights of former slaves to have been abridged,
and in assisting former slaves in their difficulties with former masters. Other
human rights and civic action NGO's also follow this issue closely. The independent
press, which includes journals that are published by Haratines and Afro-
Mauritanians who emphasize issues of importance to these ethnic groups, is also
quick to report any incident that comes to its attention in which the rights of former
slaves have not been respected.
Inheritance disputes between Haratines and the descendants of their former mas-
ters arose several times and were adjudicated in court. Most such disputes are de-
cided in accordance with the law, and rule that the descendants of the lormer slaves
223
should inherit their property. There has been no further action on the 1994 land
case that was still under review in 1996.
In a 1995 case, the Supreme Council of the Magistrature removed a magistrate
from the bench because he ruled, contrary to the law, that a former master, rather
than the former slave's descendants, should inherit the possessions of a former
slave. On December 28, 1996, the Supreme Council of the Magistrature removed the
magistrate in Kankossa from the bench because he refused to accept the provisions
of the 1980 law abolishing slavery. The Government censured for a human rights-
related cause at least one of the other three judges removed at the same time. The
removal of these magistrates emphasize to other judges that the provisions of the
1980 law apply.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The
Labor Code states explicitly that children must not be employed before the age of
14 unless the Minister of Labor grants an exception due to local circumstances. The
Government prohibits forced ana bonded labor oy children but does not enforce this
prohibition effectively in certain specific cases (see Sections 5 and 6.c.). The Govern-
ment has a functional labor inspectorate empowered to refer cases directly to the
appropriate judicial authorities. The Government lacks sufficient resources to en-
force existing child labor laws (see Section 5).
Education is not compulsory, and for financial and other reasons, 15 percent of
school-age children do not regularly attend government schools. Labor law specifies
that no child under the age of 13 years may be employed in the agricultural sector
without the permission of the Minister of Labor, nor under the age of 14 years in
the nonagricultural sector. The law provides that employed children between the
ages of 14 and 16 should receive 70 percent of the minimum wage, and those be-
tween the ages of 17 and 18 should receive 90 percent of the minimum wage.
Young children in the countryside commonly pursue herding, cultivation, fishing,
and other significant labor in support of their families' activities. In keeping with
longstanding tradition, many children serve apprenticeships in small industries and
in the informal sector. There is no child labor in the modern industrial sector.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage for adults is approxi-
mately $53.55 (8,300 ouguiya) per month) and has not been raised since 1992. It
is difficult for the average family to meet its minimum needs and maintain a decent
standard of living at this salary. The standard, legal, nonagricultural workweek
may not exceed either 40 hours or 6 days without overtime compensation, which is
paid at rates that are graduated according to the number of supplemental hours
worked. Domestic workers and certain other categories work 56 hours. The Labor
Directorate of the Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcement of the labor laws,
but in practice inadequate funding limits the effectiveness of the Directorate's en-
forcement.
The Ministry of Labor is also responsible for enforcing safety standards but does
so inconsistently, due to inadequate funding. In principle workers can remove them-
selves from hazardous conditions without risking loss of employment; in practice,
they cannot.
MAURITIUS
The Republic of Mauritius, a parliamentary democracy since 1968, is governed by
a Prime Minister, a Council of Ministers, and a National Assembly. The President,
who is nominated by the Prime Minister and confirmed by the National Assembly,
serves as Head of State, with largely ceremonial powers. Fair and orderly national
and local elections, supervised by an independent commission, take place at regular
intervals. There are numerous political parties and partisan politics is open and ro-
bust. The judiciary is independent.
A paramilitary Sfjecial Mobile Force under civilian control is responsible for inter-
nal security. This force, under the command of the Commissioner of Police, is
backed by a general duty police force. Both forces are largely apolitical and gen-
erally well trained. While human rights violations are infrequent, members of the
security forces committed some abuses.
The economy is based on labor-intensive, export-oriented manufacturing (mainly
textiles), as well as sugar and tourism. The standard of living is high, with average
per capita gross domestic product of approximately $3,400 per year. The Govern-
ment is successfully diversifying the economy by promoting investment in new sec-
tors such as information technology and financial services.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, but problem
areas remain. There continued to be occasional reports that police abused suspects
224
and detainees as well as delayed their access to defense counsel. Discrimination and
violence against women is a problem. In a significant step, in May the Government
passed legislation outlawing domestic violence. Child labor remains a problem. In
a jwsitive step, the Government decided to introduce human rights education in sec-
ondary schools and is now preparing a curriculum for introduction in 1998. In No-
vember police inspectors participated in the first human rights training seminar for
law enforcement ofiicials in the country.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
However, no progress was made in resolving the cases of two persons who died
in police custody, one in December 1996, the other in 1994. Human rights lawyers
asserted that the police were attempting to conceal the facts surrounding the deaths
and were not conducting thorough, unbiased investigations.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture and inhuman punishment, and authorities generally ob-
served it. However, there were approximately one dozen published reports of alleged
police brutality involving mistreatment of individuals, including suspects in custody.
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards.
The Government nas permitted prison visits by foreign diplomats, the national
ombudsman, a team from the U.N. Commission lor Human Rights, and the press.
The Government is investigating conditions and treatment in police holding cells.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention, and the Government generally observes these prohibitions. In
most cases, but not in all cases, suspects are provided prompt access to family and
defense counsel.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and the Government does not use it.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent iudi-
ciary, and the Government generally respects this provision in practice. The jud.icial
system consists of the Supreme Court, which has appellate powers, and a series of
lower courts. Final appeal niay be made to the Judicial Committee in the United
Kingdom (the Privy Council). There are no political or military courts.
The Constitution provides for the right to a fair trial, and an independent judici-
ary vigorously enforces this right. Defendants have the right to private or court-ap-
pointed counsel. The 1995 Dangerous Drugs Act, which would permit law enforce-
ment authorities to hold suspected drug traffickers for up to 36 hours without access
to bail or legal counsel, is undergoing judicial review and has not been implemented.
The constitutionality of the law may oe questioned.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these provisions, and violations are subject to legal sanction. Both human rights
lawyers and police authorities said that illegal entry by the intelligence apparatus
has ceased. The acting Commissioner of Police stated that police do not use illegal
wire taps on telephones.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects these rights in practice.
Debate in the National Assembly is lively and open. More than one dozen privately
owned newspapers presented varying political viewpoints and expressed partisan
views freely. The Government has the ability to counter press criticism by using
strict libel laws; however, the Ramgoolam Government has not invoked these meas-
ures to inhibit the press. Libel suits between private parties are common.
The government monopoly in broadcasting local news and programming contin-
ued, but it was undermined by a decision of the Supreme Court in July that is ex-
pected to result in the opening of broadcasting to private parties, except for local
news programming, whicn will remain under government control pending passage
of legislation for complete liberalization. The Government did not challenge the
Court's decision, and appears prepared to comply with it. Television and radio news
reporting maintained a progovernment slant, although the Mauritius Broadcasting
Corporation allowed opposition figures slightly more air time than it had previously.
Sky News from the United Kingdom and Canal Plus from France are available to
the public on a subscription basis.
The Government respects academic freedom.
225
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government generally respects them in practice. Police permis-
sion is required for demonstrations and mass meetings; sucn pjermission is rarely
refiised, and groups have the right to challenge denials. In June 1996, the Commis-
sioner of Police decided not to authorize a trade union march 12 hours before it was
to have begun. Police later informed union leaders that they would be prosecuted
because they had addressed the crowd that had gathered despite the ban. In August
the police demanded that the union leaders surrender their passports. They subse-
quently withdrew this demand. An inquiry began to determine who had initially in-
structed police to prosecute the trade unionists, but its results were not available
at year's end.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for tnese rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
There are no refugees. The Government considers asylum requests on a case-by-
case basis.
The issue of the provision of first asylum has never arisen. There were no reports
of forced return of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice. Free and fair national elec-
tions based on universal suffrage were held in December 1995. The remote and iso-
lated islands of Agalega and St. Brandon are an exception to universal suffrage.
Their nearly 500 citizens have no representation in the National Assembly.
In the National Assembly, up to eight members are appointed through a "best
loser" system to ensure that all ethnic groups are represented.
Of the 66 National Assembly seats, 6 are held by women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups are organized and active, and operate without
government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights
cases. Government officials cooperate with and respond to the views of human rights
groups.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution specifically prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, caste,
place of origin, political opinion, color, creed, or sex. The Government generally re-
spects these provisions. In a positive step, the Government decided to introduce
human rights education in secondary schools and is preparing a curriculum for in-
troduction in 1998.
Women. — Violence against women, particularly spousal abuse, is widespread, ac-
cording to the Ministry of Women's Rights and Family Welfare, attorneys, and non-
governmental organizations. In August the Government took a significant step to
address these problems by enacting legislation that outlawed domestic violence and
provided mechanisms to protect women and children in particular. Officials report
that the number of spousal abuse cases has been rising in the last 3 years due pri-
marily to better reporting. Between August and November, 66 protection orders
were issued and an additional 35 were under investigation.
Women have traditionally played subordinate roles in society, and societal dis-
crimination continues. Women do, however, have access to education, employment,
and government services.
Children. — The Government placed strong emphasis on the health and welfare of
children, and displayed a commitment to expand educational opportunities for chil-
dren. Education is mandatory up to the age of 12, and the Government plans to in-
crease this to the age of 15.
Incidents of child abuse are occasionally reported; private voluntary organizations
claim that the problem is more widespread than is publicly acknowledged. Most gov-
ernment programs are administered oy the state-funded National Children's Coun-
cil, which provides counseling, investigates reports of child abuse, and takes reme-
dial action to protect alTected children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other government services. The law
requires organizations that employ more than 10 persons to set aside at least 3 per-
226
cent of their positions for the disabled. The law does not require that work sites be
accessible to the disabled, making it diflicult for people with disabilities to fill many
jobs. There is no law mandating access to public buildings or facilities.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Tensions between the Hindu majority and
Creole and Muslim minorities persist but rarely lead to violence or open confronta-
tion. Creole and Muslim minorities attempted to keep public attention focused on
alleged societal injustices and Hindu discrimination against them. Some Creole po-
litical groups allege that they received unequal treatment from police, including
being subjected to a greater degree of force.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution explicitly protects the right of
workers to associate in trade unions, and there is an active trade union movement.
More than 300 unions represent over 100,000 workers, or about 20 percent of the
work force. Many of the unions are small, having less than 1,000 members. Eight
major labor federations serve as umbrella organizations for these smaller unions.
With the exception of members of the "disciplined force," namely, the police and the
Special Mobile Force, and persons in state services who are not public officers such
as contractors, workers are free to form and join unions and to organize in all sec-
tors including in the export processing zone (EPZ). Although only 10 percent of EPZ
workers are unionized, these workers are covered by national labor laws. The
Mauritian Labor Congress asserts that union membership is low in the EPZ in part
because employers in the EPZ intimidate employees and restrict access to union or-
ganizers. Labor unions are independent from the Government and press wage de-
mands, establish ties to domestic political parties, and address political issues.
Under the Industrial Relations Act (IRA), unions have the legal right to strike.
In practice, however, the IRA requires a 21-day cooling-off period, followed by bind-
ing arbitration, which has the eftect of making most strikes illegal. The IRA states
that worker participation in an unlawful strike is sufficient grounds for dismissal,
but workers may seek remedy in court if they believe that their dismissal is unjusti-
fied. There were no major strikes during the year.
Under the law, unions may and do establish ties with international labor bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law protects the right of
employees to bargain collectively with their employers. Wages are established by the
National Remuneration Board (NRB), whose chairman is appointed by the Minister
of Labor, but most unions are able to negotiate wages higher than those set by the
NRB. About 12 percent of the labor force works for national or local government.
The IRA prohibits antiunion discrimination. There is an arbitration tribunal that
handles any such complaints.
About 90,000 people work in the EPZ. While there are some EPZ-specific labor
laws, such as provisions allowing EPZ employers to request up to 10 hours per week
of paid overtime from their employees, workers in these firms enjoy the same basic
protections as workers in other firms.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is pro-
hibited by law, and not practiced in fact. Forced or bonded labor involving children
and domestic workers is prohibited by law and does not exist.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum age for employment of children is 15 years. However, children unable to
attend secondary school often seek apprenticeships in the trades. The Government
plans to increase mandatory education to 9 years of schooling, which would keep
children in school until the age of 15, rather than the current requirement, age 12.
There are also plans to establish vocational schools to train those who leave school
early.
The Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcement and conducts frequent in-
spections. Child labor in homes, on farms, and in shops is common in Rodrigues,
which is the principal problem area because of the difiiculty in monitoring. Forced
or bonded labor involving children and domestic workers is prohibited by law and
does not exist (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government administratively establishes
minimum wages, which vary according to the sector of employment, and it man-
dates minimum wage increases each year based on inflation. The minimum wage
for an unskilled worker in the EPZ is about $10.50 (231 rupees) per week, while
the lowest weekly wage for a non-EPZ worker is about $12.50 (274 rupees). This
is below the level needed to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and
family, but the actual market wage for most workers is much higher due to the
present labor shortage and collective bargaining. The standard legal workweek in
the industrial sector is 45 hours. In the EPZ, an employee may work an additional
10 hours per week, although at a higher hourly wage.
227
The Government sets health and safety standards, and Ministry of Labor ofTicials
inspect working conditions and ensure compliance with the 1988 Occupational Safe-
ty, Health, and Welfare Act. The small number of inspectors limits the (Jovem-
ment's enforcement ability, but through voluntary compliance the number of occupa-
tional accidents has been cut nearly in half since the act's passage. Workers have
the right to remove themselves from dangerous situations without jeopardy to con-
tinued employment.
MOZAMBIQUE
Mozambiaue has a constitutional government headed by President Joaquim
Chissano wno was elected in the country's first multiparty elections in October
1994. President Chissano and the leadership of his party, the Front for the Libera-
tion of Mozambique (FRELEMO), which has ruled the country since independence
in 1975, control policymaking and implementation. The National Assembly is the
only multiparty body besides the defense force, and it continued to provide useful
debate on national policy issues and began to generate proposals independently.
Further, the Assembly's FRELIMO majority began to exert some authority with the
executive with regard to policymaking. Although the foundations of democracy re-
main fragile, Mozambique's political transition continued to be largely successful
and reintegration of areas controlled by the Mozambican National Resistance
(RENAMO) during the war continued, with tensions limited to only a few districts.
The judiciary, on occasion, openly discussed its weaknesses, but it remained unable
to implement constitutional provisions safeguarding individual human rights or to
provide an effective check on the executive branch.
The lack of resources and political will has hampered the development of a non-
partisan professional military. There are several forces responsible for internal secu-
rity under the Minister of Interior — the Criminal Investigation Police (PIC), the
Mozambican National Police (PRM) and the Rapid Reaction Police (PIR). The State
Information and Security Service (SISE) reports directly to the President. These ill-
trained and ill-disciplined units continued to be the focus of much controversy.
Members of the security forces committed numerous human rights abuses.
Approximately 80 percent of the population is employed in agriculture, mostly on
a subsistence level. Major exports are shrimp, sugar, cotton, and cashew nuts. The
pace of transition to a market economy quicKened. Privatization of state-owned en-
terprises continued to advance. The gross domestic product grew 6.4 percent in 1996
and was forecast to grow at a similar rate in 1997. Inflation fell to 4.6 percent in
1997, down from 16.6 percent in 1996. Inflation through July was 5.3 percent. Al-
though the general economic outlook improved with good rains and a good harvest,
the economy and the Government's budget remained heavily dependent on foreign
aid; the economy had a $575 million traae deficit in 1996, down from a $613 million
trade deficit in 1995. Extensive corruption at all levels of the Government continued
to be a problem. The annual per capita income of around $93 remains very low, and
unemployment and underemployment are high.
While the status of political and civil liberties improved, the Government's overall
human rights record continued to be marred by a pattern of abusive behavior by
the security forces and an ineffective judicial system that is only nominally inde-
pendent from the FRELIMO-controlled executive. Poorly trained and undisciplined
police forces and local ofilcials continued to commit human rights abuses, including
extrajudicial killings, excessive use of force, and arbitrary detention. Security forces
and police routinely beat, tortured, or otherwise abused detainees, including street
children. Extremely harsh prison conditions resulted in the deaths of dozens of in-
mates. Arbitrary arrests and lengthy detentions without fair and expeditious trials
remained problems. The judiciary lacks qualified staff and resources, is inefficient,
does not ensure due process, and is subject to executive domination. The Govern-
ment infringed on citizens' privacy rights. The Government continued to restrict
press freedom; the media remained largely owned by the Government and state en-
terprises and manipulated by factions within the ruling party, but there was a
greater criticism of government policies and an increase in tne number of independ-
ent media sources. Also, with increased press and nongovernmental organization
(NGO) scrutiny, even more abuses by security forces came to light than in previous
years, and in some instances the Government investigated and punished tnose re-
sponsible. However, in view of the common perception that the police force is unreli-
able and corrupt, many citizens resorted to mob justice. The Government limited
freedom of assembly, and the law imposes some limits on freedom of association.
A U.N. Development Program (UNDP) project to reform the police, which included
228
training by the Spanish Guardia Civil, was suspended after an incident in which
police shot and killed a Spanish doctor (see Section l.a.). The program was re-
instituted later, and police retraining was expected to begin early in 1998. Societal
discrimination and violence against women, and violence against children remain
problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — ^There were no known cases of politi-
cal killings, but there were reports of extrajudicial killings. In July a provincial
RENAMO official charged that government officials killed two party members in
Manica province.
According to the Mozambican League of Human Rights (LDH), in July police were
responsible for the death in police custody of Issufo Aly and Carlos Cossa, who were
detained after trying to rob a motorist (see Section l.b.). After the LDH sent a letter
to Minister of the Interior Almerino Manhenje, the police stated that they would in-
vestigate the matter. Later police officials reported that the two men died in a car
accident while trying to escape. Their bodies were not recovered. The LDH reported
that its investigation revealed that the two men were shot and beaten to death by
police in a car in Matola, and that police agents intimidated and took money from
Aly's wife at her home the same night. Neither the police squadron commander nor
the Interior Ministry provided further explanations.
In July the LDH reported that Mendonca Rodolfo died after being beaten in a dis-
cotheque by a police officer from the Catembe police station. The case is still under
investigation.
In August a press report stated that police used truncheons to beat to death
Carlitos Guambe, an alleged thief, in a Maputo precinct police station, (government
officials have not investigated this case.
The LDH reported that 25-year-old Crescensio Sergio Muchange, an accused car
thief, was beaten, tortured, and killed while in police custody at Matola a few days
after his arrest on October 13. Muchange's family learned of his death in a radio
broadcast and allowed the LDH to photograph his battered corpse at the central
hospital morgue, where police failed to appear despite the League's appeal. The po-
lice failed to report any investigation of the case.
In January four police officers arrested and charged with the death of Frenque
Tchembene in June 1996 were found guilty and sentenced to 7 years in prison. The
tribunal court of the city of Maputo also ordered each officer to pay approximately
$390 (39 million meticais) to the victim's family. At year's end, the victim's family
had not received any money. The LDH reported that one officer was later released
from custody pending an appeal, promoted, and transferred to another police sta-
tion. Although in July the Interior Minister promised that he would reverse the pro-
motion, this did not take place, and the officer still works at the police investiga-
tions unit in Maputo.
A policeman accused of killing a Spanish doctor in 1996 was found guilty of man-
slaughter and sentenced to a year's imprisonment in December. He was also ordered
to pay an indemnification of about $390 (39 million meticais) in compensation to the
family of the victim.
Extremely harsh prison conditions led to the deaths of many persons in custody
(see Section I.e.).
Mob and vigilante killings continued to be common. For example, in August resi-
dents of a Maputo suburb beat to death a man accused of robbery. Several inde-
pendent press sources, as well as the LDH, reported that villagers in Macia district
nave buried alive at least three persons accused of theft or witchcraft. According to
the LDH, Macia residents have also forced other suspected criminals to swallow bat-
tery acid. There were reports during the year that Regulos (traditional chiefs) and
Curandeiros (traditional healers) had imposed and carried out death sentences
against persons accused of witchcraft, two of the cases in Macia.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
According to the League of Human Rights and family members, in July, Issufo
Aly and Carlos Cossa were last seen alive in police custody. The LDH accused the
police of killing the two men and disposing of their bodies. The authorities failed
to conduct a thorough investigation, claiming that the men died while trying to es-
cape. Aly and Cossa remained missing at year's end.
According to the LDH, Abdul Mota, a suspected car thief who disappeared in 1996
after an argument with an officer of the paramilitary "Lightning Brigade" died by
fire in a mined area.
229
There reportedly has been no investigation into the allegation that RENAMO
holds kidnaped children in Niassa province.
The fate of thousands of citizens who disappeared during the civil war still re-
mains unresolved.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution expressly prohibits torture and cruel or inhuman treatment, but
the police forces continued to commit serious abuses. The police often used excessive
force, and there were continuing reports that police routinely beat and whipped de-
tainees. In July Benedito Zinocacassa, the PRM chief of general staff, admitted that
police commit human rights abuses and violations. At a 5-week police training
course in February, district and precinct police commanders admitted that various
types of crimes and corruption are committed by police olTicers, including rape, ex-
tortion, theft, and bribe talcing. The Sunday weekly paper Domingo reported in June
that a policeman in a Maputo suburb beat and kicked a pregnant woman for walk-
ing in front of the precinct station. The precinct commander, Campiao Faduco, re-
ported that the officer had been arrested.
Corruption in the police forces extends throughout the ranks, and the PRM used
violence and detention to intimidate people from reporting abuses. In August during
a course on human rights. Interior Minister Almerino Manhenje denounced the ille-
gal and corrupt practices of the police force. In September the daily Diario de
Mocambique reported that a police officer supplied carjackers with arms for a July
carjacking incident. Other news sources reported similar cases of police collusion
with carjackers. In July 1996, the Director of the Criminal Investigation Police
(PIC), Domingos Maita, publicly stated that the police forces are infiltrated by crime
syndicates.
RENAMO officials continued to allege that on numerous occasions police har-
assed, detained, and beat RENAMO members (see Sections l.d., 2.b., and 3).
The vast majority of these cases were never investigated. However, on occasion
the Government took action to counter the abuses arising from police corruption and
excessive use of force. In August Jacinto Cuna, spokesperson for the Maputo city
f)olice command, announced that in an effort to combat rampant corruption, the po-
ice force had expelled 46 officers within the past 2 months for extortion, bribe tak-
ing, and drunkenness. There were isolated instances of disciplinary action in other
parts of the country. There were no developments in the case of the alleged police
torturers of the workers of the Mozambican National Airlines in 1995. The trial has
been delayed twice. Two of the victims are crippled for life.
Police continue to extort money from street vendors (predominately widowed and
divorced women), beating them and confiscating their produce. Police also continued
to beat street children (see Section 5).
In May the (jovemment used force to break up RENAMO demonstrations. Police
used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse the crowds.
In December the Interior Minister attacked the generalized misconduct of the
country's traffic police, especially for demanding bribes from motorists on the
Ressano Garcia highway and other roads. While there were no new reports, there
were credible 1996 reports that the paramilitary "Lightning Brigade" guarding the
Ressano Garcia-Maputo road continued to beat and torture suspected car thieves,
keeping them shackled for days without due process.
There were no reports of an official investigation into the 1996 allegations made
by Tome Femandes, a RENAMO official, that the police had intimidated RENAMO
members in Cabo Delgado province. As the charges were made by RENAMO, such
an investigation was unlikely.
There was no new information available on the status of the criminal case against
"PROTEG," a private security force, for torturing an official of the Commercial Bank
of Mozambique in 1994; the victim received indemnification in a civil trial in 1996.
Prison conditions throughout the country are extremely harsh and continued to
deteriorate; they continued to pose a severe threat to inmates' life and health. Sani-
tary conditions are below minimum international standards. There is little medical
care and insufficient food. In July Francisco Macopa, a delegate from the Institute
of Judicial Assistance (IPAJ), reported that authorities at the principal police sta-
tion in Lichinga, Niassa province, fed the prisoners only once a day. A June repwrt
by Radio Mozambique indicated that authorities in the Maputo civil prison some-
times feed the inmates only once a day and that 48 prisoners were suffering from
malnutrition.
In his March State of the Nation address. President Chissano acknowledged the
necessity of prison reform. The prisons remain severely overcrowded, generally hold-
ing four times, and in one instance, six times, as many prisoners as they were built
to nold. Quelimane has 406 prisoners in a prison built to hold 90; Manica has 900
in a prison built to hold 300; and Beira has 800 in a prison built to hold 200.
230 '
Maputo central prison has 1,800 persons in a prison built to hold 800; Beira central
prison has 532 in a prison built to hold 120; Tete provincial prison has 400 in a
prison built to hold 90; Machava maximum security prison near Maputo has about
2,000 prisoners in a facility built to hold 500.
As in 1996, Minister of Justice Jose Abudo acknowledged that irregularities and
abuses continued to take place in prisons throughout the country. In July members
of the Parliamentary Commission on Social and Environmental AfTairs reported the
lack of sanitary conditions and overcrowding in the majority of Manica prisons that
they visited. Trie deputies reported that most prisons lacked adequate water sup-
plies because of burst pipes. Nazarinho Mourinno, a Sofala provincial attorney, re-
ported that the prisons in the provincial capital of Beira do not meet the minimum
conditions for human habitation. In June Beira central prison inmates told Sofala
province Governor Felisberto Tomas that a lack of proper medical care had led to
outbreaks of sexually- transmitted and skin diseases.
There were many reports of deaths in overcrowded prisons. For example, in Au-
gust the administrative director of the Nampula civil prison reported that the ex-
tremely poor sanitary conditions caused deaths due to aiarrhea and tuberculosis. In
May Joaquim Manuel reported that police had imprisoned him without charge for
a month in the Machava central prison, where he contracted tuberculosis due to the
extremely unsanitary conditions. After throwing up blood for 6 days, Manuel re-
ported that the police sent him to the Machava general hospital, but ordered him
to be handcuffed to his bed during his 3 months oi treatment. He was later released
from prison.
In order to combat poor prison conditions, the Ministry of Justice continued to ex-
pand the food cultivation program it began in 1996. For example, the Tete provincial
prison superintendent, Marcos Cumbane, reported in July that prisoners are able
to grow food on a prison farm and that they had harvested approximately 20 tons
of com during the 1996-1997 season. The Mozambican League of Human Rights re-
ported that the Lichinga provincial prison also used prison farming to supplement
inmates' diets. A January newspaper article reported that prison olncials at the Rex
prison, 13 kilometers from Nampula, had instituted prisoner farming in order to
provide rice, potatoes, and fruits to inmates. The Ministir also attempted to in-
crease the budgets of some prisons. For example, in July the Director of Zambezia
Central Prison, Felix Nharregulas, stated that the Zambezia district jail in Gurue
received approximately $8,500 for renovations.
Althougn the majority of cases of abuse in prison are due to overcrowding and
lack of food and medical attention, prisoners continued to report regularly police
beatings, rapes, and demands for money in exchange for freedom. In June the
Mozambican League of Human Rights alleged that guards continued to torture in-
mates in the Machava central prison. A January press article reported that guards
at Machava central prison demand money from family members to deliver lood to
prisoners and threaten to keep prisoners in their cells with urine and feces unless
the family members pay for its removal.
Many pretrial detainees are minors who are incarcerated with adult inmates. For
example, in July the Zambezia provincial prison director reported that at least 50
male minors were in the main prison, and that all had been there for several
months without trial or formal charges (see Section 5). The League of Human
Rights stated that 14- and 15-year-olds were imprisoned in the Machava central
maximum security prison, without being formally charged. Nazarinho Mourino re-
ported that the Beira city prisons housed many children under the age of 16. As
a result, child molestation and other violence against children were rampant in the
country's prisons. In June Justice Minister Abudo acknowledged that during his vis-
its to prisons, police were detaining minors. Military and civilian prisoners are held
in the same prisons.
International and national human rights groups are given access to prisoners.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides that the dura-
tion of preventive imprisonment be set by law; however, the police continue to arbi-
trarily arrest and detain citizens. Under Law 2/93, the maximum preventive impris-
onment is 48 hours. Within that time period, a detainee has the right to have his/
her case reviewed by judicial authorities, after which he/she can be detained up to
another 60 days while the case is investigated by the PIC. In cases where a person
is accused of a very serious crime, such as a security offense or one requiring a sen-
tence of more than 8 years, he/she may be detained up to 84 days without being
formally charged. If a court approves, such detainees may be held for two more peri-
ods of 84 days each while the police complete the investigation process. In practice,
however, the authorities either are not aware of these regulations or ignore these
rules, as well as a detainee's constitutional right to counsel and to contact relatives
or friends. For example, an August 30 Noticias article reported that the charging
231
judge in a narcotics case incorrectly stated that the police could detain a person for
up to 90 days before charges were filed. The Attorney General's office offered a cor-
rection to this misconception in a September Noticias article. Although Law 19/91
provides definitions of crimes against the State, such as treason, terrorism, and sab-
otage, the Government retains the discretion to determine crimes that constitute se-
curity offenses.
The law provides that if the prescribed period for investigation has been com-
pleted and no charges have been brought, tne detainee must be released. In prac-
tice, however, this law is often ignored, in part because of the severe lack of admin-
istrative personnel, trained judges, and sufficient lawyers to monitor the judicial
system (see Section I.e.).
Most citizens are unaware of their rights, particularly those granted under the
Constitution, Law 2/93 and the Penal Process Code, and detainees can spend many
months, even years, in pretrial status. In August the chief prosecutor for the city
of Maputo; Joao Julio Mutisse, publicly announced that there were pretrial deten-
tion irregularities in Maputo prisons, where prisoners can remain for more than 3
weeks without attending a hearing presided over by a judge. He stated that in many
cases the preventive detention period had expired without the authorities freeing or
charging tne detainees, but that this abuse was due to a severe shortage of Qualified
judicial authorities to review cases. In June detainees in the Beira central prison
complained that most had been in jail for over 6 months without a trial.
The bail system remains poorly defined, and prisoners, their families, and NGO's
continued to complain that police and prison officials often take bribes to release
those who can aflbrd to pay. In an April 1996 letter by a group of inmates at
Machava central prison to a national newspaper, the prisoners charged that police
officers beat and tortured them, sexually abused prisoners and their wives, and de-
manded money for food and sometimes freedom. In January several wives of in-
mates in the Machava central prison alleged that guards were forcing sexual favors
from them in return for food for their husbands.
In March the National Assembly passed a new law that established judicial regu-
lations regarding the trafTicking and use of narcotics. The law specifies that the
legal period of preventive detention in drug traflicking cases is 10 days. The law
also authorizes a long period of investigation — up to 9 months — in cases involving
drug smuggling, drug production and transfer, and criminal association.
Authorities were unable to reduce the large backlog of prisoners awaiting trial.
In May the provincial commander in Nampula, Armando Ossufo, admitted that the
overcrowding in Nampula prisons was due to the delay in court hearings for detain-
ees in preventive detention. The Tete provincial prison held 153 detainees among
its 400 prisoners, and Machava central prison held 31 detainees among its 90 pris-
oners. According to the Mozambican League of Human Rights, the Machava central
prison held 667 detainees among its 2,000 prisoners, its female section held 18 de-
tainees among its 30 prisoners. The Cuamba district prison held 19 detainees
among its 25 prisoners.
In July the RENAMO district representative in Murrupula, Patrico Jose Ussene,
alleged that the district government was persecuting and detaining RENAMO mem-
bers. In August a Newsfax article reported that police arrested 11 RENAMO mem-
bers in a Maputo suburb for allegedly defaming the Government. No further infor-
mation was available at year's end.
In May the Government broke up RENAMO demonstrations and police arrested
several demonstrators (see Section 2.b.).
The Constitution expressly prohibits exile, and the Government does not use exile
as a form of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution formally established an inde-
pendent judiciary and specifically states that the decisions of the courts take prece-
dence over all other authorities and individuals and must be obeyed. Nevertheless,
the executive, and by extension the FRELIMO Party, continued to dominate the ju-
diciary. Judges largely owed their positions to the ruling FRELIMO Party, which
continued to exercise significant infiuence on all aspects of public life through the
executive and party organs.
The President appoints the President and Vice President of the most important
tribunal, the Supreme Court. The President also appoints the Attorney General.
These selections are then sent to the National Assembly for approval. Although the
Supreme Council of Judicial Magistrates assembles a list of Qualified persons, the
President selects the justices from the list. No National Assemoly approval is need-
ed for these choices. The National Assembly began to assert its prerogatives in the
judicial area when it formulated a proposal for the combat of narcotic use and drug
trafficking. This law established strict guidelines and judicial penalties for such il-
licit behavior.
45-909 98-9
232
There are two complementary formal justice systems: The civil/criminal system,
which includes customary courts; and the military. A 1991 law empowered the Su-
preme Court to administer the civil/criminal system; it also hears appeals, including
military cases, although the Ministry of Defense administers the military courts.
Below the Supreme Court there are provincial and district courts. There are also
special courts that exercise limited subject matter jurisdiction, for example, adminis-
trative courts, customs courts, fiscal courts, maritime courts, and labor courts. Mi-
nors 16 years old and younger fall under the jurisdiction of a court system for mi-
nors. Through this legal channel the Government can send minors to correctional,
educational, or other institutions. The Penal Code contains legal guidelines for the
judicial treatment of minors and forbids the imprisonment of minors below the age
of 20. However in several instances (see Section l.d.), credible reports indicated that
the judicial system had ordered the incarceration of minors in common prisons
throughout the country.
As with the provincial and district courts, the specialized and minor court systems
are ineffective because they suffer from a lack of qualified professionals. Civilians
are not under the jurisdiction of, or tried in, military courts. Local customary courts
handle matters such as estate and divorce cases.
Persons accused of crimes against the State are tried in regular civilian courts
under standard criminal judicial procedures. The Supreme Court has original juris-
diction over members of the National Assembly and anyone else who is immune
from trial in the lower courts. The Constitution calls for the creation of a constitu-
tional council, but the Government has not yet passed implementing legislation for
this council. In the absence of this body, the Supreme Court is tasked with ruling
on issues of constitutionality.
A judge may order a trial closed because of national security interests or to pro-
tect the privacy of the plaintiff in cases concerning rape.
In regular courts, all accused persons are in theory presumed innocent and have
the right to legal counsel and the right of appeal, but the authorities do not always
respect these rights. The great majority of the population is either unaware of these
rights or does not possess the means to obtain any form of legal counsel. In his
March State of the Nation speech, President Chissano acknowledged that there was
a shortage of qualified judicial personnel. In 1996 Supreme Court President Dr.
Mario Mangaze reported that there was only one licensed judge in Cabo Delgado,
Gaza, and Zambezia provinces, respectively. He reported that there were districts
with no courts or judges at all; he further acknowledged that lack of human and
financial resources and problems with outdated legislation impeded the judiciary's
effectiveness. In September Cipriano Nhane, the General Secretary of the Supreme
Court, reported that the judicial system lacked the means to employ more mag-
istrates. He noted that the shortage of personnel was causing an enormous backlog
of cases. For example, in Nampula province, the provincial court had one judge and
a backlog of 3,655 cases. The President of the Supreme Court announced in Septem-
ber that the court system was unable to render justice, given its severe shortage
of resources. He added that the situation in the court system and the Attorney Gen-
eral's offices was calamitous.
The Government undertook several initiatives in order to combat this shortage.
In March the Attorney General's office began a year-long training course for 30 per-
sons to become district attorneys. With international financing, the Supreme Court
established training courses for judicial magistrates, a 3-month revision course for
licensed judicial magistrates, ana a year-long initial training course for magistrates,
both at the district level. International assistance is providing funds for the training
of judicial magistrates and legal cadres at all levels.
At the fifth ordinary session of the Judicial Council, the President of the Supreme
Court stated that there were instances in which judicial personnel violated such
human rights as the rights to a fair and speedy trial, to counsel, to humane treat-
ment, and to equal protection of the law. The Higher Council of the Judicial Mag-
istrate (CSMJ), the body responsible for overseeing professional behavior among
magistrates, reported in September that 13 out of a total of 130 judges were dis-
ciplined for corruption between 1994 and 1997. The report noted that the actual
total could be higher, but that there was a lack of resources to investigate all the
allegations of abuse. Some of the offenses cited included abuse of power, bribe-tak-
ing, illegal release of prisoners, and delaying of cases.
Exacerbating the judicial system's weakness is the lack of licensed attorneys, with
in the country and the vast majc
fort to replace the public organization previously responsible for providing counsel
fewer than 1.30 in the country and the vast majority centered in Maputo. In an ef-
for indigent defendants, some NGO's, such as the Mozambican League of Human
Rights and the Association of Mozambican Women in Judicial Careers, offered lim-
ited legal counsel at little or no cost. In July the LDH announced the deployment
233
of 16 paralegals in Maputo and Nampula provinces. These paralegals provide assist-
ance for people in the defense of their legal and human rights.
Despite the judicial system's infrastructural and personnel weaknesses, it has
begun to take some initiative. In June the Attorney General's office requested hear-
ings on three National Assembly deputies, all allegedly involved in criminal activi-
ties. In August the Assembly's permanent commission granted this permission.
In February, after a lengthy investigation, the Attorney General's office filed a
case with the Supreme Court against tne presiding judge of the Manica provincial
court. He is accused of murdering his domestic servant. During the montn-long in-
vestigation, the judge continued to preside over the Manica court.
Efiorts to reintegrate RENAMO-controlled zones into central administrative struc-
tures continued, but RENAMO still exercised informal control over a number of
areas through a rudimentary form of civil administration and traditional courts,
with extensive use of traditional authorities as judges. In April a report in Noticias
alleged that local RENAMO ofilcials in Zitundo, Matutuine district, Maputo prov-
ince, were encouraging RENAMO members to disregard local governmental institu-
tions. In June the Government sent a force of rapid intervention police to Maringue,
one of RENAMO's strongholds during the civil war, in order to enforce local admin-
istration.
In March RENAMO deputies in the National Assembly called for a national truth
and reconciliation commission to investigate all human rights violations in the coun-
try since 1962. The suggestion led to considerable debate in the Parliament but ulti-
mately was not approved.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the right of privacy and expressly forbids the use of sur-
veillance techniques. By law police need a warrant to enter homes and businesses.
Although there are fewer reports of such activity, incidents of illegal telephone wire-
tapping bv government intelligence agencies allegedly still occur. Security forces
keep watch on RENAMO members and supporters and other members of the opposi-
tion.
In a July session. Parliament forced the Government to withdraw an article from
the proposed law on defense and security that called for people to collaborate with
the SISE security police, essentially as citizen informants. The bill was passed in
July without the objectionable provision.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution, the 1991 Press Law, and the
1992 Rome Peace Accords provide for freedom of expression and the press but with
restrictions in cases involving national defense considerations. Although there was
an increase in criticism of Government policies and in the number of independent
media sources, the Government continued to restrict press freedom. While criticism
of the President is not legally prohibited, the 1991 Press Law holds that, in cases
of defamation against the President, truth is not sulTicient defense against libel. Al-
though this law has not been tested in court, it has resulted in considerable self-
censorship, and there was almost no direct criticism of the President. Some journal-
ists faced legal action for defamation during the year, but these cases were based
on allegations that private citizens were corrupt, not on libel against political fig-
ures. Journalists who criticized government oificials or policy were at times sub-
jected to threats and intimidation.
Media reporting on parliamentary debates and repeated delays in scheduling local
elections covered all political viewpoints.
The Government continued largely to dominate the media, which reflected a bias
toward state interests. The Government and state enterprises own the greater part
of the country's media, including Mozambique's two daily newspapers, the only Sun-
day newspaper, the only weekly news magazine, and the national radio and tele-
vision stations. However, there are also four independent daily faxed media, four
independent weekly news magazines, plus independent radio and television stations.
The Government's wire service, the Mozambican News Agency, includes reports
from all independent media in its daily English and Portuguese transmittals. Radio
Mozambique, the public's most important source of information, is government
owned, but its news coverage is considered unbiased and fair. It receives the largest
single subsidy from the state budget of any public company. Government media are
showing greater transparency in reporting and some independence of editorial con-
tent. The most partisan oi the government-controlled print media, the weekly
Tempo magazine, suspended printing early in the year. Independent media outside
the two principal cities continue to develop, mostly with the financial assistance of
international donors.
234
Independent broadcast, print and faxed media are well established in the capital
city, alTbeit precariously funded. One faxed news daily is directly linked to the prin-
cipal opposition party, several other independent faxed dailies are nonpartisan; one
faxed daily concentrates on economic and commercial news. Two independent week-
ly newspapers appear regularly in Maputo and are trying to improve their circula-
tion outside the capital.
While the independent press carried opposition viewpoints and generally enjoyed
far greater credibility, its influence (and that of the ofiicial press as well) is limited
largely to Maputo and the provincial capitals because of the logistical difficulty of
distribution oi any publication in rural areas. Only a small minority of the popu-
lation receives news through either television or the print media. Daily national
newspaper sales average 84,000 in a nation of 15 million people mainly due to the
high cost of newsprint.
State-funded Radio Mozambique (RM) is the nation's most important source of in-
formation. It broadcasts in Portuguese and a number of indigenous languages; its
external service broadcasts in English as well as in Portuguese for the NK)zambican
community in neighboring South Africa. RM regularly airs public debates that in-
clude a variety of participants with differing opinions. Voice of RENAMO (VOR)
signed an agreement with British partners linked to British Greenland Television
and now operates as Radio Terra Verde (RTV). There are also some church-spon-
sored independent radio stations that now offer news broadcasts.
Both the state television station (TVM) and the independent channel RTK TV
have links with Portuguese television stations. TVM broadcasts live to Maputo and
retransmits the following day in Beira and Nampula. Its coverage of Parliament and
politicians extends to both sides of the aisle.
The government-owned wire service, the Mozambican News Agency (AIM), pro-
duces daily English and Portuguese language news summaries for export and sub-
scription that regularly cite items from the nonpartisan independent as well as the
government press and radio services.
Members of the news media perceived a government warning in the form of a re-
buke by the state-controlled Higher Council of Social Communication (CSCS). The
CSCS issued a communique criticizing some media elements for unethical behavior
in response to two critical articles published by the state daily Diario de
Mocamoique and the opposition fax sheet Imparcial. The articles complained about
government policy toward multinational corporations and supposed FRELEMO con-
trol of the journalists' union, respectively.
The Government's disinformation campaigns against RENAMO continued and
even increased because of forthcoming local elections.
Government domination of newspaper printing presses led to allegations of official
harassment of the independent press, but there was no evidence that this affected
publication or content of the independent publications. Official harassment of the
independent press has decreased slightly.
The Prime Minister's information office continues to informally monitor press con-
tent.
There are no formal restrictions on academic freedom. In practice, however, public
school teachers routinely adhere to self-censorship since their employment depends
on the State. Private educational institutions, both church related and secular, are
well established and are continually expanding in several cities at the secondary
and university level. Press reports on university forums routinely cite opinions from
public as well as private university students and teachers.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and association; however, the Government limited this right on
several occasions. The law regulates public demonstrations and establishes the judi-
cial regime for the exercise of this right. The law does not cover private gatherings,
held indoors and by individual invitation, nor does it cover religious gatherings or
election campaigning.
Although the law permits the exercise of the right to gather or demonstrate peace-
fully, it prevents full exercise of this right through restrictive time limitations. The
law states that marches, parades, and processions can be held on Saturdays, Sun-
days, holidays, or between 5:00 p.m. and 12:30 a.m. The law provides for possible
exceptions to this regulation, if justified, but such decisions are not made in an open
and established manner. Further, the law states that any organizers of gatherings
or demonstrations must submit a notice, with at least 10 signatures, for the holding
of any such demonstration, along with a justification of the purpose of the gather-
ing, to civil and police authorities. The law stipulates that the Government must
remit any objection to such proposals within 2 days of receiving the request, and
that no reply within this pcrioa can be understood to mean governmental accept-
ance.
235
In May the Government forcefully broke up a series of demonstrations throughout
the country organized by RENAMO provincial leaders. In some cases, the police
used tear gas and rubber bullets to break up the crowds. In other cases, police ac-
tion preempted the beginning of marches. Press reports indicated that the Govern-
ment used the Rapid Intervention Police (PIC), a well trained and well armed elite
unit with the PRM, to break up the demonstrations. Some reports stated that police
fired live rounds into the air, but this was not confirmed.
In the various locations, police arrested several demonstrators, including some of
RENAMO's provincial and district representatives, as well as one parliamentary
deputy. RENAMO representatives stated that they had filed their notifications in
a timely manner and that the Government had not expressed opposition to the
f)lans, or had expressed opposition to the plans after the 2 days stipulated in the
aw. Government ofiicials insisted that RENAMO organizers had not filed notifica-
tions as required by the law. In September the Nampula provincial court began tak-
ing statements from the 15 persons detained in the May aemonstration in Nampula,
including RENAMO's provmcial political official, Ossufo Momade. At year's end,
there had been no conclusion to this case.
In September the city government of Maputo approved an application for the
Mozambican Campaign Against Landmines (CM CM), an umbrella NGO, to organize
a demonstration in front of the U.S. Embassy in Maputo during business hours on
a weekday. CMCM organizers reported that they had full government cooperation
and a police escort during their demonstration.
The law provides for freedom of association, albeit with some limitations. Legisla-
tion promulgated in 1991 sets forth the process for the registration of political par-
ties. There are over 15 registered, active political parties. Under 1992 legislation,
a political party must demonstrate that it has no racial, ethnic, or religious exclu-
siveness and secure at least 2,000 signatures of citizens in order to be recognized
legally.
Other groups and associations continued to organize themselves or become more
active, including three new human rights groups (see Section 4).
The Government requires nonpolitical groups, except religious organizations, to
register, but it rarely rejects applications from new associations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides that all citizens have the free-
dom to practice or not to practice a religion and gives religious denominations the
right to pursue their religious aims freely. The Government respects these rights in
practice. The Grovernment does not require religious organizations or missionaries
to register and routinely grants visas to foreign missionaries. The Constitution also
gives religious groups the right to own and acquire assets, and these institutions
are allowed by law to operate schools.
Relations between the Government and religious organizations continued to im-
prove as the Government sought political support from these organizations in the
multiparty system.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for the right to live anywhere within national
territory and to travel within the country and abroad. The Government no longer
requires citizens to obtain permits from local authorities in order to travel within
the country.
Security force roadblocks and patrols continued to afiect freedom of movement.
Police harassment throughout the country's road network continued, with many in-
cidents of officers demanding bribes. The police regularly stopped foreign pedestri-
ans within Maputo city limits and ordered them to present original passports. In
many instances, the police would not accept notarized copies. (People do not like to
carry the originals oi documents because there is a high risk they will be stolen.)
Failure to produce passports resulted in fines. Confiscating people's possessions
under flimsy pretexts also continued, especially on the main road to and from the
South African border.
During the year, Mozambique began to again play a role as a country of asylum
for refugees from nearby countries. The Government cooperated with the Unitea Na-
tions High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organiza-
tions in assisting refugees, including providing first asylum.
In September, 85 Burundians sought refuge in Niassa province, reportedly after
Tanzania and Malawi refused to grant them refugee status. Immigration officials in
Niassa began to move the refugees to Maputo, where refugee claims are processed.
Similarly, Tete city in Tete province experienced an influx of refugees, primarily
from Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Burundi. Tete migration
director Jaime de Sousa reported in March that 298 persons from Somalia and the
former Zaire arrived in Tete via Zambia between January and F'ebruary. By May
the number had increased to 371 persons, with 242 from Somalia, and 92 from the
236
former Zaire. De Sousa reported that most of these persons had no travel documents
and were attempting to reach South Africa. In July the refugee support group direc-
tor, Fernando Fazenda, reported that there were 400 refugees living at tne Massaca
II center near Maputo, a UNHCR facility.
In June Minister of the Interior Almerino Manhenje reported that some of the
asylum seekers from Burundi, Somalia, Rwanda, and Liberia were in fact smugglers
or criminals rather than true political refugees.
In May the Catholic Bishop of Tete, Paulo Mandlate, and the Episcopal Commis-
sion for Refugees and Displaced People (CEMIRDE) reported that the refugees in
Tete province were living under very poor conditions, with little space, inadequate
sanitation facilities, and with a shortage of clothes, food, and tents.
There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they feared
persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides that citizens have the right to elect their representa-
tives by universal, direct, secret, and periodic elections. In October 1994, citizens
freely exercised for the first time their right to vote in multiparty elections, which
United Nations and other national and international observers declared to be free
and fair. President Chissano was elected, with the ruling FRELIMO Party winning
129 of the 200 National Assembly seats. The largest opposition party, RENAMO,
made a strong showing in the elections, winning majorities in the country's five
most populous provinces. Although there is a FRELIMO majority in the Parliament,
in the three 1997 sessions, the opposition parties succeeded in pressuring the Gov-
ernment to withdraw several proposals for further evaluation, including in July the
withdrawal of a key article in the defense policy bill.
These developments demonstrated the continued institutional evolution of the
Parliament. However, the FRELIMO majority ensured that the National Assembly
did not provide any significant check on the power of the executive branch. The ex-
ecutive continued to gain parliamentary approval on even the most controversial is-
sues, such as the revision of the Land Law.
The President and the FRELIMO leadership continued to control policymaking
and implementation, and FRELIMO members hold all cabinet positions and provin-
cial governorships, even the governorships in provinces where RENAMO had won
overwhelming majorities in the 1994 elections. In September President Chissano an-
nounced the "reassignment" of the governor of Cabo Delgado province. No reasons
were given for this removal, and no replacement was announcea.
During the year, there were tensions between the Government and RENAMO in
some provinces. In July the Government sent over 100 rapid intervention police offi-
cers to Maringue, RENAMO's former military stronghold, to ensure that the local
f[ovemment ofTicials there were able to function freely. In turn, RENAMO par-
iamentarians complained of a lack of support from provincial and district ofTicials
during visits to their constituencies. However, working relationships between the
parties at the national and local level appeared to improve late in the year, and
there was a reduction in the number of areas where FRELIMO administrators con-
tinued to accuse RENAMO ofTicials of running parallel government structures and
harassing central government appointed ofiicials.
In December 1996, the National Assembly approved the Municipalities Law, the
first in a series of legislative measures governing local elections. In April the Na-
tional Assembly passed the remaining pieces of legislation, which set local elections
for 1997 in 33 of 450 municipalities throughout the country. The FRELIMO majority
in Parliament and the Government stated that these were the only areas presently
able to sustain local governments, and in June the Government announced that
local elections would be held in the 33 municipalities on December 27. However, on
October 28, the Assembly amended the law to postpone the local elections, and on
November 12 the Council of Ministers declared that May 29, 1998, would be the
new date for local elections. This decree energized voter registration efforts, which
began on November 10. There is no schedule for elections in any districts beyond
the original 33.
Although RENAMO National Assembly deputies voted against the proposal for
elections in just 33 localities, by year's end they had accepted the concept of grad-
ualism.
While there are no legal restrictions hindering women's involvement in govern-
ment, cultural factors inhibit their political advancement. In March Presidential
Minister for Social and Economic Affairs Eneas Comichc reported that women are
excluded from institutions of governance and power. Nonetheless, 62 of the 250 (28
percent) National Assembly deputies are women, even though these female deputies
237
are not believed to play a significant role in either the Parliament's or the individual
parties' decisionmating. In April President Chissano ordered the resignation of the
only woman in his Cabinet, Minister for Social Action Coordination Alcinda Abreu.
There are five female vice ministers.
In May at FRELIMO's Seventh Party Congress, party leaders mandated that at
least 30 percent of the two FRELEMO governing bodies must be female. The Politi-
cal Commission met this mandate, however, the Central Committee fell just short,
with 28.2 percent.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no legal obstacles to the formation of local human rights groiops. During
the year, several new human rights groups were established: Human Rights and
Development (DHD), the Center for Democratic Services and Human Rights, and a
democracy institute. Foro Mulher, the umbrella women's NGO group, continued its
activities, which included the publication of periodic newsletters. The Mozambican
League of Human Rights (LHR) reported that its legal office's caseload had in-
creased to 556 complaints of human rights violations in 1996. Among the complaints
were homicides, allegedly by the police, and domestic violence, labor disputes, and
land conflicts that were not investigated or adjudicated. In August the DHD orga-
nized and launched a campaign to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Uni-
versal Declaration of Human Rights. The LHR has focused efforts on educating the
public regarding its rights. It uncovered many of the grave abuses within the prison
system. The Government has permitted the League access to Maputo and Nampula
prisons under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Justice. The League also publicly
criticized widespread abusive behavior by the police and sent a letter to the Minister
of Interior regarding the disappearance of Carlos Cossa and Issufo Aly (see Section
Lb.).
DHD held a workshop in August for the PRM to demonstrate to officers the im-
portance of human rights. Follow-on seminars for the police forces throughout the
country were planned.
The Government has been receptive to visits by international human rights mon-
itoring groups, including the International Committee of the Red Cross and the
International Commission of Jurists.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution forbids discrimination based on race, sex, religion, or disability,
but the Government does not ensure in practice that such discrimination does not
occur.
Women. — Although ofllcial statistics are not kept, according to health ofTicials,
women's groups, and other sources, violence against women — particularly beating
and rape — is widespread, especially in rural areas. Many women believe that their
spouses have the right to beat them, and cultural pressures make it highly unlikely
for most women to press for legal action against abusive spouses. However, the
Mozambican League of Human Rights reported a total of 97 complaints of domestic
violence in 1996, which was significantly more than the year oefore. A group of
women NGO's, including Women in Law and Development (MULEIDE),
Mozambican Women in Education (AMME), and the Mozambican Women's Organi-
zation (OMM), organized a 1997 campaign entitled "Everybody Against Violence."
In July Ana Piedade Monteiro, the campaign's coordinator for MULEIDE, stated
that as a result of the campaign MULEIDE received 36 complaints of domestic vio-
lence between January and June.
Although there is an increased awareness and reporting of domestic violence, in
most parts of society such violence continued. MULEIDE reported that the vast ma-
jority of its domestic violence complaints consisted of sexual assault by men against
women and children. WTiile rape can be prosecuted in the courts, there is no civil
law that defines domestic violence as a crime. The police do not normally intervene
in domestic disputes. Cases that do reach the courts deal with specific charges such
as rape, battery, and assault. When victims of physical abuse are brought to the
hospital, such cases are rarely registered as caused by domestic violence.
Despite constitutional protections providing for the equality of men and women
under law in all aspects of political, economic, social, and cultural life, civil and com-
mercial legal codes that predate independence freauently contradict each other and
the Constitution. Under the Law of the Family (tnrough both court interpretation
and precedent), the husband (or father) is the head of the household, and women
(both wives and daughters), must ensure male approval of any and all undertakings
that women assume. For example, in order to start a business, a woman must first
238
have the written approval of her husband or father (or closest male relative). With-
out this approval, a woman is unable to lease a building, obtain a loan, or contract
for goods and services. The legal domicile of a married woman is her husband's
house, and she may work outside the home only with the express consent of her
husband.
Family law dictates that a couple's possessions belong to the husband, and he has
full authority to decide on the disposition of these goods. Upon the death of a hus-
band, a widow is only fourth in line (after sons, fathers, and brothers) for inherit-
ance of the household goods. Although the law states that the widow is entitled to
half of the goods acquired during the marriage, in practice women rarely know of
or insist upon this right.
Women's groups continued to argue that the Constitution discriminates against
women because it grants Mozambican citizenship to the foreign wife of a
Mozambican man, but not to the foreign husband of a Mozambican woman.
Customary law or traditional law ofTers women even fewer protections than family
law. Unless a marriage is registered, a woman has no recourse to the judicial
branch for enforcement of the few rights provided to women by the civil codes. Al-
though women are the primary cultivators of family land in rural areas, under cus-
tomary law they have no rights to the disposition of the land.
Women constitute 51.5 percent of the population and are responsible for 52.4 per-
cent of active economic production. Of this 52.4 percent, according to the latest
available data, 91.8 percent are in the agro-fisheries sector. Women constitute 69.6
percent of the illiterate population.
Women continued to experience economic discrimination in practice. In March
Presidential Minister for Social and Economic Affairs Eneas Comiche reported that
in the workplace women receive lower pay than men in the same positions. In Feb-
ruary the Secretary General of the National Union of Chemical, Rubber and Print-
ing Workers (SINTIQUIGRA), Joaquim Fanheiro, stated that women are first in
line in cases of layoffs. He reported that the number of local women's committees
in his union had declined from 71 in 1994 to 57 in 1997 due to the reduction in
the number of female workers caused by retrenchment.
Although the Labor Law entitles a woman to 60 days of maternity leave, employ-
ers often violate this right especially in cases of stillbirth. Sexual harassment is also
widespread. In July one of Maputo's assistant district attorneys reported that it was
common for employers to force female workers into having sexual relations with
them.
The revised Land Law, passed by the National Assembly in July, included specific
articles ensuring the rights of land tenure for women.
Women continued to have less access than men to educational institutions above
the primary level. Although roughly equal proportions of male and female children
enter primary school, by secondary school only 36 percent of students are female,
and by technical or higher levels, only 20 percent are female. Discrimination against
women is most apparent in rural areas where over 80 percent of the population live,
and where women are engaged mainly in subsistence farming and child rearing,
with little opportunity for schooling or access to health care.
Women's NGO's continued to be very active in their efforts to highlight a variety
of women's issues, including domestic violence, legal inequities, and economic
empowerment. For example, women NGO's were active in lobbying for inclusion of
articles protecting women's land tenure rights in the new Land Law. Although these
groups have organized successful programs, their effectiveness is often limited be-
cause the programs are concentrated in Maputo or other urban areas while the vast
majority of women live in the rural areas.
The Ministry of Education implemented a project for educating girls, with pilot
programs in two districts in eacn province. The mortality rate for children under
the age of 5 is 200 per 1,000, and in the health sector the Government targeted ma-
ternity and infant health and focused on immunizations for fertile women.
In December 1995, the Government formed the Operative Group, a group compris-
ing representatives from the 12 ministries and NGO's. The Government tasked this
group with the implementation of the platform of action from the 1995 U.N. Fourth
World Conference on Women in Beijing. In August the Government launched its
post-Beijing Plan of Action 1997-2000. Among its objectives are 50 percent rep-
resentation of women in Parliament, 40 percent in government bodies, and 30 per-
cent in local governments. The Government also announced that it would ratify
international conventions regarding women.
In September F'oro Mulher, an umbrella for women's NGO's, comprising approxi-
mately 21 registered members, organized a regional post-Beijing Conference, a fol-
low-up to the national conference held in Maputo in 1996.
239
Children. — The Government has not made children's rights and welfare a priority,
but admits that some children are in trouble. The educational system is over-
crowded and corrupt. It is widely reported that school children (or their parents)
must bribe teachers for passing grades. Tne National Institute of Educational Devel-
opment estimates that about 60 percent of the children over the age of 6 are in
school, but that because of population growth, the percentage of children in school
is now decreasing.
In June the Ministry of Social Action Coordination reported that there were 4,000
registered street children, 1,050 in Maputo alone, receiving assistance from a vari-
ety of NGO's, such as Friends of Children and the World Medical Organization.
However, while the Ministry acknowledged that the number of actual street chil-
dren far exceeded the number registered, it said that it had no concrete figures.
The Government has made little attempt to alleviate the plight of the increasing
number of urban street children, many of whom were orphaned by the war. In
March Minister of Health, Dr. Aurelio Zilhao reported that 300,000 children trau-
matized by the war reauire social reintegration. Police beat street children; street
children also are sexually abused. In January 1996, a credible press article reported
that police in Maputo imprisoned a 15-year-old child for 9 days with no recourse
to justice for allegedly stealing a tape cassette. The police allegedly gave the child
12 lashes before releasing him. In February 1996, a parliamentary deputy discov-
ered five street children detained in a Montepuez, Cabo Delgado prison, mimerous
reports during the year indicated that children are held in many prisons throughout
the country, contrary to the law (see Section I.e.).
In November National Assembly delegates questioned Mateus Katupha, Minister
of Culture, Youth and Sport, on plans to improve the situation of young
Mozambicans. The Minister dealt mostly with the problem of child prostitution, and
he announced an imminent crackdown on child brothels, pornography, and pimps
in Maputo.
Street children are beaten by police and are often victims of sexual abuse. In Au-
gust the Sofala provincial director for the Ministry of Social Action, Antonia Charre,
reported that the rights of children were often ignored in the province. In Tete prov-
ince, an official of the Ministry of Social Action reported in August that 30 girls and
2 boys were undergoing treatment for abuses due to child prostitution. The Govern-
ment formed a provincial task force composed of representatives from five organiza-
tions, including three ministries and the Mozambican Youth Association, in order
to investigate these incidents. No report of the investigation had been released by
year's end.
In September the daily Diario de Mocambique reported that children are often
used as bargaining chips to settle financial and other disputes in rural areas. Ac-
cording to Domingos do Rosario, a sociologist with the Cultural Patrimony Depart-
ment, children are sometimes used as labor to settle outstanding economic accounts
in rural areas.
People With Disabilities. — Although the Constitution expressly states that "dis-
abled citizens shall enjoy fully the rights enshrined in the Constitution," the Gov-
ernment provided few resources to make this a reality. In September Vice Minister
for Social Welfare Filipe Mandlate acknowledged that discrimination against the
disabled exists. The Welfare Ministry assisted 775 disabled people countrywide
through the Community-based Assistance Program, (Attendimento Baseado na
Comunidade) launched in 1993. The program provided individual assistance to the
disabled and their families and promoted preschool integration of disabled children.
The (government has largely relied on NGO's to assist the disabled. Founded in
1991, the Association of Mozambican Disabled (ADEMO) addresses the social and
economic needs of the disabled. Since then, smaller NGO's have formed, such as the
Association of Handicapped Military and Paramilitary Mozambicans (ADEMINO),
which represents disabled demobilized soldiers, and the Association of Blind and
Visually Impaired Mozambicans (ACAMO). Early in the year, ACAMO initiated a
program to create two artisan cooperatives employing blind workers. In November
a new organization for hearing impaired people began to form in the northern city
of Pemba. One of its first goals will be to standardize sign language for use in Mo-
zambique to improve communication and employablity. Although poorly funded,
these groups provide training, raise public awareness of the need to integrate the
disabled into society, and lobby the Ministry of Labor to initiate legislation to sup-
port the working rights of the disabled. In May 1996 ADEMIMO charged that the
Government had not yet authorized medical pensions for disabled soldiers. Also in
May 1996, the press reported that more than 9,000 disabled former military person-
nel in Sofala province were living in dire conditions due to the Ministry of Planning
and Finance's refusal to institute disability pensions. In December, on the occasion
of World Disabled Persons Day, the state-controlled daily Noticias reported that
240
ADEMIMO members in Sofala province again accused high government officials of
robbing their pensions.
The only provisions that the Government has enacted for accessibility to buildings
and transportation for the disabled were in the electoral law governing the country s
first multiparty elections, which addressed the needs of disabled voters in the poll-
ing booths. No special access facilities exist.
[Rational I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — There was no systematic persecution or dis-
crimination on the basis of race or ethnicity, although the FRELIMO Government
has traditionally included at all levels a disproportionate number of southerners,
mostly from the Shangaan ethnic group. However, the Government took some steps
to address this imbalance by appointing provincial governors native to their respec-
tive provinces. The Government also included more persons originally from the
northern part of the country.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution specifies that all workers are free
to join or refrain from joining a trade union. The 1991 Labor Law further protects
workers' right to organize and to engage in union activity at their place of employ-
ment. The legislation gave existing unions the right to register independently from
the Organization of Mozambican Workers (OTM).
Until 1992 the only trade union federation was the OTM, which was alTiliated
with, and dominated by, the FRELIMO party. Afler passage of the 1991 legislation,
three unions broke away from the OTM in 1992, and by 1994 had formed their own
central union, the Free and Independent Union of Mozambique (SLIM). The SLIM
maintains a working relationship with the OTM. The SLIM claims 60 percent work-
er affiliation within its constituent unions, while the OTM claims 67 percent.
In May 1994, the OTM declared itself free of commitments to any political party,
companies, or religious groups and ruled that members affiliated witn any political
party could not hold elected union offices. Independent unions continue to charge
that the OTM lacks independence from the Government.
The Constitution explicitly provides for the right to strike, with the exception of
civil servants, police, military personnel, and other essential services (which include
sanitation, firefighting, air traffic control, health care, water, electricity, fuel, post
office, and telecommunications). Throughout the year there were sporadic strikes
around the country. Workers' demands usually centered on the issues of salary ar-
rears or increases in wage levels. In July workers at the Maputo textile factory
TEXLUM briefly detained the factory manager and four other persons because of
delays in paying the wages for July. In March workers protesting salary arrears and
the dismissal of 71 employees went on strike for several weeks at the Angocaju
cashew factory in Nampula, also detaining the factory manager. In the last quarter
of the year, employees struck for back wages at an appliance manufacturer in
Machava and a furniture factory in Maputo, as well as at shipyards in Beira and
Maputo. Concern over worker safety sparked a strike at Matola's Tudor Battery fa-
cility. Agricultural workers at the newly privatized Citrus Maputo in Moamba
struck to demand that the State repossess the firm, which had not yet defined new
conditions of employment. In December scores of casual workers from Maputo port
savagely beat a director of the Mozambique Rail and Port company over its refusal
to pay a new year bonus.
The 1991 Labor Law forbids retribution against strikers, the hiring of substitute
workers, and lockouts by employers. There were no known instances of employer
retribution against striking workers. Specific labor disputes are generally arbitrated
through ad hoc workers' conunittees, formally recognized by the Government.
The Constitution and labor legislation give unions the right to join and participate
in international bodies. The OTM is a member of the Organization of African Trade
Union Unity and the Southern African Trade Union Coordinating Council.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Law protects the
right of workers to organize and engage in collective bargaining. It expressly pro-
hibits discrimination against organized labor. In 1991 the Government decreed that
it would no longer set all salary levels. Negotiation of wage increases was left in
the hands of existing unions. The Consultative Commission on Labor, which com-
prises the unions, employers' associations, and the Government, has met periodi-
cally to negotiate increases in the minimum wage. In November Parliament began
a debate on the proposed revision of Mozambique's labur law, which would include
important changes in wage and benefit provisions, women's rights in the workplace,
sexual harassment standards, the relationship between employers and workers, and
the financing of labor unions. Although the law was approved in its general form,
debate and final voting on the details of the drafl bill were suspended until the par-
liamentary session in February 1998 to allow a full discussion of all provisions.
241
Legislation provides for the creation of export processing zones; however, no firms
have yet begun production.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is pro-
hibited by law. The law does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by
children, and such practices are known to occur. Children in rural areas are some-
times used as labor to settle economic accounts (see Section 5).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Child
labor is regulated by the Ministry of Labor, although there are no specific child
labor statutes. Forced labor by children is not specifically prohibited, but such prac-
tices are known to occur in rural areas (see Section 6.c.).
In the wage economy, the minimum working age is 18 years. Children between
the ages of 15 and 18 may work with the permission of their parents and the Min-
istry of Education. Children younger than age 15 are not permitted to work. The
minimum wage laws apply to children and the maximum work week for children
is 38 hours (compared with 44 for adults).
Because of high adult unemployment, estimated at around 50 percent, few chil-
dren are employed in regular wage positions. However, children, including those
under age 15, commonly work on family farms or in the urban informal sector,
where they perform such tasks as guarding cars, collecting scrap metal, or selling
trinkets and food in the streets. The informal labor sector is unregulated. The Gov-
ernment has not focused on the issue of child labor; it has focused on the children
orphaned and traumatized by the war. Children are also employed in domestic posi-
tions.
Primary education is not compulsory, and only 60 percent of school-age children
attend classes. Children not in school are frequently employed in the agricultural
and informal sectors.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Wor^.— The industrial minimum wage is about $27
(311,795 meticais) per month which is set by ministerial decree, although the level
is recommended through an administrative process. There is also an agricultural
minimum wage of about $18 (209,960 meticais) per month, which is set by ministe-
rial decree after informal consultation with agricultural unions. The minimum wage
is not considered sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for an average
urban worker and family, and many workers must turn to a second job, if available,
as well as work garden plots to survive.
The Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcing the minimum wage rates in the
private sector, and the Ministry of Finance in the public sector. Violations of mini-
mum wage rates are usually investigated only after workers register a complaint.
It is customary for workers to receive benefits such as transportation and food.
The standard legal workweek is 44 hours, with a weekly 24 hour rest period stip-
ulated. In the small modern sector, the Government has enacted health and envi-
ronmental laws to protect workers. However, the Ministry of Labor enforces these
laws inefTectively, and the Government has only occasionally closed firms for non-
compliance. In May the General Labor Inspector reported that there continue to be
significant violations of labor legislation in many companies and services. The report
also indicated that there were 459 workplace accidents in 1996, resulting in 5
deaths. Workers have the right to remove themselves from work situations that en-
danger their health or safety without jeopardy to their continued employment.
NAMIBIA
Namibia is a multiparty, multiracial democracy with an independent judiciary.
President Sam Nujoma, leader of the South West Africa People's Organization
(SWAPO), won Namibia's first free elections in November 1989. President Nujoma
and the SWAPO party received just over 70 percent of the vote in the December
1994 Presidential and National Assembly elections, which, despite some irregular-
ities, were generally regarded as free and fair. Although the Constitution limits the
President to two terms in office, in May the SWAPO party congress recommended
that the Constitution be amended to permit President Nujoma to run for a third
term in 1999.
The f)olice, supervised by the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the Namibian De-
fense Force (NDF), supervised by the Ministry of Defense, share responsibility for
internal security. The civilian authorities maintain effective control over the secu-
rity forces, although members of the police force committed some human rights
abuses.
Namibia's modem market sector produces most of its wealth, while a traditional
subsistence agricultural sector (mainly in the north) supports most of its labor force.
242
The principal exports are diamonds and other minerals, cattle, and fish. Mining,
ranching, and fishing — the mainstays of the market sector — are still largely con-
trolled by white Namibians and foreign interests. Government policy, however, is to
"Namibianize" the increasingly important fishing sector, so that more indigenous
entrepreneurs are able to participate, and to provide opportunities for black
Namibians in the potentially lucrative and labor-intensive tourism industry. Per
capita annual gross domestic product is $1,860. There remains, however, a wide dis-
parity between income levels of blacks and whites. Whites have an average per cap-
ita income of $14,000 a year and many of the poorest blacks earn just $65 a year.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, although
there were problems in several areas. There continued to be credible reports that
Police beat or otherwise abused criminal suspects. Using an apartheid-era law, the
resident attempted to ban public demonstrations that did not have prior police ap-
proval. Police in the north broke up a private meeting between attorneys and their
ethnic minority clients. The ruling party voted to amend the local election law in
a manner that favored the ruling party's chances in local elections. In addition, the
President and other high government and ruling party officials made repeated, well-
publicized verbal attacks on the independent press. The Government rejected a re-
quest by the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission to hold hearings
in Namibia and still refuses to provide a full accounting of missing detainees who
were in SWAPO cam.ps before independence. Namibian defense forces admitted to
seven cases of extrajudicial killings since 1994 along the northern border with An-
gola. Prison conditions remain harsh, and a large court backlog continues to lead
to lengthy delays of trials.
Although violence against women and children, including rape and child abuse,
continue to be serious problems, the President, members of his Cabinet, and par-
liamentarians have spoken out forcefully on these problems which are receiving sig-
nificant attention at all levels of government. Women married under customary law,
however, continue to experience serious legal and cultural discrimination. Relatively
little has been done to elevate women to high-level positions in government and the
ruling party despite promises by the President to nominate more women. Racial and
ethnic discrimination and glaring disparities — especially in education, health, em-
ployment, and working conditions — continued despite sustained efforts by the Gov-
ernment to reduce them. Discrimination against indigenous people persists, and the
groblem was exacerbated during the year by governmental actions involving
ushmen.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
After repeated prodding by a local nongovernmental organization (NGO), in July
the (jovemment admitted that since 1994, seven civilians had been killed by Na-
mibian security forces along the northern border with Angola. The admission came
after the Namibian Defense Force and the Ministry of Defense conducted an inves-
tigation into charges that over a thousand civilians had disappeared along the Ango-
lan border (see Section l.b.). One NDF officer was charged with murder and another
was found guilty of culpable homicide. Investigations into the other killings were on-
going.
b. Disappearance. — While there were no reports of politically motivated disappear-
ances, a local NGO charged that more than 1,500 persons disappeared along the
northern border with Angola after being deported by Namibian security forces. This
charge has not been substantiated, and an investigation by the Ministry of Defense
found that seven civilians had been killed by Namibian Security Forces (see Section
l.a.). Human rights organizations, political parties, and the public continued to call
for a full accounting of unexplained disappearances of persons detained by SWAPO
prior to independence. In August 1996, I-resident Nujoma released the long-prom-
ised, official SWAPO memorial book, known as the Heroes Book, which lists the
names of nearly 8,000 people who died during the liberation struggle. Local human
rights organizations harshly criticized the book, characterizing it as an unconvincing
cover-up and declaring that the listing is fraught with inaccuracies and omissions
regarding those who died or disappeared in SWAJ^O detention camps.
SWAPO was again viewed widely in 1997 as having failed to deal forthrightly
with the missing detainee issue. In May the Government formally rejected a request
by the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission to hold hearings in Na-
mibia. Such a hearing might have shed light on disappearances that occurred on
both sides during the liberation struggle. While some of the Government's critics
243
would be satisfied with an ofTicial apology for SWAPO abuses against these detain-
ees, others are pressing for full accountability through a truth commission, prosecu-
tions, and convictions.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution provides that "no persons shall be subject to torture or to cruel,
inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment." There were published newspaper
reports, however, that members of the police beat or otherwise abused civilians, ei-
ther during arrest or in police station houses in the northern towns of Oshakati,
Ombalantu, and Omungwelume. Twenty-five ofTicial complaints of police brutality
were recorded as of July. According to human rights organizations, there has been
an increase in the number of reported cases of police brutality, and the problem re-
mains particularly acute in northern areas. One human rights advocate noted that
the increase in reported cases of brutality was likely due in part to growing public
awareness of citizens' rights and a willingness to report sucn cases. The Attorney
General has ordered a full investigation of these complaints.
Prison conditions are harsh, and during the year there was at least one case of
a prisoner being murdered by fellow inmates in a crowded cell. Human rights orga-
nizations continued to complain about prison overcrowding. In March 1995, the Gov-
ernment created a Ministry of Prisons and Correctional Services, charged with ad-
ministering the country's prisons and jails. The Ministry emphasizes correctional
and rehabilitation functions, including vocational training, and has made some con-
crete progress. The Government is also making efibrts to separate youthful offenders
from adult criminals, although in many remote and rural areas juveniles continue
to be held with adults.
The Government continued to grant NGO's and diplomatic officials regular access
to prisons and prisoners.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution forbids arbitrary arrest
or detention, and the Government generally respected these provisions in practice.
According to the Constitution, persons who are arrested must be informed of the
reason for their arrest and must be brought before a magistrate within 48 hours
of their detention. The accused are entitled to defense by legal counsel of their
choice, and those who cannot afibrd a lawyer are entitled to state-provided counsel.
In practice, however, many accused persons in remote and rural areas are not le-
gally represented, primarily due to resource constraints. A trial must take place
within "a reasonable time," or the accused must be released. Human rights organi-
zations criticized the length of time that pretrial detainees were held, which
stretched up to 1 year in many cases while investigations were pending.
Some traditional leaders reportedly continued to detain and imprison persons ac-
cused of minor offenses without recourse to police or judicial review. The Govern-
ment continued training traditional leaders on the legal limits of their authority.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The formal court system has three levels: 30 magistrates' courts, the High Court,
and the Supreme Court. The latter also serves as the court of appeals and as a con-
stitutional review court.
Most rural Namibians first encounter the legal system through the traditional
courts, which deal with minor criminal offenses, such as petty theft and infractions
of local customs, among members of the same ethnic group. A special commission,
created to make recommendations on the prospective jurisdiction of traditional
courts, concluded that traditional cultural practices and structures should be main-
tained, provided that they were consistent with constitutional protections and exist-
ing laws. The Traditional Authorities Act delineates which offenses may be dealt
with under the traditional system.
The constitutional right to a fair trial, with a presumption of innocence until prov-
en guilty, is generally afforded by the judiciary. However, long delays in hearing
cases in the regular courts and problems associated with the traditional system
limit this right in practice.
The lack of qualified magistrates, other court officials, and private attorneys has
resulted in a serious backlog of criminal cases, which often translated into long
delays of up to a year or more between arrest and trial. Many of those awaiting
trial are treated as convicted criminals. This practice contravenes Namibia constitu-
tional provisions for the right to a speedy trial.
There were no reports ofpolitical prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides all citizens with the right to privacy and requires arresting
officers to secure a judicial warrant before conducting a search. Government au-
244
thorities respected these rights in practice, and violations were subject to legal ac-
tion.
Under the Central Intelligence Service bill passed by the National Assembly in
July, this agency is authorized to conduct wiretaps, intercept mail, and engage in
other covert activities, both inside and outside the country in the interests of na-
tional security. Wiretaps and other forms of covert surveillance, however, require
the consent of a judge.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respected these rights.
Reporters for independent newspapers criticize the Government openly and do not
engage in self-censorship. During the year, there was a series of attacks on the pri-
vate media by the President, the Prime Minister, and other members of the Govern-
ment. These attacks included charees that the independent press was "foreign
owned" and "an enemy press." While such charges may have been calculated to
quiet criticism, they do not appear to have had any impact on the aggressive style
of the independent media.
The government-owned Namibian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) operates most
radio and television services. NBC provided significant coverage to opposition points
of view. Some believe that NBC reporters exercise self-censorship on certain con-
troversial issues, such as the question of missing detainees and the issue of a third
term for President Nujoma. Despite these complaints, NBC is generally balanced in
its reporting.
There are three private radio stations, one private television station in the town
of Rehoboth, and a private cable and satellite television service that broadcasts
Cable News Network, British Broadcasting Corporation, and a range of South Afri-
can and international news and entertainment programs. There are no restrictions
on the private ownership of satellite dishes.
On October 28, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (MOIB) issued new
regulations that require foreign journalists seeking to visit Namibia to provide 1
month's advance notice to the MOIB, stating the purpose of their proposed visit.
Journalists are required te schedule appointments with government officials
through the MOIB and request permission to visit areas under the control of the
Ministry of Environment and Tourism. Additionally, journalists must obtain a tem-
porary work permit from the Ministry of Home AlTairs. There were no reports of
complaints from journalists.
The Government respects academic freedom. During the year there were numer-
ous seminars held at universities and other venues in Windhoek on controversial
issues.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and association.
While in the past the Government has generally respected these rights in prac-
tice, in July the President announced a ban on all public demonstrations that did
not have prior police approval. This ban was based on an apartheid-era law. The
ban was selectively enforced in late July when police in the northern town of
Okanguati broke up private meetings between a puolic interest law firm and its cli-
ents, Himba tribesmen opposed to the construction of the Epupa Dam, which the
Government supports (see Section 5). In August the High Cfourt struck down the
1989 law used by the President to justify the ban. The Government plans to appeal.
During the year various organizations, including political parties, religious
groups, women's organizations, students, and unemployed and former combatants
held large meetings and public gatherings without interference.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice. The Government cooperates with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and UNHCR officials have observed a
marked improvement in the Government's refugee policy. The Government's eligi-
bility committee has met on a regular basis to consider asylum requests. Refugee
status has been accorded to a numoer of asylum seekers, and those rejected are gen-
erally not being deported. There were no reports of forced expulsion of those having
a valid claim to refugee status, although illegal immigrants are often detained in
prisons for long periods of time before being deported.
Namibia is a first asylum country and continues to permit asylum seekers to
enter the country. There are presently more than 2,200 refugees and asylum seekers
at Osire camp, 90 percent oi whom are from Angola. The rest are from the Demo-
245
cratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Tanzania and other African coun-
tries. Asylum seekers are interviewed by government officials, and those granted
refugee status are permitted to work and attend school including the University of
Namibia. Schools have been established at the Osire refugee camp. Residents are
free to leave the unfenced facility, and many travel to Windhoek and other towns
on personal business and to sell handicrafts. On November 29, 129 Angolan refugees
were voluntarily repatriated to Angola. There were no credible reports that persons
were forcibly returned to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised this right for the second time in December 1994 in what observ-
ers generally agreed, despite some irregularities, to be free and fair presidential and
parliamentary elections. The Government printed and distributed useful and in-
formative voter guides with lists of government and opposition candidates and re-
quested international election observers. There were televised debates, and the op-
position parties were able to campaign freely. Two new parties were established
during the year.
The Constitution establishes a bicameral parliament and provides for general
elections every 5 years and regional elections every 6 years. Incumbent President
Sam Nujoma was reelected to a second 5-year term of office during the country's
first postindependence elections for the National Assembly and Presidency in iJe-
cember 1994. Although the Constitution limits the President to two terms, in May
the ruling SWAPO party's national congress recommended that the Constitution be
amended to permit President Nujoma to serve a third term.
The ruling SWAPO party holds 53 of the 72 elected National Assembly seats, the
Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA, the major opposition party) has 15 seats, and
three smaller parties occupy a total of 4 seats. Members of the National Assembly
are elected on a party list system on a proportional basis.
In April the ruling SWAPO party voted to changed the voting procedure, under
the Local Authorities Act, for local elections to be held early next year. The change
required local elections to be held on a party list instead of a ward system. It is
generally believed that the party list system favors the ruling SWAPO party, al-
though SWAPO claimed that it amendea the law to promote more female candidates
and because wards could not be delineated in time for the scheduled elections. Op-
position members walked out of Parliament in protest when SWAPO used its over-
whelming majority to amend the Local Authorities Act.
Women are increasingly involved in the political process but remain seriously
underrepresented despite promises by SWAPO to increase the number of women on
the party's appointed central committee. There are 2 female ministers and 3 female
deputy ministers out of a total of 42 ministerial and deputy ministerial positions.
In addition, two women hold cabinet-level positions, as Director of the Department
of Women Affairs in the Office of the President and Director of the National Plan-
ning Commission, and another woman serves as Ombudswoman. Women hold 15 of
98 parliamentary seats in the National Assembly and National Council. In 1996 fe-
male legislators formed a Women's Caucus in Parliament to review legislation for
gender sensitivity. Historic economic and educational disadvantages have served to
limit the participation of the indigenous San ethnic group in politics, although vir-
tually all of Namibia's other ethnic minorities are represented in Parliament and
the Cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Local nongovernmental organizations, such as the National Society for Human
Rights (NSHR) and the Legal Assistance Center, the Breaking the Walls of Silence
Movement, and those working with the Himbas in opposition to the Epupa Dam,
freely criticized the Government's handling of the SWAPO detainee issue, the ban
on public demonstrations, misconduct by security forces along the border, and dis-
crimination against women and indigenous ethnic groups. In addition, other human
rights or;ganizations such as the Media Institute for Southern Africa, the Center for
Applied Social Sciences, and the Human Rights Documentation Center worked
openly on a variety of human rights issues afTecting the press, women, ethnic mi-
norities, and other groups.
Although no specific grounds were made public, the Government briefiy ques-
tioned the admission of the National Society for Human Rights to consultative sta-
tus in the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), but in February
it decided not to prevent the NGO from associating with the U.N. body.
246
Representatives of international human rights organizations traveled to Namibia
and discussed human rights issues with governmental and nongovernmental rep-
resentatives.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, creed, gender, or religion,
and specifically pronibits "the practice and ideology of apartheid." Over the past
year, there was a significant improvement in the attention paid to women's issues
and the rights of the disabled.
Women. — Violence against women, including beating and rape, is widespread. Tra-
ditional attitudes regarding the subordination of women exacerbate problems of sex-
ual and domestic violence. In 1997, however, there was a dramatic improvement in
the attention paid to the problems of rape and domestic violence. Government min-
isters joined in public protests against violence. The President, members of his Cabi-
net, and parliamentarians spoke out forcefully against violence and called for longer
prison sentences for sexual offenders. Model rape legislation, prepared by the Wom-
en's Law Reform and Development Commission, was introduced in Parliament.
Courts handed down longer prison sentences to convicted rapists, and police confirm
that more women were coming forward to report cases of rape and domestic vio-
lence. Centers for abused women and children in Oshakati, Windhoek,
Keetmanshoop, Walvis Bay, and Rehoboth are staffed with specially trained female
police officers to assist victims of sexual assaults.
In 1996 the President elevated the head of the Department of Women Affairs to
cabinet rank. The passage in that year of the Married Persons Equality Act also
eliminated discriminatory practices against women married under civil law. Women
married in customary (traditional) marriages continue to face legal and cultural dis-
crimination. During the year, Oshiwambo chiefs denounced traditional practices
that permit family members to confiscate the property of deceased men from their
widows and children. Efi'orts are underway to address this issue and the problem
has been considerably reduced.
Children. — The Constitution enumerates children's rights, including those in the
area of education and health. The Government devotes 31 percent of the national
budget to education and an additional 15 to 20 percent towards health. In practice,
however, outmoded policies and laws and an untrained work force lead to inad-
equate attention to child welfare. Many San children do not attend school, and it
is difficult for the Government to afford basic protections to children living on re-
mote commercial farms.
Child abuse is a serious and increasingly acknowledged problem. The authorities
vigorously prosecuted cases involving crimes against children, particularly rape and
incest. One particularly heinous sexual assault on a baby was widely publicized in
the media and led to a national outcry against the problem of sexual attacks on chil-
dren. Courts are handing down stifTer sentences against child rapists and the Gov-
ernment is providing training for police ofi^icials to improve the handling of child sex
abuse cases. Centers for abused women and children are actively working to reduce
the trauma sufTered by abused children.
The Grovernment is expanding programs to separate juvenile offenders from adults
in the criminal justice system.
People With Disabilities. — While discrimination on the basis of disability is not ad-
dressed in the Constitution, the Labor Act of 1992 prohibits discrimination against
disabled persons in employment. However, enforcement in this area is weak.
The Government does not legally require special access to public buildings for the
disabled, and many ministries remain inaccessible to the disabled. Some municipal
governments, however, have installed ramps and special curbing for the disabled at
street crossings.
Indigenous People. — The Bushmen, also known as the San people, the country's
earliest known inhabitants, historically have been exploited by other ethnic groups.
While the Government has taken a number of measures to end this societal dis-
crimination against the San, including seeking their advice about proposed legisla-
tion on communally held lands and increasing their access to primary education, lit-
tle has been done to bring San representatives into the Government.
By law all indigenous groups are able to participate equally in decisions afTecting
their lands, cultures, traditions, and allocations of natural resources. Nevertheless,
the Bushmen and other indigenous citizens have been unable to exercise fully these
rights as a result of minimal access to education and economic opportunities under
colonial rule, coupled with their relative isolation in remote areas of the country.
In January autnorities arrested 73 members of the Hai//om Bushmen community
for blocking the gates to a national game park. The Bushmen were protesting in
247
support of the return of their ancestral lands which had been seized in order to cre-
ate the park. The Hai//om maintained that their previous requests to discuss the
case with government officials had been ignored. The protesters were released on
bail, and later in the year the case was dropped.
In April the Government unilaterally announced plans to expand aprison in the
West Caprivi Game Park on land claimed by the Kxoe ethnic group. The expansion
would deny access by members of the Kxoe ethnic group to revenues from commu-
nity-based tourism projects on their lands. There is some question, however, regard-
ing the Kxoe's right to occupy that land. The project was an important mechanism
for empowering the Kxoe to benefit from tourism activities in their community.
The Government's plans to build a dam on the Kunene river that would Hood an-
cestral graves and grazing areas of the seminomadic Himba people proved con-
troversial. The Government has made repeated efforts to consult with Himba lead-
ers regarding the project, but many of the Himba chiefs remain adamantly opposed
to the project. Namibian leaders have harshly criticized those opposed to the project,
terming them "enemies of development." In July police in Okanguati broke up a pri-
vate meeting between Himba chiefs and their lawyers (see Section 2.b.).
The Traditional Authorities Act, which came into effect in December 1995, defines
the role, duties, and powers of traditional leaders. The act provides that customary
law that is inconsistent with provisions of the Constitution is invalid and it enumer-
ates the types of crimes that may be dealt with in traditional courts. The act assigns
to traditional leaders the role of guardians of culture and tradition, and also man-
dates that traditional leaders elected to Parliament choose between their traditional
and elected offices before the end of 1996. This provision has not been enforced, and
several traditional leaders remain in Parliament.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The Constitution prohibits discrimination
based on race and other factors and specifically prohibits "the practice and ideology
of apartheid." Nevertheless, as a result of more than 70 years of South African ad-
ministration, societal, racial, and ethnic discrimination persists, and some apart-
heid-based statutes have not yet been repealed or replacea by the Parliament. Many
nonwhites continued to complain that the Government was not moving quickly
enough in education, health, housing, employment, and access to land.
Some opposition parties, including members of the Herero and Nama ethnic
groups, also complained that the SWAPO-led Government provided more develop-
ment assistance to the numerically dominant Ovambo ethnic group of far northern
Namibia than to other groups or regions of the country. Nevertheless, members of
smaller ethnic groups hold prominent government posts, including the offices of the
Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Speak-
er of the National Assembly. In June leaders of the "Baster" community in Rehoboth
reconciled with the Government and dropped their demand that the Government re-
turn the community's "traditional lands" which had reverted to the central Govern-
ment upon independence.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for freedom of association,
including freedom to form and join trade unions. The 1992 Labor Act extended that
right to public servants, farm workers, and domestic employees. Trade unions have
no difficulty registering, and there are no government restrictions on who may serve
as a union ofilcial. No union has been dissolved by government action. During the
year, the Namibian public service held vigorously contested union elections.
Unions are independent of Government and may form federations. The two prin-
cipal trade union umbrella organizations are the National Union of Namibian Work-
ers (NUNW), and the Namibia People's Social Movement (NPSM). The larger
NUNW continues to maintain its strong affiliation with the ruling SWAPO party.
Roughly half of the wage sector is organized to some degree, although less than 20
percent of full-time wage earners are organized.
Except for workers providing essential services (e.g., jobs related to public health
and safety) and workers in the nascent export processing zones (EPZ's), workers
enjoy the right to strike once conciliation procedures have been exhausted. Under
the Labor Act, strike action can only be used in disputes involving specific worker
interests, such as pay raises. Disputes over worker rights, including dismissals,
must be referred to a labor court (which is convened when needed in the existing
magisterial districts) for arbitration. The Labor Act protects legally striking workers
from unfair dismissal.
Unemployment, which is nearly 40 percent, remained a significant problem in Na-
mibia, alTecting largely the black majority. Apartheid-era attitudes among some em-
ployers contributed to a divisive, lO-weelc strike at a major mining firm. While the
248
atmosphere at the three mine sites was tense and occasionally violent, the con-
frontation was eventually defused by high-level government intervention.
Trade unions are free to exchange visits with foreign trade unions and to affiliate
with international trade union organizations. Unions have exercised this right with-
out interference. The American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organi-
zations, through its African-American Labor Center representative in South Africa,
provided technical assistance to the NUNW during regular visits to Namibia.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The 1992 Labor Act provides
employees with the right to bargain individually or collectively. Collective bargain-
ing is not widely practiced outside the mining and construction industries; wages
are usually set by employers. As unions become more active, however, informal col-
lective bargaining is becoming more common.
The Labor Act provides a process for employer recognition of trade unions and
protection for members and organizers. The law also empowers the labor court to
remedy unfair labor practices and explicitly forbids unfair dismissals, which may be
appealed to the labor court.
The Labor Act applies to the prospective EPZ in Walvis Bay. A compromise on
this point was reached by the Government and NUNW representatives in August
1995. However, trade unionists continued to challenge the constitutionality of the
compromise because it precludes strikes and lockouts. Under the compromise, labor-
related issues in the EPZ would be referred to a special EPZ Dispute Settlement
Panel, composed of employers and workers, for expeditious resolution. With only a
few businesses operating in the Walvis Bay EPZ, the effectiveness of this com-
promise in securing the rights of workers in the EPZ could not yet be determined.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced and bonded labor of adults
and children is prohibited by law. During the year there were ongoing reports in
the media that farm and domestic workers often receive inadequate compensation
for their labor and are subject to strict control by employers. Ministry of Labor in-
spectors sometimes encountered problems in gaining access to the country's large,
privately owned commercial farms in order to document possible Labor Code viola-
tions.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded labor by children (see Section 6.c.). Under the
1992 Labor Act, the minimum age for employment is 14 years, with higher age re-
quirements for certain sectors such as mining, construction, and night work. Min-
istry of Labor inspectors generally enforce minimum age regulations, but children
below the age of 14 often work on family and commercial farms, and in the informal
sector. A 1991 census report on the status of children estimates that 13,800 children
under 15 years of age are already in the labor force. Of these, 41 percent are work-
ing as unpaid laborers on family and commercial farms. Boys in rural areas tradi-
tionally start herding livestock at the age of 7. According to 1991 figures, approxi-
mately 2 percent of farm workers are children (mainly from the San ethnic group).
There were also reports that Angolan and Zambian children, who are not protected
by the Labor Act, worked on communal and cattle farms in border areas.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no statutory minimum wage law. In
Windhoek's nonwhite townships, many workers and their families have difficulty
maintaining a minimally decent standard of living. White citizens earn significantly
more on average than do black citizens, in large part because whites own most of
the country's productive resources and have had access to education that enables
them to take advantage of the skilled labor shortage.
After independence the standard legal workweek was reduced from 46 to 45
hours, and includes at least one 24-hour rest period per week. An employer may re-
quire no more than 10 hours per week of overtime. The law mandates 24 consecu-
tive days of annual leave, at least 30 workdays of sick leave per year, and 3 months
of unpaid maternity leave. In practice, however, these provisions are not yet rigor-
ously observed or enforced by the Ministry of Labor. In 1996 two important NGO
studies — one of farm workers and the other of domestic employees — highlighted the
dismal conditions which some employees encounter while working in these occupa-
tions.
The Government mandates occupational health and safety standards. The Labor
Act empowers the President to enforce them through inspections and criminal pen-
alties. The law requires employers to ensure the health, safety, and welfare of their
employees. It provides employees with the right to remove themselves from dan-
gerous work situations.
249
NIGER
On January 27, 1996 a group of army officers led by then Colonel Ibrahim
Mainassara Bare overthrew the elected government of Niger. The leaders of the
coup d'etat quickly established a Military Council of National Salvation (CNS) and
a subordinate interim cabinet. The CNS suspended the 1992 Constitution, dissolved
the National Assembly, implemented a state of emergency, and temporarily prohib-
ited political activity. Top civilian government leaders were put under house arrest.
The Government subsequently organized a Constitutional Conference, held a ref-
erendum on the new Constitution, and conducted a seriously flawed presidential
election, which was won by Bare. The November 1996 legislative elections were boy-
cotted by the opposition. Progovernment parties and supporters claimed all 83 Na-
tional Assembly seats. The judiciary remams subject to executive interference.
Security forces consist of the army, the Republican Guard, the gendarmerie (para-
military police), and the national police. The police and the gendarmerie tradition-
ally have primary responsibility for internal security. However, since the coup, the
army has had a much more prominent role. The 1996 coup was led by army officers
with some support from the gendarmerie. Following the coup, members of all secu-
rity forces committed human rights abuses. Security force members continued to
commit abuses in 1997.
The economy is based mainly on traditional subsistence farming, herding, small
trading, and informal markets. I>ess than 15 percent of the economy is in the mod-
em sector. Uranium is the most important export. Per capita income is about $260.
Persistent drought, deforestation and soil degradation, low literacy, a flat uranium
maritet, high import prices and burdensome debt further weakened the already
troubled economy. Niger is heavily dependent on foreign assistance, and one of the
aftermaths of the coup was a sharp fall in foreign aid, only partially reversed in
1997.
The Gk)vemment's human rights record remained the same, and serious problems
remained in many areas. The 1996 coup and the fraudulent 1996 presidential elec-
tion effectively disenfranchised citizens, preventing them from exercising the right
to change their government. Security forces on occasion beat and intimidated opposi-
tion political figures and violated laws governing searches, treatment of prisoners,
and length of detention. Prison conditions remained poor. The overloaded judicial
system and delays in trials resulted in long periods of pretrial confinement. The
Government continued to intimidate the private press and radio and arrested, de-
tained, and mistreated journalists. The Government also passed a stringent new
press law. The Government continued to ban peaceable meetings and demonstra-
tions, although less often than in 1996. The Government restricted freedom of move-
ment. Societal discrimination and domestic violence against women continued to be
serious problems. Female genital mutilation persists. The Government restricts
some worker rights.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing.— There were no confirmed reports of
political or other extrajudicial killings by government officials. A civilian, Hassan
Ali, died under suspicious circumstances while being detained by soldiers near Din"a.
Violence in the north decreased following the signing in April 1995 of a peace pact
between Tuareg separatists and the Government. A similar agreement in April 1996
between the Government and the Arab/Toubou/Kanouri Front (CRA) basecl in east-
em Niger, which seeks independence for its region, also reduced the sporadic vio-
lence in that area. However, there were numerous potentially destabilizing incidents
in the north and east. The Government claimed to have killed 14 rebels near the
Libyan border on January 19 after the rebels attacked a civilian convoy. Clashes
took place between government forces and Toubou rebels in May and June in the
Lake Chad region, resulting in about eight deaths. On September 20, Toubou rebels
attacked an army outpost at Madama in northeast Niger, resulting in five military
deaths and five wounded (three military and two civilians). On October 8, Revolu-
tionary Armed Forces Union (UFRA) elements attacked a 15-vehicle truck convoy
and killed one of the military escorts. During a rebel attack on Aderbissnat on Octo-
ber 19, 6 soldiers, 1 civilian and 20 rebels were killed. On November 14, rebels at-
tacked an army post on the border with Nigeria; the Government claims three
rebels were killed and 1 soldier injured.
b. Disappearance. —There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the Constitution prohibits such practices, individuals widely believed to be
250
members of the security forces detained and beat opposition political activist Elhadj
Qumarou Oubandawaki on February 3 for repeatea criticism of the Government on
the radio. He suffered head injuries, and a broken arm, and had several teeth
knocked out.
On April 10, four unidentified men, again widely believed to be security officers,
seized Souley Adji, an academic who had written critically of the Government, at
his home, drove him outside of Niamey, stripped him naked, and beat him into un-
consciousness. Government inquiries into both beatings produced no results.
Police used tear gas and force to break up a peaceful protest march in January
injuring over two dozen persons (see Sections l.d. and 2. a.).
Prison conditions are poor. Prisons are underfunded and understafTed. They are
overcrowded and diet, health, and sanitary conditions for prisoners are very poor.
The national health budget for prisoners was $40,000 (cfa 23.9 million) a slight in-
crease from 1996.
FVisoners are segregated by sex, but minors and adults are incarcerated together.
Family visits are allowed, and prisoners can receive supplemental food and other
necessities from their families. There are no reports of unduly harsh treatment, be-
yond the very poor conditions of detention, but petty corruption among prison stafT
is also reportecf to be rampant.
Human rights monitors visit the prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Although the Constitution prohibits arbi-
trary detention, and laws officially prohibit detention without charge in excess of 48
hours, police violate these provisions in practice. If police fail to gather sufficient
evidence within the detention period, the prosecutor gives the case to another offi-
cer, and a new 48-hour detention period begins.
The judicial system is seriously overloaded. There are no statutory limits on pre-
trial confinement of indicted persons; detention frequently lasts months or years,
and some persons have been waiting as long as 7 years to be charged. Of 795 pris-
oners in Niamey's prison in May, 696 (86 percent) were awaiting trial.
The law provides for a right to counsel, although only one defense attorney is
known to have a private practice outside the capital. A defendant has the right to
a lawyer immediately upon detention. The State provides a defense attorney for
indigents.
Bail is available for crimes carrying a penalty of less than 10 years' imprison-
ment. Widespread ignorance of the law ana lack of financial means prevent full ex-
ercise of these rights.
On January 11, police put former president Mahamane Ousmane, former National
Assembly Speaker Mahamadou Issoufou, and opposition party leader Tandja
Mamadou under house arrest for 3 days, ostensibly for "threatening state security."
They were then detained in undisclosed security facilities for 9 days before being
released on January 23. No charges were brought against any of them.
On January 11, police also detained dozens of other opposition activists, including
many women who had attempted to stage a peaceful protest march. About 26 per-
sons were injured when the police, using tear gas, forcefully broke up the march
(see Section 2.a.). Police held the majority of the detainees without charges for about
10 days before releasing them. All were released by January 23, and tnere was no
evidence of mistreatment by the police while they were detained.
On January 23, police arrested Souley Oumarou, a lawyer for the political opposi-
tion, apparently to intimidate him from bringing legal charges against President
Bare over the coup d'etat. He was released 3 days later.
In March police detained nine persons after a peaceful assembly, in which several
of the arrestees had apparently not even participated. They were sentenced to 2
months' imprisonment lor alleged "armed illegal assembly."
In March 23 electric utility workers were arrested for sabotage, in most cases
without evidence. In April two of those arrested were sentenced to prison terms of
2 months, and two others to 2 years; the rest were released. The workers sentenced
to 2 years of imprisonment were subsequently released and have resumed work at
the electric utility.
In February and April, coinciding with Muslim holy days, President Bare par-
doned all prisoners with less than 6 months yet to serve, all juveniles, nursing and
pregnant women, prisoners over 55 years old, and those with certain illnesses. The
April pardon was also extended to certain other convicts with less than 1 year re-
maining on their sentences.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and there were no reports of its use.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but it is subject to executive interference. Although the Supreme Court has
on occasion asserted its independence, human rights groups assert that family and
business ties infiuence the lower courts and undermine their integrity. Judges some-
251
times fear reassignment or having their financial benefits reduced if they render a
decision unfavorable to the Government, though such coercive tactics are reportedly
less frequently used.
Defendants and prosecutors may appeal a verdict, first to the Court of Appeals,
then to the Supreme Court. The Court of Appeals reviews questions of fact ana law,
while the Supreme Court reviews only the application of law and constitutional
questions.
Traditional chiefs can act as mediators and counselors and have authority in the
realm of customary law as well as status under modern law where they are des-
ignated as auxiliaries to local administrators. They are charged with collecting local
taxes and receive stif)ends from the Government, but they do not have police or judi-
cial powers and can only mediate, not arbitrate, disputes under customary law. Cus-
tomary courts, located only in large towns and cities, try cases involving divorce or
inheritance. They are headed by a legal practitioner with basic legal education who
is advised by an assessor knowledgeable in the society's traditions. The judicial ac-
tions of chiefs and customary courts are not regulated by code, and defendants may
appeal a verdict to the formal court system. Women do not have equal legal status
with men and do not enjoy the same access to legal redress (see Section 5).
In January shortly after government forces broke up opposition demonstrations,
the Government revived a 1974 law authorizing a State Security Court. According
to government spokesmen, the Court would have jurisdiction over crimes committed
against national security. Although members of the Court were sworn in on January
17, no trials were held.
Defendants have the right to counsel, to be present at trial, to confront witnesses,
to examine the evidence against them, and to appeal verdicts. The Constitution af-
firms the presumption of innocence. The law provides for counsel at public expense
for minors and indigent defendants charged with crimes carrying a sentence of 10
years or more. Although lawyers comply with government requests to provide coun-
sel, they are generally not remunerated by the Government.
At year's end, there were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
requires that police have a search warrant, normally issued by a judge. Police may
search without warrants when they have strong suspicion that a house shelters
criminals or stolen property. However, human rights organizations report that police
often conduct routine searches without warrants. The law authorizing the State Se-
curity Court also provides for warrantless searches. Such searches were carried out
repeatedly in January at the homes and offices of opposition political figures.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom, of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, but the Government took actions that limited press freedom.
The local independent press remained relatively assertive in criticizing govern-
ment actions. No newspaper was forced to shut down. Foreign journals circulate and
report freely.
However, on March 1 five persons in military uniforms vandalized the independ-
ent radio station Anfani. Two weeks later police arrested five Anfani employees, in-
cluding general manager Gremah Boucar, for "defamation of the army," after he
lodged a complaint. Three of the employees were quickly released, but Gremah and
the watchman who witnessed the attack were held for 6 days. Tliey were released
after agreeing to repudiate their version of the events of March 1. A government
inquiry into the incident never produced a report.
On April 10, four unidentified men seized at his home university professor and
independent newspaper contributor Souley Adji, who had written critically of the
Government. They drove him outside of Niamey, stripped him naked, and beat him
until he became unconscious.
On June 24, the National Assembly adopted a new press law, which made jour-
nalist accreditation more stringent, disqualifying many independent journalists, and
stiffened libel laws, prescribing stiff fines and jail terms for anyone defaming or in-
sulting the President or other high officials. The journalists union quickly de-
nounced the measure as unnecessary (a 1993 press law was already in force) and
as an attempt by the Government to destroy the independent press.
The Government used the new law to intimidate the press. On October 7, the
Government sentenced independent newspaper publisher Moussa Tchangari to 3
months in prison and an approximately $80 (cfa 50,000) fine for reproducing inter-
nal government correspondence; the Supreme Court granted Tchangari provisional
release after he served 2 months.
On October 23, Bangnou Bonkoukou, President of the Niger League for the De-
fense of Human Rights, was sentenced under the new press law to a 2-year prison
252
term "for libeling" the President. He was airested on October 10 and tried on Octo-
ber 20. The court found Bonkoukou guilty of libel based on his interview with a
Burkina Faso newspaper in which he questioned the President's "legitimacy" and
accused him of imposing a "dictatorship" on the country.
On October 26, in a statement broadcast on the evening news, Minister of Interior
Idi Ango Omar warned government opponents that capital punishment was per-
mitted under the country's laws and, after attacking Bangnou Bonkoukou, implied
that capital punishment might be used against those who allegedly "prefer the dis-
memberment of Niger more than its stability." Bonkoukou was subsequently re-
leased after serving less than 3 months of his 2-year sentence, while the constitu-
tional issue is being decided.
The Government has not yet denied accreditation to any journalists; the (jovem-
ment has not begun issuing new press cards according to the new press law criteria.
Journalists may function without accreditation, although if accredited they could ob-
tain financial advantages.
The most important public medium is the government-operated, multilingual na-
tional radio service. It provided only minimal air time for opposition political views.
The Government publishes the French language daily, Le Sahel, and its weekend
edition. There are about 12 private French language weeklies or monthlies some of
which are loosely afTiliated with political parties.
Academic freedom is respected.
The faculty of the University of Niamey began an open-ended strike on October
22 to protest the deterioration of their living and working conditions. They de-
manded back pay and more resources for university instruction. Riot police were de-
ployed in Niamey on November 13 as thousands of university students, accompanied
by parallel marches of junior high and high school students, demonstrated to de-
mand unpaid allowances. A student sit-in at the national treasury was dispersed
by tear gas, and two student leaders were arrested. According to the Secretar>' Gen-
eral of the Treasury Workers Union, riot police locked the treasury staff and the
students in the building and tossed in tear gas canisters. Press reports stated that
four people were injured and many windows were broken when the occupants tried
to escape. Simultaneously, on the campus of the university, riot police and gen-
darmes attacked students to clear the campus. Observers report that three students
were injured seriously.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly; however, the Government on occasion banned peaceable meet-
ings and demonstrations. The Government retains the authority to prohibit gather-
ings either under tense social conditions or if advance notice (48 hours) is not pro-
vided. Opposition parties are legally permitted to hold demonstrations, but their re-
quests for permission to march are still occasionally denied or canceled. Despite
having rescinded its temporary ban on public demonstrations prior to the 1996 elec-
tion, the Government frequently bannea or broke up peaceable assemblies and dem-
onstrations in the first half of the year. In the secona half of the year, however, the
Government generally allowed such gatherings to take place.
On January 11, police using tear gas forcibly broke up peaceful demonstrations
organized by the political opposition in Niamey, Zinder and Diffa, principally to de-
mand greater access hy the opposition to government radio broadcast facilities. Po-
lice arrested dozens of'^ demonstrators and caused several injuries (see Sections I.e.
and l.d.). On March 9, police again used tear gas to disperse a smaller peaceful op-
position demonstration in Niamey.
On July 8, the anniversary of*^ President Bare's disputed election, security forces
prevented opposition parties from staging protest demonstrations in Niamey, sealed
off opposition party headquarters, and ejected their activists. In other cities, includ-
ing Tahoua, Maradi, and Zinder, violent clashes occurred the same day between po-
lice and demonstrators, and police arrested dozens of protesters. The demonstrators
were released; none were tried.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association with some limitations. Citi-
zens may form political parties of any kind, except those that are based on ethnicity,
religion, or region, and the Government respects these provisions in practice. There
are now 24 political parties, 2 of which were organized during the year. Opposition
parties are sometimes permitted to hold meetings, but their requests for permits to
assemble are still occasionally denied or canceled.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution prohibits any interference with the
practice of religion, and the Government generally respects freedom of religion. Most
citizens practice Islam. In February authorities arrested and briefly detained a local
Islamic religious leader for celebrating the end of the Muslim holy month of Rama-
dan on February 9 instead of the official date of February 8. Seven policemen and
253
six civilians were injured, and a police station and vehicles were damaged when his
fundamentalist followers attempted to free him from detention.
Christians (including Jehovah's Witnesses) and Baha'i practice freely. Foreign
missionaries work freely, but their organizations must be registered as Nigerien as-
sociations.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for freedom of movement and does not restrict either
emigration or repatriation. However, there were numerous cases in which the (gov-
ernment restricted the travel, both internal and external, of opposition political fig-
ures, even though no formal legal grounds exist for such restrictions. Customs and
immigration officials maintain a list, prepared by the Government in 1996 after the
presidential election, of people who were not permitted to leave Niger.
Among the Hausa and Fulani peoples in eastern Niger, some women are clois-
tered and may leave their homes only if escorted by a male and usually only after
dark. Security forces at checkpoints monitor travel of persons and the circulation
of goods, particularly near major population centers, and sometimes demand extra
payments. Attacks by bandits on major routes to the north have declined consider-
ably, although people often travel in convoys with military escorts for security.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. In accordance with United Nations principles, the Government offers first
asylum to refugees. To date it has offered asylum to several thousand persons from
neighboring countries, as well as to smaller numbers from distant countries. There
are less than 600 Chadian refugees in eastern Niger; others returned voluntarily to
Chad earlier in the year following a repatriation agreement between Niger and
Chad. In addition it was anticipated that several thousand Tuareg refugees from
Mali residing in Niger would voluntarily return to Mali with UNHCR and Inter-
national Committee of the Red Cross assistance, but by year's end only small num-
bers of refugees had returned. About 400 refugees voluntarily repatriated in August
from Burkina Faso. About 3,500 Nigerien refugees in Algeria had been expected to
voluntarily repatriate to Niger in 1997; however, this repatriation was delayed until
1998.
There were no reports of forced repatriation of refugees or of forced return of per-
sons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for the right of citizens to change their government;
however, the January 1996 coup and the fraudulent July 1996 presidential election
effectively disenfranchised citizens, preventing them from exercising this right. The
boycotted November 1996 National Assembly elections, and the detention of many
opposition figures in January leave this right in question. President Bare rules by
decree when the National Assembly is not in session, and his regime continues to
govern, although its field of maneuver is circumscribed by fiscal constraints. The ex-
ecutive is largely unchecked by the weak assembly and judicial branches. The Gov-
ernment and the opposition are unable to reach agreement on a more inclusive and
representative government. Communal elections are proposed for early 1998; the
next presidential and legislative elections are scheduled to be held in 2001.
The January 1996 coup d'etat led by (then Colonel, now General and President)
Ibrahim Mainassara Bare overthrew the democratically elected government. In the
days following the coup. Bare and the coup leadership dissolved the National As-
sembly, banned political party activity, suspended the 1992 Constitution, and de-
clared a state of emergency.
In a 1996 referendum with a low turnout, voters approved a new Constitution
that reiterated rights granted under the 1992 document. The Constitution provides
for a political system with checks and balances, an ethnically representative 83-seat
National Assembly, and an independent judiciary. Citizens 18 years of age and over
can vote, and balloting is by secret ballot. The most prominent constitutional
changes are the provisions for a stronger presidency, which make the Prime Min-
ister more clearly subordinate to the President.
The military government organized presidential elections on July 7 and 8, 1996,
in which General Bare ran against four political party candidates. However, midway
through voting, when preliminary results showed Barre running last, the regime
dismissed the indepenaent electoral commission, took control oi ballot boxes, and
prevented political party representatives and neutral observers from monitoring the
vote tabulation. Bare claimed 52 percent of the votes, a result widely viewed as
fraudulent by both local and international observers.
254
In November 1996, a new National Assembly was chosen by popular vote in a low
turnout contest boycotted by most of the political opposition. The legislative elec-
tions were generally regarded as administratively correct but considered meaning-
less since the opposition fully boycotted them. Observers selectively monitored the
elections.
In January the Government detained the leaders of the three principal political
parties and dozens of their supporters, following demonstrations against the Gov-
ernment. The Government also revived a State Security Court, broke up other dem-
onstrations, and denied opposition applications to assemble and protest.
On November 24, Bare dismissed his government, citing its poor performance in
managing the country's problems. On November 28, he appointed the previous for-
eign minister as Prime Minister. On December 1, he named a new 24-member Grov-
emment, which includes 16 members from the previous government. Opposition
leaders declined to play a role in the new Government.
Women traditionally play a subordinate role in politics. The societal practice of
husbands' voting their wives' proxy ballots effectively disenfranchises many women.
This practice was widely used in presidential and National Assembly elections.
In the National Assembly elected in November 1996, only 1 of the 83 elected
members was female, compared with 3 in the previous legislature. The last precoup
government appointed five women to cabinet positions; the present one has three
Female ministers.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Several independent human rights groups and associations normally operate with-
out explicit governmental hindrance, and they publish findings and conclusions
often highly critical of the Government, in their own publications and in the small
independent press. However, the Government maintains a certain atmosphere of in-
timidation, notably as a result of the restrictive press law and its use to charge and
convict a newspaper publisher and human rights group head for publication ofinter-
nal government documents and defamation of the President (see Section 2. a.). Domi-
nant among the associations are the Nigerien Association for the Defense of Human
Rights (ANDDH); Democracy, Liberty, and Development (DLD); the Nigerien
League for Defense of Human Rights; Adalci; the Network for the Integration and
Diffusion of Rights in the Rural Milieu (known as "ridd-fitla "); the Niger Independ-
ent Majgistrates Association (SAMAN); and the Association of Women Jurists of
Niger. Tnere are several other women's rights groups. The International Committee
of the Red Cross is active in Niger. In November the Government banned a protest
meeting by two groups intending to protest the conviction of a journalist under the
stringent new press.
In 1996 an association of local NGO's representing all political views created an
umbrella association, the "CollectiT, to promote human rights and democracy. The
Collectif continued to operate, but was less active during the year.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on sex, social origin, race, eth-
nicity, or religion. In practice, however, there is discrimination against women, chil-
dren, ethnic minorities, and disabled persons, including limited economic and politi-
cal opportunities.
Women. — Domestic violence against women is widespread, although firm statistics
are lacking. Wife beating is reportedly common, even in upper social strata. Fami-
lies often intervene to prevent the worst abuses, and women may (and do) divorce
because of physical abuse. While women have the right to seek redress in the cus-
tomary or modem courts, few do so from ignorance ol the legal system, fear of social
stigma, and fear of repudiation. Women's rights organizations report that prostitu-
tion is often the only economic alternative for a woman who wants to leave her hus-
band.
Despite the Constitution's provisions for women's rights, the deep-seated tradi-
tional belief in the submission of women to men results in discrimination in the po-
litical process (see Section 3), and in education, employment, and property rights.
Discrimination is worse in rural areas, where women do much of the subsistence
farming as well as child rearing, water and wood gathering, and other chores. De-
spite comprising 47 percent of the work force, women have made only modest in-
roads in civil service and professional employment and remain undentjpresented in
these areas.
Women's inferior legal status is evident, for example, in head of the household
status: a male head of household has certain legal rights; but divorced or widowed
255
women, even with children, are not considered to be the heads of their households.
In 1995 the Government considered a draft family code modeled on codes in other
African Muslim countries intended to eliminate gender bias in inheritance rights,
land tenure, and child custody, as well as end the practice of repudiation, which per-
mits a husband to obtain an immediate divorce with no further responsibility for
his wife or children. In June 1995, when Islamic associations condemned the draft
code, the Government suspended discussions and has taken no further action, nor
has the current legislature discussed the family code. Islamic militants reportedly
threatened women who supported the code with physical harm.
Children. — Although the Constitution provides that the State promote children's
welfare, financial resources are extremely limited. Only about 25 percent of children
of primary school age attend school, and about 60 percent of those finishing primary
school are boys. The majority of young girls are kept at home to work and rarely
attend school for more than a few years, resulting in a female literacy rate of 7 per-
cent, versus 18 percent for males. Tradition among some ethnic groups allows young
girls from rural families to enter marriage agreements on the oasis of which girls
are sent at the age of 10 or 12 to join tneir husband's family under the tutelage
of their mother-in^aw. There are credible reports of underage girls being drawn into
prostitution, sometimes with the complicity of the family.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is practiced
by several ethnic groups in the extreme western and far eastern areas of the coun-
try. Clitoridectomy is the most conrmon form of FGM. FGM is not illegal, but the
Government is firmly engaged in an efTort to eliminate the practice. Tne Govern-
ment is working closely with a local NGO, United Nations Children's Fund, and
other donors to develop and distribute educational materials at government clinics
and maternal health centers.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution mandates that the State provide for
people with disabilities. However, the Government has yet to implement regulations
that call for accessibility to buildings and education for those with special needs. So-
cietal discrimination against people with disabilities exists.
National/ Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Ethnic minorities — Tuareg, Fulani, Toubou,
Kanouri, and Arab — continue to assert that the far more numerous Hausa and
Djerma ethnic groups discriminate against them. The Djerma and Hausa dominate
government and business. The Government has supported greater minority rep-
resentation in the National Assembly and increased education and health care. It
supports the April 1995 peace accord calling for special development efTorts in the
north where the Tuareg population is dominant. However, nomadic peoples, such as
Tuaregs and many Fulani, continue to have less access to government services.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides formal recognition of
workers' longstanding right to establish and join trade unions. However, more than
95 percent of the work force is employed in the nonunionized subsistence agricul-
tural and small trading sectors.
The National Union of Nigerien Workers (USTN), a federation made up of 38
unions, represents the majority of salary earners; most are government employees,
such as civil servants, teachers, and employees in state-owned corporations. The
USTN and the affiliated National Union of" Nigerien Teachers (SNEN) profess politi-
cal autonomy, but, like most unions, have informal ties to political parties. There
is also a small breakaway union confederation, and independent teachers' and mag-
istrates' unions.
However, police, water, and forest worker unions, shut down by the Government
in 1996 because of their "paramilitary nature," remain suspended. The customs
workers union, suspended in 1996 for the same stated reason, was dissolved on
March 24.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike, except for security forces and po-
lice. In March 1994, the National Assembly passed a strike law specifying that labor
must give notice and begin negotiations before work is stopped; that public workers
must maintain a minimum level of service during a strike; that the Government can
requisition workers to guarantee minimum service; and that striking public sector
workers will not be paid for the time they are on strike. The latter condition already
prevailed in the private sector.
During 1997 labor continued to challenge the Government on various issues af-
fecting workers. The USTN called many short strikes, generally of 1 to 3 days' dura-
tion and unevenly observed, to support its demands for: Payment of several months'
wage arrears; cancellation of salary reductions for civil servants and an increase in
income tax rates; and an end to government plans to privatize several state enter-
256
prises. The USTN also sought the release of several trade unionists arrested in
March on charges of sabotage (19 were released, 4 were sentenced from 2 months
to 2 years in jail). Although these strikes failed to achieve all their objectives, they
indicated that the right to strike, within accepted procedures, is permitted. Teachers
at the University of Niamey began an open-ended strike on October 22 (see Section
2. a.) which was resolved by year's end.
The USTN is a member of the Organization of African Trade Union Unity and
abides by that organization's policy of having no formal affiliations outside the Afri-
can continent. However, it enjoys assistance from some international unions, and in-
dividual unions such as the teachers union are affiliated with international trade
secretariats.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — In addition to the Constitu-
tion and the Labor Code, there is a basic framework agreement, negotiated by the
USTN's predecessor, employers, and the Government, which defines all classes and
categories of work, establishes basic conditions of work, and defines union activities.
In private and state-owned enterprises, unions widely use their right to bargain col-
lectively with management without government interference for wages over and
above tne statutory minimum as well as for more favorable work conditions. Collec-
tive bargaining also exists in the public sector. However, since most organized work-
ers, including teachers, are government employees, the Government is actually in-
volved in most bargaining agreements. The USTN represents civil servants in bar-
gaining with the (jovernment, and labor/management agreements apply uniformly
to all employees.
The Labor Code is based on International Labor Organization principles; it pro-
tects the right to organize and prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers.
Labor unions reported no such discrimination.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition oj Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, except for legally convicted prisoners. The Code does not spe-
cifically prohibit forced or bonded labor by children. There were no reports of viola-
tions.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Child
labor in nonindustrial enterprises is permitted by law under certain conditions.
Children under the age of 14 must obtain special authorization to work, and those
14 to 18 years of age are subject to limitation on hours (a maximum of 4V'2 hours
per day) and types of employment (no industrial work) so that schooling may con-
tinue. Minimum compulsory education is 6 years, but far fewer than half of school-
age children complete 6 years of education.
The law requires employers to ensure minimum sanitary working conditions for
children. Law and practice prohibit child labor in industrial work. F'orced or bonded
labor by children is not specifically prohibited (see Section 6.c.). Ministry of Labor
inspectors enforce child labor laws. Child labor is practically nonexistent in the for-
mal (wage) sector, although children work in the unregulated agricultural, commer-
cial, and artisan sectors, and some, especially foreign youths, are hired in homes as
general helpers and baby sitters for very low pay. Rural children (the majority) reg-
ularly work with their families from a very early age— helping in the fields, pound-
ing grain, tending animals, getting firewood and water, and other similar tasks.
Some children are kept out of school to guide a blind relative on begging rounds.
Others are sometimes employed by marabouts (Koranic teachers) to beg in the
streets. There is no official regulation of this labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code establishes a minimum wage
for salaried workers of each class and category within the formal sector. The lowest
minimum is approximately $34 (20,500 cfa francs) per month. Additional salary is
granted for each family member and for such working conditions as night shifts and
required travel. Minimum wages are not sufficient to provide a decent living for
workers and their families. Government salaries are substantially in arrears, which
was a factor in stimulating the strike by teachers at the University of Niamey. Most
households have multiple earners (largely informal commerce) and rely on the ex-
tended family for support.
The legal workweek is 40 hours with a minimum of one 24-hour rest period. How-
ever, for certain occupations the Ministry of Labor authorizes longer workweeks —
up to 72 hours. There were no reports of violations.
The Labor Code also establishes occupational safety and health standards; Min-
istry of Labor inspectors enforce these standards. Due to staff shortages, however,
inspectors focus on safety violations only in the most dangerous industries: Mining;
building; and manufacturing. Although generally satisfied with the safety equip-
ment provided by employers, citing in particular adequate protection from radiation
in the uranium mines, unions say workers should be better informed of the risks
257
posed by their jobs. Workers have the right to remove themselves from hazardous
conditions without fear of losing their jobs.
NIGERIA
General Sani Abacha, who seized power in a palace coup in November 1993, re-
mained Head of State throughout 1997. Under Abacha, tne main decisionmaking
organ is the exclusively military Provisional Ruling Council (PRC), which rules by
decree. The PRC oversees the 33-member Federal Executive Council composed of
military ofllcers and civilians. Pending the promulgation of the Constitution written
by the Constitutional Conference in 1995 and subsequently approved by the Head
of State, the Government observes some provisions of the 1979 and 1989 Constitu-
tions. The decree suspending the 1979 Constitution was not repealed and the 1989
Constitution was not implemented. The transition timetable announced by Abacha
in 1995, which purports to return the country to democratically elected civilian gov-
ernment by October 1, 1998, underwent significant revisions in July. The judiciary's
authority and independence are significantly impaired by the military regime's arro-
gation of judicial power and prohibition of court review of its action.
The Government continued to enforce its arbitrary authority through the Federal
Security System (the military, the State Security Service (SSS), the national police,
and other regulatory and law enforcement agencies), a variety of official and quasi-
governmental security forces, and through decrees blocking action by the opposition
in the courts. All branches of the security forces committed serious human rights
abuses.
Most of the approximately 105 million population is rural, engaging in small-scale
agriculture. Oil exports account for over 90 percent of national foreign exchange
earnings. The economy stagnated during the year, and gross domestic product per
capita dropped to $260 after marginal growth in 1996. The general level of economic
activity continued to be depressed, with factory capacity utilization remaining in the
30 percent range, and many major companies reporting lower profits and expanding
inventories. Endemic corruption and recurring fuel shortages further hindered the
functioning of the economy. There was a continued lack of transparency in govern-
ment transactions. Government control over the economy remained extensive, in-
cluding government mandated below-market fuel prices. Although the Government
continued to espouse a program of "guided deregulation," actual steps taken to liber-
alize investment and foreign exchange rules were disappointing.
The Government's human rights record remained dismal. Throughout the year,
Abacha's Government relied regularly on arbitrary detention and harassment to si-
lence its most outspoken critics. The winner of the annulled 1993 presidential elec-
tion, Chief Moshood K.O. Abiola, remained in detention on charges of treason, as
did prominent politician Olu Falae, prodemocracy activist Fredrick Fasehun, and
several others. Although Abacha announced on November 17 that he would release
political detainees, the Government failed to do so by year's end. Security forces con-
tinued to commit extrajudicial killings and use excessive force to quell
antigovernment protests as well as to combat crime, resulting in the death or injury
of many individuals, including innocent civilians. Security foixes tortured and beat
suspects and detainees. There were many reports of sexual abuse of female suspects
and prisoners by security forces. Prison conditions remained life threatening; many
prisoners died in custody. The Government repeatedly engaged in arbitrary arrest
and detention, and lengthy pretrial detention is a problem. Security services rou-
tinely harassed human rights and prodemocracy groups, including labor leaders,
journalists, and student activists. The Government also infringed on citizens' right
to privacy.
Citizens do not have the right to change their government by peaceful means. De-
spite the announced timetable for transition from military to multiparty rule, there
was little meaningful progress toward democracy. Local government elections held
on March 15 were largely peaceful, but a flawed voter registration process,
preelection screenings of candidates, and unresolved debates over the delineation of
constituencies cast doubts upon the exercise. In April the Government issued Decree
Number 7, which allowed for the arbitrary removal of any elected official by the
Head of State. Several disputes over election results remained unresolved at year's
end. On July 3, the Transition Implementation Committee announced significant
changes to the transition to civil rule program outlined in 1995. State assembly elec-
tions, moved from the third to the fourth quarter of the year, took place on Decem-
ber 6. Although they showed some improvement over the March local government
elections, they were Hawed, and the authorities annulled the results in some con-
258
stituencies and called for by-elections. Under the new timetable, gubernatorial elec-
tions originally scheduled for the end of the year were postponed until 1998, and
the inauguration of governors and state assemblies was rescheduled for September
1998. The presidential election remains scheduled for August 1, 1998, with the inau-
guration of a civilian government to follow on October 1.
The Government's reliance on tribunals, which operate outside the constitutional
court system, and harsh decrees prohibiting judicial review seriously undermined
the integrity of the judicial process and often resulted in legal proceedings that de-
nied deienaants due process. Former head of state Olusegun Obasanjo and more
than 30 others convicted by secret military tribunals remained in prison for their
alleged roles in a purported March 1995 coup plot. Obasanjo's erstwhile deputy and
outspoken National Constitutional Conference delegate Shehu Musa Yar'Adua, one
of those imprisoned for the alleged March 1995 coup plot, died in government cus-
tody on December 8, provoking Targe public protests in the north, i ar'Adua's death
appears to have been from natural causes exacerbated by lack of proper medical at-
tention. Several days later a newspaper reported that another of the coup plotters,
staff sergeant Patrick Usikekpo, had died in prison of typhoid fever at an undeter-
mined date late in the year. Leading attorney and former presidential aspirant
Otunba Olabiyi Durojaiye was held incommunicado without charge throughout the
year, the Government ignored court orders to bring his case to court. The Govern-
ment's frequent refusal to respect court rulings also undercut the independence and
integrity of the judicial process.
On December 21, the Government announced the arrest of the country's second
highest-ranking military officer. Chief of General StafT Lieutenant General Oladipo
Diya, 10 other officers, and 1 civilian on charges of coup plotting. Subsequently, the
Government announced that it had arrested an unstated number of additional per-
sons for roles in the purported coup plot, and that it would try the accused beiore
a military tribunal. By year's end, the Government had not released details of the
alleged plot, although its public pronouncements were prejudicial to the presump-
tion of innocence for the accused.
Other human rights problems included infringements on freedom of speech, press,
assembly, association, and travel; violence and discrimination against women; and
female genital mutilation. Worker rights deteriorated as the Government continued
to interfere with organized labor. The Government further weakened the independ-
ence and viability of the labor movement by enacting decrees and taking other
measures that restricted fundamental rights of association.
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), established by the Government
in 1995 but not inaugurated until June 1996, was slow to get started but met sev-
eral times with indejjendent human rights groups and began a nationwide review
of prison conditions. Public opinion of the NHRC was mixed, as some hoped that
the Commission might prove useful while others dismissed it as irrelevant.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: ,
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — As in previous years, security forces
committed extrajudicial killings and used excessive lorce to quell antigovernment
and prodemocracy protests and civil unrest. Credible reports by domestic human
rights groups indicate numerous deaths of suspects in the custody of security forces.
These reports are consistent with other credible accounts of abuse, including the use
of torture to extract criminal confessions. The Government seldom held security
forces accountable for their use of excessive, deadly force or for the death of individ-
uals in custody. The Government's inaction fostered a climate of impunity in which
these abuses flourished. Widespread violent crime prompted a proliferation of sup-
plemental security forces, including state organized paramilitary foTx:es, personal se-
curity teams, special squads, civil-military task forces, and quasi-governmental vigi-
lante groups. Security forces employed roadblocks and checkpoints where extortion,
violence, and lethal force were common. Accounts of security officers shooting at in-
dividuals who refused to pay bribes, comply with security orders, or who simply ap-
peared "suspicious" resulted in numerous deaths and injuries.
In January security forces called to quell disturbances at Lagos State University
shot and killed two students (see Section 2. a.). In February police killed ?iyc Muslim
demonstrators in Kano (see Section 2.c.). In April Florence Okoye, a passenger in
a private commuter bus, was fatally wounded when members of the Lagos State
Task Force on Environmental Sanitation and Special Offenses shot at the Bus when
the driver allegedly failed to stop on demand. The bus driver may have been in-
volved in an earlier altercation with task force members over illegal parking; Okoye,
who was shot in the thigh as she disembarked and subsequently bled to death, was
259
an unintended casualty. On June 26, 37-year-old bus driver Bassey Paul was killed
after security forces, including members of the National Drug Law Enforcement
Agency (NDLEA), police, military, customs, and immigration, stopped his bus at a
checkpoint. During an argument between competing security forces, the unarmed
Paul was shot through the chest and died instantly. Similar accounts of excessive
use of force and extrajudicial killings at checkpoints were recorded throughout the
year. There has been no ofTicial reaction to the violence at checkpoints. In late No-
vember, a mobile policeman in Delta State allegedly killed Solomon Areigbore, a
local prince, after he drove through a roadblock without paying a bribe. The police-
men reportedly pursued Areigbore, stopped him at his house, and then one police-
man shot him in the head. Areigbore's aeath led to an attack on the divisional police
station by local youths. The police commander for the Delta area had no comment,
and no action had been taken against the policemen by year's end.
On July 1, newspaper vendor Godfrey Chukwu was fatally wounded when uni-
formed soldiers in an Operation Sweep vehicle fired shots from their car window.
According to eyewitnesses, Chukwu was selling newspapers by the roadside and was
shot in the head by a stray bullet. It was not clear whether the security team was
chasing a suspect or merely firing at random. An employee of the national fertilizer
company was shot and killed on July 12 by Rivers State Internal Security Task
Force (KSISTF) members who openea fire on a private transport bus for allegedly
violating travel restrictions in efiect on federally designated environmental cleanup
days. Two other passengers on the bus were injured. Secondary school student
Saheed Arasi also died in July after becoming involved in an altercation with a po-
liceman on the trail of suspected drug dealers. Arasi was shopping in an outdoor
market when the policeman stopped him, accused him of criminal activity, and, de-
spite his protests of innocence and the corroboration of nearby witnesses, shot him
in the head at point blank range. As a result of the incident, a mob later approached
the local police station brandishing cans of gasoline and threatening to bum down
the office. The Government has taken no legal action against the policeman.
Repeated fuel shortages often stimulated incidents, and armed security forces
killed several people when special treatment was refused. In March the body of gas
station manager Kehinde Ehindero was delivered to the Ondo state specialist hos-
pital after armed men claiming to be NDLEA ofiicials had arrested him earlier in
the day. The station owner reported that the security men had become enraged after
their request for fuel was denied because the station had only kerosene in stock.
Hospital staff confirmed that the body was brought to the hospital by an NDLEA
officer, who they then turned over to the police. According to police on duty, the ofTi-
cer was released upon orders from "above." On June 21, an altercation at a gas sta-
tion in Ogun state turned violent when an attendant refused to provide fuel on de-
mand to a deputy superintendent of customs and three uniformed customs officers.
According to eyewitness reports, the deputy superintendent hit the attendant sev-
eral times on the head with the butt of his rifle before station manager James
Olugbenga Dosumu intervened. The superintendent then shot the unarmed Dosumu
in the chest at close range. He died instantly. The GovPTiment has taken no action
against the deputy superintendent.
Credible reports of security forces shooting people suspected of armed robbery or
other crimes continued throughout the year, and excessive use of force in response
to demonstrations resulted in the deaths of many unarmed civilians. On February
6, Lagos police shot and killed seven people accused of robbery. The victims included
an elementary school teacher. Police claimed that the suspects resisted arrest. On
March 17, Oghenebrume Eburu was shot and killed in Warri, Delta state, by secu-
rity escorts of navy Captain Ekpeyong Ita during a protest march following the
March 15 elections. Soldiers sent to quell disturbances in Warri in March were
given shoot-to-kill orders, but no shots were fired and no demonstrators killed. In
August police ofiicials in Kaduna state opened fire on demonstrators protesting the
continued detention of religious leader Sheikh Ibrahim \1-Zakzaky and killed four
people. In February Operation Sweep forces shot and killed two student demonstra-
tors (see Section 2. a.). Security forces sometimes turned against each other, and as
many as 80 people were injured and 1 policeman was killed in the northern city
of Kano in April after fighting broke out between soldiers and policemen. Report-
edly, the clasn was caused by policemen arresting ofT duty soldiers suspected of
marijuana possession. In May a confrontation between Federal Aviation Authority
security agents and members of the Air Force Presidential Task P"'orce turned vio-
lent as members of the two security forces fired on each other. Although no one was
killed, a third security force (the police) had to intervene to end the shooting. On
September 29, four boatloads of soldiers reportedly attacked the ethnic Ijaw village
of Ekermor Zion, Delta State, killed 1 man, detained 58 others, and destroyed 10
homes. The attack was an apparent reprisal against the town for the earlier dis-
260
appearance and presumed killing of four soldiers who reportedly were involved in
extorting money from the community.
The harsh interrogation methods reportedly practiced by some security officers re-
sulted in the deaths while in custody of several people. The Civil Liberties Organiza-
tion, a domestic nongovernmental human rights group, called for a formal investiga-
tion into the death of Victor Udoma while in the custody of the Special Fraud Unit
of the Lagos state police. Udoma was arrested on May 12 in connection with crimes
committed by his employer and died after 2 weeks in detention. The official report
released by authorities attributed his death to "infectious diseases." Afler 6 months
in detention by the Lagos Special Antirobbery Squad, the bodies of two security
guards employed by a Lagos company were deposited at the state general hospital
mortuary in January. The men were originally arrested for suspected complicity in
a robbery at the company premises. The two were never charged with a crime and
no explanation for their deaths has been forthcoming.
There were no developments in the June 1996 slaying of Kudirat Abiola, out-
spoken senior wife of M.K.O. Abiola or the October 1995 killing of political leader
Alfred Rewane. The perpetrators were never found and the Government ceased in-
vestigations shortly aflerwards, asserting without evidence that the attack was
staged. No progress was made in the investigation of the January 1996 attempted
murder of prominent independent publisher Alex Ibru.
Nigerian forces in the West African Peacekeeping Force in Sierra Leone at times
used excessive force. In June Nigerian warships shelled Freetown, apparently trying
to hit army headquarters. More than 30 civilians were killed in September at a
dockside marketplace in Freetown when Nigerian troops fired at ships unloading
rice in defiance of a West African embargo. In October Nigerian planes bombed a
television and radio station near the capital.
A series of bombings in Lagos, which later spread to other parts of the country,
resulted in several deaths and many injuries. On January 7, an explosion near
Abati military barracks in Lagos left 2 soldiers dead and 29 injured. On February
12, a bomb in the Maryland district of Lagos injured nine persons. On May 7, a
bomb detonated as a military truck passed a busy thoroughfare in Lagos, leaving
four soldiers injured. An explosion in the southwestern city of Ibadan on May 12
damaged a military vehicle but killed none of the soldiers and police on board. In
May lour people were killed and several others wounded when two bombs exploded
in Onitsha, Anambra state, in eastern Nigeria, one outside a mosque and the other
in an open market. An August 6 bomb blast outside a cathedral in Port Harcourt
left one person dead. On September 2, a bomb exploded outside the offices of the
Ekiti state military administrator. The administrator escaped unhurt but four chil-
dren were injured. Late in 1996 and early in 1997, the Government arrested several
leading opposition figures including Fred Fasehun and Olu Falae, and brought
charges against government critics Wole Soyinka, Anthony Enahoro, and General
Alex Akinrinade, all living in self-imposed exile, in connection with the bombs, but
by year's end had not made public the substance of the case against the men (see
Section l.d.).
b. Disappearance. — Government detention practices cause many persons to be
"missing" for extended periods. The only known case of a politically motivated dis-
appearance was that of former Razor newspaper editor Moshood Fayemiwo, who
spent 7 months in detention before escaping to neighboring Benin in September
1996. On P^ebruary 14, P^ayemiwo disappeared from the United Nations refugee
camp where he had been living with his family. Mrs. P'ayemiwo reported that her
husband had been kidnaped by "unknown security agents," but reliable sources
claim that he is being held incommunicado by Nigerian security services. The Gov-
ernment was asked repeatedly about the case by the media, but did not acknowl-
edge any involvement.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The 1979 Constitution (suspended) and the 1989 Constitution (never implemented)
prohibit torture and mistreatment of prisoners and provide criminal sanctions for
such excesses. The H)vidence Act of 1960 prohibits the introduction of evidence ob-
tained through torture. Nevertheless, detainees frequently died while in custody (see
Section l.a.), and there were credible reports that security officers seeking to extract
confessions regularly beat suspects, detainees, and convicted prisoners. Security offi-
cers tortured prisoners with whippings, suspension by the limbs from the ceiling,
burning with candles, and extraction of teeth. Detainees are often kept incommuni-
cado for long periods of time (see Section l.d.).
There were continued reports of torture or abuse by the Rivers State Internal Se-
curity Task VoTcc in Ogoniland. Reported abuses included extrajudicial killings,
beating a victim's head with a gun butt, and arbitrary detention.
261
In pursuit of their objectives, security forces, task force, and other law enforce-
ment personnel routinely assaulted or arrested anyone perceived as uncooperative
or "^indisciplined," usually market women, traders, street hawkers, children, jay-
walkers, or errant drivers.
Several instances of violence against prominent individuals or strategic targets oc-
curred throughout the year, but government investigations into the causes of the at-
tacks were halfhearted and inconclusive. In January gunmen fired into the car of
National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) leader Abraham Adesanya on a busy
Lagos street, but he escaped unhurt. The perpetrators were never found and the
Government ceased investigation quickly, asserting that the attack was staged.
There were numerous reliable reports that flogging, stripping, and acts of public
humiliation, such as duck-walking or crawling, were used as punishment for minor
infractions or public disturbances. Caning continued as a form of punishment for
some crimes, and four men were publicly caned with 100 strokes after a court con-
victed them of adultery under the Penal Code. Reliable sources reported witnessing
a mobile police officer in Lagos jump on the back of a truck driver who had been
forced onto his hands and knees at the side of the road. In another incident, an eye-
witness reported watching mobile police officers stop a young man on a motorcycle
and, after an argument, beat him on the head with tneir rifie butts. Credible reports
continued throughout the year of security forces intervening in personal disputes
and by publicly stripping or whipping the alleged perpetrator.
Security forces oiten use force or threats to extort money from civilians. In Oyo
state, journalist Rinde Oladele was stopped at a checkpoint by soldiers and police
from Operation Gbale, the Oyo state paramilitary anticrime squad. The security offi-
cers reportedly searched his car and interrogated him at gunpoint. Upon finding
over $1,400 in local currency in the trunk, the security officers accused him of being
a thief, demanded money, and beat him. In June a staff member of the Committee
for the Defense of Human Rights (CDHR), a local nongovernmental organization
(NGO), was stopped on the street by Operation Sweep security force personnel who
searched him at gun point and took aoout $25. The CDHR also reported that in
March, two journalists, Mallam Mohammed Abubakar of The Guardian and Alhaji
Meto Adamu of the British Broadcasting Corporation Hausa service, were beaten
unconscious by military officers, acting on the orders of an aide of the Yobe state
military administrator.
In April policemen at a Lagos state checkpoint opened fire on a minibus full of
passengers after the driver reportedly ignored an order to stop. No one was injured
out, upon learningthat one of the passengers was the wife of Chief of General Staff,
Lt. Gen. Oladipo Diya, top police officials described the incident as "embarrassing
to the force."
Chief Onii Egbunine, publisher of the Owerri-based newspaper. The Horn, was in-
terrogated by an assistant to the Imo state military administrator before being se-
verely beaten by security forces, reportedly for publishing a story alleging corruption
at the highest levels of state government. Aiaes of former Chief of Defense Staff
Brigadier General Babatunde Idiagbon severely beat a state official who arranged
a meeting between the general and journalist Comfort Obi. The aides contended
that the meeting, which later appeared as the cover story of Obi's magazine, had
not been agreed to by Idiagbon. Security agents of Ogun stale military adminis-
trator Wing Commander Sam Ewang fiogged Nigerian Youth Service Corps mem-
bers who protested eviction from a state-run housing complex in July. Subsequently,
the youths, both men and women, were forced by security officials to crawl across
the concrete on their knees as punishment after they failed to disperse when or-
dered by the administrator. The administrator later "reprimanded" the security men
involved.
For the most part, the Government neither acknowledged nor denied that security
force abuses occurred and left perpetrators unpunished. Those security force officials
who were punished faced, at tne worst, dismissal from service and, more often, de-
motion or a "stem reprimand." However, some officials, most notably Lagos state
administrator Colonel M. B. Marwa, acknowledged that there had been abuses and
said that he would try to curb them, but by year's end, he had taken no action on
these problems.
Prison and detention conditions remained life threatening. Lack of potable water,
inadequate sewage facilities, and severe overcrowding resulted in unhealthy and
dangerous sanitary conditions. Disease was pervasive in the cramped, poorly venti-
lated facilities, and chronic shortages of medical supplies were reported. Prison in-
mates were only irregularly allowed outside their cells for recreation, and many in-
mates must provide their own food. Only those with money or whose relatives
brought food regularly had sufTicient food. Poor inmates often relied on handouts
from others to survive. Prison officials, police, and security forces often denied in-
262
mates food and medical treatment as a form of punishment or to extort money from
them. Reports of sexual abuse of female prisoners were common. The Government
derived considerable savings from the practice of leaving children born in prison
with their jailed mothers rather than placing them in foster homes. Women are gen-
erally housed separately from men, out juvenile prisoners, usually boys, are de-
tained together with adults. There are no overall statistics on prison deaths due to
harsh conditions or lack of medical treatment. However, one numan rights group
counted 56 prisoners who died in 4 Lagos prisons in 1996. Forty-three of the dead
were males awaiting trial. The human ri^ts group attributed the deaths to mal-
nutrition, torture, and tuberculosis.
Political detainees are commonly dispersed around the country, often in remote
locations. For example union leader Frank Kokori is held in Borno state, near the
Chadian border. Another labor leader, Milton Dabibi, is reportedly in a prison in
the far southeast. Such action poses financial and logistical burdens on the detain-
ees' families, in cases when visitation is allowed.
The Government acknowledged the problem of overcrowding in the prisons and
promised to seek a solution to the problem, but few substantive changes were made.
A committee established in late 1996 to review the problem of overcrowding submit-
ted a report in April that prompted the Government to direct state administrators
to take steps to reduce prison congestion. However, no method to reduce the prob-
lem was announced, and by year's end there was no indication that overcrowding
had been reduced. According to 1996 prison statistics, approximately 55,000 pris-
oners inhabit the nation's 43 prisons, which were built to hold 33,345 inmates.
Human rights groups contend that even these figures are conservative, and Interior
Minister Babagana Kingibe said that there were over 70,000 inmates in the prisons.
A report by the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies stated that the num-
ber of inmates in Dcoyi prison in Lagos exceed by 250 percent the designed capacity
of the prison.
Prison officials generally do not allow human rights monitors access to prisons.
However, some NGO's fare better than others and have occasional access.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Government repeatedly engaged in
arbitrary arrest and detention. Police and security forces are empowered to make
arrests without warrants if they believe that there is reason to suspect that a per-
son has committed an ofiense; they often abused this power. The law requires that
the arresting officer inform the accused of charges at the time of arrest and take
the accused to a station for processing within a reasonable time. By law police must
f)rovide suspects with the opportunity to engage counsel and post bail. However, po-
ice generally did not adhere to these safeguards and often held suspects incommu-
nicado under harsh conditions for extended periods without charge. Over 50 percent
of the nation's prison inmates are awaiting trial. In some prisons such as Ikoyi pris-
on, 90 percent of the population were Awaiting Trial Persons (ATPs). Many of these
ATPs have been detained for 5 years or more, with some waiting as long as 12
years for their case to be heard in court. More than 100 supporters of Shi'ite reli-
gious leader Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Zakzaky arrested in 1996 remain in jail and have
not been charged with any offense.
The State Security (Detention of Persons) Decree of 1984 (Decree Two) allows the
Government to detain without charge persons suspected of acts prejudicial to state
security or harmful to the economic well-being of the country. When invoked. Decree
Two suspends the detainee's civil liberties and precludes judicial review. Many citi-
zens consider Decree Two to be the main threat to their basic freedoms, because the
judicial ouster clause encourages arbitrary detention and fails to define what con-
stitutes acts under the Decree's purview. Decree 11 of 1994 authorizes the PRC Vice
Chairman or the Commissioner of Police to detain persons for up to 3 months with-
out charge.
In June 1996, the Government announced the repeal of Decree 14 of 1994, which
had effectively suspended the right of habeas corpus by forbidding courts from hear-
ing cases demanding that the Government produce in court those detained under
Decree Two. However, despite this repeal, the Government still retains full legal au-
thority under Decree Two and Decree 12 of 1994 to detain citizens arbitrarily and
dispense with habeas corpus challenges, and the Government regularly defied court
orders to produce detainees. In the case of prominent attorney and politician Otunba
Olabiyi Durojaiye, who was arrested on December 3, 1996, the Government ignored
a court order requiring it to present Durojaiye in court on February 2, 3 months
after his detention. The Government subsequently ignored two more calls for
Durojaiye's appearance in court.
Police and security forces often disregarded court orders to arraign or release de-
tainees. Calabar businessman Efiiong Henshaw was arrested by the NDLEA on
March 12 and remained in detention at year's end as the NDLEA ignored a court
263
order to arraign him. An April 7 order from the Lagos federal high court to release
Omochiere Aisagbonhi was ignored by police and Aisagbonhi, who was arrested on
March 26 in relation to a dispute over money, remained in detention without
charge.
Persons unfortunate enough to be nearby when a crime is committed are normally
held for interrogation for periods ranging from a few hours to several months. Even
after their release, those detained are asked to return repeatedly for further ques-
tioning. Each of the bombing incidents (see Section l.a.) was followed by the arbi-
trary arrest of dozens of bystanders. In one bombing case, a local employee of a for-
eign embassy was detained for several hours for questioning and required to report
to authorities routinely for weeks.
Relatives and friends of wanted suspects were regularly placed in detention with-
out criminal charge to induce suspects to surrender to arrest. The wife and pregnant
daughter of retired army officer Lieutenant Colonel Raphael Iluyomade, reportedly
a close friend of NADECO leader Alex Akinrinade, were arrested on February 20
by security forces searching for the lieutenant colonel. The women were held for
over 3 months at a military installation in Apapa, Lagos. Folasade, lluyomade's
daughter, was 4 months pregnant at the time of her arrest and miscarried while
in detention. Neither of the women was charged with any offense. NDLEA officials
searching for architect Chijioke Okoye, wanted in connection with the collapse of a
building in Enugu, broke into the Okoye house on the night of July 24 and, when
they did not find Okoye, arrested his wife. Mrs. Okoye and her 4-month-old baby
were detained for 3 days until her husband surrendered to authorities. The wife of
Tell magazine editor in chief Nosa Igiebor was taken into custody on the night of
September 10, after armed security officers broke into her home, intimidated her
children, and detained her for several hours of interrogation. According to a Tell
Sress release, the security agents held a gun to the head of the Igiebor's 4-year-old
au^ter ana asked the child repeatedly, "Where is your father? The harassment
came just a few days after Tell published an article on Abacha's ill health. Nosa
Igiebor, who spent 6 months in detention in 1996, has grown accustomed to spend-
ing much of his life in hiding as a result of the confrontational stand taken by his
magazine.
The Government routinely arrested, harassed, and detained without charge lead-
ing human rights and prodemocracy activists, including the lluyomades, who were
gresumably detained for their relative's political associations, and Otunba
lurojaiye. Ogoni human rights activist Bari-Aara Kpalap, originally arrested in Oc-
tober 1996 by the RSISTF, remained in detention without charge. Chief Osaro
Oseghale spent a week in detention in January for his alleged association with
NADECO. In an apparent effort to block human rights activist Anyakwee
Nsirimovu, executive director of the Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian
Law (IHRHL), from meeting with visiting Organization of African Unity representa-
tives, security officers raided IHRHL offices in Port Harcourt on March 13. The se-
curity officers reportedly broke open doors and lockers and took documents and
project materials.
Several leading labor and prodemocracy activists who were arrested in 1994 re-
mained in detention, including M.K.O. Abiola and Frank Kokori, General Secretary
of the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPF^NG) (see Sec-
tion 6. a.). General Secretary of the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Associa-
tion (PENGASSAN) Milton Dabibi, who was arrested in January 1996, remained in
detention without charge. Dabibi was not permitted visitors. F"'ormer Petroleum
Minister Don Etiebet was detained for several days in March (see Section 3).
The Government routinely detained human rights monitors, journalists, and polit-
ical opponents for making or publishing critical statements. Government security
forces frequently harassed, arrested, detained, and threatened journalists for a vari-
ety of reasons, including the alleged spreading of false information and printing of
stories that exposed the actions of government officials (see Sections 2. a., 2.b., and
4).
Ladi Olorunyomi, the journalist wife of a prominent critic of the Government cur-
rently living in exile, spent 2 months in detention. The Abuja bureau chief of Afri-
can Concord magazine, Mohammed Adamu, was arrested on July 27 after his maga-
zine published an article critical of presidential security officer Hamza Al-Mustapna,
and he remained in detention at year's end. A reporter for the independent daily
Vanguard, George Onah, spent a year in detention after publishing an article about
military personnel issues and remained in prison at year's end. Onah spent 7
months in solitary confinement and often had nis arms and legs chained. The editor
of The Week magazine, Godwin Agbroko, was arrested on December 18, 1996, and
not released untu May. Chris Ekwunze, a Vanguard correspondent, and Akandem
James, a reporter with The Punch, were arrested on September 4 and detained for
45-909 98-10
264
several days after reporting that RSISTF members had impounded copies of a book
written by the late Ken Saro-Wiwa.
There are no reliable figures for the number of political detainees, but local
human rights groups estimates range between 100 and 200.
There were no known instances of forced exile as a means of political control, al-
though several NADECO members, including former Senator Bola Tinabu, retired
Air Commodore Dan Suleiman, Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, and elder statesman
and senior NADECO figure Anthony Enahoro live in self-imposed exile. Other activ-
ists such as Owens Wiwa, brother of executed Ogoni rights activist Ken Saro-Wiwa,
Ledum Mittee, President of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni Peoples
(MOSOP), and outspoken journalist Dapo Olorunyomi, joined them. An unknown
number of Ogoni reportedly fled to neighooring countries. North America, or Europe
in search of asylum.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Government has taken several steps to under-
cut the independence and integrity of the judiciary. To suppress opposition to its
rule, the regime first bypassed the regular courts in favor oT "tribunals" and then
declared itself above the law by prohibiting court review of any government action.
Tribunal sentences are generally severe. The Government's reliance on tribunals,
which operate outside the constitutional court system, seriously undermines the ju-
dicial process and often results in legal proceedings that deny defendants due proc-
ess, as in the 1995 case of Ken Saro-Wiwa and his eight codefendants. The Govern-
ment's frequent refusal to respect court rulings also undermines the integrity of the
judicial process.
The regular court system is composed of both federal and state trial courts, state
appeals courts, the federal Court of Appeal, and the federal Supreme Court. Under
the 1979 Constitution, courts of the first instance include magistrate or district
courts, customary or area courts, Shari'a (Islamic) courts, and for some specified
cases, the state high courts. The nature of the case usually determines which court
has jurisdiction. In principle customary and Shari'a courts have jurisdiction only if
both plaintiff and defendant agree. In practice, however, fear of legal costs, delay,
and distance to alternative courts encouraged many litigants to choose these courts.
Myriad administrative, logistical, and financial hurdles repeatedly hinder the
work of the judicial system. One Lagos state judge conducted hearings in prison
when prison ofiicials informed him that there were no vehicles to transport tne ac-
cused to court. Decree One of 1984, the first decree promulgated by the military ofli-
cers who overthrew the civilian regime of President Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari in
1983, left the institutional framework of the judiciary largely intact. However, it es-
tablished a parallel system of military tribunals with sole jurisdiction over certain
offenses, sucn as coup plotting, corruption, armed robbery, and illegal sales of petro-
leum. A 1991 decree amended Decree One by providing that only sitting or retired
civilian judges could preside over tribunals hearing nonmilitary cases. Decree 12
states that "no act of the federal military Government may henceforth be questioned
in a court of law" and "divests all courts of jurisdiction in all matters concerning
the authority of the federal Government."
Criminal justice procedures call for trial within 3 months of arraignment for most
categories of crimes. Inefilcient administrative procedures, petty extortion, bureau-
cratic inertia, poor communication between police and prison officials, and inad-
equate transportation continue to result in considerable delays, often stretching to
several years, in bringing suspects to trial.
Trials in the regular court system are public and generally respect constitu-
tionally protected individual rights, including a presumption of innocence, the right
to be present, to confront witnesses, to present evidence, and to be represented by
legal counsel. However, there is a widespread perception that judges are easily
bribed or "settled," and that litigants cannot rely on the courts to render impartial
judgments.
There are no legal provisions barring women or other groups from testifying in
civil court or giving their testimony less weight. The testimony of women is, how-
ever, accorded less weight in Shari'a courts.
In most cases before the tribunals, the accused have the right to legal counsel,
bail, and appeal, although some tribunals substitute a presumption of guilt for the
presumption of innocence, and conviction rates in the tribunals reportedly exceed
conviction rates in the regular courts.
In June 1996, in response to the report of a U.N. fact-finding team sent to inves-
tigate human rights and the transition process, the Government announced two de-
crees, one repealing Decree 14 of 1994, which had effectively suspended the right
of habeus corpus (see Section l.d.), and the other amending the Civil Disturbances
(Special Tribunal) Decree of 1987 to remove members of the armed forces from the
membership of the tribunal and allow for a right of appeal to the Special Appeals
265
Tribunal. Military personnel convicted of coup plotting do not, however, enjoy the
right of appeal to the Special Appeals Tribunal, and the decree remained silent re-
garding appeals for civilians convicted of coup plotting, but all indications are that
the decree does not apply to them. These changes came in the wake of the inter-
national outcry after the November 1995 execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight
other Ogoni leaders who were convicted of murder by the Ogoni Civil Disturbances
Special Tribunal (which included a military olTicer) and denied the right of appeal.
The Ogoni 19, originally arrested in 1994 and accused of murder along with Ken
Saro-Wiwa and the 8 Ogonis executed in 1995, remained in detention awaiting trial.
Although arraigned in July 1996 in connection with the murder of 4 Ogoni leaders,
the case of the Ogoni 19 (20 men were originally arrested but 1, Clement Tusiima,
died while in custody) has been stymied by the Government's indifference to con-
stituting a new tribunal composed of only civilian members to hear their case. Strict
adherence to the amendment of the Civil Disturbances (Special Tribunal) Decree of
1987 precludes the hearing of the case by the tribunal that condemned the Ogoni
9, as a military officer was a member of the board.
Despite assurances that military-style tribunals are no longer used in nonmilitary
cases, the practice continued. In the highly publicized trial of seven Nigerian men
known as the "Otokoto 7," a three-member tribunal, which included a military major
and a police superintendent, convicted and sentenced the alleged armed robbers to
death. The seven were permitted to appeal the tribunal's ruling; however, the ap-
peal was heard not by a Special Appeals Tribunal but by the state military adminis-
trator. The administrator upheld the death sentences for six of those convicted and
commuted the sentence of one juvenile to life in prison. The six were executed by
firing squad on July 31.
In March the Government formally charged 16 people with treason, including
elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro, Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka,
prodemocracy advocate Dr. Fred Fasehun, and prominent politician Chief Olu Falae.
While 12 of the accused had been in olTicial custody for several months without
charge, 4 of those accused reside in self-imposed exile. Arrest warrants were issued
for those living abroad. By year's end, little progress had been made in the case and
the substance of the Government's investigations had not been revealed. The 12 ac-
cused remained in detention while a team of lawyers, including prominent attorney
Chief Gani Fawehinmi and senior advocates former Senator Abraham Adesanya and
Chief Bola Ige, filed motions to enforce court orders granting the detainees leave
to seek bail, access to medical treatment, and improved detention conditions. At
year's end, there had been no action on these motions.
The number of political prisoners (as distinct from political detainees) held by the
Government is also unknown (see Section l.d.). Thirty-three individuals convicted
in 1995 of coup plotting and related charges by a secret military tribunal remained
in prison. These included former Head of State Olusegun Obasanjo; editor in chief
of The Sunday Magazine Chris Anyanwu; Tell magazine assistant editor George
Mbah; The News magazine editor Kunle Ajibade; Weekend Classique editor Ben
Charles Obi; and chairman of the prominent human rights organization Campaign
for Democracy (CD) Beko Ransome-Kuti. Two others convicted by the 1995 coup plot
tribunal died while in prison: former Obasanjo deputy and national constitutional
conference delegate Shehu Musa Yar'Adua, and Sergeant Patrick Usikekpo.
Eleven military men allegedly involved in a 1990 coup plot against the regime of
former President Ibrahim Babangida and convicted for their actions remained in de-
tention despite an October 31, 1991, state pardon granted on their behalf. The Con-
stitutional Rights Project (CRP), took their case to court and obtained in July a re-
lease order for seven of the men. The Government ignored the court order, and at
year's end the men were still in detention.
Queenette Allogoa, detained in 1996 after finishing her sentence, was released.
The case of the Ogoni 19, arrested in 1994 in connection with the murder of 4 Ogoni
politicians and arraigned in July 1996, is unresolved and those arrested remain in
jail.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Provi-
sions of the 1979 and 1989 Constitutions provide for the right to privacy in the
home, in correspondence, and in oral electronic communications. However, the mili-
tary Government regularly interfered in the lives of citizens, and if the authorities
desired to use a warrant in a particular search case, they oflen secured it from a
military tribunal rather than a regular court. Human rights and prodemocracy lead-
ers reported that security agents regularly followed them and cut off or monitored
their organizations' telephones. Police routinely detain relatives and friends of sus-
pects without charge to induce suspects to surrender (see Section l.d.).
266
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Constitutional provisions providing for freedom
of speech and of the press were not enforceable because of the continued suspension
of constitutional rights. The regime often publicly declared support for these free-
doms, but it nevertheless sought to limit or confine public political dialog. The Gk)v-
emment continued its arbitrary intimidation and harassment of the press through
legal and extralegal means.
Although there is a large and vibrant independent domestic press that is fre-
quently critical of the Government, the Government also owns or controls many
publications. All newspapers and magazines are required to register with the Gov-
ernment under the Newspaper Registration Board Decree 43 of 1993, and Minister
of Culture and Information Walter Ofonagoro threatened to close newspapers not
registered with the board. The registration fee is about $3,000, and the registration
process requires editors to provide their home as well as ofTice address. Although
no newspaper had registered by year's end, the Culture and Information Minister
regularly threatened to close unregistered newspapers. The regime has, at various
times, shut independent newspapers for offenses, but there were no known cases of
papers being prosecuted for failing to register. Ofonagoro also called repeatedly for
a "press court" to check the "excesses" of the media. A decree establishing such
courts was reportedly drafted but had not been promulgated by year's end. Through-
out the year, security agents frequently harassed, arrested, and detained journalists
(see Section l.d.). Virtually all senior editors of publications critical of the Govern-
ment were subject to surveillance and harassment by security agents. Some were
driven underground by fear of arrest and operated clandestinely from numerous lo-
cations scattered throughout Lagos; others fled the country. Government security
forces continued to intimidate the media with a series of arrests of editors and re-
porters from Journals critical of the Abacha regime. One human rights group esti-
mates more tnan 30 journalists are in prison, including 9 journalists who were ar-
rested during the year and remain in detention at year's end. This figure also in-
cludes four journalists convicted of involvement in an alleged 1995 coup plot (see
Section I.e.). Security forces detained for varying lengths of time but released at
least 17 other journalists during the year.
On July 27, the Abuja bureau chief of the African Concord was arrested. Begin-
ning in October, security forces stepped up pressure with a series of arrests of edi-
tors and reporters from journals critical of the Abacha regime. The weekly maga-
zines The News and Tell were particularly hard hit. On October 2, lyoboisa
Uwugiaren, correspondent for The News was detained by police in Lagos and re-
leased later the same evening. On October 10, Henry Ogbolue, Kaduna correspond-
ent of The News was detained, reportedly beaten, and released later that day. On
October 17, Gbenga Alaketu and Ademola Abimboye, both assistant editors of The
News, were arrested in Lagos. Alaketu and Abimboye were released by year's end.
On October 24, Soji Omotunde, editor of The African Concord, was abducted by se-
curity operatives on a busy Lagos street. On November 4, Aoetokunbo Fakeye, de-
fense correspondent for The News, was arrested. On November 8, Jenkins Alumona,
editor of The News, was arrested by SSS agents at a Lagos television station. On
November 9, Onome Osifo-Whiskey, managing editor of Tell magazine, was arrested
by SSS agents in Lagos while driving to church with his children. On October 29,
Osifo-Whiskey had warned that the magazine had received a written death threat,
which listed the names of 27 staff members. On November 16, SSS agents arrested
Babafemi Ojudu, editor of the News/Tempo. Rafiu Salau, an administration editor
for the News/Tempo, was also arrested in mid-November. On December 28, armed
soldiers reportedly from the Directorate of Military Intelligence arrested for un-
known reasons four journalists in Lagos from the Diet newspaper, including editor
Niran Malaolu. Three were released after 1 day and instructed to report to DMI of-
fice weekly, while editor Malaolu remained in detention at year's end.
Subsequent to the December 21 arrest of second-in-command Lieutenant General
Oladipo Diya and 11 others for alleged coup plotting, the Government repeatedly
warned journalists that they could face treason charges if they repeated unsubstan-
tiated reports carried in international media. In issuing these strong warnings, the
government spokesman referred to the four journalists convicted of coup-related of-
fenses after the fact by a secret military tribunal in 1995 (see Section I.e.).
The Government used other means to harass and intimidate the press. These
methods included intimidation of advertisers, surveillance of printers, seizure of
print runs, and withholding information. For some publications, the relationship
with the Government is so adversarial that they are forced to operate essentially
as underground publications. The Government did not proscribe any newspapers
during the year, although it has done so in the past.
267
The Government granted broadcasting rights to private radio stations in 1994, but
maintains careful watch over broadcasts. Television, both Nigerian and otherwise,
is widely available. Access is limited more by substandard cable installation, elec-
trical power surges and outages, and technical broadcasting difficulties than by gov-
ernment intervention. However, government-controlled broadcast media still domi-
nate the country, and even private broadcasters do not transmit stories that criticize
the Government. The Government continued to enforce laws permitting only govern-
ment broadcasters to air programs nationwide, limiting the scope of private stations.
The Government has used tne foreign content provision of the Press Law of 1993
to revoke licenses granted to some broadcasters. The regulation requires local tele-
vision stations to limit programming from other countries to 40 percent; satellite
broadcasters are limited to 20 percent. Despite the limitations, however, private tel-
evision and radio broadcasters gained wider audiences and more robust advertising
support. While government broadcasters complained that government funding and
advertising were inadequate for their needs, private stations thrived on advertising
support alone.
Foreign journalists are routinely required to inform the Nigerian embassy of the
subject matter of their proposed coverage before they are granted visas. Proposing
political coverage is discouraged and may result in the visa request being refused.
There are fewer than 10 resident foreign correspondents.
The Government increased its efTorts to limit academic freedom. Security forces
routinely monitored and on occasion interfered with conferences they perceived as
forums for prodemocracy or human rights groups (see Section 2.b.). The Government
tape records faculty conversations. The May 1996 government ban on activities by
the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) continued. The Government
also continued a ban on university staff unions (see Section 6. a.). Nigerian embas-
sies often refused to issue visas to visiting lecturers and artists. This policy limited
discussions between foreign and Nigerian academicians on topics of mutual interest.
In 1996 the American Studies Association of Nigeria (ASAN) annual conference
"was banned on opening day by the SSS. In April tne annual conference was post-
poned until August when the Nigerian Universities Commission (NUC) sent a letter
to all university vice chancellors recommending that they discourage their staff from
attending the conference, and later canceled entirely when it became clear that the
authorities would not allow the conference to proceed. In June the University of Jos
announced with great fanfare the establishment of an American studies diploma
program. Only days later, the program was officially put on indefinite hold by the
NUC, reportedly acting on instructions from the Government.
Security forces were called in to quell campus disturbances several times during
the year. Some student activities, such as elections, were disrupted by security
agents. Student groups believe that university authorities followeu government di-
rectives to suspend or expel activist students. In a January 29 crackdown at the
Federal Polytechnic in Offa, Kwara state, 10 students were arrested, reportedly as
a result of their involvement in student elections. The students were held without
charge for 2 weeks, released, and then expelled from school. The parents of two
other students, who were sought but not found on campus, were arrested in place
of their children. The parents were released by September. On February 10, the
Vice Chancellor of Lagos State University (LASU) called on Operation Sweep forces
to quell disturbances on campus that he attributed to "cult violence." Two students
were shot and killed by the sweep team and several others were injured. On Decem-
ber 10 and 11, security forces were again used to stop student d.emonstrations at
LASU that erupted after the university's dismissal of student union leaders.
Eighteen professors were arrested at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, after stu-
dent unrest on the campus in February. Eight of the professors, one of whom was
the former chairman of the Nsukka wing of the banned Academic Staff Union of
Universities (ASUU), were later charged with sedition and arson. The professors
maintained their innocence and argued that the student demonstralion was merely
a reaction to proposed increases in school fees. The professors were reportedly re-
leased, although their cases have yet to be resolved. In August thousands of second-
ary school students demonstrated in Kaduna, calling for the resignation of state
military administrator Colonel Hameed Ali. When tear gas proved ineffective in dis-
f)ersing the demonstrators, police spokesman Tanimu iiindawa warned that, in the
uture, police would have "no other option than to shoot;" no further student pro-
tests took place by year's end.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The two Constitutions provide
citizens with the right to assemble freely and associate with other persons in politi-
cal parties, trade unions, or special interest associations. However, the Government
proscribed all political activity 1 day after coming to power in 1993. In August 1994,
Abacha announced that "individuals or groups may henceforth canvass political
268
ideas, but they cannot form political parties for now." In June 1995, the Government
announced a partial lifting of the ban on political activity, but it was not until June
1996 that a reconstituted National Electoral Commission of Nigeria (NECON) an-
nounced cumbersome and complex requirements for registering political parties.
Parties were allowed an unrealistic 6-week period in which to satisfy requirements
that included registering 40,000 members in each of the then 30 states and 15,000
in the federal capital territory of Abuja and issuing photo identity cards to each of
them. Despite the logistical difficulU' of satisfying NECON's requirements, 23 par-
ties purchased registration forms from NECON for approximately $6,000; 18 of
them submitted the forms and supporting documentation by the deadline.
In response to widespread protests over the registration process, NECON an-
nounced in 1995 a new exercise allowing the 18 groups to apply for mergers. The
merger requests required another burdensome set of documents, including addresses
of the national, state and local government council chapters of the party; the new
name, constitution, acronym, symbol, and manifesto of the party; and the names of
Rroposed staff members at all levels of the organization. In September 1996,
[ECON announced the registration of five parties and ordered all other parties to
be dissolved, effectively preventing the participation of the majority of established
politicians and potential opposition leaders.
Although Abacha announced the lifting of remaining restrictions on political ac-
tivities in his October 1, 1995, Independence Day address, he did not issue the ena-
bling decree until February 1996. When the text of the decree was released in
March 1996, it became clear that the Government had negated its decree lifting re-
strictions on political activity by establishing vague new categories of crimes for im-
peding the transition to democracy, which carried a penalty of 5 years in prison for
those found guilty. This action effectively allowed tne regime to remove its oppo-
nents from the political scene until after completion of the transition program (see
Section 3).
The Government continued to repress the political activities of opposition groups.
A number of public meetings were arbitrarily canceled or prevented during the year,
including cultural events, academic conferences, and human rights meetings (see
Section 2. a.). While permits are not normally required for public meetings indoors
and permit requirements for outdoor public functions are often ignored by both gov-
ernment authorities and those assembling, the Government retained legal provi-
sions banning gatherings whose political, ethnic, or religious content might lead to
unrest. Security forces used permit requirements as one of the justifications for dis-
rupting prodemocracy conferences, meetings, or seminars. Open-air religious serv-
ices away from places of worship remained prohibited in most states due to religious
tensions in various parts of the country (see Section 2.c.). Although most religious,
professional, and other organizations do not have to register with the Government
and are generally permitted to associate freely with other national and foreign bod-
ies, the regime significantly tightened regulations on organized labor (see Section
6.a.).
The Government continued to ban political organizations that it contended were
founded primarily along ethnic, tribal, religious, or other parochial lines for the pur-
pose of sponsoring various political candidates. Only the five government-sanctioned
political parties may sponsor political candidates.
In February a seminar organized by the Katsina state branch of the Nigeria
Union of Journalists (NUJ) was cordoned off by antiriot police, who turned away
union members and dignitaries. Police officers in the northern city of Kaduna pre-
vented the holding of three meetings scheduled by NGO's for March 1. The various
venues of the meetings, which were to address the issues of human rights, labor
unions, and the progress of the transition program, were closed by police, who in
two cases used tear gas to disperse participants. A May 1 workshop on conflict man-
agement in Port Harcourt was canceled when the SSS warned local coordinators
that such a meeting could not be held on Workers Day, a local holiday. Similar
workshops elsewhere proceeded unimpeded despite the holiday. In August a semi-
nar organized by the bureau of African Labor, Human, and Democratic Rights was
canceled after police occupied the seminar site and ordered participants to disperse.
On August 27, police canceled a reception and award ceremony organized by the
domestic NGO, Human Rights Africa (HRA), in honor of Justice Elizabeth Kayissan
Pognon, President of Benin's Constitutional Court, arrested HARA director Tunji
Abayomi, and detained him for 3 days. On September 25, police and SSS agents
broke up an HRA seminar for students in Jos, arrested Abayomi and 4 others, and
briefiy detained some 70 students. Abayomi and the others were held for 10 days
and then released on bail. On August 28, security forces prevented the public
launching of a book entitled "Abiola, Democracy and Rule of Law," which was pub-
lished subsequently. In September a farewell reception hosted by Nigerian democ-
269
racy and human rights NGO's in honor of a departing foreign ambassador was dis-
persed by uniformed military and police ofTicers, who forced their way into the pri-
vate residence where the party was being held and ordered guests at gunpoint to
disperse.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Government generally respects freedom of belief,
practice, and religious education provided for by the suspended 1979 and 1989 Con-
stitutions. Both Constitutions also prohibit state and local governments from adopt-
ing an official religion. The Government instituted a ban in 1987 (which is still in
efiect) on religious organizations on campuses of primary schools, although individ-
ual students retain the right to practice their religion in recognized places of wor-
ship.
Distribution of religious publications remained generally unrestricted. There is a
lightly enforced ban on published religious advertisements, and religious program-
ming on television and radio remains closely controlled by the Government. While
it did not outlaw the practice, the Government discouraged proselytizing in the be-
lief that it stirs up religious tensions. The Government continued to eniorce a ban
on open-air religious services away from places of worship (see Section 2.b.).
Both Christian and Muslim organizations allege that the Ministry of Foreign Af-
fairs and the Immigration Department restrict the entry into the country of certain
religious practitioners, particularly persons suspected of proselytizing.
Isolated incidents of religious tension, either motivated by or resulting in govern-
ment intervention, occurred throughout the year. Both Muslim and Christian groups
were affected by these incidents. The continued detention of Shi'ite religious leader
Sheikh Ibrahim al-Zakzaky sparked demonstrations in northern Nigeria that were
handled harshly by government security forces. In January over 100 people were ar-
rested in Sokoto when police raided a meeting in a mosque where plans to "breach
the peace" were allegedly being discussed. On February 7, the Muslim holy day
marting the end of Ramadan, police opened fire on unarmed demonstrators in Kano
and killed at least five persons. The Government took no action against the police
who had fired on the demonstrators. In July similar protests in Kaduna also re-
sulted in some deaths.
Over 100 people were arrested in late 1996 after the September arrest of Zakzaky
led to a series of demonstrations by his followers. Zakzaky was arraigned in late
July on charges of inciting disaffection against the federal and Kaduna state govern-
ments and publishing and distributing magazines critical of the regime. Zakzaky
has repeatedly called for the establishment of Islamic government and urged sup-
porters to reject the authority of the present regime. Many of his followers who were
arrested during demonstrations in 1996 remained in detention without charge.
In June Lagos state police and Operation Sweep members raided the Agege area
of Lagos and arrested at least 36 people believed to be members of the Maitatsine
religious sect. A subsequent raid in August reportedly resulted in over 200 arrests,
and those detained remain in prison at year's end. The Maitatsine follow the teach-
ings of Maitatsine Marwa, an Islamic leader from Cameroon whose activities in Ni-
geria led to his expulsion from Kano in 1960 and a series of bloody uprisings in the
1980's in which more than 4,000 persons are believed to have died. According to
many sources, hundreds of supporters of the two main Islamic groups in northern
Nigeria, the Islamic Brotherhood and the Tajdid Jihad Islamiya, were detained for
varying periods during the year, while others "disappeared."
A Palm Sunday procession in Ilorin, Kwara state was dispersed by soldiers alter
a member of the procession asked a car owner, a military officer, to remove his vehi-
cle from the procession route. In response the officer reportedly ordered his col-
leagues to disperse the crowd, and the soldiers proceeded to whip members of the
religious gathering. The Government took no action against the officer or the sol-
diers. Several Christian leaders who were outspoken on political issues reported
being harassed, being threatened by unknown persons, and receiving threatening
letters.
A debate over taxation of religious organizations was sparked in June when the
Ifelodun/Aieromi local government council of Lagos state sent notices to local
churches tnat they would soon be required to pay a fee of about $110 (10,000 naira)
under a new religious premises permit edict. Christian and Muslim leaders united
against the proposed legislation, and the federal Internal Revenue Service soon de-
nied that there was any plan to tax religious bodies.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The two Constitutions entitle citizens to move freely throughout the
country and reside where they wish. However, increasing violent crime in many
parts of the country prompted police to set up roadblocks and checkpoints where se-
curity and law enforcement officials routinely engaged in extortion, violence, and ex-
cessive use of force (see Section 1. a.).
270
The Constitutions also prohibit expulsion or denial of exit or entry to any citizen.
In practice, however, women must often obtain permission from a male family mem-
ber before being granted a passport, and the Government commonly prevented trav-
el for political reasons. Throughout the year, the Government seizea the passports
of critics.
Journalists reported harassment at the nation's airports by security officials, in-
cluding being required to fill out special entry and exit forms detailing their move-
ments abroad, reasons for traveling, and names of friends and associates overseas.
Security ofTicials continued to interrogate and temporarily confiscate the passports
of journalists seeking to travel. The Government assigned security personnel to
Murtala Mohammed International Airport to screen departing passengers and ap-
prehend prodemocracy supporters. Government security agents questioned exten-
sively citizens who had been issued U.S. visas. Agents reportedly had orders to seize
passports and detain citizens whose responses were not satisfactory. Some travelers
were transferred to military intelligence officers or SSS personnel for further ques-
tioning.
The passport of Eke Ubiji, Executive Secretary of Amnesty International Nigeria,
was seized in December 1996 when he attempted to travel to London for an official
workshop. The passport remained with security officials throughout the year. On
July 26, the Executive Director of the independent human rights monitoring group
Media Rights Agenda, Edetaen Ojo, was prevented from traveling when security
agents seized his passport at the airport. After his flight had departed, his passport
was returned and he was allowed to go home. NADECO leader Abraham Adesanya
sought in July to regain his passport, which had been held since his detention in
the wake of the 1995 murder of Kudirat Abiola, to enable him to travel for a special
meeting of the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group. The passport was returned
the day before his proposed travel but had expired and was not renewed. Former
chairman of the editorial board of the daily The Guardian and a visiting professor
of journalism at a U.S. university, Olatunji Dare, was detained overnight and his
passport seized upon his arrival from the United States on June 2. He was told to
report to the SSS to retrieve his passport. After being interrogated on June 17 by
SSS officials about his activities abroad, his passport was returned. Many human
rights and prodemocracy activists preferred to use alternative travel routes for fear
of^being stopped by security agents, and some reported that they circumvented po-
tential problems with travel documents by having them renewed at embassies and
consulates abroad.
The Government cooperates with the Lagos office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian agencies in assisting
refugees through the National Commission for Refugees and its Federal Commis-
sioner. Regulations governing the granting of refugee status, asylum, and resettle-
ment are outlined in Decree 52 of 1989, which incorporates many aspects of the
1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. Ref-
ugee and resettlement applications are reviewed by the Eligibility Committee estab-
lished under Decree 52. A representative from the UNHCR participates in this com-
mittee. The issue of the provision of first asylum has not arisen since the establish-
ment of the National Commission for Refugees under Decree 52.
There are an estimated 5,000 to 6,000 Liberian, 1,400 Chadian, 1,500
Cameroonian, 140 Ghanaian, 100 Sierra Leonean, and an undetermined number of
Togolese, Somalian, Sudanese and Ethiopian refugees. The UNHCR, in cooperation
with the Government, began a program of voluntary repatriation of Liberian refu-
gees in July. There were no reports that refugees were expelled. There were no re-
ports of the forced return of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Gouern-
tiient
Citizens did not have the right to change their government in 1997. There was
little indication that Abacha's military regime intended to allow citizens to exercise
this right other than through a process tightly controlled by the regime. Laws con-
tinued to be made by decree approved by the Head of State. Throughout the year,
the regime committed numerous, repeated, and serious human rights abuses in its
efTort to prevent citizens from mounting peaceful opposition.
After coming to power, the PRC headed by General Sani Abacha promised to re-
turn the country to civilian, democratic rule but did not provide a timetable until
Abacha's 1995 Independence Day address. In this speech, Abacha announced a tran-
sition timetable leading to inauguration of a civilian president on October 1, 1998.
The transition process provided for a series of local, state, and federal elections over
the 3-year period. After significant delays and repeated organizational problems
marred the original transition program, tne head o(^ the Transition Implementation
271
Committee, a government body set up to oversee and advise on the program, an-
nounced in July significant changes to the transition timetable delaying the dates
for gubernatorial and state assembly elections. The National Assembly elections,
however, are still scheduled to take place in the second quarter of 1998 and the date
for inauguration of a new government remained October 1, 1998.
By year's end, there was little meaningful progress towards democracy despite
Abacha's 3-year transition program. Local government elections originally scheduled
for late 1996 were held March 15, but significant problems with voter registration,
the delineation of constituencies, guidelines for the conduct of elections, and the
screening of candidates remained even after the elections were held, casting doubts
on the process. At year's end, disputes over the results of several elections were still
pending before the government- appointed election tribunals, and questions re-
mained as to whether the boundaries of local government areas and wards would
again be shift,ed, leading to the removal of some elected officials. In April the Gov-
ernment promulgated a decree granting the Head of State the authority to replace
at will any elected, local government official with a sole administrator and forbid-
ding court review of election contests. At year's end, the Government had not used
this authority.
Most leading politicians remained outside the political arena, after key political
parties were denied registration by the National Electoral Commission of Nigeria
(NECON) in 1996 (see Section 2.b.). NECON retained the right to revoke the reg-
istration of political parties at any time, leaving a loophole to disqualify parties for
arbitrary reasons. Individual members of unregistered parties are permitted to join
the officially registered parties. Former Petroleum Minister and prominent political
figure, Don Etiebet, founded the National Center Party of Nigeria (NCPN), which
was registered by NECON. Early in the year, Etiebet made public his intention to
run for the presidency under the NCPN banner. On March 15, the day of local gov-
ernment elections, security operatives arrested Etiebet. He was detained for several
days; upon his release, he gave a press conference in which he renounced his presi-
dential ambitions and announced his decision to transfer to the dominant United
Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP).
At the end of the year, the electoral process had failed to generate popular sup-
port for the authorized political parties or their leadership. The possibility of the
transition program producing a serious presidential candidate other than Abacha
appeared remote. State assembly elections took place on December 6, but voter turn-
out was very low.
The Government took no further action against 10 former state administrators re-
moved from their positions in 1996, reportedly for their activities while holding of-
fice. None of the administrators were formally charged with any offense.
Politics remained dominated by men. However, there are no legal impediments to
political participation or voting by women or members of any minority group. There
are three women in the Cabinet announced on December 15 and female judges and
magistrates at all levels of the judiciary. Government regulations restrict the par-
ticipation of dual nationals in politics (NECON guidelines for local government elec-
tions stipulated that dual nationals may not run for ofTice), but the regulations were
only loosely enforced. There were several reports that minority voters living outside
their traditional regions were prevented from voting by overly zealous government
officials.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government permitted local human rights groups to operate but often inter-
fered with their activities, detaining and intimidating their members, and prevent-
ing them from criticizing the Government's human rights record (see Sections l.d.
and 2.a.). High-level government officials regularly denounced the activities of the
human rights community, often accusing its members and the independent press of
participating in foreign-inspired plots to destabilize the country.
Notwithstanding the Government's hostile attitude, domestic and international
human rights groups engaged in a vocal and public campaign to promote human
rights. Among the most active organizations are: the Civil Liberties Organization;
the Committee for the Defense of Human Rights; the Constitutional Rights Project;
the National Association of Democratic Lawyers; Human Rights Africa; and the
Legal Research and Resource Development Center. A number of prominent authors,
artists, educators, and jurists, in addition to professional and labor organization
leaders, spoke out frequently on human rights issues as well. Amnesty International
is active and the International Committee of the Red Cross has a regional office in
Lagos.
272
The regime established a National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) in 1996,
but the scope of its activities was hindered by lack of adequate funding and organi-
zational support. Although some NGO's agreed to coordinate with the NHRC, the
Commission lacked credibility as an independent monitoring body. The Commission
was further hampered by the lack of a clear mandate to do anything other than con-
vene meetings. The Commission did begin reviewing some cases submitted for adju-
dication and was instrumental in procuring the release of some people who had been
detained without trial for periods exceeding 10 years. The Commission embarked on
a factfinding tour of the nation's prisons. However, repeated requests for the NHRC
to review the cases of alleged coup plotters and political detainees went unanswered.
The Government impeded visits by foreign human rights monitoring groups and
individuals by delaying or refusing visas and attempting to manipulate tneir sched-
ules. The most notable example was the aborted trip in February of United Nations
special rapporteurs who intended to review problems of judicial independence and
extrajudicial killings. The rapporteurs, who initially had received government assur-
ances of access to detainees, were later denied assurances of access to alleged coup
plotters convicted by secret military tribunals and detained political figures such as
M.K.O. Abiola and postponed the trip "indefinitely." After the Government pre-
vented a delegation from the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group from meeting
with human rights and prodemocracy leaders, several groups were invited to Ixin-
don by the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group to present their points of view.
In August a prominent jurist from Benin, who was to receive an award from
Human Rights Africa, canceled her trip to Lagos following a warning by government
officials to diplomats at the Benin embassy in Lagos that she should not enter Nige-
ria.
Since November 1995, the International Labor Organization (ILO) has repeatedly
called on the Government to receive an ILO direct contacts mission to examine vio-
lations of workers rights and to visit prominent detained labor leaders. In a June
18 letter to the ILO, the Government agreed that such a mission could take place
in September. Several days before the planned departure of the mission, however,
the Government notified the ILO that September was no longer suitable. The ILO
has expressed "grave concern" over the Government's continual postponement of the
mission.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Both the 1979 and 1989 Constitutions provide citizens with the right to freedom
from discrimination based on "community, place of origin, ethnic group, sex, reli-
gion, or political opinion." However, customary and religious discrimination against
women persisted, and tension between the Government and disaffected minority
groups also continued.
Women. — Reports of spousal abuse were common, especially those of wife beating
in polygynous families. Police did not normally intervene in domestic disputes,
which were seldom discussed publicly. The Penal Code permits husbands to use
Ehysical means to chastise their wives as long as it does not result in "grievous
arm," which is defined as loss of sight, hearing, power of speech, facial disfigure-
ment, or other life-endangering injuries. In more traditional areas, courts and police
were reluctant to intervene to protect women who formally accused their husbands,
if the level of alleged abuse did not exceed customary norms in the area. Purdah,
the Islamic practice of keeping girls and women in seclusion from men outside the
family, continued in parts of the far north.
Women also bore tne brunt of attacks for social and religious reasons, particularly
for "immodest" or "inappropriate" behavior. There were credible reports that sus-
pected prostitutes in Lagos (prostitution is not illegal; pandering is) were detained
routinely by security forces and subjected to involuntary HIV testing. The extent to
which this action was part of a national government policy was not clear, and what
sanctions would be placed on those who tested positive for the virus remained unde-
termined. In January women wearing trousers were prevented from entering the
federal secretariat in Abuja, sparking a national debate over standards of immodest
or inappropriate dress for women. In F'ebruary the Government announced that
women in trousers were to be permitted free access to government buildings.
Women experienced considerable discrimination as well as physical abuse. There
are no laws barring women from particular fields of employment, but women often
experienced discrimination because the Government tolerates customary and reli-
gious practices that adversely affect them. Women remained underrepresented in
the formal sector, but played an active and vital role in the country's increasingly
important informal economy. While the number of women employed in the business
sector increases every year, women do not receive equal pay for equal work and
273
often find it extremely difficult to acquire commercial credit or obtain tax deductions
or rebates as heads of households.
While some women have made considerable individual progress, both in the aca-
demic and business world, most remained underprivileged. Although women are not
legally barred from owning land, under some customary land tenure systems only
men can own land, and women gain access to land through marriage or family. In
addition many customary practices do not recognize a woman's right to inherit her
husband's property, and many widows are rendered destitute when their in-laws
take virtually all of the deceased husband's property. In other areas, a widow is con-
sidered part of her husband's property and she too may be "inherited" by his family.
Poly^ny continued to be widely practiced among all ethnic groups in both Christian
and Islamic communities. Women were sometimes required to obtain permission
from a male family member to get a passport (see Section 2.d.). The testimony of
women is not equal to that of men in Snari'a courts (see Section I.e.).
Children. — The Government remained only sporadically committed to children's
rights and welfare. Public schools continued to deteriorate, and limited facilities pre-
cluded access to education for many children. The requirement for compulsory pri-
mary education is rarely enforced. While the Government has increased spending
on children's health in recent years, it seldom enforced even the inadequate laws
designed to protect the rights oi children.
Although the law stipulates that "no child shall be ordered to be imprisoned," ju-
venile ofienders are routinely incarcerated along with hardened criminals. The Gov-
ernment only occasionally condemned child abuse and neglect and made little effort
to stop customary practices harmful to children, such as the sale of young girls into
marriage. There were credible reports that poor families sold their daughters into
marriage as a means of supplementing their income. Young girls were often forced
into marriage as soon as they reached puberty, regardless oi age, to prevent the "in-
decency" associated with premarital sex.
The Government publicly opposed female genital mutilation (FGM) which is wide-
ly condemned by international health experts as damaging to both physical and psy-
chological health. However, the Government took only limited steps to abolish the
procedure. Government officials have supported the campaign against FGM, which
is spearheaded by private groups. In Feoruary the Minister of Health, Ihechukwu
Maaubuike, announced that the Government had established a 25-person committee
to study the issue, but no results from the study were available at year's end. FGM
is practiced extensively in all parts of the country and among all religious groups,
and many ethnic groups continued to subject young females to P^GM. Current esti-
mates place the prevalence of FGM between 60 and 90 percent. According to a 1997
World Health Organization (WHO) study, an estimated 30.6 million women and
girls, or about 60 percent of the nation's total population, have experienced FGM.
A 1996 United Nations Development Systems (UNDS) study reported a similar
number of 32.7 million women affected by FGM. However, according to recognized
experts in FGM study in Nigeria, the actual prevalence of F'GM may be much high-
er than either of the figures reported by WHO or UNDS, for there is speculation
that many communities may be less than straightforward with information regard-
ing their FGM practices. For example some ciata indicate that the prevalence of
FGM could be as high as 90 percent. Other local experts estimated that as many
as 50 percent of women have undergone FGM, and most agreed that the number
of young girls now facing FGM is declining. Indigenous forms of FGM vary from the
simple removal of the ciitoral hood or labia minora to excision of the clitoris and
the most dangerous form, infibulation. The age at which females are subjected to
FGM varies from the first week of life until after a woman delivers her first child.
The Ministry of Health and many NGO's sponsored public awareness projects to
educate communities about the health hazards of FGM. The press openly con-
demned the practice.
People With Disabililies. — While the Government called for private businesses to
institute policies ensuring fair treatment for the disabled, it did not enact any laws
requiring greater accessibility to buildings or public transportation nor did it formu-
late any policy specifically ensuring the right of the disabled to work. The (Govern-
ment announced its intention to establish a National Rehabilitation Institute and
resource center in Abuja and encouraged the work of private organizations involved
with the disabled.
Religious Minorities. — The law prohibits religious discrimination. Nonetheless, re-
ports were common that government officials discriminated against persons practic-
ing a religion different from their own. Private businesses are frequently guilty of
informal religious discrimination in their hiring practices.
Religious tensions led to several instances oi violence during the year. There were
regular clashes in northern Nigeria between Shi'ite Muslim groups and Sunni Mus-
274
lims, which resulted in deaths and injuries. Sporadic incidents of attacks on individ-
ual religious leaders were reported, but the nature and perpetrators of the attacks
were various, and there was not a pattern of one religious group attacking another.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The Government has promulgated no official
policy concerning discrimination against any of the more than 250 ethnic groups,
and laws do not favor one group over another. However, there is a long history of
tension among the diverse ethnic groups. Clashes continued between rival ethnic
groups in Delta, Rivers, Benue, Cross River, Bayelsa, Osun, Kaduna, Plateau, and
Taraba states, oflen resulting in casualties. Tradition continued to impose consider-
able pressure on individual government officials to favor their own ethnic group,
and ethnic favoritism persisted. The ongoing government review of boundaries for
state and local government areas sparked several communal clashes, most notably
in Ife-Modakeke, Osun state (that by some estimates cost over 100 lives), and the
Ijaw-Itsekiri conflict in Delta state (that has led to over 110 deaths according to un-
oflicial estimates).
The Ogoni, an ethnic group indigenous to Rivers state in eastern Nigeria (one of
the oil-producing regions), maintained that the Government continued a systematic
campaign to deprive the group of its land and wealth. Members of the Ogoni group
claimed that the Government seized their property without fair compensation, ig-
nored the environmental impact of oil production on Ogoni land, and failed to pro-
vide adequate public services, such as water and electricity. The confrontation be-
tween the Government and the Ogoni remained tense at times. The Movement for
the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), an NGO that campaigns for Ogoni au-
tonomy, described government policy toward the Ogoni as genocide. Ogoni concerns
about environmental degradation and the quality of social services have merit. The
Ogoni 19, accused of murdering 4 Ogoni leaders in July 1994, remained in detention
at year's end (see Section I.e.) as did other Ogonis suspected of opposing the Gov-
ernment. On November 10, military authorities in the Ogoni area banned all public
meetings to prevent public demonstrations on the second anniversary of the hanging
of Ogoni leader Ken Saro-Wiwa. The ban, backed by a heavy armed forces presence,
was effective. MOSOP leaders claimed on December 29 that authorities had in-
creased harassment of Ogoni residents and arrested 20 people in an alleged attempt
to forestall the January 4 commemoration of Ogoni Day.
Other ethnic minorities, particularly in Delta, Rivers, Bayelsa and Akwa Ibom
states have echoed Ogoni claims of environmental degradation and government in-
difference to their development. Groups such as the Ijaw, Itsekiri, and Urhobo grew
increasingly vocal in expressing their unhappiness, while incidents of ethnic conflict
and confrontation with government forces increased significantly in these areas.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Worker rights further deteriorated as the Govern-
ment continued its far-reaching interference in the afTairs of organized labor. Since
1994, the Government has systematically weakened the independence and viability
of the labor movement by enacting decrees to restrict selection of union leaders; di-
recting union mergers; dissolving some unions entirely; and throwing into question
the legal status of other labor organizations. In 1997 the Government officially an-
nounced two new decrees that seriously infringe upon worker rights: Decree 26 of
1996 grants the Labor Minister broad administrative authority to dissolve unions,
while Decree 29 of 1996 prohibits union affiliation with international labor organiza-
tions, except with express government approval. The Government continues to ad-
minister directly the central labor body and two key petroleum unions, refusing to
allow a return to freely elected leadership. Despite domestic and international pleas
for their release, two prominent union leaders remain detained without charge. Ni-
geria's freauent disregard for the right of association drew concern and condemna-
tion from tne International Labor Organization (ILO).
Workers, except members of the armed forces and employees designated as essen-
tial by the Government, may join trade unions. Essential employees include fire-
fighters, police, employees of the central bank, the security printers (printers of cur-
rency, passports, and government forms), and customs and excise stafT. Since issu-
ing the Teaching Essential Services Decree in May 1993, the Government has con-
sidered education an essential service. The Decree did not, however, proscribe edu-
cation sector unions.
By law any non agricultural enterprise employing 50 or more people in commerce
or industry must allow blue-collar and clerical employees to unionize and must insti-
tute a compulsory dues checkoff. The Government has in the past withdrawn the
obligatory dues checkoff provision when unions pursue strikes, as in the cases of the
1993 general strike and the 1994 petroleum strike.
275
Approximately 11.5 percent of the total work force belong to unions. With the ex-
ception of a small numoer of workers in food processing enterprises, the agricultural
sector, which employs some 70 percent of the work force, is not unionized. Most of
the informal sector and practically all small businesses remain nonunionized.
The right to strike is recognized by law, except for those performing essential
services. However, workers are required to give 21 days' notice prior to commencing
a strike. Numerous public and private sector strikes occurred, often due to nonpay-
ment of salaries or noncompliance with previous agreements.
There are no laws prohibiting retribution against strikers and strike leaders, but
strikers who believe that they experience unfair retribution may submit their cases
to the Industrial Arbitration Panel (lAP) with prior approval of the Labor Ministry.
Decisions of the LAP are binding on all parties, but may be appealed to the Nigerian
Industrial Court (NIC). Union representatives have described the arbitration proc-
ess as cumbersome and time consuming.
Since 1978 the Government has mandated a single trade union structure with
service and industrial unions grouped under the Nigeria Labor Congress (NLC). The
NLC claims to represent 3 million workers out of a total work force of 30 million.
In 1994 the Government dissolved the elected National Executive Council of the
NLC and placed it under the authority of a government-appointed sole adminis-
trator. Despite repeated promises over a period of several years that a freely elected
executive council would replace the sole administrator, the Government took no
credible steps to hold such elections. Although state-level NLC executive councils
continue to function, direct government control over the NLC at the national level
prevents it from representing workers in any credible manner.
In 1994 the Government also dissolved the elected national executive councils of
two key oil sector unions, the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Work-
ers (NUPENG), and the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Associations
(PENGASSAN). The unions remain under the authority of government-appointed
sole administrators, despite ILO calls for a return to freely elected leadership.
In 1996 the Gxivernment unveiled the Trade Unions (amendment) Decree, known
as Decree 4. The measure reduced the number of industrial trade unions from 41
to 29 through directed mergers; barred full-time union managers and organizers
from seeking elective positions in the NLC or the unions that employ them; directed
unions to collect dues on behalf of the NLC; and included a clause to preclude judi-
cial challenges to the decree. The Government has yet to ofTicially register four of
the newly merged unions prescribed by Decree 4.
In the past, mid-level employees, termed "senior stafT," have been allowed to form
labor unions, called senior staff associations, but these were not permitted to affili-
ate with the NLC. These staff associations formed a nationwide body, the Senior
Staff Consultative Association of Nigeria (SESCAN), in 1985. Though comprised of
22 affiliates with a potential membership of some 600,000, SESCAN is not recog-
nized by the Government. In the midst of a 1986 strike involving senior university
staff, the Government ruled that a dues checkoff for senior staff is not compulsory,
although many private companies continue the practice. Decree 4 did not mention
senior staff associations, leaving their status ambiguous and resulting in legal chal-
lenges to their authority in labor matters.
In August 1996, the Government dissolved three campus-based unions in response
to a nationwide strike launched in April 1996 by the Academic Staff Union oi Uni-
versities (ASUU). In addition to proscribing the ASUU, the Government dissolved
two non-striking unions, the Nonacademic Staff Union (NASU) and the Senior Staff
Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU), and seized their assets.
The Government further strengthened its control over organized labor with the
January release of an additional amendment to the Trade Unions Act, Decree 26
of 1996, granting the Labor Minister broad administrative authority to revoke the
registration of any union "due to overriding public interest." The Decree stipulates
that the Minister's decision cannot be appealed in a court of law.
In an apparent violation of ILO Convention 87, the Government promulgated the
Trade Unions International Affiliation Decree in April, which bars labor federations
and trade unions from affiliating with international labor organizations, except with
express government permission. The Decree requires all unions to sever any existing
linKs. Labor leaders who fail to follow the decree face criminal penalties and
deregistration of their unions.
Civil servants in Kaduna state began a strike on June 16 to demand full imple-
mentation of an increase in allowances originally approved in 1994. Relying upon
Decree 4, the state administration refused to negotiate with representatives chosen
by the workers. The state administrator subsequently dismissed all civil servants
who failed to return to work by June 30, an order affecting some 16,000 employees.
276
Criminal charges were pending against some 21 strike leaders in Kaduna at year's
end.
The Government used threats of arrest and short-term and long-term detention
without charge to intimidate labor activists. The Government continues to hold
without charge NUPENG General Secretary Frank Kokori, detained since August
1994, and former PENGASSAN General Secretary and Secretary General of
SESCAN, Milton Dabibi, imprisoned since January 1996 (see Section l.d.).
In 1997 Nigeria was again the subject of a special paragraph at the International
Labor Conference (ILC), due to the Government's disregard for worker rights and
violations of Convention 87. The ILC expressed great concern that, although the Ni-
gerian case had been the subject of two previous special paragraphs (in 1995 and
1996), "no concrete progress had been made to date in relation to the very grave
trade union situation in the country." The ILO's Committee on Freedom of Associa-
tion, meeting in March, noted with concern a "persistent deterioration of trade
union rights.' The committee's report called on the Government to release Kokori;
repeal decrees dissolving the executive councils of the NLC, NUPENG, and
PENGASSAN; allow independently elected officials to exercise their trade union
functions; and urgently authorize an ILO direct-contacts mission without further
delay. The ILO called repeatedly and urgently for the Government to accept a direct
contacts mission to examine complaints of serious violations of worker rights. The
Government did not give permission for an ILO mission and failed to respond offi-
cially to the ILO proposal lor a September visit.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The labor laws provide for
both the right to organize and the right to bargain collectively between management
and trade unions. Collective bargaining continues in many sectors of the economy.
Complaints of antiunion discrimination may be brought to the Ministry of Labor for
mediation and conciliation. Unresolved disputes subsequently may be taken to the
Industrial Arbitration Panel (lAP) and the NIC (see Section 6. a.). Union officials
have questioned the independence of the NIC in light of its refusal to resolve var-
ious disputes stemming from the Government's failure to fulfill contract provisions
for public employees.
In his January budget speech, Sani Abacha announced the abolition of the uni-
form national salary structure and deregulation of collective bargaining in the civil
service. The Government directed each state administration to establish its own sal-
ary structure on the basis of its ability to pay and with reference to the minimum
wage (see Section 6.e.). The Government announced this decision without consulting
the civil service unions. The Government abolished the uniform wage structure for
state enterprises in 1991.
An export processing zone remains in development in Calabar, Cross River state,
and a second is planned for Port Harcourt, Rivers state. Workers and employers in
such zones are subject to national labor laws.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The 1974 Labor Decree and the
1979 and 1989 Constitutions pronibit forced or compulsory labor, and it is not
known to occur with any prevalence. Alhough employment of persons under 18
years of age, except for agricultural and domestic work, is generally prohibited, the
Government does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children. Re-
ports of such practices are infrequent. In 1996 one private organization reported an
illegal child trade exporting Nigerian children to other West African nations and
also importing children into the country. The children are reportedly sold into do-
mestic servitude or forced to work as prostitutes. In August police in Benin report-
edly arrested 3 men trying to transport 90 children to Nigeria to be sold in Lagos.
In October the Lagos press reported that child "traders' from other parts of the
country and from Gabon were operating in the southeast state of Akwa-Ibom, alleg-
edly shopping for children to serve as house boys and maids. The ILO has noted
that, witn no constitution in force, the Government may be unable to enforce the
ILO Convention against forced labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The 1974
Labor Decree prohibits employment of children under 18 years of age in commerce
and industry, and restricts other child labor to home-based agricultural or domestic
work. The law further stipulates that children may not be employed in agricultural
or domestic work for more than 8 hours per day. The decree allows the apprentice-
ship of youths at age 13 under specific conditions.
Primary education is compulsory, although this requirement is rarely enforced.
Studies indicate declining scnool enrollment due to the continuing deterioration of
public schools and to increased economic pressures on families. The lack of sufficient
primary school infrastructure has ended some families' access to education, forcing
them to place children in the labor market. Growing economic difficulties have led
to a substantial increase in the use of children for commercial activities aimed at
277
enhancing meager family income. The use of children as beggars, hawkers, and bus
conductors is widespreaa in urban areas. Private and government initiatives to stem
the growing incidence of child employment have not been effective.
The Government does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by chil-
dren, and reports of such practices are rare. However, there were reports of traffick-
ing in children (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — -The 1974 Labor Decree sets a minimum wage,
which is reviewed on an ad hoc basis. The last review, undertaken in 1991 by a tri-
partite group consisting of representatives of the NLC, the Nigeria Employers' Con-
sultative Association, and the Ministry of Labor, raised the monthly minimum wage
to about $5.30 (450 naira) — a level now rendered meaningless by infiation and de-
preciation of the naira — which does not provide a decent living for a worker and
Family.
The 1974 Labor Decree called for a 40-hour workweek, prescribed 2 to 4 weeks
of annual leave, and stipulated that workers must be paid extra for hours worked
over the legal limit. The Decree also stated that employees who work on Sundays
and statutory public holidays must be paid a full days pay in addition to their nor-
mal wages. There is no law prohibiting excessive compulsory overtime.
The 1974 Labor Decree contains general health ana safety provisions, some aimed
specifically at young or female workers. While it requires that the factory
inspectorate of the Ministry of Labor and Employment inspect factories for compli-
ance with health and safety standards, this agency often neglects safety oversight
of construction sites and other nonfactory work. The Decree also requires employers
to compensate injured workers and dependent survivors of those killed in industrial
accidents. The Labor Decree does not provide workers with the right to remove
themselves from dangerous work situations without loss of employment. The Labor
Ministry, which is charged with enforcement of these laws, has experienced large
staff turnover and has been largely ineffective in identifying violations. The Govern-
ment has failed to act on various ILO recommendations since 1991 to update its
moribund inspection and accident reporting program.
RWANDA
The largely Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which took power following the
civil war and genocide of 1994, is the principal political force and controls the Gov-
ernment of National Unity. President Pasteur Bizimungu, an ethnic Hutu, and Vice
President and Minister of Defense Paul Kagame, an ethnic Tutsi, both belong to the
RPF. The mainly Hutu Republican Democratic Movement retains the office of Prime
Minister. Prime Minister Pierre Rwigema, a Hutu, runs the Government on a daily
basis and is responsible for relations with the National Assembly. The judicial sys-
tem functions only on a limited basis as in 1996.
The Minister of Defense is responsible for internal security and military defense;
the Minister of Interior is responsible for civilian security matters. The security ap-
paratus consists of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and the gendarmerie, which
is largely made up of RPA soldiers. Civilian police with limited arrest powers work
throughout the country. Security forces committed numerous serious human rights
abuses.
The economic situation remains difficult. The interethnic violence from 1990 on-
ward and especially in the massive genocide in 1994 resulted in the neglect and
massive destruction of much of the country's economic infrastructure, including util-
ities, roads, and hospitals. Most citizens are subsistence farmers, and food produc-
tion even before the war had barely kept pace with population growth. Small-scale
commercial activities are on the increase, but the industrial base remains neglected.
Gross Domestic Product is about $180 per year.
The Government continued to be responsible for numerous serious human rights
abuses. Citizens do not have the right to change their government. The RPA used
brutal tactics and killed hundreds of civilians. Some killings were for political rea-
sons, some were acts of revenge, and some were committed during security sweeps.
Prison conditions are harsh and life threatening. Authorities hold more than
120,000 prisoners in overcrowded jails; most are accused of participating in the 1994
genocide. Due process rights provided in the Constitution are not assured. Genocide
trials, which began at the end of 1996, continued, with approximately 200 cases
completed. Trials for every accused person now held by the authorities are expected
to take years to complete. Throughout the year, the Government released small
numbers of suspects who had no completed files or were ill or elderly. At year's end,
approximately 3,000 had been released. However, some of these suspects were sub-
278
sequentlv rearrested. There were also reports of some revenge killings of those re-
leased. The authorities harassed and threatened journalists, and freedom of assem-
bly and association, political activity, and freedom of movement arc restricted. Dis-
crimination and violence against women and discrimination against indigenous peo-
ple are problems.
The genocidal militias that massacred Tutsis and moderate Hutus in 1994 contin-
ued their campaign of ethnic extermination. Insurgents, including ivturned refu-
gees, committed many politically motivated killings, including the killing of Tutsi
survivors of the genocide, Tutsi refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo, ex-
patriate human rights monitors, and aid workers. The militias, composed of mem-
bers of the defeated army, the fonnor Rwandan Armed Forces (Ex-FAR) and
Interahamwe genocide gangs, tried to intimidate foreigners, increased friction be-
tween the security forces and the Hutu population and created insecurity on the
roads.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — The RPA committed thousands of
killings, including individuals and families, in security sweeps, and in revenge for
earlier killings by insurgent militias (see Section l.g.). The RPA response to insur-
gency was brutal.
Human rights field operations monitors estimated that the RPA killed more than
2,000 persons in May and June, and 918 during July and August. It is not known
how many of these deaths were the result of military operations and how many
were premeditated extrajudicial reprisals. The U.N. Field Operations monitors re-
ported large numbers of deaths of unarmed civilians in security sweeps, including
elderly persons, women, and children, as well as insurgents and their suspected col-
laborators. From Januar>' through August, the RPA may have killed as many as
6,000 persons. The RPA admits to civilian killings, but says that its troops cannot
distinguish between insurgents wearing civilian clothing and innocent bystanders.
The Government acknowledged thousands of deaths, but claimed that the majority
were insurgents killed in combat operations. F'or example, for May and June, the
Government listed 200 to 300 civilians and 1,800 insurgents killed by the RPA, and
500 civilians by insurgents.
On January 16, Evaniste Burakali, an outspoken member of the National Assem-
bly and the Liberal Party, was killed by an RPA soldier in a personal dispute. The
soldier was subsequently arrested and is being held for trial.
In August authorities arrested eight soldiers for killing civilians and looting their
homes during military action against Hutu rebels.
In August U.N. Field Operations observers reported 62 separate incidents involv-
ing 109 deaths, in which soldiers, gendarmes, or local police killed suspects allegedly
attempting to escape or evade arrest. Many of these deaths were considered possible
extrajudical executions. The RPA generally does not take many prisoners.
On October 4, Jean-Baptiste Safari, known to be a sympathizer of the exile oppo-
sition group Forces of Resistance for Democracy, was killed outside his home, alleg-
edly by soldiers or members of the RPA. No arrests have been made.
In November there were reports of RPA action against suspected Ex-FAR infiltra-
tion posts in volcanic caves near Kanama. The RPA adn\its military' activity around
the caves, and that it sealed off caves in an attempt to seize infiltrators. Human
rights groups claim that many civilians also hiding in the caves died when the en-
trances were sealed. Journalists visiting the area confirmed that there were some
deaths, but could not estimate the number. According to local residents, killings at
the caves began in 1994 (sec Section l.g.).
Beginning in Autumn, insurgents staged several attacks on local communal jails,
attempting to free Hutu prisoners. Insurgents killed dozens in these assaults. In
many cases, liberated prisoners later returned voluntarily to the jails.
There are some indications that 88 prisoners whom the Ex-FAR unsuccessfully at-
tempted to free from a communal jail in Giceye on November 17 may have been
killed by the RPA after the attack. The Government stated that the Ex-FAR killed
the prisoners after their attempt to free them had failed by throwing grenades
through the grilled windows.
In September, four army officers convicted of involvement in a 1995 massacre of
civilians in Kanama were convicted and sentenced to 28 months in prison. The offi-
cers were found guilty of failure to assist the victims.
There were many credible reports of serious human rights abuses by RPA troops,
including the killing of Hutu refugees in the eastern portion of the Democratic Re-
public of the Congo in early to mia-year. (see Section l.g.).
279
Harsh prison conditions and mistreatment contributed to the deaths of many in-
mates (see Section I.e.).
Insurgent militias, which included returned refugees, former members of the FAR,
and Interahamwe gangs, committed hundreds of killings both for political reasons
and in pursuit of ambitions to eliminate Rwanda's Tutsis by violence. While the in-
surgent militias appeared to be operating with military tactics and objectives in the
first part of the year, by late summer their efforts had degenerated into a desultory
continuation of the 1994 genocide. The insurgents targeted genocide survivors, Tutsi
refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo, and local Hutu politicians.
In January a group of Interahamwe attacked a hospital in Kabaya, killing three
hospital workers. The following day, Interahamwe summarily killed 12 other civil-
ians in Giciye. On January 18, insurgents killed three Spanish aid workers and seri-
ously injured one of their colleagues. On February 4, insurgents killed two U.N.
human rights monitors, one a British citizen, the other a Cambodian, and three
Rwandans who were traveling with them.
On April 28, insurgents killed 17 school girls and their expatriate teacher in an
ethnically motivated attack. In several incidents in May and June, insurgents at-
tacked buses and killed Tutsi passengers. An Interahamwe group killed 17 genocide
survivors in Mutura on August 18.
Insurgents massacred 136 Tutsi refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo
in a machete attack on the Mudende refugee camp, also in Mutura, on August 22.
Approximately 500 attackers, including women and teenagers, indiscriminately
killed their victims, including women, children, and the elderly, all of whom were
unarmed.
On November 20, Hutu insurgents attacked the Bulinga jail, freeing approxi-
mately 550 prisoners. The RPA claimed that it had killed some 200 insurgents in
resulting battles. By mid-December, 470 of the released prisoners had voluntarily
surrendered themselves to authorities.
On December 12, Hutu insurgents again attacked the Mudende refugee camp for
Congolese Tutsis, killing more tnan 300 persons, including many women and young
children, using machetes and nail-studded clubs.
On December 19, Hutu insurgents attacked a bus in the central part of the coun-
try, killing 19 persons.
b. Disappearance. — There were reports of disappearances, particularly in connec-
tion with RPA antiinsurgent activity. Human rights observers note, however, that
due to the tense security situation it is often difficult if not impossible to character-
ize definitively whether the disappearance of missing persons was voluntary or due
to the use of lorce or whether the persons who disappeared were killed or had joined
insurgent forces. Many of those who disappeared may be held in military detention.
Some were released after questioning.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Torture is contrary to the Fundamental Law, and there were no reports of system-
atic torture. Various observers have accused local authorities of using excessive
force in arrests and interrogation, but there have been no documented cases.
Prison conditions are harsh and life threatening. There were sporadic reports of
isolated deaths due to mistreatment. Overcrowding is a serious problem, and sani-
tary conditions are so bad that there are many deaths due to disease. Credible
sources reported 860 deaths during the year form preventable disease and the de-
bilitating effects of overcrowding. There are approximately 120,000 persons held in
some 250 prisons and jails having a design capacity of 17,000. Work on new deten-
tion centers began in 1996 and these facilities remain under con.struction. Hundreds
of children are incarcerated with adults throughout the prison system (see Section
5). In January the Government began releasing small numbers of genocide suspects
whose files had not been completed, or who were ill or elderly (see Section l.a.).
However, the Government rearrested some of these suspects after protests from
genocide survivor groups and local communities.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), human iTglits organiza-
tions, diplomats, and journalists have regular access to the prisons. The ICRC feeds
detainees in the 14 main prisons, and also provides additional expertise and
logistical and material support to improve conditions for detainees. New detention
centers are being built.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The justice system began to function reg-
ularly to a certain extent, hearing nongenocide criminal and civil complaints in ad-
dition to genocide cases. Under the circumstances of an overburdened system, the
Government has little capacity to ensure due process. Arrest procedures improved
during the year, but in many cases formal requirements were not met. At year's
end, the Government had conducted about 200 genocide trials.
280
The Government arrested genocide suspects at the rate of 800 per week; arrests
diminished near the end of the year. Arrests are often based on oral complaints and,
it is believed, at times on false accusations. The genocide suspects are primarily
Hutu, and they amount to about 10 percent of the adult male Hutu population.
Throughout the year, the Government released a small number of prisoners in an
attempt to comply with the law requiring that detainees without completed files be
let go by the end of the year, and to release a number of ill and elderly prisoners.
Best estimates were that about 100 persons were released per week countrywide.
In late November, the authorities in Gikongoro released 150 prisoners, all of whom
reportedly did not have files. At year's end, approximately 3,000 had been released.
Protests from survivors' groups and the local population were so intense that the
entire group was rearrested and returned to custody.
Exile is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judicial system again began functioning in
1996. Never a model of free and fair justice, the system collapsed during war and
genocide of 1994. The Government, with the help of the international community,
is attempting to rebuild the judiciary and appoint lower court ofTicials.
The law provides for public trials with the right to a defense. There are only a
few trials of criminal suspects and there have been only about 200 genocide trials.
Despite lengthy incarceration of about 120,000 genocide suspects, genocide trials
continue at a slow pace, and only began at the end of December 1996.
In August 1996, the Parliament passed a new genocide law, designed to elicit con-
fessions in exchange for reduced sentences for the vast majority of those involved
in the genocide. Trials are envisioned for only the most highly placed organizers of
the massacres and for those who participated with special zeal. In July the U.N.
Tribunal seized seven suspects in Nairobi, Kenya; these included former Prime Min-
ister Jean Kambanda ana former senior military commander Gratien Kabiligi. The
U.N. transported them to tribunal headquarters in Arusha, Tanzania.
To date few confessions have been made under plea bargaining provisions of the
1996 genocide law. Approximately 100 death sentences have been handed down in
genocide trials held by the Government. None have yel been carried out.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Fundamental Law prohibits such practices. Authorities generally respect these pro-
hibitions, and prosecute violations.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— The RPA used excessive force in suppressing the insurgency along the north-
western border and killed many civilians. No complete death total is available, but
the U.N. Human Rights Field Office reported that 2,022 persons were killed by the
RPA in May and June alone (see Section l.a.). This total comprised insurgents and
civilians. There were credible reports that the RPA routinely killed suspected insur-
gent collaborators and their families, including women and children. In early March
in Ruhengeri, an RPA regiment reacted brutally in responding to an attack on a
government convoy, and systematically executed at least 100 — perhaps as many as
400 — civilians suspected of collaborating with insurgents. The RPA commanders in
Ruhengeri were arrested, court-martialed in November, and sentenced to prison
terms. A military court convicted five officers and one sergeant of failure to stop the
killings. The battalion commander received a prison sentence of 44 months; the oth-
ers received 60-month sentences.
Cyabingo commune was the site of much RPA killing. In May an RPA unit search-
ing for infiltrators fired on a communal meeting there, killing 35 civilians. Following
an insurgent attack on a military post on May 16, an RPA cordon and search oper-
ation killed 175 persons in Muhoro sector. On May 24, the RPA killed some 250 ci-
vilians during an identity card check in Rubabi and Ruvumu sectors.
Following an attack by insurgent infiltrators on the marketplace of Kanama, near
Gisenyi, in early August, RPA units again overreacted; they killed more than 100
civilians in reprisal attacks in Kahama, Mutura, and Rwerere during a 3-dav period.
Prisoners in local jails were killed, although it is not known if they were killed by
the RPA, insurgents, or others. Troops looted the market and seized privately owned
vehicles. Vice President Kagame visited the scene of these killings and ordered an
investigation. Military authorities arrested 29 RPA officers and men, including the
battalion commander on various charges. They were subsequently court-martialed.
In July Vice President Paul Kagame acknowledged in a press interview that gov-
ernment forces participated in the overthrow of the Mobutu regime by the Alliance
of Democratic forces for the Liberation of Congo/Zaire (ADFL). There were many
credible reports of serious human rights abuses by government troops, including the
killing of Hutu refugees as troops took a lead role in capturing major towns and
pursued remnants of Hutu insurgent groups. At year's end, a U.N. investigatory
281
mission was conducting an investigation into these reports and reports of serious
abuses by other forces operating in the same areas.
In November there were reports of RPA action against suspected former FAR in-
filtration posts in volcanic caves near Kanama. The RPA acknowledged that there
was military activity around the caves, and that it sealed ofT several cave entrances
in an attempt to flush out infiltrators. Human rights groups claim that many civil-
ians also hiding in the cave died when the entrances were sealed. Journalists who
visited the caves confirmed that some people died in the caves, but could not esti-
mate how many.
In the first part of the year, insurgents fighting around Ruhengeri appeared to
have a military structure and objectives, but by year's end the violence seemed to
have no coherent planning, and appeared to concentrate instead on elimination of
ethnic Tutsis. Insurgents committed hundreds of killings, including massacres in
refugee camps (see Section l.a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press.— The F'undamental Law provides for freedom of
the press; however, the Government at times harassed the media.
The Government harassed journalists whose reporting was contrary to ofiicial
views. In February the Government expelled a Reuters correspondent from the
country for allegedly inaccurate reporting. On April 28, journalist Appolos
Hakizamana was killed under suspicious circumstances. No arrests have been made.
There are several privately owned newspapers, the Government-owned Radio
Rwanda, and a sporadically operating television station. The Government signed an
agreement to rebroadcast British Broadcasting Corporation programs on f.m. in
1998.
The university reopened in 1996; academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Fundamental Law pro-
vides for freedom of peaceful assembly, but authorities may legally require advance
notice for outdoor rallies, demonstrations, and meetings. Political activity below the
executive committee of political parties level was suspended in an agreement of the
parties.
The National Revolutionary Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND),
and the Coalition for Defense of the Republic, both implicated in planning and exe-
cuting the 1994 genocide, have been banned by law. As part of the Arusha Accords,
the remaining political parties agreed to refrain from partisan public debate during
the 5-year transition p>eriod.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The 1991 Constitution provides for freedom of religion,
and the Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government gen-
erally respects them in practice. More than 1 million refugees returned to Rwanda
in the last 2 months of 1996, and the resettlement generally proceeded smoothly.
However, insurgent warfare and ethnic violence were frequent occurrences in the
northwestern prefectures of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi.
The Government of Tanzania expelled several hundred Rwandan citizens in No-
vember; the authorities readily received them.
The return of an additional 200,000 persons during the year has reduced the doc-
umented presence of Rwandans outside the country to fewer than 20,000.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right to change their government through democratic
means. The 1992 powersharing agreement crafted in the Arusha negotiations and
ratified by the 1993 Arusha Accords was not fully implemented prior to former
President Habyarimana's death in April 1994, but it remains the basis of planning
and the apportionment of ministries. Despite the events of 1994, the RPF brought
representatives of four other opposition parties into the Government after the its
military victory, but none of these officials were elected. An appointed multiparty
National Assembly is now functioning, with nine political parties represented, in-
cluding the RPF.
There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women in political life, but
women remain underrepresented in politics and government, including both the
Cabinet and the National Assembly. The Batwa ethnic group is also underrep-
resented.
282
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of local and international human rights groups operate without
government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights
violations. They include the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, which op-
erates a field office with branches throughout the country and nongovernmental or-
ganizations (NGO's), including Journalists sans Frontieres. Government onicials are
generally cooperative and responsive to their views. However, the Government
sharply criticized the U.N. human rights field ofiice because its monitors and inves-
tigators, in observing U.N. security guidelines, do not travel outside Kigali, and base
their reports on interviews with self-described witnesses, not on firsthand observa-
tion.
In October vice presidential spokesman Emanuel Gasana said that the conclu-
sions in a Human Rights Watch/Africa report about Rwandan involvement in
killings in the Democratic Republic of Congo were false.
The ICRC is active in visiting prisons.
The International War Crimes Tribunal for Rwanda had yet to conclude its first
trial. The Government in 1996 criticized the tribunal for its slow start, but wel-
comed signs that the tribunal was pursuing a more aggressive arrest policy in 1997.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides that all citizens are equal before the law, without dis-
crimination on the basis of race, color, origin, ethnicity, clan, sex, opinion, religion,
or social standing. However, the Government provides only limited enforcement of
these provisions.
Women. — Violence against women continues. Wife beating and domestic violence
are normally handled within the context of the extended family and rarely come be-
fore the courts.
Despite constitutional provisions, women continue to face serious discrimination.
Women traditionally perform most of the subsistence farming and play a limited
role in the modern sector. They have only limited opportunities for education, em-
ployment, and promotion. The Family Code of 1992 has generally improved the legal
position of women in matters relating to marriage, divorce, and child custody, but
still does not meet the constitutional commitment to gender equality. For example,
it formally designates men as heads of households. Also, the absence of succession
laws limits a woman's right to property, thus jeopardizing her status and ability to
provide for her family should she survive her husoand. The omission is particularly
onerous in the postgenocide period, since widows are very numerous and surviving
male relatives, who would normally inherit and provide for them, are relatively few.
Children. — The Government is attempting to provide an education and health
care to every child. More than 50,000 cnildren were separated from their parents
during the 1994 genocide and national upheaval. Many who are still children re-
main in the care of strangers or international organizations.
Although the penal code prohibits the imprisonment of children with adults, the
Government reports that hundreds of children are in fact incarcerated with adults
throughout the prison system.
People With Disabilities. — Although there are no laws restricting people with dis-
abilities from employment, education, or other state services, in practice few dis-
abled persons have access to education or employment. There are no laws or provi-
sions that mandate access to public facilities.
Indigenous People. — Less than 1 percent of the population comes from the Batwa
ethnic group. These indigenous people, survivors of the Pygmy (Twa) tribes of the
mountainous forest areas bordering the Democratic Republic of Congo, exist on the
margins of society and continue to oe treated as inferior citizens by both Hutus and
Tutsis. The Batwa have been unable to protect their interests, which center on ac-
cess to land and housing. Few Batwa have gained access to the educational system,
resulting in minimal representation in government institutions. There is no reliable
information on specific human rights abuses perpetrated against the Batwa popu-
lation since the 1994 upheaval.
National f Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Before April 1994, an estimated 85 percent
of citizens were Hutu, 14 percent were Tutsi, and 1 percent Batwa. The subsequent
mass killings and migrations probably affected the ethnic composition of the popu-
lation, but the extent of the changes is unknown. The Government has called for
ethnic reconciliation and committed it.self to abolishing policies of the former govern-
ment that had created and deepened ethnic cleavages. It eliminated references to
ethnic origin from the national identity card, a provision of the 1993 Arusha Ac-
cords. The Government has not statutorily addressed the issue of ethnic quotas in
283
education, training, and government employment. It has partially integrated more
than 2,000 former government soldiers into RPA forces, altnough not by the formula
prescribed by the 1993 Arusha accord. Tutsi clergv and businessman, who were well
represented in these sectors of society, were killea in great numbers in the genocide.
Following the 1994 victory by the RPF, Tutsis returning from exile took over many
of the business and professional positions formerly held by Hutus and Tutsis.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — In practice there is no functioning labor movement,
given the massive disruptions caused by the 1994 genocide. Although preconflict
labor law technically remains in efTect, the Government is unable to implement its
provisions. Unions are only slowly regrouping and asserting themselves.
The Constitution provides for the rignt to create professional associations and
labor unions. Union membership is voluntary and open to all salaried workers, in-
cluding public sector employees. There are no restrictions on the right of association,
but all unions must register with the Ministry of Justice for ofTicial recognition.
There are no known cases in which the Government has denied such recognition.
Unions are prohibited by law from having political affiliations, but in practice this
is not always respected.
Organized labor represents only a small part of the work force. More than 90 per-
cent of workers are engaged in small-scale subsistence farming. About 7 percent
work in the modern (wage) sector, including both public and private industrial pro-
duction, and about 75 percent of those active in the modern sector are members of
labor unions.
Before 1991 the Central Union of Rwandan Workers (CESTRAR) was the only au-
thorized trade union organization. With the political reforms introduced in the Con-
stitution, CESTRAR officially became independent of the Government and the out-
lawed MRND.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike, except for public service workers.
A union's executive committee must approve a strike, and a union must first try
to resolve its difTerences with management according to steps prescribed by the Min-
istry of Labor and Social AfTairs. Tne Government never enforced laws prohibiting
retribution against strikers.
Labor organizations may affiliate with international labor bodies. CESTRAR is af-
filiated with the Organization of African Trade Union Unity and the International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides for
collective bargaining, although only CESTRAR had an established collective bar-
gaining agreement with the Government. In practice, since most union members are
in the public sector, the Government is intimately involved in the process (see Sec-
tion 6.e.).
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination, and it has not occurred in practice.
There are no formal mechanisms to resolve complaints involving discrimination
against unions.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced labor,
and there are no reports that it occurs in practice. Although the law does not specifi-
cally prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, such practices are not known to
occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Except in
subsistence agriculture, the law prohibits children under age 18 from working with-
out their parents' or guardians' authorization, and they generally may not work at
night. The minimum age for full employment is 18 years, and 14 years for appren-
ticeships 14 years, providing that the child has completed primary school. The Min-
istry 01 Labor has not enforced child labor laws effectively. The law does not specifi-
cally prohibit forced or bonded labor by children, but such practices are not known
to occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Ministry of Labor sets minimum wages in
the small modern sector. The minimum wage is $1.08 (310 Rwandan francs) for an
8-hour workday. The Government, the main employer, efTectively sets most other
wage rates as well. The minimum wage is insufficient to provide a decent standard
of fi vine for a worker and family. ORen families supplement their incomes by work
in small business or subsistence agriculture. In practice, however, workers are will-
ing to work for less than the minimum wage.
Officially, government offices have a 40-nour workweek. Negotiations in 1993 be-
tween the unions, Government, and management were held to reduce the workweek
from 45 to 40 hours in the private sector as well; however, no such reduction has
yet occurred. Hours of work and occupational health and safety standards in the
284
modem wage sector are controlled by law, but labor inspectors from the Ministry
of Labor enforce them only loosely. Workers do not have the right to remove them-
selves from dangerous work situations without jeopardizing their jobs.
SAO TOME AND PRINCIPE
The Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe is a multiparty democracy.
The Government is composed of an executive branch, a unicameral legislature (the
National Assembly), and an independent judiciary. The President appoints the
Prime Minister, who in turn appoints the ministers of the Government. Miguel
Trovoada, an independent, was re-elected President in 1996 for a second 5-year
term. The Movement for the Liberation of Sao Tome and Principe (MLSTP), which
had ruled prior to 1990 as the sole legal party, won a plurality in free and fair par-
liamentary elections in 1994 and holds 6 of 10 seats in the Cabinet. Presidential
elections held in 1996 were deemed generally free and fair by international observ-
ers, despite allegations of an unconstitutional modification of voter lists between the
first and second rounds.
The Minister of National Defense, Security, and Internal Order supervises the
military services, many of whose members are part-time farmers or fishermen, and
the police. A week-long military mutiny in August 1995 was ended by an agreement
mediated by the Foreign Minister of Angola, lorestalling a threatened overthrow of
the Government. The National Assembly passed an amnesty for the mutineers
which was proclaimed by the President. The Government and international donors
have dedicated resources to improving soldiers' living conditions.
The economy is based on the export of a single product, cocoa, produced in an ar-
chaic state-run system of plantations called "empresas." The Government has
privatized some of the state-held land but has had limited success in privatizing
state-owned enterprises. The Government faltered in its efforts at structural adjust-
ment, and the economy continues to face serious difiiculties. The annual inflation
rate is 60 percent, unemployment is 27 percent, total external debt is six times
gross domestic product, and the country is highly dependent on foreign aid. Per cap-
ita income is less than $250 per year.
The Government continued to respect the rights of its citizens. The principal
human rights problems continued to be an inefTicient judicial system, harsn prison
conditions, discrimination and violence against women, and outdated plantation
labor practices that limit worker rights.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture or cruel and inhuman punishment. There were
no reports of violations such as beatings or other cruel treatment during arrests or
interrogations.
Prison conditions are harsh but not life threatening. While there is no indication
that human rights monitors have requested permission to make prison visits, it is
believed the Government would permit such visits if requested.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes these prohibitions.
Exile is not used as a punishment, and all those exiled under the one-party re-
gime of 1975-1990 are free to return.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent iudi-
ciary, and thejudiciary has returned verdicts against both the Presiaent and. the
Government. The legal system is based on Portuguese law and customary law, with
the Supreme Court at the apex. The Government has important powers relating to
the juciiciary, including setting salaries forjudges and all ministerial employees in
accordance with standard government salary guidelines. Government salaries are
extremely low, and the authorities are concerned that judges may be tempted to ac-
cept bribes. The authorities maintain that they continue to respect the inciependence
of the judiciary.
The Constitution provides for the right to fair public trial, the right of appeal, and
the right to legal representation. In practice, however, the judicial infrastructure
suffers from severe budgetary constraints, inadequate facilities, and a shortage of
285
trained judges and lawyers, causing long delays in bringing cases to court and
greatly hindering investigations in criminal cases.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the integrity of the person and the right to privacy of
home, correspondence, and private communication. The Government does not en-
gage in intrusive practices, such as surveillance of people or the monitoring of com-
munications. The judicial police are responsible for criminal investigations and must
obtain authorization from the Ministry of Justice to conduct searches.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of expres-
sion and freedom of the press, and the Government generally respects these rights
in practice. One government-run and four independent newspapers have publisned
in the past.
Television and radio are state operated. While there are no independent local sta-
tions, there are no laws forbidding them. The Voice of America, Radio Inlernalional
Portugal, and Radio France International are rebroadcast locally. The law grants all
opposition parties access to the state-run media, including a minimum of 3 minutes
per month on television.
All parties freely distribute newsletters and press releases giving their views and
criticizing the Government, the President, and one another. There were no reports
of government censorship or threats of censorship from any group, nor any reports
of efforts by national security forces to suppress criticism.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice. The Government re-
quires that requests for authorization of large-scale events be filed 48 hours in ad-
vance and usually grants the appropriate permits.
c. Freedom of Retigion. — The Constitution provides for religious freedom, and the
Government respects this right in practice. There are no restrictions on the activi-
ties of foreign clergy.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.—Under the Constitution and in practice, citizens have the right to move
freely within the country, to travel abroad, and to emigrate and return. Authorities
have traditionally welcomed those seeking refuge or asylum. No requests for first
asylum were reported during the year.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised this right for the first time in free and fair 1991 presidential
and legislative elections and again in the 1994 legislative elections and the 1996
presidential elections. These elections resulted in the peaceful transfer of power be-
tween political party coalitions. More than 80 percent of those eligible to vote cast
their ballots in the 1996 presidential elections. International observers judged the
contest to be free and fair. The National Electoral Commission acknowledged minor
discrepancies in the registration process and in voter rolls but determined that
these were insufficient to call the results into question. After some controversy, the
Supreme Court ratified the results. Each of the three principal political parties has
significant representation in the unicameral National Assembly. Elections are by se-
cret ballot on the basis of universal suffrage for citizens 18 years of age or older.
The Constitution provides for the election of the President, who as Head of State
names the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister appoints members of the Govern-
ment.
There are no restrictions in law or in practice on the participation of women in
politics. However, women are underrepresented in the legislature. They currently
hold 3 of 55 seats in the National Assembly. One woman was a presidential can-
didate in the 1996 elections and received 16 percent of the first-round vote.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A small number of local human rights groups have formed since 1991 and operate
without restriction or governmental interference. There were no known requests by
international human rights groups to visit the country.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for the equality of all citizens regardless of sex, race,
racial origin, political tendency, creed, or philosophic conviction. However, the Gov-
ernment has not actively sought to enforce these provisions.
286
Women. — While the extent of the problem is unknown, violence against women oc-
curs, and medical professionals and ofTicials report firsthand experience in dealing
with violence, including rape. They also report that although women have the right
to legal recourse — including against spouses — many are reluctant to bring legal ac-
tion or are ignorant of their rights under the law. Traditional beliefs and practices
also inhibit women from taking domestic disputes outside the family.
While the Constitution stipulates that women and men have equal political, eco-
nomic, and social rights, and while many women do have access to opportunities in
education, business, and government, in practice women still encounter significant
societal discrimination. Traditional beliefs concerning the division of labor between
men and women leave women with much of the hard work in agriculture, with most
child-rearing responsibilities, and with less access to education and to the profes-
sions. Female literacy is approximately 62 percent; male literacy is approximately
85 percent.
Children. — A number of government and donor-funded programs have been estab-
lished to improve conditions for children. There has been improvement in maternity
and infant care, in nutrition, and in access to basic health services, especially in
urban areas. Mistreatment of children is not widespread. There are few social pro-
tections for orphans and abandoned children.
People With Disabilities. — The law does not mandate arrangements to provide ac-
cess to buildings, transportation, or services for persons with disabilities.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for freedom of association
and the right to strike. Few unions exist in the very small modern wage sector.
Independent cooperatives, on the other hand, have taken advantage of the govern-
ment land distribution program to attract workers and in many cases to improve
production and incomes significantly. Public sector employees still comprise the
great majority of wage earners. Government employees and other essential workers
are allowed to strike. There are no laws or regulations prohibiting employers from
retaliating against strikers.
There are no restrictions barring trade unions from joining federations or
affiliating with international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides
that workers may organize and bargain collectively. However, due to its role as the
principal employer in the wage sector, the Government remains the key interlocutor
for labor on all matters, including wages. There are no laws prohibiting antiunion
discrimination.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government prohibits forced
and bonded labor by children, and such practices are not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Employ-
ers in the modern wage sector generally respect the legally mandated minimum em-
ployment age of 18 years. The Ministry of Justice and Labor is responsible for en-
forcing this law. In subsistence agriculture, on plantations, and in informal com-
merce, children do work, sometimes from an early age. The Government prohibits
forced and bonded labor by children, and the prohibition is respected (see Section
6.C.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Working conditions on many of the state-
owned plantations — the largest wage employment sector — border on the medieval.
There is no legally mandated minimum wage. The average salary for plantation
workers does not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family, and
the real value of the minimum wage is constantly eroded by high rates of inflation.
In principle, workers are provided free (but inadequate) housing, mdimentary edu-
cation, and health care, as well as the privilege of reduced prices and credit at the
"company store." These arrangements are intended to subsidize food and clothing.
Corruption is an everyday fact, however, and international lending institutions have
criticized the Government for ineffective administration of these subsidies. Workers
are often forced to pay higher prices on the parallel market to obtain the goods theo-
retically provided at a discount as part of their compensation.
The legal workweek is 40 hours with 48 consecutive hours mandated for a rest
period, a norm respected in the modern wage sector. The Social Security Law of
1979 prescribes basic occupational health and safety standards. Inspectors from the
Ministry of Justice and Labor are responsible for enforcement of these standards,
but their efforts are ineffective. Employees have the right under the law to leave
unsafe working conditions.
287
SElSfEGAL
Senegal is a republic with an elected president, Abdou Diouf, who has been in of-
fice since 1981, and a unicameral legislature dominated by the President's Socialist
Party (PS) since independence from France in 1960. During the year, the Govern-
ment installed new decentralized regional and local administrations. The stability
brought about by the entry of the principal opposition party into government in
1995 continued, with the smaller parties choosing to remain in government while
contesting the elections. A renewal of fighting in the Casamance area in the south-
em part of the country between the Government and the secessionist Movement of
Democratic Forces in the Casamance (MFDC) caused many civilians to fiee their vil-
lages. MFDC rebel forces reportedly were responsible for killings, disappearances,
and torture. The judiciary is independent, although subject to governmental infiu-
ence and pressure.
The armed forces are professional and generally disciplined. They traditionally re-
main aloof from politics and are firmly under civilian control. The paramilitary gen-
darmerie and the police are less professional and less disciplined. Some members
of the gendarmerie and the police continued to commit serious human rights abuses.
Senegal is predominantly agricultural with more than 70 percent of the labor
force engaged in farming, largely peanut production. Since the devaluation of the
cfa franc in 1994, the Government implemented a series of economic policy reforms
to enhance competitiveness and is phasing out most qualitative restrictions on im-
ports, dismantling monopolies, liberalizing the labor market, and privatizing several
important state-owned industries. Supported by the international donor community,
Senegal remains dependent on foreign assistance as an important part of its na-
tional budget.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, however,
there were serious problems in some areas, particularly reports of extrajudicial
killings and disappearances, torture by police of suspects during questioning, arbi-
trary arrest, and lengthy pretrial detention. The Government tried or punished no
military, gendarmes, or police for previous human rights abuses. A National Observ-
atory of Elections was created in August; its effectiveness is expected to be tested
during the national parliamentary elections in May 1998. The Socialist Party's con-
tinued domination of Senegalese political life calls into question the extent to which
citizens can meaningfully exercise their right to change the government. Poor prison
conditions, a judiciary subject to government influence and pressure, domestic vio-
lence and discrimination against women, some abuse of children, child labor, and
mob violence are also problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — While there were no confirmed re-
ports of political or extrajudicial killings by government officials during the resur-
gence of violence in the southern Casamance region, government forces were sus-
pected of responsibility for many civilian deaths. In August a leader of the MP^DC,
Sarani Badiane, was found murdered near Ziguinchor. While no group has claimed
responsibility for the killing and no direct proof of guilt has emerged, tne Senegalese
human rights organization African Meeting for the Defense of Human Rights
(RADDHO) and Amnesty International (AI) attributed responsibility for Badiane's
death to the Government.
A report by AI issued in September alleged "tens" of civilian deaths in the
Casamance. A report by RADDHO released in the same month listed 16 individuals
including Sarani Badiane, who had been killed in the conflict. Of the 16, RADDHO
stated that 3 were killed by the army and 12 by the MFDC.
On December 30, three relatives of MFDC military leader Salif Sadio and one
other person were murdered by unknown persons.
Guerrillas of the rebel Movement of Democratic Forces of the Casamance (MFDC)
were suspected of being responsible for killing many civilians during the fighting in
the Casamance. The RADDHO report listed 12 individuals killed by the MTOC.
One person in the RADDHO report was listed as killed by "unidentified armed
elements." In addition RADDHO reported the massacre of four members of an
unnamed family in Mandina Wandifa in September, but did not identify the per-
petrators.
On many occasions in other parts of the country, vigilante groups and mobs
lynched suspected thieves. In August a wave of hysteria about the then, of male sex-
ual organs resulted in the deaths of 30 people from mob violence.
288
b. Disappearance. — A report by AI in September alleged 30 disappearances in the
Cassamance. The RADDHO report released in September listed six individuals who
allegedly disappeared while in the custody of the armed forces.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The report by RADDHO of alleged human rights violations in the Casamance issued
in September accused the armed forces and the MEDC of torture. RADDHO identi-
fied two victims who survived such torture, as well as two other persons (including
Sarani Badiane) who allegedly were tortured first and then killed.
There are credible reports that police and gendarmes oflen beat suspects during
questioning and pretrial detention, in spite of constitutional prohibitions against
such treatment. Torture perpetrated by police, usually beatings, remains an embar-
rassing public issue, ana is regularly reported in the press. Two police ofTicers ar-
rested in 1996 for torturing a suspect by spraying paint thinner on his buttocks and
igniting it were still on bail pending trial at year's end. In 1996 the Government
proposed and Parliament strengthened legal provisions forbidding torture which
came into elTect in August.
Prison conditions are poor. Prisons remain overcrowded, and food and health care
are inadequate. However, there have been no reported deaths in prison due to these
conditions.
The Government permits visits by government, nongovernmental, and inter-
national human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention; however, authorities at times violate these constitutional prohi-
bitions.
The law specifies that warrants, issued by judges, are required for arrests. How-
ever, laws also grant the police broad powers to detain prisoners for lengthy periods
of time. Police may legally hold without charge a person suspected of a crime for
48 hours after arrest and for up to 72 hours if ordered by a public prosecutor. This
period may be doubled in the case of crimes against the security of the state. The
prosecutor decides whether to forward the case to an investigating judge who may
open an investigation. At this point, the suspects are preliminarily charged and may
be held or released on their own recognizance. There is a system of bail, but it is
rarely used. During temporary detention, the accused has no access to family or an
attorney but has the rignt to demand a medical exam. Once charged, a prisoner is
permitted visits by both family and legal advisors. The accused may be held in cus-
tody for 6 months, and the investigating magistrate can certify that an additional
6-month extension is required. Such extensions may be reviewed by a court on ap-
peal from the accused's attorney.
Police are rarely prosecuted for violations of arrest and detention procedures, and
the authorities may detain a prisoner for long periods of time while they investigate
and build a case against a suspect. The authorities may and routinely do hold pris-
oners in custody unless and until a court demands their release. Despite the 6-
month limitations on detention, the time between the charging phase and trial aver-
ages 2 years. In an effort to improve the administration of justice, the Government
recruited 48 law school graduates to be trained as magistrates over a period of 2
years.
Approximately 150 suspected MFDC members remained in political detention at
year's end.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and it is not used.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for a judiciary inde-
pendent of the executive, the legislature, and the armed forces. However, mag-
istrates are vulnerable to outside pressures due to low pay, poor working conditions,
and family and political ties. Also, the Minister of Justice and subordinate authori-
ties have extensive authority to influence judicial procedures, e.g., in keeping the
accused in pretrial detention. In June the Court of Appeals upheld a lower court
decision fining Sud Communication, a privately owned media group, an unprece-
dented, punitive $1 million for defamation. Sud Communication is appealing the de-
cision to the Court of Appeal.
The legal system is based on FVench civil law and is composed of ordinary courts
and a number of higher and special courts, including the three created in May 1992
to replace the Supreme Court: the Council of State for Administrative Questions;
the Constitutional Council; and a Court of Appeal. These courts remain under-
staffed, and many of the special courts, including the Unlawful Enrichment Court
and special courts to try government officials for treason and malfeasance, are dor-
mant. Muslims have the right to choose customary law or civil law for certain civil
cases, such as those concerning inheritance and divorce. However, customary law
decisions are rendered by civil court judges. There is a separate system of military
courts for members of the armed forces and the gendarmerie. TTie right of appeal
289
exists in all courts except military courts and the special Unlawful Enrichment
Court. Military courts may try civilians only if they are involved in violations of
military law committed by military personnel.
In principle the accused is innocent until proven guilty, and when brought to trial
it is the State's burden to prove that the accused is guilty of the charges. Trials are
public, and defendants have the right to be present in court, to confront witnesses,
to present evidence, and to have an attorney. In practice, however, some defendants
are denied legal assistance at public expense due to lack of funding. Evidentiary
hearings may be closed to the public and the press, but the defendant and his law-
yer have access to all evidence presented and can introduce their own evidence be-
fore the investigating judge decides to refer the case to the prosecutor for trial. A
panel of judges presides over ordinary courts for both civil and criminal cases; in
criminal cases citizens also serve on the panel.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits arbitrary invasion of the home, and there was little govern-
ment interference in the private lives of citizens. The law requires search warrants,
and only judges may issue them. During high-profile or politically charged investiga-
tions, police often proceed without the required search warrants.
During the first part of the year, a cease-fire was in effect between the Govern-
ment and the MDFC. However, beginning in July, a series of violent clashes caused
many civilians to flee their homes in the Casamance.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government generally respects these rights in practice. Laws
prohibit the press from the expression of views that "discredit the State, incite the
population to disorder, or disseminate "false news." In June the Dakar Prosecutor
General charged the publisher and three journalists of Sud Quotidien, a privately
owned daily newspaper, with "disseminating false news" and "insulting the Head of
State." The paper had criticized President Diouf for attempting to influence the judi-
ciary by holding a nationally televised awards ceremony to honor two businessmen
5 days before the Court of Appeals was due to return its decision on a prior defama-
tion case those businessmen had brought against the newspaper's parent company,
Sud Communication. At year's end, the journalists are free on bail pending their
trial.
A broad spectrum of thought and opinion is available to the public through regu-
larly published magazines and newspapers, including foreign publications, and nu-
merous independent radio stations. Political and economic views expressed in the
indef>endent press are often critical of the Government and its programs. While pub-
lishers are required to register prior to starting publication, the Government rou-
tinely approves such registrations. A government monopoly controls local television,
an important source of news. French-owned pay television is available but offers no
local news.
In August the Government suspended the operation of three independent radio
stations for nonpayment of licensing fees in arrears to the state radio and television
company. Although a competitor of the private companies, the state radio and tele-
vision company retains a monopoly in the allocation of frequencies and licensing of
independent radio and television stations. Independent radio operators claim that
the legal obligation of private stations to pay fees to the state company infringes
on the principle of free competition. Although they had previously agreed to pay the
fees, the private companies also argued these were unreasonably high. The stations
returned to the air upon payment of the arrearages. In December a new independ-
ent radio station owned by the newspaper Wal Fadjri began broadcasting. The Brit-
ish Broadcasting Corporation and Radio France Internationale also opened radio
stations during the year.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government generally respects them in practice. The Govern-
ment requires prior authorization for public demonstrations, which it usually
grants. Meetings by students on the academic campus of the University in Dakar
are informally banned, but this prohibition does not extend to the dormitory areas
of the campus or to the University in Saint-Louis.
During tne year, the Government from time to time denied authorization for pub-
lic demonstrations by unions or political parties. In May the Government refused
to permit one march by a labor union controlled by the Party of Independence and
Labor (PIT). In March police forcibly dispersed a peaceful rally held by students on
290
the capital's university campus. Police raided students' dormitories, beat residents,
and detained dozens of them for short periods of time.
Government authorities harassed a dissident faction within the ruling Socialist
Party (PS), the Current of Democratic Renewal. The city of Dakar refused to allow
the group to hold its first rally in the main square. In November government offi-
cials persuaded managers of two Dakar hotels not to allow the dissidents to hold
a news conference in their buildings. At the same time, the police questioned the
group's leaders about their compliance with a ban on their political activities im-
posed by the PS. Authorities also broke up a dissident rally in Kaolack in Novem-
ber. The official explanation that the PS had scheduled a rally for the same place
was put into question when a PS leader in Kaolack told a radio interviewer the Cur-
rent of Democratic Renewal would never be allowed to hold a rally in his town.
Citizens wishing to form associations must register with the Ministry of Interior.
Business-related associations register with the Ministry of Commerce. By law and
in practice, the Ministry of Interior must register such groups so long as the objec-
tives of the association are clearly stated ana they do not violate the law.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government gen-
erally respects them in practice. Certain public employees must obtain government
approval before departing the country.
Although the leader of the MFDC, Abbe Augustine Diamacoune Senghor, re-
mained free from house arrest, his movements were controlled by the Government.
Tiie Government reportedly blocked a trip by Diamacoune to France to meet with
the leader of the MFDC's external wing to coordinate policy in peace talks with the
Government. After the killing of Sarani Badiane in August, two of Diamacoune's re-
maining lieutenants sought refuge with Diamacoune who remains in government
custody at a church in Ziguinchor. The Government did not attempt to hinder their
joining Diamacoune, but in October expelled them from Diamacoune's Quarters.
In December immigration officials refused to allow Djibo Ka, the leaaer of the dis-
sident Current of Democratic Renewal faction of the PS, to board a flight to Paris,
claiming that Interior Minister Abdourahime Sow had summoned him. Ka left the
country the day after meeting with Sow and returned without incident.
Since 1989 as a country of first asylum, Senegal has hosted Mauritanian refugees
who reside primarily in villages located along the length of the border with Mauri-
tania. The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for
Reftigees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in providing assistance
for refugees. The UNHCR reported no significant protection problems for refugees
during the year and began to reduce its assistance to the Mauritanian refugees as
they became more self-sufficient, and either returned to Mauritania or integrated
into Senegalese society. No repatriation agreement exists between the Government
and the UNHCR, but the Government announced its willingness to cooperate with
a formal repatriation program directed by the UNHCR. A number of refugees have
returned to Mauritania and current UNHCR estimates put the refugee population
at 55,000.
There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they feared
persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the constitutional right to change their government through peri-
odic multiparty elections. However, the Socialist Party s domination of political
life — it has held power since independence — and irregularities and fraud in elections
have called into question the extent to which citizens can meaningfully exercise this
right.
The PS holds a 73 percent majority in Parliament with 88 parliamentary seats,
2 more than in 1995 aue to opposition member defections. The opposition holds 32
seats. There are 27 legal parties. Five members of the leading opposition party, the
Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), and 4 independent or minor opposition mem-
bers are in President Dioufs 33-member cabinet. In January new regional and local
councils created by the law on decentralization of internal administration assumed
office. The PS gained control of the 10 newly created regional governments, while
opposition parties won seats in all local governments. Following serious allegations
01 fraud and many serious procedural and other irregularities in the 1996 regional
and local elections, an alliance of as many as 19 opposition parties demanded the
creation of an independent national electoral commission, a demand that the PS re-
jected.
291
In February President Diouf set up a consultative forum of all parties to work out
proposals for electoral reform. When the parties failed to reach a compromise, the
President made his own proposal in August to create a National Observatory of
Elections (ONEL). Later in August, the National Assembly adopted this proposal
with a number of amendments from the opposition.
The National Observatory of Elections (ONEL) created by the new law is to super-
vise and oversee the elections. The ONEL is an independent oversight body empow-
ered to order bureaucrats to obey the law and to take legal action against individ-
uals and parties who violate the law. The Interior Ministry, however, remains re-
sponsible for the actual organization and implementation of the elections. A newly
created General Directorate of Elections witnin the Ministry of the Interior is to
centralize the hitherto dispersed responsibility for administering elections. The over-
whelming majority of opposition leaders regard the reform as a significant step to-
ward greater electoral transparency.
Women are underrepresented in the political process. While there are no legal im-
fiediments to their participation in government and politics, cultural and education
actors hamper them. Only 3 of the 33 ministers who comprise the President's Cabi-
net are women, and there are only 2 women in the 19-member Economic and Social
Council, the Government's quasi-policymaking body. Women won two mayoralty
elections and one rural commune in the November 1996 local elections. No women
head political parties, and only 14 female Deputies hold seats in the 120-member
National Assembly. Women's lower representation reflects not only disparity in edu-
cation (see Section 5), but also cultural pressures. In addition political parties often
rank women low on party lists, making it difficult for them to oe elected to the Na-
tional Assembly or to be appointed ministers.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government offi-
cials are generally cooperative and receptive to their views. In March the Govern-
ment enacted a law to strengthen the National Committee on Human Rights. The
Committee includes members from the Government and civic organizations, includ-
ing private human rights groups. It may on its own initiative, among other actions,
investigate human rights abuses, including torture, but did not investigate any
cases of abuse in 1997.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Ixinguage, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that "men and women shall be equal in law" and prohibits
discrimination based on race, religion, sex, class, or language. However, de facto dis-
crimination against women is pervasive, and the Government frequently does not
enforce antidiscrimination laws.
Women. — There are credible reports that violence against women, usually wife
beating, is common, particularly in rural areas. Police do not usually intervene in
domestic disputes, and most people are reluctant to go outside the family for re-
dress. The law and society view rape as a very serious crime, and the law stipulates
that persons convicted of rape may be imprisoned for up to 10 years. If the victim
is a minor, her age is considered an aggravating circumstance. Rape trials often re-
sult in convictions.
Despite constitutional protections, women face extensive societal discrimination,
especially in rural areas where Islamic and Senegalese customs, including polygyny
and Islamic rules of inheritance, are strongest, and women are generally confined
to traditional roles. In the countryside, women perform much of the subsistence
farming and child rearing and have limited educational opportunities. Although the
Government has committed itself to equalizing male/female primary school enroll-
ment, there is still much social and ofTicial discrimination against women in edu-
cational opportunities. Only 23 percent of females over 15 years of age are literate,
while the rate for males over age 15 is 30 percent.
According to the U.N. only 20 percent of women are engaged in paid employment.
Traditional practices, moreover, make it difficult for women to obtain bank credit.
Women usually marry young (the majority by age 16 in rural areas), and average
6 live births (down from 7 in 1995). About half of all women live in polygynous
unions.
In urban areas, women encounter somewhat less discrimination and are active in
f government, political life, the legal profession, and business. About 14 percent of
awyers are women. Urban women are more likely to take advantage of the Govern-
ment's efforts to increase respect for women's legal rights to divorce, alimony, and
292
child support, and to seek education and employment. In general urban women re-
ceive equal pay for equal work.
Children. — The Ministry of Women, Children, and the Family, established in
1990, is responsible for promoting children's welfare. Numerous organizations assist
the Ministry in support of children's rights, including the Ministry of Health, which
maintained a nationwide effort focusing on child survival. Organized street begging
by children who are Koranic students results in a significant interruption of their
education. The Government continues to increase the number of classrooms and en-
courage more children, particularly females, to enter and stay in school.
There are no laws or regulations concerning female genital mutilation (FGM),
which is widely condemned by international health experts as damaging to both
physical and psychological health. However, the Ministry of Women, Children, and
the Family sponsors programs to educate women to the dangers of FGM. FGM is
not practiced by Senegal's largest ethnic group, the Wolofs (representing 43 percent
of the population), but it is performed on girls belonging to some other ethnic
groups. Infibulation, the most extreme and dangerous form of FGM, is practiced by
members of the Toucouleur and Peulh ethnic groups, particularly those in rural
areas. Unsubstantiated recent studies estimate that between 5 and 20 percent of fe-
males undergo the procedure.
In July the village of Malicounda Bambara decided to ban FGM among its 3,000
inhabitants despite strong support for the practice by the predominant group in the
village, the Bambara. The local religious leader endorsed the villagers' decision. In
November President Diof publicly endorsed this decision and called for debate in
every village on ending FGM.
People With Disabilities. — There is no ofiicial discrimination against disabled per-
sons. There are no laws that mandate accessibility for the disabled, and in practice
most persons with disabilities are generally unable to participate in many occupa-
tions due to physical barriers and a lack of equipment and training opportunities
that would make such participation possible.
Religious Minorities. — Approximately 92 percent of the population are Muslim.
There are small Christian (2 percent) and indigenous (6 percent) religious commu-
nities. Officially, adherence to a particular religion confers no advantage or dis-
advantage in civil, political, economic, military, or other matters. In practice, how-
ever, membership in an Islamic subgroup may afTord certain political and economic
protections and advantages.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the Labor Code provide all
workers with the right of association, and they are free to form or join unions. Any
group of workers in the same occupations, similar trades, or the same professions
may form a union. While the Ministry does not always grant initial recognition to
a union, once it gives recognition, the Ministry virtually never withdraws it. It may,
however, disband a union if its activities deviate from its charter. The Labor Code
does not apply to the informal and agricultural sectors where most people work.
Although they represent a small percentage of the working population, unions
wield significant political infiuence because of their ability to disrupt vital sectors
of the economy. Tne small industrial component of the total work force of 4 million
is almost totally unionized. The only union in the agrarian sector is one represent-
ing workers at a privately owned sugar company. Some farmers are organized into
the National Farming Association, an advocacy organization.
The National Confederation of Senegalese Workers (CNTS), the largest union or-
ganization, has close ties to the ruling Socialist Party, and union members hold a
considerable number of government positions. One is a PS minister, and four others
hold PS seats in the Parliament. While ostensibly an independent organization, the
umbrella CNTS consistently supports government policies.
The rival to the CNTS is the National Union of Autonomous Labor Unions of Sen-
egal (UNSAS). UNSAS is a federation of strategically important unions such as
those of electrical workers, telecommunication workers, teachers, water technicians,
and hospital, railroad, and sugar workers.
The Constitution and the Labor Code provide for the right to strike, but with re-
strictions. Unions representing members of the civil service must notify the Govern-
ment of their intent to strike no less than 1 month in advance, and private sector
unions must make a similar notification 3 days in advance. The Government or the
employer can use the time to seek a settlement to the dispute but cannot stop the
stnke. There were numerous legal — but no illegal — strikes this year. Regulations
prohibit employers from retaliating against legal strikers, and these regulations are
enforced through the I^bor Court.
293
The Labor Code permits unions to affiliate with international bodies. The CNTS
is active in regional and international labor organizations and is the dominant Sen-
egalese member of the Organization of African Trade Union Unity.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides unions with
the right to organize and to bargain collectively, and these rights are protected in
practice. There are also legal prohibitions governing discrimination by employers
against union members and organizers. Employers found guilty of antiunion dis-
crimination are required to reinstate workers. There were no known instances in
which workers were prevented from exercising the right to organize and bargain col-
lectively. The Ministry of Labor can intervene in disputes between labor and man-
agement if requested, and it plays a mediation role in the private and state enter-
prise sectors.
Labor laws apply to all industrial firms including those in the Dakar Industrial
Free Trade Zone.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — There were no reports of forced
labor, which is prohibited by law. The Constitution prohibits child labor of all kinds,
and the (}overnment enforces this ban in the formal sector. There is no evidence
that forced or bonded child labor takes place in the informal or agricultural sectors.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment has written a ban on child labor of all kinds into the Constitution. The
Government enforces this ban in the formal sector, which is under the purview of
the labor law. There is no evidence that forced or bonded child labor takes place
in the informal or agricultural sectors (see Section 6.c.). However, in lieu of being
able to attend school, many children work in their family's fields.
The minimum age for employment is 16 years for apprenticeships and 18 for all
other types of work. Inspectors from the Ministry of Laoor closely monitor and en-
force these restrictions within the small formal wage sector, which includes state-
owned corporations, large private enterprises, and cooperatives.
However, children under the age of 16 frequently work in the much larger tradi-
tional or informal sectors, such as family farms in rural areas or in small busi-
nesses, where the Government does not enforce minimum age and other workplace
regulations.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Legislation mandating a monthly minimum
wage has been in force since the country's independence in 1960. The Ministries of
Labor and Finance determine wage rates after negotiating with the unions and
management councils. The minimum wage of less than $.34 (209.1 cfa francs) per
hour is not adequate to support a worker and a family.
Within the formal sector, the law mandates; a standard workweek of 40 to 48
hours for most occupations, with at least one 24-hour rest period and 1 month per
year of annual leave; enrollment in government systems for social security and re-
tirement; safety standards; and a variety of other measures. These regulations are
incorporated into the Labor Code and are supervised by inspectors from the Min-
istry of Labor. However, the authorities' enforcement is uneven, especially outside
the formal sector. There is no explicit legal protection for workers who file com-
plaints about unsafe conditions. While there are legal regulations concerning work-
place safety, government officials do not often enforce them.
In theory workers have the right to remove themselves from unsafe working con-
ditions, but in practice the right is seldom exercised in circumstances of high unem-
ployment and a slow legal system.
SEYCHELLES
President France Albert Rene and his Seychelles People's Progressive Front
(SPPF) have governed since a 1977 military coup. In the 1990's, the SPPF guided
the return to a multiparty political system, which culminated in July 1993 in the
country's first free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections since 1977.
President Rene was continued in power, and the SPPF won 27 of the 33 National
Assembly seats, 21 by direct election and 6 by proportional representation. Despite
the elections, the President and the SPPF continued to dominate the country
through a pervasive system of political patronage and control over government jobs,
contracts, and resources. The judiciary's independence has been questioned. The
Constitution was amended in 1995 to allow for the appointment of a vice president.
The judiciary is inefficient, lacks resources, and is subject to executive interference.
The President has complete control over the security apparatus, which includes
a national guard force, the army, and the police. There is also an armed para-
294 '
military Police Mobile Unit. There were several credible reports that the security
forces abused persons in custody.
The economy provides the country's 75,000 residents an average per capita income
of more than $6,000 per year and generally adequate social services. The Govern-
ment has successfully begun to diversify the economy and move it away from its
heavy reliance on tourism. Revenues from fishing rights and fish processing have
grown sharply in recent years. Overall growth has remained sluggish, however, due
lai^ely to shortages of foreign exchange and the pervasive presence of inefficient
state enterprises. Progress toward privatization has been slow. The Seychelles' ap-
plication to join the World Trade Organization has forced it to consider reforming
its trade and foreign exchange regimes, but it has made few substantive changes
to date.
The human rights situation continued to improve, and the Government generally
respected the ri^ts of its citizens. However, despite parliamentary formalities, the
President continued to wield power virtually unchecked. Security forces used exces-
sive force in a few instances, although police brutality was not widespread. The au-
thorities investigated complaints of police abuse. Violence against women and child
abuse remained problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution expressly forbids torture, but there have been instances of exces-
sive use of force by police. The authorities have investigated and punished offenders
in the past.
Conditions at Long Island prison are Spartan. Family members are allowed
monthly visits, and prisoners have access to reading but not writing materials.
There is no regular system of independent monitoring of prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides that persons
arrested must be brought before a magistrate within 24 hours. This provision is ap-
plied in practice to the extent possible, with allowances made for boat travel from
distant islands. The National Assembly approved legislation that provided for deten-
tion without charge for up to 7 days if authorized by court order. Detainees have
access to legal counsel, and free counsel is provided to the indigent. The law pro-
vides for judicial review of the legality of detention, and bail is available for most
offenses. Some defense attorneys assert that extended periods of detention under
harsh conditions are used to extort confessions from suspects.
Several persons have brought civil cases against the police for unlawful arrest or
entry, with limited success.
There were no cases of forced exile. Following the 1977 coup, a number of persons
went into voluntary exile, and others were released from prison with the condition
that they immediately leave the country. A number of these former exiles who re-
turned were able to reacquire their property, but the majority have not. There were
some instances in which the Government rejected valid compensation claims for con-
fiscated properties of returning exiles, apparently for political reasons.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial.— The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, it is inefficient, lacks resources, as is subject to executive inter-
ference.
The judicial system includes magistrates' courts, the Supreme Court, the Con-
stitutional Court, and the Court of Appeal.
Criminal cases are heard by a magistrates' court or the Supreme Court, depend-
ing on the gravity of the offense. A jury is used in cases involving murder or trea-
son. Trials are public, and the accused is considered innocent until proven guilty.
Defendants have the right to counsel, to be present at their trial, to confront wit-
nesses, and to appeal. However, there are few well-trained lawyers. The Constitu-
tional Court convenes weekly or as necessary to consider constitutional issues only.
The Court of Appeal convenes twice per year to consider appeals from the Supreme
Court and Constitutional Court only.
Defendants generally have the right to a fair trial. All judges are appointed for
5 years, and can be reappointed by the Constitutional Appointment Committee. All
were hired from other British Commonwealth countries, and none is Seychellois.
Some observers criticized expatriate judges for a perceived lack of sensitivity on is-
sues such as human rights. I^egal organs of the Government, such as the Attorney
295
General's ofUce and the Ombudsman, are reluctant to pursue charges of wrongdoing
or abuse of power against senior officials.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary InterfererLce with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the right to privacy and freedom from arbitrary searches.
The law requires a warrant for police searches, and the authorities generally re-
spected this requirement in practice. The law requires that all electronic surveil-
lance be justified on the grounds of preventing a serious crime and be approved by
a judge. The Government maintains telephone surveillance of some political figures.
Some members of opposition parties claimed that they lost their government jobs
because of their political beliefs and are at a disadvantage when applying for gov-
ernment licenses and loans.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, but it also provides for restrictions on speech "for protecting the
reputation, rights, and freedoms of private lives of persons" and "in the interest of
defense, public safety, public order, public morality, or public health." Both freedom
of speech and the press are thus constrained by the ease with which civil lawsuits
can be filed to penalize journalists for alleged libel. In most instances, citizens speak
freely, including in Parliament.
The Government has a near monopoly in the media, owning the only television
and radio stations, the most important means for reaching the public, and The Na-
tion, the only daily newspaper. The official media adhere closely to the Govern-
ment's position on policy issues and give the opposition and news adverse to the
Government only limited attention. While both opposition parties publish an assort-
ment of newsletters and magazines, only one significant opposition newspaper, the
weekly Regar, is in circulation. Government ofiicials have sued Regar for libel seven
times in the last 4 years, including once in 1997. A second weekly. The Independent,
ceased publication in 1995 after losing a libel suit brought by a government official.
Academic freedom is limited since. Tor example, one cannot reach senior positions
in the academic bureaucracy without demonstrating at least nominal loyalty to the
SPPF. There are no universities; secondary school teachers are largely apolitical.
The Government controls access to the Polytechnic, the most advanced learning in-
stitution, and public school graduates wishing admission are given preference based
on their participation in the National Youth Service (NYS), a year-long program
that emphasizes educational instruction, although in the past it nas stressed para-
military training and SPPF ideology.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly and association, and the Government generally re-
spected these ridits in practice.
c. Freedom oftteligion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement, and there was no
Known abridgment of domestic or international travel. Although it was not used to
refuse a passport application, the 1991 Passport Act allows the Government to deny
passports to any citizen if the Minister of Defense finds that such denial is "in the
national interest." There were no known requests for asylum and no refugees in the
Seychelles.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern
ment
Citizens freely exercised the right to change their government in the July 1993
national assembly and presidential elections, which were judged by international
and national observers to have been free and fair. However, President Rene and the
SPPF dominated the electoral process and continued to rule — as they have since
1977. The elections served to provide a voice to other parties.
The FVesident's SPPF party has utilized its political resources and those of the
Government to develop a nationwide organization that extends to the village level.
The opposition parties have been unable to match the SPPF's organization and pa-
tronage, in part because of financial limitations.
The main opposition party, the Democratic Party, is led by Sir James Mancham,
the country's first elected president, who was forced into a 15-year exile in 1977.
Mancham was reelected president of the Democratic Party by acclamation at a con-
troversial party convention in March. Critics of Mancham alleged that his ties to
the ruling SPPF were too close and that he discouraged his own party members
from criticizing the Government.
45-909 98-11
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There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women or minority groups
in politics. Women hold 2 of the 11 ministerial positions and 8 of the 33 seats in
the National Assembly.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no private groups devoted exclusively to investigating human rights
practices. However, both the churches and some nongovernmental organizations
have been strong voices for human rights and democratization, and the Government
has not interfered with their activities. There were no known requests by inter-
national human rights groups to visit the Seychelles.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution affirms the right to be free from all types of discrimination, but
it does not specifically prohibit aiscrimination based on these factors. In practice,
there is no overt discrimination in housing, employment, education, or other social
services based on race, sex, ethnic, national, or religious identification.
Women. — Violence against women, particularly wife beating, remains a problem.
Police seldom intervene in domestic disputes, unless the dispute involves a weapon
or major assault. The few cases that reach a prosecutor are oflen dismissed, or, if
a case reaches court, the perpetrator is usually given only a light sentence. There
is growing societal concern about domestic violence and increased recognition of the
need to address it.
This society is largely matriarchal, and women have the same legal, political, eco-
nomic, and social rights as men. There is no officially sanctioned discrimination in
education or employment, and women are well represented in politics and business.
Children. — Children have legal protection from labor and physical abuse and are
required to attend school. Free public education is available. In June 1995, the Gov-
ernment created an institutional framework for aiding children.
Sexual abuse of young girls, usually in low-income families, is a serious problem.
While complete statistics are not available. Ministry of Health data and press re-
ports indicate that there are a significant number of rapes committed against girls
under the age of 15. Very few child abuse cases are actually prosecuted in court.
The strongest public advocate for young victims is a semiautonomous agency, the
National Council for Children, not the Government. There is criticism that the po-
lice fail to investigate charges of child abuse with vigor.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not discriminate against people
with disabilities in housing, jobs, or education. However, there is no legislation pro-
viding for access to public buildings, transportation, or government services. The
Government has promised the International Labor Organization (ILO) that it would
implement a law providing for more jobs for disabled workers.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The education gap between Creoles and
Seychellois of white or Asian origin is narrowing. The Government is attempting to
reduce this gap through universal access to public education.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Under the 1993 Industrial Relations Act (IRA),
workers have the right to form and join unions of their choosing. Police, military,
prison, and fire-fighting personnel may not unionize. Under the act, the former gov-
ernment-controlled union, the National Workers Union, lost its monopoly position.
There are currently four registered unions: Two dominated by the SPPF and two
independents. An attempt to organize an independent union incorporating employ-
ees from both governmental ministries and government-owned entities was thwart-
ed by government legal action.
Unions can freely affiliate with international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The IRA provides workers
with the right to engage in collective bargaining. However, in practice free collective
bargaining does not normally take place. The Government has the right to review
and approve all collective bargaining agreements in the public and private sectors.
There is little flexibility in the setting of wages. In the public sector, which employs
about 60 percent of the labor force, the Government sets mandatory wage scales (or
employees. Wages in the private sector are generally set by the employer in individ-
ual agreements with the employee, but in the few larger businesses, wage scales are
subject to the Government's right of review and approval. Private employers histori-
cally have paid higher wages than the Government in order to attract qualified
workers. However, economic problems during the year led to downward pressures
on wages.
297
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers against union members.
Independent unions allege that their members in the public sector have encountered
discrimination on the job because of their afiiliation with non-SPPF unions.
The Employment Acts of 1987 and 1995 constitute the basic labor law. They au-
thorize the Ministry of Employment and Social AfTairs to establish and enforce em-
ployment terms, conditions, and benefits. Workers have frequently obtained re-
course against their employers through the Ministry.
The Government plans to inaugurate an export processing zone in early 1998.
There are no export processing zones, but the Government is actively attempting
to create one.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, and it is not known to exist.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment does not prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but such practices
are not known to occur.
The minimum age for employment is 15 years, and children are encouraged to at-
tend school until the 10th grade or the age of 17, whichever occurs first. The Gov-
ernment strongly encourages children to fulfill 1 year of National Youth Service
(NYS) before entering the work force at the age of 16 or the Polytechnic School for
Vocational Training, and it discourages public or private sector employment of work-
ers under the age of 16. The Government sponsors apprenticeships and short-term
(up to 6 months! work programs for those who leave school and do not participate
in the NYS. Children in these programs receive a training stipend whicn is below
the minimum wage. The Government enforces child labor laws through inspections
by the Ministry oiEmployment and Social Affairs.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Seychelles has a complicated minimum wage
scale, which is administratively regulated by the Government; it covers the public
and state-owned sectors and difierentiates among various job classifications. The
Ministry of Employment and Social AfTairs enforces minimum wage regulations. The
official minimum wage is $380 (1,900 Seychelles rupees) per month. Trade unions
contend that government entities pay some workers at less than the legal minimum.
Even with the free pubHc services that are available, primarily health and edu-
cation, independent labor unions dispute that a single salary at the low end of the
pay scale provides a worker and family with even a Spartan standard of living.
Many families deal with the high cost of living by earning two or more incomes,
although the number of households with two persons employed has reportedly
dropped to 30 percent. In recent years, there has been a growing trend in govern-
ment policy to admit foreign workers, primarily from India and elsewhere in Asia,
to work in the construction and commercial fishing sectors. Although it is difilcult
to determine the living and working conditions of these workers, there is strong evi-
dence that the labor laws are routinely flouted by their employers with the Govern-
ment's knowledge. These workers are paid lower wages and forced to work longer
hours than Seycnellois, sometimes with the express consent of the Government.
The legal maximum workweek varies from 45 to 52 hours, depending on the eco-
nomic sector, while government employees work shorter hours. Each full-time work-
er is entitled to a half-hour break per day and a minimum of 21 days of paid annual
leave. Workers are permitted to work overtime up to 60 additional hours per month.
The Government generally enforces these ceilings. Foreign workers do not enjoy the
same legal protections.
The Government issued comprehensive revised occupational health and safety
regulations in October 1991. The Ministry of Employment and Social AfTairs has for-
mal responsibility for enforcing these regulations; however, the Ministry of Health
seeks a role in this area. An ILO team which visited in early 1995 found serious
deficiencies in the management and effectiveness of government monitoring and en-
forcement efforts. Occupational injuries are most common in the construction, ma-
rine, and port industries. A worker who removes himself from a potentially dan-
gerous situation on the job is considered to have resigned. Safety and health inspec-
tors rarely visit job sites. In 1994 there were 4 deaths and 162 on-the-job injuries
officially reported. In 1995 there were two deaths and 57 on-the-job injuries. The
Ministry had not released later statistics by year's end.
SIERRA LEONE
Sierra Leone is controlled by a military junta. On May 25, dissident junior officers
of the Republic of Sierra Leone Military Forces (RSLMF) violently seized power
from the 14-month-old democratically elected (iovemment of President Ahmed
298
Tejan Kabbah. The United Nations Security Council condemned the overthrow of
the government and called upon the military junta to restore the elected Govern-
ment unconditionally. Major Johnny Paul Koroma, awaiting trial on charges stem-
ming from a September 1996 coup attempt, was freed from prison and named Chair-
man of the new Armed Forces Kevolutionary Council (AFRC). The AFRC imme-
diately suspended the Constitution, banned political parties and all public dem-
onstrations and meetings, and announced that all legislation would be made by mili-
tary decree. Koroma invited the rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) to join the
AFKC in exercising control over the country. The RUF quickly took control of the
military junta, although Koroma remains nominal Chairman of the AFRC. Rule is
arbitrary; maintenance of law and order has collapsed. The judiciary, like other civil
institutions, has effectiveW ceased to function.
The Orcanization of African Unity (OAU) designated the Economic Organization
of West African States (ECOWAS) to bring about the restoration of the constitu-
tional government. After ECOWAS negotiations with a joint AFRC/RUF delegation
failed to make progress toward the restoration of the elected Government, ECOWAS
imposed regional sanctions and an embargo against the military junta. On October
8, the United Nations Security Council imposed sanctions prohibiting the importa-
tion of weapons, military materiel, and petroleum as well as international travel by
members of the military junta. Dozens of civilians were killed in clashes between
AFRC/RUF forces and the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) as ECOMOG at-
tempted to enforce the sanctions. On October 23, AFRC/RUF and ECOWAS delega-
tions signed a peace plan calling for the restoration to power of President Kabbah
on April 22, 1998. Both President Kabbah and AFRC Chairman Koroma publicly en-
dorsed the Conakry Plan. However, the junta did not cooperate in attempts to refine
the details of the peace plan and by year's end had taken no steps to implement
it.
Before May 25, the RSLMF was responsible for external and, together with the
police, internal security, primarily against RUF attacks. The RSLMF was supported
by Nigerian and Guinean military contingents and by personnel working under a
training and logistics contract with Executive Outcomes, a private South African
mercenary firm. In compliance with the November 1996 Abicyan Peace Agreement,
President Kabbah terminated the contract with Executive Outcomes at the end of
January. For 20 months. Executive Outcomes had played the critical role in govern-
ment efforts to protect major towns and diamond mining areas from RUF attacks.
Groups of traditional hunters (including the Mende Kamajohs, Temne Kapras, and
Koranko Tamaboros) organized as civil defense militias, with government support
defended their chiefdoms from RUF attacks and RSLMF looting. Neither the
RSLMF nor the civil defense militia were fully under government control. After May
25, the RUF joined with RSLMF troops loyal to the AFRC junta and renamed itself
the People's Army of Sierra Leone. RSLMF forces loyal to the AFRC appear to func-
tion separately from RUF troops. They also fought occasional battles against each
other. In June the AFRC formed joint military and police antilooting squads and
gave them authority to shoot looters on sight.
Before the coup on May 25, government security forces and the RUF committed
numerous human rights abuses. After May 25, the scale of violence and human
rights abuses committed against civilians by the AFRC and RUF greatly increased.
In addition members of the Civil Defense Force allegedly committed serious human
rights abuses.
Sierra Leone is an extremely poor country. Before the civil war began in 1992,
more than 70 percent of the 4.5 million citizens were involved in some aspect of ag-
riculture, mainly subsistence farming. Although the country has substantial mineral
resources, including diamonds, gold, rutile, and bauxite, official receipts from legal
exports have been small in recent years. For decades the majority of diamond and
gold production has been smuggled abroad. The economic infrastructure has nearly
collapsed due to corruption, neglect, and war-related disruptions. The 6-year RUF
insurgency dislocated more than 40 percent of the country's population, placing ad-
ditional burdens on Sierra Leone's fragile economy. According to the United Na-
tions, the average life expectancy is now only 34 years. One child out of four dies
before the age of 5. The economic embargo imposed on the military junta by
ECOWAS caused the customs duties to dry up, depriving the AFRC of 85 percent
of its expected revenue fiow.
Sierra Leone's human rights record worsened significantly and is now extremely
poor. Before the May 25 coup, government military forces committed serious human
rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, beatings, arbitrary arrest and deten-
tion, and illegal searches. Under the elected Government as well as under the mili-
tary regime, there were reports that police abused suspects during arrest and inter-
rogation. F*rison conditions remained life threatening. IVior to May 25, lengthy
299
delays in trials, prolonged pretrial detentions, and violations of due process were
problems. Government harassment of the press was also a problem. Discrimination
against ethnic minorities persisted, and violence against women remained wide-
spread, as was violence against children, including female genital mutilation (FGM)
and the use of child soldiers.
Prior to the coup, RUF forces continued to attack villages and ambush travelers,
killing, torturing, raping, and mutilating civilians. The RUF abducted children and
forced them to commit atrocities, including the torture and murder of their relatives.
The RUF raped and sexually abused young girls and women during attacks.
After May 25, AFRC and RUF forces committed numerous, serious human rights
abuses including deliberate extrajudicial killings of unarmed civilians, torture, muti-
lation, rape, beatings, arbitrary arrest and detention, and illegal searches. The mili-
tary junta routinely jailed antiregime civic leaders and students without judicial
process; junta forces killed some detainees; amputated the arms of others; and raped
women as punishment for their opposition to the regime. After the coup, the court
system ceased to function. The AFRC announced that it would replace the judiciary
with People's Revolutionary Courts manned by ordinary citizens. There is no evi-
dence that these or any other courts are functioning. The military junta harassed,
beat, detained, and arrested journalists.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Before and after the coup, govern-
ment military forces and the RUF committed political and extrajudicial killings. Sol-
diers and RUF troops engaged in looting, roobery, and extortion frequently killed
civilians. The situation became much worse on May 25 when coup leaders freed
hundreds of prisoners from Pademba Road prison and gave them military uniforms
and weapons. Freed prisoners, AFRC troops, and RUF forces engaged in looting,
rape, and murder. Foreign countries evacuated several thousand foreign citizens
and tens of thousands of Sierra Leoneans fled Freetown. Up to 100 civilians were
killed in the violence surrounding the coup. Hundreds more have been murdered
subsequently in both random violence and political killings. In mid-June, AFRC offi-
cials created antilooting squads including the Western Area Security Patrol and
gave them authority to shoot looters on sight. Antilooting Decree Number Six pub-
lished on November 28, but effective retroactively to May 28, made looting punish-
able by firing squad. AFRC and RUF ofTicials summarily executed at least 120 sol-
diers and civilians accused of looting and other crimes. Eight senior members of the
AFRC who looted the Iranian Embassy on New Year's Eve were demoted or lightly
fined.
Throughout the last half of the year, there was fierce fighting between AFRC/RUF
forces and Kamajohs in several areas in the Southern and Eastern Provinces.
AFRC/RUF forces routinely summarily executed captured Kamajohs. AFRC/RUF
forces routinely shot and tortured civilians and looted their property while searching
for Kamajohs. While the Kamajohs usually turned AFRC/RUF prisoners over to
ECOMOG, a few AFRC/RUF prisoners were executed while in Kamajoh custody.
At least one person was killed and another injured in Bo on May 27 when AFRC
soldiers shot at a crowd of about 5,000 persons demonstrating against the coup. The
demonstration started when large quantities of looted goods were discovered in the
army's possession.
At least 80 people, including 30 civilians, were killed during fighting in Kenema
between RSLMF troops and Kamajohs during the first weekend in May. Fighting
started when soldiers shot at a truck of Kamajohs, killing three, as they drove past
the army base at Kpetema. At least 22 people, including at least 6 civilians, were
killed in fighting that started that weekend between RSLMF troops and Kapras at
Camp Charlie near Matotoka.
On May 29, at Masingbi in the Eastern Province, AFRC soldiers ambushed a
group of Kamajohs, killing 20 of them. RUF forces firing automatic rifies, grenade
launchers, and mortars repeatedly attacked the town of Moyamba at the end of
June. During 1 attack they killed more than 10 people, including women and chil-
dren.
In June the Western Area Security Patrol and antilooting squads in other parts
of the country executed at least two dozen people including four soldiers who tried
to rape four nuns and loot their residence on June 11. Their bodies were dumped
into the sea. In other cases, armed robbers were hacked to pieces or decapitated.
A teenage boy caught breaking into a house in Freetown on June 25 was hacked
to death; his arms and head were chopped off and one testicle placed in his mouth
by the antilooting squad.
300
On June 26, AFRC/RUF troops searching for Kamajohs killed at least 25 people
in Bo District. Soldiers took Albert Sandy Demby, paramount chief of Baoma
Chiefdom and father of Vice President Albert J.E. Demby, from his home in
Gerihun, Bo District, and shot him in the stomach, killing him. The soldiers then
attacked and burned the villages of Sembehun and Telu Bongor, the home of Deputy
Defense Minister Samuel Hinga Norman.
During an attack on the town of Moyamba at the end of June, RUF troops tor-
tured student leader Sheku Kabbah in public before killing him; they gouged out
his eyes and cut off his ears before cutting his throat.
On July 8, a young woman was summarily executed by uniformed soldiers in
Freetown for publicly supporting President Kabbah. Junta military officers executed
three soldiers in July in Kenema for looting.
On August 12, AFRC troops executed a soldier in Freetown after he shot and
killed a mechanic who asked the soldier to pay for five gallons of gasoline that the
soldier had taken from the gas station. An angry crowd chased the soldier to a po-
lice station. Other soldiers rushed in and dragged him out, stripped off his uniform,
and shot him at least five times.
On August 18, at least 11 people were killed when AFRC forces attacked students
attempting a "march for democracy" in protest against the AFRC. One student from
Njal a University was chopped into pieces by the military forces. Many students re-
main missing and the number killed may be higher. Many students also were ar-
rested arbitrarily and tortured(see Section I.e.).
In August AFRC soldiers beat and cut the throat of paramount chief Dessima
from the Dame chiefdom near Kenema. His deputy was abducted and presumed
killed. In late August, seven men were arrested and taken to Cockerill Military
Headquarters after arriving at a Freetown wharf from Lungi across the river. Six
were shot after being accused of involvement with FM 98.1 radio station; one later
was released.
On September 1, members of the Kamajoh and Kapra militias beheaded four peo-
ple who they suspected of being soldiers or AFRC sympathizers. The four were trav-
eling from Bo to Makeni in a commercial vehicle that stopped at a CDF checkpoint
at Gumahun, 25 miles from Bo. After the vehicle was searched, the driver was iden-
tified as a retired soldier and arrested. Two other men in military T-shirts also were
arrested, along with the girlfriend of one of the men. All four were summarily exe-
cuted. The other passengers in the vehicle were allowed to continue their journey
to Makeni.
Ten soldiers were executed by firing squad on October 25. Military police head
Captain John Harleston said that all 10 had pleaded guilty to murder charges dur-
ing a 1-day trial. Other sources said that two of those executed had been accused
of beating the girlfriend of a military ofTicer. Harleston said that the executions
were meant to send a signal to undisciplined soldiers and to reassure the civilian
population.
Nine passengers on a bus traveling between Kenema and Bo were killed on No-
vember 2 in a clash between AFRC soldiers and members of the Kamajoh militia.
Sierra Leone Road Transport Company officials said the fighting began when sol-
diers on the bus ignored an order to disembark at a Kamajoh roadblock.
On December 3, eight armed robbers were executed by firing squad in a soccer
field in Koidu town in the eastern Kono District. A junta spokesman said that the
eight had appeared before a 1-day military tribunal. One of the eight persons exe-
cuted, Jonathan Moore, had been serving a 25-year sentence when ne was released
from prison during the coup.
b. Disappearance. — Thousands of civilians disappeared following the May 25 junta
takeover. In many cases, it is unclear whether the individuals were killed, captured
by AFRC/RUF forces, or whether they successfully fied the country. Some individ-
uals subsequently reappeared in refugee camps or in other parts of the country. The
whereabouts of hundreds of people detained by junta officials since the coup remain
unknown. In most cases, family members are too frightened of the junta to inquire
about the location of their missing relatives.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the now suspended Constitution prohibits torture, there were numerous
reports that government security forces at times used torture. For example in Janu-
ary, a soldier on trial for treason for the September 1996 plot to overthrow the gov-
ernment alleged that he had been forced to sign a confession under torture. Joseph
Yajah, a former security officer at State House, testified in court that he was tor-
tured at CID headquarters where deputy head Samuel Soumassa urged him to
change his statement. Yajah said he was tied to a chair in the squad office, stripped
naked, had ice water poured on him, and was subjected to electric shocks. He said
police officers stuffed a cap in his mouth when he screamed. Yajah also testified
301
that a subinspector put out a cigarette on his head and ordered other men to scratch
his back with wire. The police denied the allegations.
In the week of the military takeover, the level of violence by military and RUF
forces caused the exodus of hundreds of thousands of civilians from Freetown, the
capital, and other population centers. Soldiers and released prisoners engaged in
wholesale looting oi private homes, businesses, diplomatic residences, international
organizations, and warehouses of humanitarian assistance organizations. In particu-
lar local and foreign officials and businessman were targeted for looting and beat-
ings. Their female family members were targeted for rape. Similar acts of abuse and
violence continued through the end of the year.
Both AFRC and RUF forces used torture on numerous occasions. Since 1991 the
RUF waged an armed rebellion marked by violent attacks against civilians. After
the RUF joined the AFRC junta in Freetown, RUF Sookesman Eldred Collins ad-
mitted responsibility for the atrocities committed in tne country's interior. He as-
serted that the RUF "burned, looted, maimed, and killed," not because it wanted
to, but because "that was the only way we could have uprooted a rotten system."
A leader of the AFRC beat student leader Ansu Bockarie and cut him with a razor
blade in early June.
On August 18, AFRC and RUF soldiers killed at least 11 students during a stu-
dent "march for democracy" against the junta in Freetown. A large number of stu-
dents and other protesters suffered severe injuries when AFRC and RUF forces
breaking up the march attacked them with machetes and bayonets. Four had their
arms chopped oft. Approximately 20 female students were arrested and taken di-
rectly to the residences of AFRC/RUF leaders who sexually assaulted them. Some
are still detained. One female student remains missing.
President of the Civil Liberties Congress Soulaiman Banja Tejan-Sie was arrested
on August 18 and beaten with military helmets and gun butts. His arms were tied
with rope, and he was put in the truck of a car belonging to an AFRC leader. After
several hours in the car, he was taken to Cockerill Military Headquarters where he
was interrogated and beaten. He was later transferred to Pademba Road prison's
death row and was denied washing and sanitary facilities. He was denied lood for
the first 3 days that he was detained. The AFRC released Tejan-Sie on August 28,
but kept him under close surveillance until he fled the country in early October.
In the Eastern Province near Tongo, AFRC officials harassed, intimidated, and
tortured miners to find the location of diamonds. In August a miner was roped over
a fire in the Kono area by a junta official to make him disclose where he had hidden
a recently found diamond. The miner surrendered the diamond and his tribe had
to pay AFRC ofTicials a large ransom sum for his release.
RUF soldiers tortured and killed numerous persons (see Section l.a.). On October
2, three soldiers and one member of the RUF attacked Olu Jones at his house. He
was tied, beaten, and stabbed in both ears with a bayonet. In the early morning,
the soldiers took him to Cockerill Military Headquarters.
Refugees fleeing Sierra Ijeone reported torture and abuse of civilians by AFRC
soldiers and the RUF, particularly in the Mende areas in the south and east where
the AFRC and RUF were fighting the Kamajohs. AFRC/RUF soldiers burned vil-
lages suspected of supporting the Kamajohs. Civilians were beaten and tortured.
Women and girls were raped, sexually tortured, and forced into sexual slavery.
Both the AFRC and the RUF use rape as an instrument of control and punish-
ment. The military junta has not taken steps to control violence by soldiers against
women and often encourages it.
Prison conditions remain life threatening. The quality of food and medical care
was poor. In mid-May, Pademba Road prison held 60 percent more inmates than
its capacity. The majority of those were on remand awaiting trial. When the AFRC
seized power on May 25, it broke open the Pademba Road prison and freed all in-
mates. By the end of the year, Pademba Road prison was again seriously over-
crowded with persons detained by the AFRC. Many detainees are held in metal
shipping containers at Cockerill military headquarters.
The AFRC junta occasionally granted the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) and Prison Watch limited access to prisoners, many of whom were offi-
cials in the previous government, journalists, or student protesters. In August Pris-
on Watch reported that most detainees in Pademba Road prison were brutalized and
beaten during arrest and interrogation, and none had been formally charged or had
access to legal counsel.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The AFRC junta suspended the Constitu-
tion and gave itself far-reaching powers of detention. Any person can be arrested
"in the interest of public safety." There are no safeguards against arbitrary arrest
or indefinite detention without charge or trial. Members of the elected Government
and people associated with it, members of the Sierra I^eone People's Party (SLPP),
302
journalists, students, and human rights activists have been arbitrarily arrested and
detained without charge in what the junta calls "military safe custody." Police and
military officials arrest without warrant and detain indefinitely any person they
suspected of posing a threat to military rule. With the collapse of the rule of law,
all civilians are at risk of arbitrary arrest and detention.
Several hundred detainees are being held at Pademba Road prison, Cockerill mili-
tary headquarters, Criminal Investigation Department (CID) headquarters, and po-
lice stations or military installations throughout the country. While some detainees
have been released after a short time, others have been held for weeks or months.
Many have been beaten or tortured (see Section I.e.). Most detainees who are re-
leased go into hiding or flee from the country.
In the days immediately following the coup, several members of President
Kabbah's cabinet and other senior government and military officers were detained
at Cockerill military headquarters. Soldiers conducted house-to-house searches for
others. Most of these detainees were released after a few days. On June 16, at least
eight senior military officers and seven civilians associated with the SLPP were ar-
rested and accused of conspiring to overthrow the AFRC. None was charged with
a crime; however, they were not allowed visitors. Most were released within several
weeks.
Hundreds of people have been detained and beaten by junta troops searching for
the transmitter of a clandestine, prodemocracy radio station that began broadcast-
ing in July.
More than 120 people were arrested on August 18 and 19 as the National Union
of Sierra Leone Students (NUSS) attempted to hold a "march for democracy" in pro-
test against the AFRC. Eighty-six students were taken to Pademba Road prison
where they were held for 12 days before release. Another 35 students were taken
to Cockerill military headquarters. Others were taken to CID headquarters and
about 20 women were taken directly to the residences of junta leaders. In October
the junta admitted that it was still holding 37 students; many more, including some
women, remained missing.
On Sieptember 16, People's Army troops attacked the town of Bonthe, on Sherbro
Island, searching for a Kamajoh training center. The soldiers arrested 60 civilians
suspected of sympathizing with the Kamajohs and took them to Moyamba for ques-
tioning. It is not clear what happened to them afterwards.
On October 13, the junta arrested eight people, including the elected Govern-
ment's Deputy Minister of Marine Resources Mamoud Sesay, newspaper editor
Prince Akpu, and Temne tribal chief Alhaji King Naimbana for "involvement in sub-
versive activities." At the time the junta admitted to holding another 33 detainees
it described as "prodemocracy activists."
On November 26, the AFRC arrested Chief A.B. Tomboyeke in Baoma Chiefdom,
Bo District while searching for Kamajohs.
Prior to the coup, on March 29 RUF forces abducted several of its own members
at Nongowa in Kailahun District in the Eastern Province. Two of those abducted,
Fayia Musa and Ibrahim Deen-Jalloh, had been appointed as RUF representatives
to the Commission for the Consolidation of Peace established by the Abidjan Peace
Accord, which was signed by the Government and the RUF in November 1996. In
April they were reported to be on trial in an RUF people's court for plotting to over-
throw RUF leader Foday Sankoh. The captives' condition was uncertain at year's
end.
The junta refused to allow several prominent businessmen, government officials,
and journalists to leave the country. Because of the violence surrounding the coup
and the RUF's reputation for brutality, hundreds of thousands of Sierra Leoneans
fled the country fearing for their lives. Many more left later after being targeted
by the junta. FVesident Kabbah and members of his government are among those
now in exile in Guinea.
The junta does not practice forced exile; however, thousands have fled for their
own safety.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The suspended Constitution included provisions
for an independent judiciary. Virtually all magistrates have fled the country; several
were beaten, and some were raped by prisoners released from prison during the
coup. The court system has not functioned since May 25. The AFRC announced that
it would replace the judiciary with People's Revolutionary Courts manned by ordi-
nary citizens, but there is no evidence that these or any other courts are function-
ing.
T. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
AFRC monitored actions by citizens to prevent them from acting in a manner it
deemed prejudicial to its continuation in power and to control association or commu-
nication with other persons. The junta erected roadblocks to control movement and
303
conducted surveillance of the homes of people it perceives as opponents. Telephones
and mail are monitored by the military junta. There were numerous occasions of
abusive treatment of citizens by soldiers and police throughout the country, includ-
ing forced entry into homes, robberies, and assaults. Many of these abuses were
sanctioned by or committed by high-ranking members of the iunta. Joint military
and police Antilooting Squads freauently executed soldiers caugnt looting homes.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Con-
flicts.— The RUF fighting against three successive governments resulted in an esti-
mated 20,000 deaths since 1991. More than one-third of Sierra Leone's 4.5 million
citizens are displaced internally or are living as refugees in neighboring countries
because of insecurity and violence stemming from the civil war and the AFRC/RUF
takeover. After taking power, junta forces seized food aid destined for displaced per-
sons and refugees, and looted the headquarters and warehouses of international aid
organizations, making humanitarian relief difficult. The AFRC also planted land
mines around ECOMOG installations and at other strategic sites in an attempt to
hinder their efforts to restore the constitutional government.
There were many serious violations of humanitarian law throughout the country
before as well as after the military takeover. Military and RUF forces committed
summary executions of prisoners and killings, torture, rape, and mutilation of civil-
ians. Traditional hunter societies (including the Mende Kamajohs, Temne Kapras,
and Koranko Tamaboros) organized as civil defense militias and sought to protect
their chiefdoms from both RUF attacks and militaiy looters. At times they executed
military or RUF forces that they had captured. Hundreds of civilians were killed
in fighting between military and RUF troops and the civil defense forces.
Despite the Abidjan Peace Agreement signed in November 1996, and a cease-fire
in effect, RUF rebels and elements of the government security forces continued to
attack villages and ambush vehicles. RUF forces continued to abduct villagers and
force them into involuntary servitude, making them serve as porters, sexual slaves,
human shields, and fighters, among other abuses. Civilians were murdered,
maimed, tortured, and raped in these attacks. In some cases, perpetrators could not
be identified; however, it is generally believed that RUF forces, military personnel,
and ordinary thieves, committed attacks on civilians. Even in the instances where
perpetrators could be identified, the Government took no action against them.
In early May, the RUF resumed targeting international organizations. On May 7
several miles from Makeni, RUF gunmen attacked two United Nations vehicles with
machine gun fire. The driver of one vehicle was killed and another U.N. employee
was injured. The next day two more humanitarian aid workers were injured when
the RUF attacked two World Food Program vehicles on the Makeni-Lunsar road.
Beginning on May 9, forces generally believed to belong to the RUF began a cam-
paign of attacks against villages in the Northern province. Armed groups in both
military uniforms and civilian clothes attacked at least 10 villages with sticks, ma-
chetes, guns, and rocket propelled gi'enades. The attacks caused 8,000 people to seek
refuge in the Northern province capital of Makeni and thousands more to flee to
Guinea. In the attack on Kalangba village, more than a dozen people were killed
and 87 houses burned. In Gbandembu village, the clinic and 124 of 130 houses were
burned. Scores of people whose hands and feet had been cut off by rebel forces
sought medical attention in Makeni. Many people were also abducted in these at-
tacks. On May 14, these forces, including many young boys, captured the northern
town of Kamakwie, leaving dozens of corpses lying in the streets. They destroyed
the hospital, dispensary, and pharmacy, and burned more than 60 houses. In sepa-
rate attacks in mid-May, the RUF killed more than 100 people in the eastern towns
of Kalihun and Bomaru.
On the morning of June 2, after the junta broke off negotiations with the inter-
national community, a Nigerian warship shelled AFRC/I-iUF military installations
in the western end of Freetown for several hours. In response 150 RUF soldiers at-
tacked and then set fire to the Mammy Yoko Hotel where some 600 foreigners were
awaiting evacuation and where ECOMOG forces and Nigerian negotiators had set
up their headquarters. At least one person at the hotel died in the attack and six
were injured, including five Nigerian soldiers guarding the hotel. Later that day
RUF troops also attacked the Bintumani hotel. At least 62 civilians were killed and
more injured by the RUF'-fired rocket-propelled grenades and Nigerian shells that
fell into residential areas.
In late June, virtually the entire population of Magburka fled 60 miles to Makeni
after RUF troops entered the town ana began harassing civilians.
On September 16, AFRC and RUF troops searching lor a Kamajoh training center
attacked the town of Bonthe on Sherbro Island, looting and destroying much of the
town. At least 34 Kamajohs were killed. Sixty civilians were arrested and taken
away for questioning.
304
In fighting during October, AFRC and RUF supporters looted and burned homes
of President Kabban's family and supporters of the elected Gk)vemment, including
the homes of Chairman of the Commission for Consolidation of the Peace Desmond
Luke, Minister of Works Emmanuel O. Grant, and Deputy Minister in the Vice
President's Office Theresa Koroma. At least seven villages in Baoma chiefdom. Bo
District were abandoned in late October after AFRC/RUF troops burned the houses
and stole the rice crop.
On November 26, AFRC soldiers burned 13 houses in the villages of Pelewahun
Ngiyeibu and Gerihun in Bo district while searching for Kamajohs.
On December 3, Kamajohs seized a Sierra Leone Red Cross truck delivering relief
food to Moyamba. They reportedly manhandled the Red Cross staff and told them
that in the future, they should receive all relief supplies for distribution.
On December 9 and 10, AFRC and RUF forces launched attacks on Kamajoh
strongholds in of Joru and Gorahun villages in Kenema District and Sonoshun,
Fairo and Dia villages in Pujehun District. The villages were attacked by an AFRC
helicopter gunship, artillery, and rocket propelled grenades. AFRC and KtJF troops
looted the villages, set fire to houses and rice farms, and raped several women.
Similar AFRC/RUF attacks on Kamajoh strongholds throughout the eastern and
southeastern parts of the country continued through the end of the year with signifi-
cant fighting along the border with Liberia.
ECOMOG artillery and rocket attacks killed numerous civilians. In June a Nige-
rian warship shelled AFRC/RUF installations in FVeetown for several hours. At
least 150 civilians were killed and more were wounded during fighting that started
on July 12 between AFRC/RUF and ECOMOG forces at the ECOMOG bases at
Lungi Airport, Hastings Airfield, Jui, and Kossoh near Freetown. Junta forces at-
tacked the ECOMOG bases and nearby towns seeking a new clandestine radio sta-
tion that had recently broadcast a speech by President Kabbah.
About 15 civilians were killed in fighting that began when AFRC and RUF forces
attacked the ECOMOG base at Lungi Airport on August 13. Most of the civilians
were killed when ECOMOG troops tried to shell the attacking AFRC/RUF troops.
A senior AFRC ofTicial said the junta would continue to harass ECOMOG troops
until they left the airport.
Twenty -one civilians were killed and many more wounded during heavy fighting
that broke out on September 4 when ECOMOG troops at Lungi Airport launched
artillery and air attacks against two container ships docking at Queen Elizabeth
Quay in violation of the ECOWAS embargo. There were reports that some of the
ECOMOG shells fell in residential areas. Most of the civilian casualties were at
Marbela Market. It is not clear whether the market was hit by an ECOMOG shell
or by antiaircraft rounds fired from AFRC positions at Fourah Bay College on
Mount Aureol.
On September 5, ECOMOG Force Commander Major General Victor Malu issued
a "final warning" that ECOMOG would attack any ships violating the ECOWAS em-
bargo. The next day a Nigerian Alpha jet dropped bombs into the water near a
Ukrainian cargo ship Seaway as it unloaded in violation of the embargo. Three
paramilitary policemen and a port official were seriously injured. The following day,
another Nigerian aircraft dropped two bombs on the ship. No injures were reported
in the second attack. General Malu claimed that, in addition to rice, the ship had
been discharging arms and anununition for the junta. In the following days, AFRC
officials reportedly smuggled much of the rice into Guinea and sold it for their per-
sonal gain.
Hundreds of people died in 2 weeks of heavy fighting that started on October 8
between AFRC/RUF troops and ECOMOG forces. Hostilities began when an AFRC
helicopter gunship fired at an ECOMOG helicopter ferrying supplies between
ECOMOG bases. In retaliation a Nigerian Alpha jet fired rockets at, and dropped
bombs on, the AFRC helicopter after it had returned to its base at Cockerill Military
Headquarters. The AFRC reported that four soldiers and two civilians were killed
in the attack on Cockerill. AFRC and RUF troops then attacked ECOMOG positions
at Lungi Airport, Kossoh Town, and Jui. Dozens of civilians were killed by artillery
fired by both sides. The fighting spread as AFRC/RUF troops attacked Nigerian
ECOMOG contingents at Bo and Kenema. AFRC military trucks patrolled Free-
town, arresting soldiers who had gone AWOL and refused to fight against ECOMOG
troops, and forcibly impressed others into service. On October 16, at least 14 civil-
ians were killed in the eastern outskirts of Freetown by ECOMOG artillery fired
from Lungi Airport at AFRC/RUF troops attacking ECOMOG forces at Jui and
Kossoh Town. Eight civilians were killed and 20 injured the same day when a bomb
dropped by a Nigerian Alpha jet exploded in a market at Kissy. The Alpha jets also
targeted junta radio and television transmitters. The AFRC placed antiaircraft guns
in residential areas. Shells fired by these guns frequently lell in residential areas.
305
On December 11, AFRC forces at Daru barracks in Kailahun District fired on a
Nigerian Alpha jet. The jet dropped two bombs that killed several people in the
nearby village of Benduma.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The suspended Constitution provided for free-
dom of speech ana of the press. In practice, nowever, prior to May 25 the Kabbah
Government detained some journalists without charge and chargea some with sedi-
tion, libel, and contempt of Parliament for their coverage of alleged government cor-
ruption, the civil war, and human rights issues. The elected Kabbali Government's
frequent use of criminal libel and sedition charges encouraged self-censorship. Impo-
sition of heavy fines financially crippled some members oi the private press. Forty-
six newspapers circulated while the elected Government was in power. On May 14,
Parliament passed the Media Practitioner Act, designed to drastically curtail the
numbers of journalists and newspapers. The law required all journalists to have an
academic degree in journalism and to register with the authorities every year, edi-
tors are required to have 10 years professional experience. About 80 percent of the
country's journalists could not meet these criteria; if enforced, the law would pre-
vent them from working as journalists.
Shortly after the coup, tne AFRC harshly criticized the Media Practitioner Act
and asserted that press freedom would be unrestricted. However, journalists, like
other critics of the junta, quickly became targets for harassment and intimidation.
Dozens of journalists fied the country in fear of the military junta. In September
following publication of a story in the Standard Times that revealed discord among
members of the AFRC Supreme Council, the junta announced that newspapers were
required to obtain permission before publishing. At year's end, only about six news-
papers remained, all operating at the discretion of the AFRC Minister of Informa-
tion. Under the electee! Government five radio stations operated in Freetown and
one in the provincial city of Bo. After May 25, the only regularly operating broadcast
media were government radio and television stations tightly controlled by the mili-
tary junta and the clandestine station FM 98.1 operatea by the elected Government
in exile. The AFRC/RUF junta took severe measures attempting to close FM 98.1,
including torturing people who might know its location and electronically jamming
its broadcasts. Many oi the journalists who remained in Sierra I^eone after May 25
were harassed, detained, arrested, and beaten by the military junta for reporting
perceived to be critical of the AFRC or the RUF.
Under the elected Government, Punch newspaper correspondent Pat Kawa was
arrested on January 24 on defamation charges after reporting allegations of finan-
cial improprieties by government officials. The case was dismissed in court on
March 3. Footprints magazine publisher Harry Evans was arrested on March 6 and
held without cnarge for a week after publishing an article alleging that the Minister
of Presidential Affairs had imported 50 automobiles without paying customs taxes.
Footprints editor Mohammed Karim and staff writer Njai Kanthba also were ar-
rested and held for 3 days on spurious charges of drug possession. Three journalists
from Expo Times newspaper were arrested without charge on March 19 following
publication of an article entitled "Abacha's Wild West Gangsterism," about the de-
tention of RUF leader Foday Sankoh by the Nigerian government. They later were
charged with spying and possession of a secret military document and were released
on bail after 2 weeks.
On May 27, AFRC military personnel looted the Concord Times newspaper offices.
Fearing for their safety, the newspaper's staff went into hiding. On June 4, two
armed men searching for a Kabban Government minister broke into the home of
Standard Times newspaper managing editor Phillip Neville. When he denied shel-
tering the official, Neville was beaten. On June 9, Sky FM talk show host Ojukutu
Macaulay went into hiding after a group of AFRC soldiers threatened to kill him
for speaking against the military takeover. Following a June 11 story in For Di Peo-
ple newspaper about travel to Libya by an AFRC delegation, the junta warned jour-
nalists to seek clarification from AFRC headauarters before publishing sensitive se-
curity information. For Di People subsequently closed after receiving verbal threats
from AFRC officials. In mid-June British Broadcasting Corooration (BBC) stringer
Sylvester Rogers went into hiding after learning that AFRC; soldiers were trying to
locate him. On October 2, AFRC Spokesman AHieu Kamara admitted that security
{>ersonnel had taken Rogers into "safe restriction" after Rogers had attempted to
eave the country without a police permit.
On July 8, The Point newspaper managing editor Budu Hayes was arrested at
his home and detained at AFRC military headquarters until the following day. The
soldiers who arrested Hayes alleged that he was harboring people fighting against
the revolution. Also on July 8, Tne Democrat newspaper reporter Saloman Conteh
306
and freelance correspondent Jeff Bowlay Williams were arrested at Democrat offices
by 20 soldiers and interrogated at AFRC military headquarters. They then were
transferred to Pademba Road prison and held 11 days without charge. The Demo-
crat stopped publication when they were arrested. Business Vision reporter Martins
I. Martins was arrested on July 19 and detained at AFRC military headquarters for
2 days on suspicion that he had communicated with President Kabbah. When he
returned to his home, he discovered that it had been looted. On July 26, AFRC sol-
diers arrested Unity Now editors Dominick Lamine and Sahr Mbayoh and con-
fiscated the newspaper's computers. AFRC officials claimed that the newspaper had
subversive materials. The two editors were had incommunicado and released several
days later. AFRC soldiers continued to search for the newspaper's editor-in-chief
Frank Kposowa, who went into hiding to avoid arrest. On July 26, Kenema-based
BBC stringer Suliman Momodu also went into hiding after learning that he was
being sought by AFRC soldiers. On July 28, AFRC soldiers arrested New Tablet pro-
duction manager Suliman Janger and seized 900 copies of the newspaper. Soldiers
also arrested five newspaper vendors. New Tablet editor Gibril Foday Musa went
into hiding to avoid arrest. On July 30, AFRC soldiers seized 1,500 copies of the
Standard Times at the newspapers offices. The soldiers were searching lor manag-
ing editor Philip Neville who had gone into hiding after receiving threatening phone
calls for articles critical of the AFRC.
On August 18, AFRC soldiers arrested Voice of America correspondent Kelvin
Lewis, Sky FM talk show host Ojukutu Macaulay, and their driver as they were on
their way to cover a student demonstration against the junta. Soldiers beat them
with machetes and gun butts and threatened to kill them. They were detained over-
night in a metal shipping container at AFRC Cockerill military headquarters but
released the next day.
On September 1, BBC stringer Prince Brimah was ordered detained by AFRC Sec-
retary of State for the Southern province. Major Augustine Kamara, who reportedly
was displeased by his report about the execution of four persons at a CDF roadblock
on the road between Bo and Makeni (see Section l.g.). Kamara ordered Brimah
taken to a police station where he was detained for 4 hours in a cell full of feces
and then released. On the morning of September 20, several people who had gath-
ered at the Mende Central Mosque in Freetown were beaten by security forces seek-
ing information about the FM 98. 1 radio station.
In early October, Concord Times acting editor Foday Fofana and the acting sec-
retary of the Sierra Leone Association of Journalists (SLAJ) Fallah Ensa-Ndemah
went into hiding after receiving information that they were to be arrested on sub-
version charges stemming from the SLAJ's denunciation of the AFRC junta and its
control of the press. Freelance journalist Donald Davis was arrested on October 8
and detained in Pademba Road prison. Freelance journalist Abdul Salam Timbo was
arrested on subversion charges on October 10 and is being held incommunicado. On
October 10, a truckload of solders arrested Punch newspaper Editor David
Tambaryoh at his residence. He was held for 3 days on subversion charges stem-
ming from his alleged contact with legitimate Sierra Leone government officials.
Armed men searching for Tambaryoh's personal property looted his sister-in-law's
home and twice rapea her and her daughter. After his release, Tambaryoh went into
hiding. Umaru Fofana, a freelance correspondent for The Vision newspaper and the
BBC was shot in the leg and physically abused on October 11 by junta forces who
claimed that he was reporting for FM 98.1. He was released later that day. Demo-
crat newspaper acting editor John Foray and freelance journalist Abdul Kpowsa
were beaten by junta forces and detained without charge on October 11. AFRC sol-
diers arrested For Di People editor Paul Kamara on October 16 and took him to
Pademba Road prison. The soldiers smashed and looted the office, and confiscated
the newspaper's computers and Kamara's car. The soldiers gave no reason for
Kamara's arrest.
On November 13, the AFRC temporarily suspended the Standard Times and de-
tained several of its reporters after it printed a story suggesting that the AFRC/RUF
junta was involved in a plot with Liberian President Charles Taylor to overthrow
the Government of Guinea. The suspension was lifted a week later after the news-
Baper retracted the story. On November 21, the AFRC temporally suspended The
democrat after it reported a burglary at the British High Commissioner's offices
and home by seven uniformed men. It also subsequently retracted this story.
On November 22, police arrested Standard Times editor Ibrahim Karim Sei, The
Democrat editor Pious Foray, and Concord Times acting editor Dorothy Awonoor-
Gordon, and four other journalists. A police spokesman said that all three news-
papers had carried "dubious articles" that threatened to undermine the security of
the State. The seven journalists were detained for a week without charges. The Con-
307
cord Times also had published an article disclosing the delivery of lubricating oil
to the Freetown power plant, in violation of U.N. Security Council sanctions.
On December 16, journalist Vandi Kallon was detained and brutally beaten by
AFRC officials who accused him of passing information to radio station FM 98.1 and
ECOMOG. There was no information on his circumstances at year's end.
The elected Government respected academic freedom. All schools and universities
were closed after May 25 as both teachers and students stayed away in protest
against the AFRC's seizure of power.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The suspended Constitution
provided for freedom of assembly; however, at times the elected Government limited
this right. The elected Government permitted many street demonstrations.
In February, however, police and armed forces personnel killed two persons and
injured 20 others in breaking up a riot by several hundred youths against the postal
service. The police fired tear gas and started shooting after rioters hurled stones at
them. One of the dead men was shot in the chest as he emerged from an Ash
Wednesday mass at Sacred Heart Cathedral near the post office where the riot was
taking place. President Kabbah criticized the police for using excessive force in dis-
persing the rioters.
On March 11, police fired tear gas to disperse hundreds of students at the Parade
Grounds soccer field in Freetown. The National Union of Sierra Leone Students
(NUSS) had called the meeting to plan protests against the Government's decision
to give retirement benefits to lormer President Major-General Joseph Momoh. The
police refused to issue a permit for the meeting, claiming that security could not
be ensured, and suggesting that the students meet instead on college campuses.
On March 14, police attacked 2,000 students attempting to meet in an open park.
Before NUSS Secretary-General Abdulai Bayrajrtay was to address the crowd, 50
riot policemen disrupted the meeting to arrest him and other student leaders. When
students attempted to prevent the leaders' arrests, the police attempted to disperse
the crowd with tear gas and batons, injuring at least 15 persons. Several more stu-
dents were detained by the police. A government statement said that police had
been ordered "to take appropriate but reasonable action to prevent a student group
meeting anywhere throughout Sierra Leone." It said that the students could hold
meetings on any of the college campuses, but not elsewhere.
After May 25, the military junta restricted freedom of assembly and banned pub-
lic demonstrations and meetings.
At least one person was killed and another injured in Bo on May 27 when AFRC
soldiers shot at a crowd of about 5,000 people demonstrating against the coup. The
demonstration started when large quantities of looted goods were discovered in the
army's jxissession. Nearly all the shops in Bo and an Action Contre La Faim ware-
house were looted 2 days earlier when the junta released all the inmates at the Bo
prison.
The military junta violently broke up a student march in Freetown on August 18.
Using assault weapons and machetes, AFRC/RUF soldiers killed at least 11 stu-
dents and maimed many others with machetes and bayonets. Soldiers shooting rock-
et-propelled grenades and automatic weapons set up roadblocks and searched the
streets, making arrests whereever a group had gathered. AFRC/RUF forces chased
students into Connaught hospital and assaulted patients as they searched for stu-
dents. Students and citizens narboring students were severely beaten when found
and detained in the Pademba Road prison.
Also on August 18, combined operation by AFRC and RUF' troops and State Secu-
rity Division police armed with automatic weapons, rocket-propelled grenades, and
antiaircraft guns broke up a student demonstration in the Southern province capital
of Bo. After marching for a short distance, the students were confronted by the secu-
rity forces, who dispersed them with tear gas.
The suspended Constitution provided for the right to form political, economic, so-
cial, and professional organizations, and the elected Government respected this pro-
vision in practice.
The AFRC junta restricted freedom of association and outlawed political parties
and activities.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The suspended Constitution provided for freedom of reli-
gion. The Kabbah Government respected this right in practice. Most religious insti-
tutions have continued to operate under the junta. However, due to security con-
cerns, most foreign missionaries left the country. On August 17, AFRC security
forces detained Secretary General of the Council of Churches in Sierra Leone
(CCSL) Alimamy Kokomah at his church and ordered him to cancel an interreli-
gious worship service scheduled for Freetown's national stadium. Security officers
turned back people who attempted to reach the stadium that evening. The AFRC
308
also denied a CCSL request that it be allowed to host some form of worship service
at its headquarters, alleging the possibility of infiltration.
d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The military junta tightly controls travel within the country. Most poli-
ticians, government officials, and businessmen left the country immediately after
the coup. Many prominent persons were given safe haven through international
evacuation efforts following the coup. Numerous checkpoints manned by AFRC/RUF
soldiers make travel difficult. The junta refused to allow several prominent busi-
nessman, government oflicials, and journalists to leave the country. The junta se-
verely restricts internal travel and emigration.
Approximately 1.4 million of Sierra Leone's 4.5 million citizens are displaced with-
in the country. An estimated 238,000 Sierra Leoneans are refugees in Guinea and
Liberia, including as many as 40,000 who fled to Guinea and 25,000 to Liberia fol-
lowing the coup. Several thousand more have sought refuge in The Gambia, Cote
dlvoire, Guinea-Bissau, and Mali. Many middle class Sierra Leoneans fled to Eu-
rope, Great Britain, and the United States.
Prior to the coup, the Government cooperated with the office of the United Na-
tions High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organiza-
tions in assisting refugees. Several hundred thousand refugees and displaced per-
sons returned to their homes in the months following the November 1996 signing
of the Abidjan Accord. Many of these returnees were forced to flee their homes again
after the May 25 coup. Sierra Leone had provided asylum to 17,000 Liberians; sev-
eral thousand of these refugees fled following the coup, but 5,500 Liberian refugees
remained in the Freetown area, awaiting safe passage to Liberia. After the evacu-
ation of United Nations personnel in early June, they were assisted by the ICRC.
There is no formal process for granting political asylum.
Prior to the coup, there were no reports of forced return of persons to a country
in which they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. On May 25, a military
junta seized power from the civilian government which was chosen in free and fair
elections. The AFRC suspended the Constitution, banned political parties, and an-
nounced that all legislation would be made by military decree. The military junta
routinely threatened, harassed, imprisoned, tortured, and killed citizens who sought
to challenge the military's seizure of power. The junta has not negotiated in good
faith with the Committee of Five (C-5) foreign ministers appointed by ECOWAS to
bring about the return of the Kabbah Government and the restoration of constitu-
tional order. Parliament has not functioned since the military takeover. Many civil
servants refuse to report to work until constitutional order is restored.
There is 1 woman in the 34 member AFRC Supreme Council and 1 woman in the
20 member Cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Under the elected Government, several local human rights organizations operated
including a local chapter of Amnesty International, the Civil Liberties Congress,
Prison Watch, the National Commission for Democracy and Human Rights, and the
Society for Advancement of Civil Rights. Most members of these groups fled to
Conakry, Guinea, from where they report on violations of human rights in Sierra
Leone. Those who have stayed in Sierra Leone have to restrict their activities se-
verely for their own safety.
On August 17, soldiers seeking Civil Liberties Congress President Soulaiman
Banja Tejan-Sie arrested and beat three people closely associated with him. He was
arrested the next day and taken to Cockerill military headquarters where he was
tortured. He was then forced at gunpoint to appear on national television and to
call upon students to cancel the march for democracy" planned for that day. He
was detained without charge at Pademba Road prison for 11 days and then placed
under close surveillance until he fled the country in October.
The junta allowed ICRC and Prison Watch to visit the Pademba Road prison at
least through October.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race. Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The suspended Constitution prohibited discrimination against women and pro-
vided for protection on the basis of race and ethnicity, except for the prohibition
against citizenship for {jersons with a non-African father. This provision effectively
309
blocks citizenship and political participation of those of Lebanese descent, and other
persons with non-African fathers.
Women. — Violence against women, especially wife beating, is common. Police are
unlikely to intervene in domestic disputes except in cases of severe injury or death.
Sierra Leone does not recognize domestic violence against women as a societal prob-
lem, and neither the elected Government nor the AFRC junta gave it high-level at-
tention. Rape is a recognized societal problem and is punishable by up to 14 years'
imprisonment. The elected Government enforced this law; however, the AFRC and
the RUF use rape for both control and punishment.
The suspended Constitution provided for equal rights for women, but in practice
women face both legal and societal discrimination. Their rights and status under
traditional law vary significantly, depending upon the ethnic group to which they
belong. The Temne and Limba tribes of the north afford greater rights to women
to inherit property than does the Mende tribe, which gives preference to male heirs
and unmarried daughters. However, in the Temne tribe, women cannot become
paramount chiefs. In the south, the Mende tribe has a number of female paramount
chiefs.
Women do not have equal access to education, economic opportunities, health fa-
cilities, or social freedoms. In rural areas, women perform much of the subsistence
farming, all of the child rearing, and have little opportunity for education. The aver-
age educational level for women is markedly below that of men; only 6 percent are
literate. At the university level, men predominate. Due to the military takeover, ef-
forts by local NGO's to educate women on their civil rights and civic responsibilities
have been suspended.
Children. — Infant and child mortality is very high. In 1995 one child in four died
before the age of 5 and one-third of children under the age of 5 were underweight.
As many as a few thousand RUF fighters are child soldiers who are as young as
8 years of age. They often are smaller physically than the rifles they carry. Ab-
ducted bv the RUF from their villages, brutalized, and used to transport supplies,
the children eventually become fighters. The armed forces also took boys off the
streets of Freetown to expand its forces. The armed forces provided little or no train-
ing to the boys. This undisciplined and unsupervised group committed many atroc-
ities. After the coup, parents began to ask the traditional hunter societies to initiate
their young male children to protect them from abduction and forcible recruitment
by the RUF. Human rights groups believe that a large number of the children ab-
ducted into the various armed forces, or otherwise traumatized by the war as civil-
ians, experience serious psychological problems.
In late February, RSLMF soldiers and Kamajohs cooperating in a government op-
eration rescued several hundred war orphans, most from 9 to 15 years of age, living
in the forests in Kailahun and Kenema districts. Most of the children Hed to the
forests after RUF rebels attacked and destroyed their villages 4 years earlier.
Occasional instances of ritual murders of boys and girls, as well as adults, associ-
ated with illegal secret societies, have been reported in the past. There were no re-
ported cases during the year.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is widely practiced on
young women and girls, especially in traditional ethnic groups and among the less-
educated. While UNICEF estimates the percentage of females who have undergone
this procedure may be as high as 90 percent, local groups believe this figure is over-
stated.
In January the women's Bondo society initiated approximately 600 young women
in the Grafton displaced persons camp near Freetown in a ceremony that included
FGM. About 100 girls required medical treatment for complications including bleed-
ing and serious infections caused by the multiple use of unclean knives or glass used
in the procedure. An active press campaign by secret societies countered the well-
publicized international effort against FGM. The 28-year- old woman abducted in
1996 by a secret society and subjected to F'GM eventually found a lawyer to take
her case, but now there are no functioning courts. On July 2, AFRC Chairman John-
ny Paul Koroma told the executive council of the Bondo Society that he supports
FGM and other traditional practices and that after the coup they could now perform
these rites without hindrance.
People with Disabilities. — Questions of public facility access and discrimination
acainst the disabled have not become public policy issues. No laws mandate acces-
sibility to buildings or provide for other assistance for the disabled. While there does
not appear to be outright discrimination against the disabled in housing or edu-
cation, with the high rate of unemployment, few disabled persons work in offices
or factories.
310
Many citizens sufTered debilitating injuries during the war. Many had limbs cut
off by KUF fighters. A few NGO's have provided prostheses, but the vast majority
of victims remain without assistance of any kind.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Ethnic loyalty remains an important factor
in government, the military, and business. Complaints of corruption within ethnic
groups and ethnic discrimination in government appointments, contracts, military
commissions, and promotions are common.
Residents of non-African descent face institutionalized political restrictions. The
Constitution restricts citizenship to persons of patrilineal Negro-African descent.
This constitutional restriction enectively denies citizenship to many long-time resi-
dents, notably the Lebanese community.
The Lebanese community was targeted for looting by military and RUF forces
during the AFRC takeover. Nigerian citizens were also targeted by the junta for
harassment, arrest, and detention because of the dominant role played by Nigerian
troops in the ECOMOG forces enforcing the U.N. and ECOWAS sanctions. RUF
members killed two Nigerian citizens on September 9 in apparent retaliation for
ECOMOG attacks against ships violating the ECOWAS embargo. In early Septem-
ber, at least 20 Nigerian citizens were accused of spying for ECOMOG, arrested,
and held at Cockerill military headquarters. Another six Nigerians were arrested
in mid-September as they traveled from Freetown to the interior of the country. The
reason for their arrest is unknown.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Under the elected Government, the now suspended
Constitution provided for the right of association. All workers, including civil serv-
ants, had the right to join trade unions of their choice. Unions were independent
of the government. All labor unions had by custom joined the Sierra Leone Labor
Congress (SLLC), but membership was voluntary. There was no legal prohibition
against SLLC leadership holding political office, and leaders have held both elected
and appointed government positions.
The Trade Union Act provides that any five persons may form a trade union by
applying to the Registrar of Trade Unions, who has statutory powers under the act
to approve the creation of trade unions. The Registrar may reject applications for
several reasons, including an insufilcient number of members, proposed representa-
tion in an industry already serviced by an existing union, or incomplete documenta-
tion. If the Registrar rejects an application, his decision may be appealed in the or-
dinary courts, out applicants seldom take such action. Approximately 60 percent of
workers in urban areas, including government employees, are unionized, but unions
have had little success in organizing workers in the agricultural and mining sectors.
Under the elected Government, unions had the right to strike without exception,
but the Government could require 21 days' notice. Although union members may be
fired for participating in even a lawful strike, no such incidents were reported.
Unions were free to form federations and confederations and to affiliate internation-
ally. The SLLC is a member of the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions, and the elected Government placed no restrictions on international travel
or contacts of trade unionists.
Following the coup most businesses shut down and school teachers and many
other public servants refused to return to work until the elected Government was
restored. Leaders of the SLLC defied a junta demand that SLLC order all its mem-
bers back to work. At year's end, most businesses and government offices and all
schools remained closed as employees continued to refuse to return to work, despite
warnings by the AFRC that those who did not return to work would be fired.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The legal framework for col-
lective bargaining is the Regulation of Wages and Industrial Relations Act. Collec-
tive bargaining must take place in trade group negotiating councils, each of which
has an equal number of employer and worker representatives. Most enterprises are
covered by collective bargaining agreements on wages and working conditions. The
SLLC provides assistance to unions in preparation for negotiations. In case of a
deadlock, the Government may intervene. It has not, however, used decrees to pre-
vent strikes.
No law prohibits retribution against strikers. Should an employee be fired for
union activities, the individual may file a complaint with a labor tribunal and seek
reinstatement. Complaints of discrimination against unions are made to an arbitra-
tion tribunal. Individual trade unions investigate alleged violations of work condi-
tions to try to ensure that employers take the necessary steps to correct abuses.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The suspended Constitution pro-
hibited forced and bonded labor, includfing that by children. However, under the
311
Chicfdom's Council Act, compulsory labor may be imposed by individual chiefs, re-
quiring members of their villages to contribute to the improvement of common
areas. This practice exists only in rural areas. There is no penalty for noncompli-
ance.
The elected Government did not require compulsorv labor. However, an old decree
recfuires that homeowners, businessmen, ana vendors clean and maintain their
§ remises. Failure to comply is punishable by fine or imprisonment. The last Satur-
ay of each month is declared a National Cleaning Day. There have been reports
of security forces publicly humiliating citizens to ensure compliance.
The AFRC forcibly impressed teenage boys into military service. The RUF fre-
quently abducted villagers, including children, during its attacks and forced the
abductees into involuntary servitude as laborers for the RUF. Many of the children
eventually became fighters for the RUF. This continued even after the RUF joined
the AFRC junta.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum A§e for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for employment is officially 18 years, but m practice there is no enforce-
ment because there is no government entity specifically charged with this task.
Children routinely assist in family businesses, especially those of vendors and petty
traders. In rural areas, children work seasonally on family subsistence farms.
Because the adult unemployment rate is high (an estimated 70 percent in some
areas), few children are involved in the industrial sector. There have been reports
that young children have been hired by foreign employers to work as domestics
overseas at extremely low wages and in poor conditions. The Department of Foreign
Affairs and International Cooperation is responsible for reviewing overseas work ap-
plications to see that no one under the age of 14 is employed for this purpose and
to enforce certain wage standards.
The suspended Constitution prohibited forced and bonded labor, including that bv
children; however, there was some compulsory labor in rural areas (see Section 6.c.).
The AFRC forcibly impressed teenage boys into military service.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no minimum wage. Purchasing power
declined drastically as incomes dropped and inflation rose to 40 percent. Most work-
ers have to pool incomes with their extended families and engage in subsistence food
production to maintain a minimum standard of living. The Government's suggested
standard workweek is 38 hours, but most workweeks for the few people who have
jobs exceed 38 hours. The Government sets health and safety standards, but the
standards are outmoded and often not enforced. The Health and Safety Division of
the Department of Labor has inspection and enforcement responsibility, but the lack
of funcfing and transportation limit its effectiveness.
Health and safety regulations are included in collective bargaining agreements,
but there is no evidence of systematic enforcement of those health ana safety stand-
ards. Trade unions provide the only protection for workers who file complaints about
working conditions. Initially, a union makes a formal complaint about a hazardous
work condition. If this is rejected, the union may issue a 21 -day strike notice. If
workers remove themselves from dangerous work situations without making a for-
mal complaint, they risk being fired.
SOMALIA
Somalia has been without a central government since its last president, dictator
Mohamed Siad Barre, fled the country in 1991. Subsequent fighting among rival fac-
tion leaders resulted in the killing, dislocation, and starvation of thousands of Soma-
lis and led the United Nations to intervene militarily in 1992.
Serious fighting among rival clans continued in Mogadishu, in the region outside
of Baidoa, and in the area around Kismayo. The violence had a minimal effect on
the balance of power between the various factions. Mogadishu faction leaders Ali
Mahei, Hussein Aideed, and Osman Atto signed peace accords to prevent combat be-
tween the rival factions, but disagreements remained about how to govern the cap-
ital area. Leading Somalis launched several serious efforts to advance the reconcili-
ation process. The leaders of over two dozen groups formed the National Salvation
Council (NSC) in January in an attempt to establish a national government. This
group did not include Hussein Aideed. Until December, the group had failed to
agree on the future governance of the country. In a conference in Cairo, Egypt in
December, all parties except two signed the so-called "Cairo Declaration." The Dec-
laration provides for a 13-person Council of Presidents, a prime minister, and a na-
tional assembly. A National Reconciliation Conference in early 1998 in Baidoa is
scheduled to negotiate further details, including appointments.
312
The NSC's executive committee, a five-member body that included the major fac-
tion leaders, organised a national reconciliation conference in Bosasso in November;
however, it did not lead to concrete results. Various intermediaries, including the
Arab League, the Organization of the Islamic conference, the United Nations, the
Organization of African Unity, and the Intergovernmental Authority on Develop-
ment (IGAD) sought to promote reconciliation, with little success.
In the northwest, the separatist "Republic of Somaliland" (Somaliland) established
a Constitution and a Parliament and conducted democratic elections. The
Somaliland authorities refused to participate in the national reconciliation con-
ference. It continued to proclaim its independence but did not receive international
recognition. The absence of a central government prompted the continued establish-
ment of rudimentary local administrations, most of which are based on the author-
ity of the predominant clan and faction in the area. Local authority remained con-
tested, however, in the Kismayo area, parts of the northwest, and in Mogadishu. Ju-
dicial structures are dependent on the predominant local clans and factions for their
authority.
Clan and factional militias, in some cases supplemented by local police forces es-
tablished with U.N. help in the early 1990's, continued to function with varying de-
grees of effectiveness. Police and militias committed numerous human rights abuses.
While the country is desperately poor, the economy continued to improve in 1997.
Relative peace in much of the country, leading to the rising level of commercial ac-
tivity, contributed to this recovery. Livestock and fruit exports continued to revive,
although exports remained disrupted by the closure of Mogadishu seaport through-
out the year. Somalia remains a chronic food deficit country, however, and some of
the most fertile agricultural regions suffered from drought, serious fiooding, or both.
In November floods caused by torrential rains left as many as 250,000 homeless in
the south. Weather-related problems and the lack of employment opportunities led
to some malnutrition in Mogadishu and other communities. International relief ef-
forts were hampered by political insecurity.
Human rights abuses continued. Many civilian citizens were killed in factional
fighting, especially among the Hussein Aideed, Osman Atto, AJi Madhi, and Musa
Sude factions in the Mogadishu, Baidoa, and Kismayo areas. Numerous persons
were killed in interclan fighting in the Baidoa and Kismayo areas. Key human
rights problems remained the lack of political rights in the absence of a central au-
thority, the reliance of some communities on harsh Shari'a punishments, including
amputations and stoning, harsh prison conditions, societal discrimination against
women, and the mistreatment of women and children, including the nearly univer-
sal practice of female genital mutilation (FGM). There is no effective system for the
protection of worker rights.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Political violence and banditry have
been endemic since the 1991 revolt against Siad Barre, who fied the country. Since
the revolt, tens of thousands of citizens, mostly noncombatants, have been killed in
interfactional and interclan fighting (see Section l.g.).
Politically motivated extrajudicial killings continued, although there were fewer
killings than in 1996. For example, in March the Aideed faction abducted and killed
a prisoner held for a criminal offense in a South Mogadishu prison under the fac-
tion's control; the killing was reportedly in revenge. On June 20 of a Portuguese doc-
tor working in Baidoa with a French nongovernmental organization (NGO) was
killed. The chief suspect reportedly was seeking revenge for the death of his brother,
who had been in the doctor's care. The lack of an efiective response to this killing
by local officials prompted relief organizations to leave Baidoa.
b. Disappearance. — There were no known reports of unresolved politically moti-
vated disappearances, although cases might easily have been concealed among the
thousands of returning refugees, displaced persons, and war dead. Kidnaping re-
mained a problem in many areas, particularly for relief workers and critics of fac-
tion leaders (see Section l.d.).
Filters of the Wasangeli subclan kidnaped five U.N. and European Union aid
workers in the northwest in November, apparently in retaliation for the seizure of
a Palestinian businessman by a rival subclan, the Marjeteen. They later released
the Palestinian citizen and the aid workers unharmed.
No politically related kidnapings have taken place in the northwest since the
spring of 1996.
313
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There were no reports of the use of torture by warring militiamen against each
other or against civiHans. Many incidents involving torture are probably unreported.
In North Mogadishu, parts of South Mogadishu, the Middle Shabelle, ana parts
of the Gedo and Hiran regions, Shari'a courts regularly sentenced convicted thieves
to public lashings and, far less frequently, to the amputation of their hands (see Sec-
tion i.e.). The North Mogadishu Shari'a (Islamic) court was effectively inoperative
by year's end.
ftison conditions varied by region but were life threatening in some facilities.
Conditions at the North Mogadishu prison of the Shari'a court system grew so harsh
that prison officials released all but a handful of the inmates. In Bosasso, 10 pris-
oners died after spending a night in an overcrowded, overheated cell; 20 others were
hospitalized. In many areas, prisoners are able to receive food from family members
or from relief agencies.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) delegates were permitted
to visit prisoners in some parts of the country, as were Western diplomats.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — In the absence of constitutional or other
legal protections, Somali factions and armed bandits continued to engage in arbi-
trary detention. Most incidents were the result of disputes among and within clans,
political disagreements, and the requirements of military security. Among the most
serious incidents were the February 16-19 occupation of an NGO's hospital in
Bosasso and the brief detention in early July of World Food Program stafT in
Mogadishu. In August the Al'Ittihad faction arrested several U.N. officials in Gedo.
Each incident was resolved peacefully, generally after the intervention of local clan
elders.
None of the factions used forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — There is no national judicial system.
Some regions have established local courts that depend on the predominant local
clan and associated faction for their authority.
The judiciary in most regions relies on some combination of traditional and cus-
tomary justice, Shari'a law, and the pre-1991 penal code. Shari'a courts continued
to operate in several regions, partially filling the vacuum created by the absence of
normal government authority. Shari'a courts traditionally ruled in cases of civil and
family law, but their jurisdiction was extended to criminal proceedings in some re-
gions beginning in 1994. In Bosasso and Afmedow, for example, authorities surren-
der criminals to the families of their victims, who exact blood compensation in keep-
ing with Somali tradition. In November the U.N. in Kismayo reportedly turned over
to victims' clans a group of guards accused of indiscriminate firing into a crowd. The
guards were given a choice of execution or paying compensation to the families. The
case was unresolved at year's end.
In the northwest, the Republic of Somaliland adopted a new constitution based
on democratic principles. Some district and regional courts, as well as a "supreme
court" in Hargeisa, are functioning. In Bardera, courts apply a combination of Is-
lamic Shari'a law and the pre-1991 penal code.
In North Mogadishu, a segment of South Mogadishu, the Middle Shabelle, and
fiarts of the Gedo and Hiran regions, court decisions are based solely on Shari'a law.
n those areas and parts of Gedo and Hiran regions, where Shari'a culture is par-
ticularly entrenched, harsh punishments — including amputations and stoning — are
meted out for certain offenses. With the decline in Shari'a court influence, these
practices diminished during the year. Armed confiicts between Islamic radicals and
other citizens also caused many deaths in Gedo region. This conflict largely ended
after the rebel troops were forced out of Gedo.
The right to representation by an attorney and the right of appeal do not exist
in those areas applying traditional and customary judicial practices or Shari'a law.
These rights are more often respected in regions that continue to apply the pre-
1991 penal code and in Somaliland. However, Somali human rights organizations
note that proceedings in the North Mogadishu Shari'a court o.ften contravene the
norms of Shari'a law. In one serious incident at the end of spring, the court denied
basic rights, including the right to counsel and to face witnesses, to a group sus-
pected of plundering a local marketplace. Public protest led to the postponement of
the planned mass trial, but the suspects remain in custody.
There were no reports that the various factions held identifiable political pris-
oners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Looting
and forced entry into private property continued but at levels again reduced from
previous years, when large numbers of marauding militiamen first occupied many
urban properties. ITie marauders continued to control most such properties at year's
end. Control of properties that were forcibly occupied during militia campaigns in
314
1992-1993, notably in Mogadishu and the Lower Shabelle, remains a problem in na-
tional reconciliation efTorts.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Con-
flicts.— Warring factions continued to commit violations of humanitarian law, in-
cluding the killing of civilian noncombatants. Sporadic fighting in the Mogadishu
area between pro- and anti-Aideed militia led to numerous of civilian deaths and
hundreds of wounded. Numerous combatants also lost their lives. Both sides shelled
targets located in densely populated neighborhoods or areas controlled by civilians.
In March interclan fighting in Galgudud region resulted in the deaths of 10 per-
sons; an additional 18 were wounded. In Mogadishu in April, 17 persons were killed.
From August through December, at least 2 dozen persons died as a result of fighting
within the Abgal clan, the dominant group in North Mogadishu and Lower Shabelle.
Intermittent combat in North Mogadishu between militia loyal to faction leader
Ali Madhi and militia of his rival Sheikh Ali Dherre, leader of the Shari'a court,
was responsible for at least one dozen deaths during the year.
Fitting in the south between Islamic radicals and their clan and factional oppo-
nents led to many additional deaths. Repeated incursions into Somalia by forces in
pursuit of the radicals and bandit gangs contributed to the high toll of lives. In
Kismayo clashes between the Majerteen and Marehan clans also caused numerous
deaths. Between March and year's end, more than 150 people, including noncombat-
ants were killed as a result of these incidents. Interclan fighting in Burao and
Erigavo, two towns in the northwest, claimed at least six lives during the summer.
These areas became calm after the intervention and mediation of clan elders from
both sides of the conflict.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Most citizens obtain news from foreign news
broadcasts, chiefiy the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), which transmits a
daily Somali language program. The major faction leaders in Mogadishu, as well as
the authorities of the Government of Somaliland operate small radio stations. The
print media consist largely of short, photocopied, dailies, published in the larger
cities and often linked to one of the factions. Several of these newspapers are nomi-
nally independent and are critical of the faction leaders. Somaliland has two inde-
pendent daily newspapers, one government daily, and an English language news-
pajjer.
In late March, gunmen forcibly entered the home of the BBC correspondent in
Mogadishu, stole his camera and computer equipment, and beat him senseless. Al-
though robbery was a possible motive, the journalist had published reports critical
of militant Islamic cleric Sheikh Ali Dherre. In April another BBC journalist in the
capital received threats after disseminating a report critical of a former Somali dip-
lomat and a Malaysian businessman.
Also in April, courts in Somaliland ordered the arrest of a newspaper publisher
who had launched an investigative series on official corruption. Altnough the pub-
lisher was tried for slander, no judgment was announced. The trial was marred by
a violent attack against a news photographer by a senior "minister" in the local gov-
ernment; he was later dismissed from his job. Authorities again detained the pub-
lisher and several of his coworkers in September and accused them of printing lalse
customs receipts. Public criticism and findings by a regional court and the par-
liament that the arrests were carried out without due process and were unconstitu-
tional led to the release of the journalists after 1 week. Some of them were re-
arrested shortly thereafter on the same charges and faced trial at year's end.
There is no organized higher educational system in the country.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Many clans and factions held
meetings during the year without incident, albeit usually under tight security. Al-
though citizens are free to assemble in public, the lack of security effectively limits
this right in many parts of the country. Few public rallies took place during the
year without the sponsorship of an armed group.
Some professional groups and local NGO's operate as security conditions permit.
The new Constitution of Somaliland established the right of freedom of associa-
tion.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Somalis are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim. Local tradi-
tion and past law make proselytization a crime for any religion except Islam. Some
local administrations have made Islam the official religion in their regions, in addi-
tion to establishing a judicial system based on Shari'a law (see Section i.e.). Non-
Sunni Muslims are often viewed with suspicion by members of the Sunni majority.
There is strong social pressure to respect Islamic traditions, especially in fundamen-
talist enclaves such as Luuq, in the Gedo region. There is a small, low-profile Chris-
315
tian community. Christian-based international relief organizations generally operate
without interference so long as they refrain from proselytizing.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country. Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Freedom of movement continuea to be restricted in many parts of the
country. Checkpoints manned by militiamen loyal to one clan or faction inhibited
passage by other groups. In the absence of a recognized national government, most
citizens do not have documents needed for international travel. As security condi-
tions improved in many parts of the country, refugees and internally displaced per-
sons continued to return to their homes, particularly in the northwest.
Ethiopia still holds at least 250,000 Somali refugees, mostly from the northwest.
The UNHCR carried out a pilot repatriation of 1,000 persons in May, and was in
the process of carrying out a repatriation of 20,000 at year's end.
Djibouti hosted approximately 20,000 Somali refugees in camps at year's end, and
about 2,000 in its capital city.
The number of Somali refugees in Kenya dropped to approximately 125,000 as of
year's end, down from more tnan 400,000 at the height of the humanitarian crisis
in 1992. The serious floods late in the year halted repatriation.
As Somalia has no functioning government, there is no policy of first asylum, al-
though a small number of Ethiopian refugees remained in Somalia, mostly in the
northeast near Bosasso. The authorities in northwest Somalia have cooperated with
the U. N. High Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian assistance orga-
nizations in assisting refugees. There were no reports of forced expulsion of those
having a valid claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
In the absence of a widely supported, effective national government, recognized
domestically or internationally, citizens could not exercise this right. In most re-
gions, local councils of clan leaders function as rulers. Although many such groups
derive their authority from the traditional deference given clan elders, most face op-
position of varying strength from political factions and radical Islamic groups.
Although several women are important behind-the-scenes figures in the various
factions, women as a group remain outside the political process. No women hold
prominentpublic positions.
In the "Republic of Somaliland," the existence of which was endorsed by clan el-
ders in 1991 and 1993, a 315-person conference of clans that had begun in Novem-
ber 1996 led to a peace accord early in the year. It demobilized militia groups, estab-
lished a Constitution and a Parliament with propwrtional clan representation, and
held an election of a president and vice president from a slate of candidates. The
Hargeisa authorities nave established functioning administrative institutions in
about half of the territory that they claim.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Several local human rights organizations were active during the year. ICRC dele-
gates were permitted to visit prisons in some parts of the country, as were Western
diplomats. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Somalia vis-
ited the country during the spring and prepared a report for the Secretary General.
International humanitarian NGO s and U.N. agencies continued to operate, but the
poor security situation limited their activities in some areas. In July an Italian dele-
gation investigating abuses committed by Italian soldiers in 1993 interviewed So-
mali witnesses in Addis Ababa.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Discrimination against women and widespread abuse of children continued to be
serious problems.
Women. — Women suffered heavily disproportionate levels of violence in the civil
war and in the strife that followed. During the year, however, there were again no
reports of systematic attacks on women in connection with the continuing civil
strife.
Women are systematically subordinated in the country's overwhelmingly patriar-
chal culture. Polygyny is lawful; polyandry is not. Under laws issued by the former
government, female children could inherit property, but only half the amount to
which their brothers were entitled. Similarly, according to the tradition of blood
compensation, those found guilty in the death of a woman must pay only half as
much to the aggrieved family as they would if the victim were a man.
Children. — Children remain among the chief victims of the continuing violence.
Boys as young as 14 or 15 years of age have participated in militia attacks, and
316
many youths are members of the marauding gangs known as "Mooryann (parasites
of maggots)." Even in areas with relative security, lack of resources has limited the
opportunity for children to attend school.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned bv international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is a nearly
universal practice. An independent expert in the field estimates that 98 percent of
females have been subjected to FGM. The practice was illegal in 1991, when the
Siad Barre government collapsed; it remains technically illegal, but the law is not
enforced. While U.N. agencies and NGO's have made intensive efforts to educate
people about the danger of FGM, no reliable statistics are available on their success.
People With Disabilities. — Before the collapse of the state in 1991, there were no
laws mandating accessibility to public buildings, transportation, or government
services for the disabled. In the absence of a functioning government, there are no
authorities to address these problems or assist the disabled. Several local NGO's are
attempting to provide limited social and medical services to the disabled.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — More than 80 percent of the people share a
common ethnic heritage, religion, and nomadic culture. The largest minority group,
Bantu Somalis are descended from slaves brought to the country about 300 years
ago. In virtually all areas, members of groups other than the predominant clan in
that area are excluded from effective participation in governing institutions and are
subject to discrimination in employment, judicial proceedings, and access to public
services.
Members of minority groups are subjected to harassment, intimidation, and abuse
by armed gunmen of all afTiliations.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1990 Constitution provided workers with the
right to form unions, but the civil war and factional fighting negated this provision
and shattered the single labor confederation, the then government-controlled Gen-
eral Federation of Somali Trade Unions. Given the extent of the political and eco-
nomic breakdown and the lack of legal enforcement mechanisms, trade unions can
not function freely.
The new constitution of Somaliland established the right of freedom of associa-
tion, but no unions or employer associations have yet come into existence.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Wages and work require-
ments in traditional Somali culture are largely established by barter based on sup-
ply, demand, and the influence of the clan from which the worker originates. As
during past years, labor disputes sometimes led to the use of force or kidnaping.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Local partners of multinational
fruit export firms reportedly used forced labor, including forced labor by children in
some areas of the Lower Shabelle.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Formal
employment of children was rare, but youths commonly participate in herding, agri-
culture, and household labor from an early age. The lacK of educational opportuni-
ties are severely depressed economic conditions make such employment a necessity.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There was no organized efTort by any of the
factions or de facto regional administrations to monitor acceptable conditions of
work during the year.
SOUTH AFRICA
South Africa's governing institutions and society continued to consolidate the
democratic transformation initiated by the historic 1994 elections. The Government
comprises ministers from the African National Congress and the Inkatha Freedom
Party (IFP). With the June 1996 withdrawal of the National Party (NP) from the
Government of National Unity, the Parliament took on a more central role in na-
tional debate. In addition to the 3 major parties, the 400-member National Assem-
bly includes the Democratic Party (DP), the Freedom Front (FF"), the Pan Africanist
Congress (PAC), and the African Christian Democratic Party (AC!DP). The new Con-
stitution came into effect in February. The judiciary, including the Constitutional
Court, is independent.
The South African Police Service (SAPS) has primary responsibility for internal
security, although the Government continues to call on the South African National
Defense Force (SANDF) to provide support for the SAPS in internal security situa-
tions. The SAPS continued its major restructuring and transformation from a pri-
317
manly public order security force lai^ely dedicated to enforcing apartheid laws, to
a more accountable, community service oriented police force. Tne SANDF and the
newly created SAPS border control and policing unit share responsibility for exter-
nal security. The civilian authorities maintain enective control of the security forces.
However, some members of these forces committed human rights abuses.
South Africa has a diversified and productive economy whose mainstays are man-
ufacturing, mining, and agriculture (augmented by service support industries),
which mdce up 24 percent, 8 percent, and 5 percent, respectively, of the country's
GDP of $126.3 billion (543 billion Rand). Ownership of wealth remains highly
skewed. Officially, unemployment is just under 30 percent, although large numbers
of people, particularly blacks, are employed informally in retail or small-scale manu-
facturing operations. The economy is driven largely by market forces, although a
few key industries remain tightly controlled, including power generation, petroleum,
and mining. The Government's "Growth, Employment and Redistribution" macro-
economic program provides a framework for economic restructuring to achieve en-
hanced growtn. The numerous social and economic problems that developed largely
during tne apartheid era are expected to persist for many years.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, and the
laws and newly independent judiciary provided an effective means of dealing with
instances of individual abuses. However, problems remain in several areas. Some
members of the security forces committed human rights abuses, including torture,
excessive use of force during arrest, and other physical abuse. Deaths in police cus-
tody and as a result of excessive force remained problems. The Government has
taken action to investigate and punish some of those involved. In April the Govern-
ment established an Independent Complaints Directorate to investigate deaths in
police custody and deaths as a result of police action. Prisons are seriously over-
crowded. The judiciary is overburdened, and lengthy delays in trials are a problem.
Discrimination against women and the disabled continued. Violence against women
and children remained a serious problem. There were hundreds of political and
extrajudicial killings, and political violence remained at about the same level as in
the previous year, both in KwaZulu/Natal and countrywide. Vigilante action and
mob justice remained a problem.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), created to investigate apartheid-
era human rights abuses, make recommendations for reparations for victims, and
grant amnesty for full disclosure of politically motivated crimes, completed its
human rights hearings by the end of the year and increased its focus on adjudicat-
ing the more than 7,000 amnesty applications received by the Commission. Steps
were taken to extend both the period covered by the amnesty and the amnesty ap-
plication deadline. Parliament continued to revise or repeal discriminatory legisla-
tion and to bring other laws into line with the new Constitution. For example, laws
which establish racial equality in the provision of child-maintenance grants, provide
security against eviction for long-time occupants of rural land, and officially repeal
the death penalty were passed during the year.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Police use of excessive force during
apprehensions resulted in numerous deaths, and deaths in police custody remain a
problem. In April the Government established an Independent Complaints Direc-
torate (ICD) to investigate deaths in police custody and deaths as a result of police
action. In November the ICD reported 441 deaths as a result of police action. Of
these deaths, 428 occurred while in police custody, and 13 occurred as a result of
police action. These figures represented a dramatic increase over the estimated 1996
number of deaths in police custody (32 for the year). The increase may be due to
new statutory requirements for the SAPS to report all such cases to the ICD. The
ICD's report lists the subcategories under deaths in police custody to include natu-
ral causes, suicide, injuries in custody, injuries prior to custody, and possible neg-
ligence. The vast majority of deaths that occurred as a result of police action in-
volved shootings by the police during the course of arrest.
The two nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) that follow political and
extrajudicial deaths in South Africa showed different trends in their figures for
1997. The Human Rights Committee (HRC) reported that political violence resulted
in 1,228 deaths from January to November. The South Africa Institute for Race Re-
lations (SAIRR) reported 425 politically motivated killings during the first 11
months of 1997, compared with 683 for the same period in 1996.
'The peace process continued in KwaZulu-Natal. A special provincial bilateral IFP-
ANC F^ace Committee met regularly, seeking a settlement that would end political
318
violence. The IFP and the ANC, as the parties with the largest numbers in the pro-
vincial Parliament, had the majority of the members on the Portfolio Committee on
Safety and Security that intervened regularly at scenes of potential conflict to facili-
tate peaceful solutions.
Political killings in KwaZulu-Natal remained a major problem and were persistent
in certain areas. For example: on July 22, five ANC activists, including two who had
been elected to the city council less than 24 hours before, were killed in a late night
raid on their dwelling near the town of Richmond. On January 3, four people were
killed in a massacre in the southern part of the province and an IFP leader who
was a key figure in the Midlands peace process was killed. Shootings and killings
continued sporadically through the year near Inchanga, halfway between Durban
and Pietermaritzburg. The build-up of a large police and military presence in the
region had a stabilizing effect, resulting in a quiet end to a very violent 1997.
Charges against the six accused murderers of Zulu princess Nonhlanhla were with-
drawn by the provincial attorney general after three witnesses were killed. The at-
torney general cited lack of evidence as the reason for the release of the accused.
Police apprehended two suspects in connection with three January bombings near
the northwest province town of Rustenberg. The bombs, which wounded two individ-
uals, struck a mosque, a post office and a general store. Their cases have not yet
been tried.
Vigilante action and mob justice remained problems . . . People Against Gang-
sterism and Drugs (PAGAD), a self-proclaimed Islamic-oriented community-based
organization calling for stronger action by the Government and police against crime
and drugs, continued to engage in acts of intimidation and violence against sus-
gected drug dealers and gang leaders. Vigilante violence pitting supporters of
AGAD against drug-dealing gangsters in Cape Town continued in 1997. PAGAD's
earlier tactics of moo justice and mass marches gave way to almost weekly drive-
by shootings and gasoline-bomb attacks on homes of suspected drug dealers.
PAGAD supporters were also the victims of alleged gangster reprisal. Approximately
17 people were reported killed and 60 were reported wounded in more than 159
PAGAD-gang clashes during the year, including 13 pipe bomb attacks in the month
of November alone. Some of these incidents, however, were likely intergang, or
PAGAD factional violence. Police made only limited progress in bringing the per-
petrators of this violence to justice. In October three men were charged with eight
offenses, including murder, for the Worcester bombings. All were sentenced to 4 life
terms plus 88 years.
There were occasional reports of killings linked to the continued practice of witch-
craft in some rural areas. In the Northern province, where traditional beliefs re-
garding witchcraft remain strong, officials reported dozens of killings of people sus-
pected of witchcraft. The Government has instituted educational programs to pre-
vent such actions.
Police arrested five individuals, including three escaped rightist terrorists, sus-
pected of having perpetrated the Christmas Eve 1996 bombing in the western Cape
town of Worcester that resulted in four deaths. Their cases have not yet been tried.
No charges have been filed to date in the case of the 1994 killing of former Dutch
Reformed Church Moderator Johan Heyns; this situation is unlikely to change. Dur-
ing the bail hearing of an unrelated case in October, information came to light that
Mr. Terence Psarrakis, the late business partner of brothel owner Johan
Badenhorst, hired an assassin to kill Professor Johan Heyns. The investigation into
the new allegations is continuing. At this point, it appears that the killing may not
have been politically motivated.
The TR(js investigative unit continued to pursue a number of cases of alleged po-
litical or extrajudicial killings committed in previous years that have been brought
to its attention through TRC hearings. Testimony was heard during amnesty or spe-
cial events hearings on a number of these high-profile killings, including the 1993
assassination of South African Communist Party (SACP) leader Chris Hani, the
1977 torture and murder of Black Consciousness leader Steve Biko, and the 1989
killing of 14-year-old activist Stompie Seipei. By year's end, no findings had been
made by the TRC in these cases.
In August three of the four men arrested for the 1981 murder of Durban attorney
Griffiths Mxenge, including the leader of the attack. Dirk Coetzee, were granted am-
nesty by the TRC. The fourth, former security policeman Joe Mamasela, became a
witness for the State and expects to receive immunity from prosecution.
The amnesty application of retired SAP Colonel Eugene ae Kock has not yet been
adjudicated. De Kock was found guilty on 89 charges, including6 counts of murder,
and sentenced in October 1996 to 2 life sentences plus an additional 212 years' im-
prisonment.
319
b. Disappearance. — There were no new reports of politically motivated disappear-
ances caused by government authorities or agents. Starting in April 1996, the TRC
heard public testimony regarding numerous politically motivated disappearances be-
tween 1960 and 1993. Investigations into a number of these disappearances were
subsequently begun by the TRC's investigative unit, as well as by the relevant pro-
vincial attorney general in some cases. As a result, a number of victims, mostly ex-
liberation movement soldiers, had been located and their bodies exhumed by year's
end.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution's Bill of Rights provides for the right not to be tortured, to be free
from all forms of violence from either public or private sources, and the right not
to be treated or punished in a cruel, inhuman, or degrading way. However, police
tortured and otherwise abused suspects and detainees including beatings, suffo-
cation with rubber tubing, electric shock, and rape. Broad efforts to reform police
practices have substantially reduced such activities, and the ICD (see Section l.a.)
investigates reports of police misconduct and corruption. Also, NGO's conducted sev-
eral human rignts education programs for the SAPS.
The SAPS has continued to undergo sweeping, positive changes, including the in-
stitution of reforms designed to create partnerships between local police forces and
the communities they serve. Resignations and retirements of senior police officials
have permitted the infusion of new personnel at senior levels, from both inside and
outside the SAPS; these appointments have also served to further affirmative action
within the SAPS. Presicient Mandela appointed South African Breweries head
Meyer Kahn as the first civilian head of the SAPS, effective on August 1, to address
serious management problems that have inhibited transformation of the SAPS.
Former police captain Jeffrey Benzien testified before the Truth Commission that
he, as a member of a SAPS unit, had tortured detained antiapartheid activists.
However, former senior government olTicials denied in testimony before the TRC
that the Government had authorized or condoned the use of torture in any of its
police units.
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards; however,
overcrowding remains a serious problem. The Government permits independent
monitoring of prison conditions, including visits by human rights organizations.
The year saw the commissioning in Pretoria of the first of several planned "C-
MAX" prisons. The C-MAX prison is designed to hold South Africa's most dangerous
criminals. Human rights groups have raised serious concerns regarding C-MAX, in-
cluding the Government's criteria for transferring prisoners from other prisons to
C-MAa and the restrictive, solitary conditions of the prison itself.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Bill of Rights prohibits detention
without trial. It also provides that every detained person has the right to be in-
formed promptly of the reasons for detention; to be informed promptly of the right
to remain silent and the consequences of not remaining silent; to be charged within
48 hours of arrest; to be detained in conditions of human dignity; to consult with
legal counsel at every stage of the legal process; to communicate with relatives,
medical practitioners, and religious counselors; and to be released with or without
bail, unless the interests of justice require otherwise.
Courts and police generally acted in good faith to respect these rights, although
there was a growing problem with bringing detainees to trial. According to the HRC,
prisoners wait on average for 6 montns to be tried in the regional courts and 6
months to 1 year in the high courts; however, in extreme cases detention can extend
to up to 2 years. This problem is due in large measure to the overburdened judici-
ary, which has more cases than it can handle efiiciently, and insufficient stafT and
resources. New laws were passed which mandated minimum sentences and the re-
fusal of bail in most cases for certain serious ofTenses. Some human rights groups
expressed concern with parts of the new laws, saying that they would harm judicial
inaependence and limit civil liberties.
There were no reports of forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent and
impartial judiciary subject only to the Constitution and the law, and the Govern-
ment respects this provision in practice.
Under the Constitution, the Constitutional Court is the highest court for inter-
preting and deciding constitutional issues, while the Supreme Court of Appeal is the
highest court for interpreting and deciding nonconstitutional matters. Generally,
cases are initially heard in magistrates courts and high courts.
Judges try criminal cases. Tne jury system was abolished in 1969. The presiding
judge or magistrate determines guilt or innocence.
Irie Constitution's Bill of Rignts provides for due process, including the right to
a fair, public trial within a reasonable time of being charged and the right to appeal
320
to a higher court. It also gives detainees the right to state-funded legal counsel
when "substantial injustice would otherwise result." In practice, the law functions
as intended. A general lack of information on the part of the accused regarding their
rights to legal representation and the Government's inability to pay the cost of those
rights (in a March report, Justice Minister Omar expressed concern over 35,6000
unpaid lawyers accounts), are continuing problems.
The Government and legal bodies have acted to redress historic racial and gender
imbalances in the judiciary and the bar. The ranks of judges, magistrates, senior
counsels, and attorneys are now more reflective of society, although they still fall
far short of a representative composition.
"Hiere were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
The Constitutional Land Court and the Commission on Restitution of Land Rights
were established by the "Redistribution of Land Rights Act" of November 1994. The
Court's mission is to settle cases previously vetted and evaluated by the Commis-
sion. Claims can only be filed for land dispossessions following promulgation of the
Natives Land Act of 1913. The various forms of compensation offered to claimants
are the return of the original land, deed to another piece of land, financial remu-
neration, or preferential access to government housing. A deadline of December
1998 was set for receiving claims. There is no deadline for completion of the claim
settlements, and the pace at which cases are moving is particularly slow. Out of a
total of 18,000 cases submitted by the end of the year, only 13 have been formally
settled. A provision passed by Parliament in late 1997 was aimed at speeding up
the process of allowing out-of-court settlements negotiated with the Ministry of
Land Affairs.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedoms of
speech and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. Sev-
eral apartheid-era laws that remain in force pose a potential threat to the media.
The media ofTer a broad range of news, opinion and analysis, and criticize both
the Government and the opposition. Coverage of news and expression of opinion is
vigorous, although some journalists believe that self-censorship is a problem. While
the majority of professional broadcast media outlets are still state owned, their edi-
torial independence appears genuine and the Government continued steps to end its
monopoly over the electronic media.
In 1997 a black-owned investment consortium acquired control of the country's
leading black -oriented newspaper and of a major, traditionally white-oriented pub-
lishing business, thereby making major inroads into the historic monopoly of white
South Africans over both print and electronic media. Black South Africans are also
gaining access to the media through community radio and in upper-level manage-
ment positions at the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC).
The SABC controls all free broadcast television and the majority of major radio
outlets. The SABC was once seen as the Government's voice, but it is now in the
midst of a historic reorganization and change of direction. Although it is still state
owned, the SABC maintains its editorial independence from the Government. SABC
news programming offered balanced coverage of the Government and the leading op-
position parties.
Although slowed by financial scandal, the Independent Broadcast Authority (IBA)
continued the incremental process of disassembling the Government's historic mo-
nopoly over electronic media. During the year, the IBA began to grant licenses to
private commercial radio broadcasters, several of which were on the air by midyear.
The commercial stations join the approximately 70 nonprofit, community stations
that were licensed and began broadcasting in 1995 and 1996. Although some parties
(notably potential commercial broadcasters) have complained about the slow
progress, the IBA's work has begun to bring real competition to the country's air-
waves for the first time. Still pending, and oehind schedule, are IBA actions to li-
cense private commercial television stations.
Several laws remained in effect that permit the Government to restrict the publi-
cation of information about the police, the national defense forces, prisons, and men-
tal institutions. Another law remains in force that could be used to compel reporters
to reveal their sources. While these laws were not often employed, they were still
perceived by journalists as a threat to freedom of the press. In July the Denel Cor-
poration (a parastatal arms manufacturer) invoked an apartheid-era law in an un-
successful attempt to stop the media from publishing the name of a potential client
321
state. Journalists report that police officers often threaten to invoke apartheid-era
laws in order to restrict coverage of crime scenes and investigations.
The South African Board of Censors reviews and passes judgment on written and
graphic materials published in or imported into South Africa. The Board of Censors
Has the power to edit or ban books, magazines, movies, and videos, and regularly
exercises that power, although with restraint. A government task force, created to
recommend means by which the Government could improve its ability to commu-
nicate through the media, suggested that the Government reorganize its national
communication service. The task force's report was greeted with relief by some in
the media who feared a more sinister government desire to exercise greater control
over the press.
There are no official restrictions on academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom, of Religion. — The constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
The Government is a party to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to
the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. In 1996 the Government signed a
Memorandum of Understanding with the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) on standardization of regional refugee policies, which is de-
signed to shift more responsibility for handling refugee flows onto first-asylum coun-
tries in the region.
The Government cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organiza-
tions in assisting refugees. The Government provides first asylum, granting appli-
cants the right to work and study. Over 17,000 asylum seekers were registered by
the Government in 1997. Approximately 30 percent of applicants received refugee
status, which confers work and study privileges, in 1997. About 70 percent of the
thousands of illegal immigrants deported during the year came from Mozambique.
Despite numerous procedural safeguards, energetic efforts to combat a mounting il-
legal immigration problem occasionally resulted in wrongful deportations.
Parliament passed an Amnesty Bill in 1996 permitting certain illegal aliens who
have lived in South Africa for 5 years or more to become legal residents. By the No-
vember 1996 deadline, about 200,000 individuals had applied for amnesty. Govern-
ment amnesty statistics indicate an approval rate of approximately 50 percent. Sep-
arate amnesty programs were instituted for mine workers and Mozambican refu-
gees, benefiting about 350,000 people.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised the right to change their government in 1994 elections that ob-
servers deemed to be substantially free and fair. The new Constitution went into
effect on February 3. Under its terms, the country retains a bicameral Parliament,
an executive state presidency and an independent judiciary, including a constitu-
tional court.
The current 400-member National Assembly was retained under the new Con-
stitution, although the number of Members of Parliament may be reduced to 350
from 400 in the future. A new National Council of Provinces (NCOP), consisting of
six permanent and four rotating delegates from each of the nine provinces, replaced
the former Senate as the second chamber of Parliament. The NCOP, created to give
a greater voice to provincial interests, must approve legislation that involves shared
national/provincial competencies according to a schedule in the Constitution. An 18-
member Council of Traditional Leaders, which the Constitution accords an advisory
role in matters of traditional law and authority, was inaugurated on April 18.
Two parties, the ANC and the IFP, continued to share executive power following
the National Party's pullout from the Government of National Unity (GNU) and pro-
vincial executives in June 1996. This arrangement is expected to continue until elec-
tions in 1999, because the new Constitution does not provide for power sharing in
the executive. President Nelson Mandela continued in office as Executive Head of
State in 1997, with Thabo Mbeki as the sole Executive Deputy President. The ANC
continued to fill 24 of the 27 cabinet positions.
Elections for local councilors, including those in metropolitan councils, town coun-
cils and rural councils, were completed in June. New framework legislation for local
government was introduced in the 1997 parliamentary session.
There are no legal impediments to women's participation in government. Over
one-fourth of the National Assembly members are women, while in the NCOP, 8 of
322
the 54 permanent delegates are women. Women continued to fill approximately one-
quarter of committee cnair slots, as well as the Speaker and Deputy Speaker posi-
tions in the National Assembly. Women hold 4 oi 27 ministerial positions, as well
as 8 of 14 deputy ministerial stots.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials
are generally cooperative and responsive to their views. Many organizations now
participate in governmental bodies seeking to gather public input and to fashion
policies related to human rights.
Under its 1995 enabling legislation, the TRC is empowered to look into apartheid-
era gross human rights abuses committed between 1960 and 1993; to grant amnesty
to perpetrators of a broad range of politically-motivated crimes, and to recommend
compensation for victims of human rights abuses. The TRC continued to operate
freely throughout its second year. The TRC was scheduled to submit its final report
by March 1998. However, due to the volume of work, an extension was approved
authorizing the TRC to continue operations through April 30, 1998, and to submit
its report to President Mandela by July 31, 1998. The TRC's Amnesty Committee
was authorized to continue its work through June 30, 1998. Extensions were also
approved for the period for which amnesty could be granted (through May 10, 1994)
and for the period during which amnesty applications could be submitted (through
September 30, 1997). More than 7,000 applications had been received by that date.
In addition to the continuation of human rights hearings, the TRC heard testi-
mony in 1997 from political parties, the legal and medical professions, the media,
religious organizations, and others about their respective roles during the apartheid
era. In September the TRC served subpoenas on 20 individuals, including former
South Africa defense force and police service officials and military commanders of
both the PAC and ANC, to testify about the roles of armed forces and the State Se-
curity Council. A number of these officials testified voluntarily.
In hearings before the Commission, both senior former government and liberation
movement representatives conceded that human rights abuses had been committed
by individuals acting on their own, but they denied that abuses had been authorized
at the highest levels. A number of former government ofTicials, notably former cabi-
net members Pik Botha, Roelf Meyer, and Leon Wessels, acknowledged that senior
officials should have done more to be aware of and curb these abuses.
Former state president P.W. Botha failed to respond to two TRC subpoenas to ap-
pear before the Commission, stating that TRC concerns would be addressed in his
written submission.
A number of parties complained of political bias by the Commission. The IFP for-
mally withdrew its cooperation from the Commission in midyear although individual
IFP members did submit statements to the TRC. In September the National Party
settled out-of-court a dispute over allegedly biased comments made by TRC officials
following the submission of testimony by former state president, F.W. de Klerk. De-
spite these incidents, TRC officials continued to stress that the Commission's man-
date was to investigate human rights abuses committed by all parties, and that all
parties are bound by the legislation's amnesty provisions.
To date, amnesty has been granted to a range of applicants, including former
members of the ANC and PAC armed wings, to former security force officials, as
well as to members of conservative rightwing groups, including the Afrikaner
Weerstandbeweging (AWB). More than 1,500 applications for amnesty had been
turned down by midyear, including both ANC and former security force members,
the majority of these because the act in question was determined not to have had
a political objective.
Many of the more high-profile amnesty cases, including the murders of SACP
leader Chris Hani and U.S. student Amy Biehl and the bombings of Khotso house
and COSATU house, had not been adjudicated by year's end. Both the NP and the
Democratic Party challenged the decision in November by the TRC's Amnesty Com-
mittee to grant amnesty to 37 former liberation movement members, many of whom
are currently senior government officials. At year's end, the TRC was reviewing
legal counsel on whether or not to request judicial review of the Amnesty Commit-
tee's decision in that regard.
The TRC also announced a reparations policy for victims of human rights abuses
and submitted proposals to the Cabinet. Details of implementation and funding
were still under consideration by year's end.
The government-created Human Rights Commission is tasked with promoting the
observance of fundamental human rights at all levels of government and throughout
323
the general population. The Commission also has the power to conduct investiga-
tions, issue subpoenas, and hear testimony under oath. While commissioners were
named in late 1995, the Commission's powers were not formally determined until
May 1996. Its operations have been hampered by red tape, budgetary concerns, the
absence of civil liberties legislation, several high-level staff resignations, and con-
cerns about the Commission s broad interpretation of its mandate.
The Office of the Public Protector functioned throughout the year. Its role is to
investigate abuse and mismanagement by the Government. The Office faces severe
resource constraints, as the number of complaints continues to increase. In its high-
est profile case, the public protectorate examined the leak of matriculation examina-
tions in 1996. These examinations are given during the final year of secondary edu-
cation as a prerequisite for university admittance. The Office prepared a follow-up
report on the irregular funding of the AIDS-education play "Sarafina 11." In 1996
the Government had indicated that it would accept the recommendations of the in-
quiry, some of which were critical of government action.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on grounds of race, sex, religion, disabil-
ity, ethnic or social origin, color, age, culture, language, sex, pregnancy, or marital
status. Legal recourse is available to those who believe they have been discrimi-
nated against, but entrenched attitudes and practices, as well as limited resources,
limit the practical effect of these protections.
Women. — There is a high rate of violence against women. Newspapers report that
every 6 days a woman is killed by her husband or boyfriend . According to a 1996
study conducted by the NGO People Opposing Women Abuse, the figures for re-
ported rape have risen consistently each year, from 32,000 cases in 1994 to nearly
37,000 in 1995. According to government statistics, 50,481 rapes were reported in
1996 (the last year for which figures are available), resulting in 4,100 convictions.
Police sources believe that a majority of rapes are unreported.
The Prevention of Family Violence Act of 1993 defines marital rape as a criminal
offense, and it allows women to obtain injunctions against their abusive husbands
and partners in a simpler, cheaper, and more effective manner than under previous
legislation. However, the implementation process is inadequate as the police are
generally unwilling to enforce this act. As a consequence, a limited number of
women pressed complaints under the law, despite government and NGO efforts to
increase public awareness of it.
Given the high incidence of violence against women, the Government pledged in
1995 to establisn centers for battered women. By mid-year a few government grants
to NGO's to open shelters had been authorized; however, other NGO-sponsored shel-
ters were facing closure or cutbacks due to lack of donor funding. The SAPS created
new police units in 1996 dealing specifically with domestic violence, child protection,
and sexual violence, which are intended in part to increase victims' confidence in
the police, resulting in more victims coming forward to report such crimes. In July
the TRC conducted a special hearing on abuses suffered by women under apartheid.
Discrimination against women remains a serious problem despite legal and con-
stitutional advances and government attention. For example, the Constitution pro-
vides for "customary law" to be enforced "when applicable," subject to constitutional
provisions. Under some of these laws, women were prevented from owning land and
inheriting property. The new Interim Protection of Informal Land Rights Act pro-
tects persons who have insecure and informal rights and interests in land; many
women are in this category. Some steps were taken to achieve greater economic ad-
vancement for women, such as establishing an investment fund.
The Office on the Status of Women, which was established in 1996 and is located
in the Deputy President's OHlce, is intended to coordinate gender desks in each de-
partment. These desks are charged with reviewing department policy and develop-
ing strategies to ensure integration of gender concerns in policy and planning. They
also undertake investigations of reported gender discrimination.
The 1996 Commission on Gender Equality Act established a government body to
promote gender equality and to advise and make recommendations to Parliament
on any legislation affecting women. The legislation gives the Commission authority
to investigate allegations of gender discrimination, including the power of "search
and seizure." In early 1997, after consultation with Parliament, the President
named the 12 members of the Conrmiission. Operations began in March, despite a
first-year budget that failed even to cover commissioners' salaries. In August the
Commission issued its first report stating that the structures established to protect
women's rights were "fragile" and lacked resources.
324
The Women's National Coalition (formed in 1994) includes more than 90 women's
groups from labor, political parties, religious groups, trade unions, cultural and so-
cial interest groups, and business and professional Dodies.
Polygyny continues to be practiced by several ethnic groups. However, generally
only the first marriage is registered under civil law; subsequent marriages are con-
ducted under traditional rites. Exacting a bride price ("lobola ") is also a traditional
practice of some ethnic groups.
Children. — The Constitution stipulates that children have the right "to security,
education, basic nutrition, and basic health and social services." Tne Government
remains firm in its commitment to provide these services, and has made some
progress toward developing the mechanisms for delivering them. However, the de-
mand for such services far outstrips the resources currently available.
The Schools Bill, passed by Parliament in 1996, aims to achieve greater edu-
cational opportunities for black children. It mandates compulsory education from
ages 7 to 15, a single syllabus, and more equitable funding. The Government is de-
ploying teachers from predominantly white to predominantly black schools in order
to reduce student/teacher ratios in disadvantaged schools, and to redistribute fund-
ing from relatively rich to relatively poor school districts. Student populations on
university campuses are becoming more representative of the country's racial pro-
file, with previously all-white universities reaching out to recruit students from
black and colored townships.
Social programs known as 'Presidential Initiatives," which were included in the
former Reconstruction and Development Program, continue to receive government
support. These initiatives offer free health care to pregnant women and to children
under 6 years of age, and provide nutritious meals ior primary school children.
Violence against children remains widespread. Reported cases increased 65 per-
cent between 1993 and 1995.
The increase in reported cases can be attributed to the creation of special units
to deal with these crimes, growing emphasis on children's rights, and increased at-
tention to the problem by the public and the media. However, a lack of coordinated
and comprehensive strategies to deal with such crimes continues to impede the de-
livery of needed services to young victims. The murder in July of a 7-year-old girl,
allegedly at the hands of the man who was out on bail for raping her, shocked the
nation and highlighted the .need for greater government attention to violence
against children. The South African Law Commission reported in August that few
abusers are convicted and that laws dealing with child abuse are largely "ineffec-
tive."
Child prostitution is on the rise, primarily in Cape Town, Durban, and Johannes-
burg. An increase in the number of children living on the streets has contributed
to tne growing number of child prostitutes. The child sex industry has become in-
creasingly organized, with children either being forced into prostitution or exploited
by their parents to earn money for the family.
Female genital mutilation, which is widely condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is traditionally prac-
ticed in some remote areas, although it is not thought to be widespread. Traditional
circumcision of teenage boys results in the hospitalization, mutilation, or even death
of several youths each year.
The law permits detention of 14- to 18-year-old juveniles awaiting trial for serious
crimes sucn as rape and murder. The number of such juveniles in detention in-
creased from 2,013 in 1995 to 3,962 in April. In August 1996, Correctional Services
Minister Sipo Mzimela initiated a national debate on the incarceration of juveniles
by claiming that 62 percent of the 398 juveniles awaiting trial in top security jails —
some as young as 12 years — should not be there because they were being tried on
relatively minor charges. South African law states that any child under the age of
14 must be released within 24 hours into the custody of a parent or guardian when
possible. In prior years, this law caused great strains in provincial shelters or re-
sulted in children running away from pretrial care, usually back to the streets and
the drugs and crime. In 1997 the Government built the first of at least five planned
"places of safety." These special shelters protect children as they await trial and en-
sure that they do not run away before their day in court.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis
of disability. Society continues to promote an increasingly modem concept of people
with disabilities as a minority whose civil rights must be protected. The Govern-
ment attempts to ensure that all government-funded projects take account of the
needs of disabled citizens. However, in practice, government and private sector dis-
crimination in employment of the disabled still exists. According to the Affirmative
Action Monitor, fewer than two-thirds of companies target the disabled as part of
their affirmative action programs. The law mandates access to buildings for people
325
with disabilities, but such regulations have rarely been enforced and until recently,
public awareness of them was virtually nonexistent. The National Environmental
Accessibility program, an NGO comprising disabled consumers as well as service
providers, has established a presence in all nine provinces in order to lobby for com-
pliance with the regulations and to sue offending property owners when necessary.
Indigenous People. — The Constitution provides for tne recognition of "the institu-
tion, status, and role of traditional leadership," and requires the courts to "apply
customary law when that is applicable, subject to the Constitution and any legisla-
tion that specifically deals with customary law."
The Constitution further permits legislation for the establishment of provincial
Houses of Traditional Leaders and a National Council of Traditional Leaders, to
deal with matters relating to traditional leadership, the role of traditional leaders,
indigenous and customary law, and the customs oi communities observinjg a system
of customary law. By midyear, six provinces had established Houses of Traditional
Leaders. Under the terms of the Constitution and new implementing legislation, the
National Council of Traditional Leaders was inaugurated on April 18. The Council
is to advise the Government on matters related to traditional authorities and cus-
tomary law.
National/ Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — The Constitution and Bill of Rights prohibit
discrimination on the basis of race, ethnic or social origin, and culture. The Govern-
ment has begun reorganizing and redesigning the educational, housing, and health
care systems to benefit all racial and ethnic groups in society more equally. The
public and private sectors continue to pursue affirmative action programs, which are
permitted under the terms of the Constitution. The Government has instituted an
effective affirmative action program, and has strongly encouraged private firms to
do so. According to a 1996 Department of Labor survey, 82 percent of private sector
firms have instituted affirmative action programs.
According to Affirmative Action Monitor, affirmative action policies have had little
impact on the top echelons in business. Based on the consultants' survey in 1996,
one-third of the organizations with no programs did not intend to implement one.
Twelve percent of the companies surveyed said that they had experienced a drop
in standards or deterioration in quality of work due to affirmative action. However,
the country's black majority increasingly is making inroads into the previously all-
white entrepreneurial sector through pooled investments and acquisitions.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for freedom of association
and the right to strike and these rights are given statutory effect in the Labor Rela-
tions Act (LRA) which went into effect in November 1996. All workers in the private
sector are entitled to join a union. Most workers in the public sector, with the excep-
tion of members of the South African National Defense Force, the National Intel-
ligence Agency, and the South African Secret Service, are also entitled to join a
union. No employee can be fired or discriminated against because of membership
in or advocacy of a trade union. Union membership has continued to decline steadily
in the last few years as a result of job layoffs and a fairly stagnant job creation rate.
According to omcial estimates, there are 248 registered trade unions and between
30 and 40 unregistered trade unions, with a total approximate membership of 2.9
million persons, about 30 percent of the formally employed, economically active pop-
ulation. The unemployment rate by comparison is estimated at between 30 ana 35
percent.
The largest trade union federation, the Congress of South African Trade Unions
(COSATU), is formally aligned with the African National Congress (ANC) and the
South African Communist party (SACP). Over 60 former COSATU members serve
in national and provincial legislatures and administrations, and scores more entered
local government. Its closest rival, the Federation of Unions of South Africa
(FEDUSA), is an apolitical, multiracial federation that was formed in 1997 by merg-
ing several smaller worker organizations. A relativeW minor labor federation, the
National Council of Trade Unions (NACTU), while officially independent of anv po-
litical grouping, has close ties to the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and the
Azanian Peoples Organization (AZAPO).
The LRA seeks to create an industrial relations regime that is stable and recog-
nizes that basic worker rights need to be protected. The act protects workers against
unfair dismissal, recognizes their right to form trade unions, enshrines the right to
strike, and establishes a simple set of procedures that protect striking workers from
the threat of dismissal. Essentially, for a strike to proceed, all that is required is
that a dispute be referred for conciliation. If conciliation fails to resolve the dispute,
then a trade union is entitled to advise an employer of an intent to strike. Such
a strike is not liable to criminal or civil action. Organized labor also has the right
326
to engage in "socioeconomic protest," whereby workers can demonstrate, without
fear oY losing their jobs, in furtherance of broader social issues. The LRA also allows
employers to hire replacement labor for striking employees, but only after giving 7
days' notice to the striking trade union. Employers have the right to lock out work-
ers if certain conditions are met.
The LRA applies to public sector as well as private sector workers. Public sector
employees, with the exception of essential services and the three components of the
security services, are also provided with the right to strike. While this right was
first asserted in the Public Sector Labor Relations Act of 1993, the LRA simplifies
and rationalizes collective bargaining in the public sector and the resort to indus-
trial action.
The Grovernment does not restrict union affiliation with regional or international
labor organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law defines and protects
the rights to organize and bargain collectively. The Government does not interfere
with union organizing and generally has not interfered in the collective bargaining
process. The l3lA statutorily entrenches "organizational rights," such as trade union
access to worksites, deductions for trade union subscriptions, and leave for trade
union officials, which strengthen the ability of trade unions to organize workers.
Union participation as an equal partner with business and government in the Na-
tional Economic Development and Labor Council (NEDLAC), a tripartite negotiating
forum, ensures a direct voice for labor in the formulation of economic, social, and
labor policy.
The LRA allows for the establishment of workplace forums that are intended to
promote broad-based consultation between management and labor over issues such
as work organization, corporate downsizing, ana changes in production processes.
The forums, in order to receive statutory protection, can be established by trade
unions in businesses with more than 100 employees only. While to date, trade
unions in less than a handful of factories have established workplace forums, the
intent of the law is to build wide support within the trade union movement and
business for such cooperative workplace relationships.
To further reduce the adversarial nature of labor relations, the LRA also created
a Commission for Conciliation, Mediation, and Arbitration (CCMA). Since its incep-
tion in November 1996, the CCMA has successfully resolved many disputes referred
to it and remains critical to the emergence of a less confrontational business cli-
mate. The CCMA is also gradually beginning to play an interventionist role by get-
ting involved in disputes before they deteriorate into a full-fledged strike or lockout.
A Labor Court and a Labor Appeals Court are other important creations of the LRA.
The labor court has jurisdiction to resolve disputes that the CCMA is unable to me-
diate to the satisfaction of both parties. Notwithstanding the existence of the CCMA
and specialist courts for labor disputes, the thrust of industrial relations is to mini-
mize the need for judicial intervention in labor relations leaving it to the contending
parties themselves to resolve disputes whenever possible.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor of either adults or
children is illegal under the Constitution and is not practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment.— Employ-
ment of minors under the age of 15 is prohibited by law. However, the law gives
discretionary powers to the Minister of Welfare to exempt certain types of work to
allow individual employers or groups of employers to hire children under certain
conditions (for example, on weekends and holidays when they are not in school).
This is common practice in the agricultural and informal sector. Child labor also is
used in the informal economy.
The fact that children between 15 and 18 years of age are not protected bv child
labor laws has caused some debate within the Government. Labor Director General
Sipho Pityana stated that there were about 200,000 children working in South Afri-
ca in 1997, some as young as 5 years old. This figure did not include unpaid domes-
tic work or children working in the informal sector. Child labor figures for the infor-
mal sector are nearly impxjssible to quantify, since the Government has yet to iden-
tify the size of the informal sector's contribution to employment and the economy
in general. The Government states a continuing commitment to abolishing child
labor through new legislation and improving the enforcement of current child labor
laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no legally mandated national mini-
mum wage. Instead, unionized workers in the formal sector of the economy set wage
rates on an industry -by-industry basis via annual negotiations with employer orga-
nizations. In those sectors where workers are not sufTiciently organized to engage
in the collective bargaining process, the Wage Act gives the Minister of Labor the
327
authority to set wages. The Wage Act, however, does not apply to farm laborers or
domestic workers.
Occupational health and safety issues are a top priority of trade unions, especially
in the mining and heavy manufacturing industries. Although attention to these is-
sues has increased dramatically, including passage in 1993 of the Occupational
Health and Safety Act, the country's industrial and mining processes are dangerous
and sometimes deadly. Government attempts to reduce mining fatalities culminated
in the 1996 Mine Health and Safety Act, which went into efTect in January. The
new act provides for the right of an employee to remove himself from work deemed
dangerous to health and/or safety. Moreover, it establishes a tripartite Mine Health
and Safety Council, and an Inspectorate of Mine Health and Safety tasked with en-
forcing the act and monitoring compliance with its provisions. The act specifically
makes it an offense for a company to discriminate against an employee who asserts
a right granted by the act (for example, to leave a hazardous work site) and requires
mine owners to file annual reports that provide statistics on health and safety inci-
dents for each mine being worked.
The Parliament passed the basic conditions of employment bill in November. This
bill standardizes time and one-half pay for overtime, establishes a shorter 45 hour
workweek, and longer maternity leave for women (4 months instead of 3). There
was substantial debate over this bill, until labor and business interests agreed on
a compromise bill that should go into efTect in 1998 after ratification by the provin-
cial governments.
SUDAN
The 1989 military coup that overthrew Sudan's democratically elected government
brought to power Lt. General Omar Hassan Al-Bashir and his National Salvation
Revolution Command Council (RCC). Bashir and the RCC suspended the 1985 Con-
stitution, abrogated press freedom, and disbanded all political parties and trade
unions. In 1993 the RCC dissolved itself and appointed Bashir President. In March
1996 Bashir won highly structured national elections as President, while a National
Assembly with 275 of 400 members popularly elected in a deeply Hawed process re-
placed the transitional national assembly. The opposition boycotted the electoral
process. Despite promulgation of national institutions and an interim constitution
through constitutional decrees, the Government continues to restrict most civil lib-
erties. Since 1989 real power has rested with the National Islamic Front (NIF),
founded by Dr. Hassan Al-Turabi, who became speaker of the National Assembly
in 1996. NIF members and supporters continue to hold kev positions in the Govern-
ment; security forces; judiciary; academic institutions; ana the media. The supreme
political institution, the National Convention, which sets national policy guidelines,
is also under NIF control. The judiciary is subject to government influence.
The civil war, which has resulted in the death of more than 1.5 million Sudanese,
continued into its 15th year. The principal insurgent faction is the Sudan People's
Liberation Movement (SPLM), a oody created by the Sudan People's Liberation
Army (SPLA). The SPLA remains the principal military force in the insurgency. In
April the South Sudan Independence Movement/Army (SSIM/A), which broke away
from the SPLA, and several smaller southern factions concluded a peace agreement
with the Government. These former insurgent elements then formed the United
Democratic Salvation Front (UDSF). However, the SPIJVI, its armed wing, the
SPLM/A, and most independent analysts have regarded the April 21 Agreement as
a tactical government eftbrt to enlist southerners on its side. The SPLM/A and its
northern allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) carried out successful
military ofTensives in areas along the borders with Ethiopia and Eritrea and in large
parts of the south during the year. Neither side appears to have the ability to win
the war militarily. There was some progress toward peace during the year. At a
July meeting of the regional Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD),
President Bashir accepted the 1994 IGAD Declaration of Principles as "the basis for
discussions and negotiations" for peace. The Government had rejected that docu-
ment in 1994, while the SPLM/A had accepted it. Government and SPLM/A delega-
tions met with the IGAD in September and participated in IGAD-mediated peace
talks.
In addition to the regular police and the Sudan People's Armed F'orces (SPAF),
the Government maintains an external security organ, an internal security organ,
a militia known as the Popular Defense Forces (PDF), and a number of police forces,
including the public order police whose mission includes enforcing proper social be-
havior, including restrictions on alcohol and "immodest dress." In addition to the
45-909 98-12
328
group of regular police forces, there is the Popular Police Force, which is made up
of nominees from neighborhood popular committees for surveillance and services,
and acts with police powers for political and social ends. Members of the security
forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses.
Civil war, economic mismanagement, over 4 million internally displaced persons
in a country of an estimated 27.5 million persons, and, to a lesser extent, the refu-
gee influx from neighboring countries have devastated Sudan's mostly agricultural
economy. Exports of gum arabic, livestock, and meat accounted for more than 50
percent of export earnings. Reforms aimed at privatizing state-run firms and stimu-
lating private investment failed to revive a moribund economy saddled with massive
militaiy expenditures and a huge foreign debt of approximately $16 billion. Per cap-
ita national income is estimated at $900 per year.
The human rights situation remained extremely poor, and the Government com-
mitted serious human rights abuses. Citizens do not have the ability to change their
government peacefully. Government forces were responsible for extrajudicial killings
and disappearances. Government security forces regularly tortured, beat, harassed,
arbitrarily arrested, and detained opponents or suspected opponents of the Govern-
ment with impunity. Prison conditions are harsh, and the judiciary is largely sub-
servient to the Government. The authorities do not ensure due process, and the
military forces summarily tried and punished citizens. The Government still does
not fully apply the laws of war to the southern insurgency and has taken few pris-
oners of war.
The Government continued to restrict freedom of privacy, assembly, association,
religion, and movement. The Government eased restrictions on freedom of the press
in May; however, all journalists continue to practice self-censorship. There are no
independent human rights organizations. In the context of the Islamization and
Arabization drive, pressure — including forced Islamization — on non-Muslims re-
mained strong. Fears of Arabization and Islamization and the imposition of Shari'a
(Islamic law) fueled support for the civil war throughout the country. Discrimination
and violence against women and abuse of children continued. Discrimination against
religious and ethnic minorities persisted, as did government restrictions on worker
rights. Child labor is a problem. Slavery remains a problem. Government security
forces were responsible for forced labor, slavery, and forced conscription of children.
On a less negative note, the Government continued cooperation with international
human rights monitors. The U.N. Special Rapporteur on Sudan twice visited areas
under the Government's control, although his first visit was aborted when he left
the country after the Government stated that it could not ensure his security. The
Government also invited the Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery; it
had not visited as of year's end.
Cooperation with U.N. -sponsored relief operations was mixed. Government forces
periodically obstructed the flow of humanitarian assistance. Problems with relief
flights in the south centered on the Government's denial of aircraft clearances to
both the U.N. Operation Lifeline Sudan and the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC). The Government failed to resolve the problem of false accusations
that it had made against the ICRC in November 1996 in which it alleged that the
ICRC transported of arms and ammunition. As a result, the ICRC undertook only
severely limited operations during the year.
Insurgent groups continued to commit numerous, serious abuses. The SPLM/A
continued to violate citizens' rights, despite its claim to be implementing a 1994 de-
cision to assert civil authority in areas that it controls, and in many cases, has con-
trolled for many years. The SPLM/A was responsible for extrajudicial killings, beat-
ings, arbitrary detention, forced conscription, and occasional arrests of foreign relief
workers without charge. The SPLM/A again failed to follow through on its promise
to investigate a 1995 massacre. SPLM/A leaders were guilty of, or complicit in, theft
of property of nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) and U.N. agencies operating
in the south. The ICRC reported in 1996 that the SPLA had begun to observe some
basic laws of war; it takes prisoners on the battlefield and permits ICRC visits to
them. However, the SPLA did not allow the ICRC to visit prisoners accused by the
insurgent group of "treason" or other crimes.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — In their attacks on insurgent forces,
government troops killed civilians (see Section l.g.).
Insurgent forces committed political and other extrajudicial killings; however, de-
tails are generally unavailable. There are reliable reports that rebel forces that cap-
329
tured villages along the border with Ethiopia in January carried lists used to iden-
tify leading government figures whom they summarily killed.
Kebels also killed civilians during their attacks on government forces (see Section
l.g.).
b. Disappearance. — There were continued allegations that the Government was re-
sponsible for the arrest and subsequent disappearance of those suspected of support-
ing rebels in government-controlled zones of the south and the Nuba Mountains.
In June the Government's Advisory Council on Human Rights released the results
of an independent judicial commission's investigations into the fate of some of the
scores of persons arrested by government forces in Juba in 1992 who had dis-
appeared. The commission's report lacked details, and its description of the "confes-
sions" of five citizens was not credible. These confessions formed the basis for the
execution of these persons after a trial by a military tribunal, which reportedly was
conducted under the law with the approval of the Attorney General.
In 1996 the Government established a Special Commission to Investigate Slavery
and Disappearances in response to a resolution passed by the 1995 U.N. General
Assembly.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Government's official and unofficial security forces continued to torture and
beat suspected opponents. In March the U.N. Special Rappxirteur on Torture de-
scribed torture as a fairly extensive problem.
Torture victims included youth and student leaders and those deemed opponents
of the Government. In March armed security personnel with handheld radios de-
tained Ahlia University student, Magdi Abdelmoniem Hassan, chairman of the stu-
dent union of the university. They took him to two locations where they severely
beat him. Photographs show weals on his back and his medical report also indicated
a ruptured ear drum. Senior political prisoners released in May after being held
since January stated that fellow detainees who were youths and students and those
allegedly affiliated with the rebels were beaten badly while in custody. In mid-Sep-
tember security forces arrested and beat Osman Zein Al-Abdin Issa, an independent
student activist from Khartoum University. There were credible reports in Septem-
ber that security forces in Juba severely beat a Sudanese Protestant Christian cler-
gyman. In December security forces beat approximately 50 women who attempted
to deliver a petition to the U.N. office in Khartoum (see Section 2.a.). Security forces
also beat defendants in the 1996 coup attempt (see Section I.e.).
There were reports that security forces tortured persons in "ghost houses," places
where security forces detain government opponents incommunicado under harsh
conditions for an indeterminate time with no suf>ervision by the courts or other
independent authorities with power to release the detainees. The use of ghost
houses increased in the first part of the year, then generally declined due to in-
creased government control, which reduced the incidence of such abusive measures.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Arbitrary arrest and detention remain
problems. Legal provisions under the 1992 and 1995 National Security Acts and
Criminal Code effectively set a fairly simple process to detain anyone for 3 months.
A presidential determination, supported by a magistrate, may serve to detain a per-
son for an additional 3 months. Allegations continue that some individuals are de-
tained indefinitely.
The law allows for bail, except for those accused of crimes punishable by death
or life imprisonment. In theory, the Government provides legal counsel for indigent
persons in such cases. However, reports continue that defendants do not always re-
ceive this right, and that counsel in some cases may only advise the defendant and
may not address the court.
Authorities continued to detain political opponents of the Government during the
year.
In December security forces beast and arrested approximately 50 women who had
tried to deliver a petition to the U.N. offices in Khartoum (see Section 2.a.).
In the wake of January attacks into Sudan from across the Ethiopian border
north and south of the Blue Nile river, authorities arrested many persons. The (jov-
emment released prominent political figures by the end of May, but still held a
number of student leaders and those said to have been accused of contacts with the
insurgents at year's end.
The Government does not use forced exile; however, some prominent political
leaders fled into exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is not independent and is largely
subservient to the (Jovemment. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, formerly
elected by sitting judges, is now appointed. As the senior judge in the judicial serv-
ice, he also controls the judiciary.
330
The judicial system includes four types of courts: Regular courts, both criminal
and civil; special mixed security courts; military courts; and tribal courts in rural
areas to resolve disputes over land and water rights and family matters.
The 1991 Criminal Act governs criminal cases, and the 1983 Civil Transactions
Act applies in most civil cases. Military trials, which are sometimes secret and brief,
do not provide procedural safeguards, have sometimes taken place with no advocate
or counsel permitted, and do not provide effective appeal from a death sentence.
Other than for clemency, witnesses may be permitted to appear.
Trials in regular courts nominally meet international standards of legal protec-
tions. For example, the accused normally have the right to counsel, and the courts
are required to provide free legal counsel for indigent defendants accused of crimes
punishable by death or life imprisonment. In practice, however, these legal protec-
tions are unevenly applied.
In 1989 the Special Courts Act created special three-person security courts to deal
with a wide range of offenses, including violations of constitutional decrees, emer-
gency regulations, some sections of the Penal Code, as well as drug and currency
offenses. Special courts, on which both military and civilian judges sit, handle most
security related cases. Attorneys may advise defendants as "friends of the court" but
normally may not address the court. Lawyers complain that they are sometimes
granted access to court documents too late to prepare an efTective defense. Sentences
are usually severe and implemented at once. Death sentences, however, are referred
to the Chief Justice and the Head of State. Defendants may file appellate briefs
with the Chief Justice.
In December authorities convicted 35 women on charges of "disturbance" and
"raising riots" in an apparently rigged trial (see Section 2.a.).
The Government dissolved the respected Sudanese Bar Association in 1989 and
reinstated it with an NEF -controlled leadership. Lawyers who wish to practice must
maintain membership in the Bar Association. The results of the September election
of officers of the Bar Association, marked by blatant irregularities, were nullified
under widespread suspicion of fraud by supporters of the NIF. Bar Association elec-
tions were conducted again in December. The NIF-associated group won overwhelm-
ingly, again amid accusations of blatant fraud. Human rights monitors report that
the Government continued to harass, detain, and torture members of the legal pro-
fession whom it viewed as political opponents.
The Government officially exempts the 10 southern states, whose population is
mostly non-Muslim, from parts of the Criminal Act. However, the Act permits the
possible future application of Shari'a law in the south, if the state assemblies so de-
cide. No reports cited court-ordered hudud punishments, other than lashings, in gov-
ernment-controlled areas of the south. Fear of the imposition of Shari'a law re-
mained a key issue in the rebellion.
Parts of the south and the Nuba Mountains fell outside efTective judicial proce-
dures and other governmental functions. According to credible reports, government
units summarily tried and punished those accusea of crimes, especially for offenses
against civil order.
Sentences were announced during the year for persons accused in the 1996 coup
attempts. Reports of the secret trials indicated that 12 defendants were convicted
and sentenced to imprisonment for up to 7 years for the March coup attempt. Seven
civilians and nine soldiers were convicted in the April coup attempt and sentenced
to up to 5 years' imprisonment. Many defendants from both cases were acquitted,
including cameraman Osama Ghandi. According to Human Rights Watch, Ghandi
retracted his confession in court and showed scars that resulted from beatings used
to obtain his confession.
Magistrates in SPLM/A-held areas follow a Penal Code roughly based on the 1925
Sudan code. In rural areas outside effective SPLM control, tribal chiefs apply cus-
tomary laws. In 1996 the SPLM proclaimed a civilian structure to eliminate the se-
cret and essentially political trials conducted by military commanders in previous
years, but at year's end there was still no evidence to indicate that any such civilian
trials had been held.
The Government maintains that it holds no political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government routinely interferes with its citizens privacy. Security forces frequently
conducted night searches without warrants. They targeted persons suspected of po-
litical crimes, and in the north, persons suspected of making alcoholic beverages,
which are illegal.
Security personnel routinely opened and read mail and monitored telephones. The
Government continued to restrict the ownership of satellite dishes by private citi-
zens through use of its licensing requirement.
331
A Muslim man may marry a non-Muslim, but a Muslim woman cannot marry a
non-Muslim, unless he converts to Islam. However, this prohibition is not univer-
sally observed, particularlv in the south and among Nuoians. Non-Muslims may
adopt only non-Muslim children; no such restrictions apply to Muslims.
Various government bodies have decreed on different occasions that women must
dress according to modest Islamic standards (see Sections I.e. and 5.).
The Government razed thousands of squatter dwellings in Khartoum during the
year. Most inhabitants knew that their homes were slated for destruction but not
when it would occur. Bulldozers typically arrived unannounced in a neighborhood
and carried out the razing the same day. Although the Government promised to sell
the inhabitants a plot oi land for approximately $145, many were made homeless
temporarily. Usually, the inhabitants established temporary shelters on the site of
their razed dwellings until they could gain title to a plot of land. Muslims who did
not have sufficient money to purchase the land and construct a dwelling could ob-
tain assistance from Islamic charities; others could not. By September the Khar-
toum state government had begun to implement procedures to grant title and move
squatters in advance of demolition.
A wide network of government informants conducted pervasive surveillance in
schools, universities, markets, workplaces, and neighborhoods. The Government dis-
banded political parties and prevented citizens from forming new political groups.
The Government continued to summarily dismiss military personnel and other gov-
ernment employees whose loyalty was suspect. The government committee set up
in August 1995 to review cases of persons summarily dismissed since the 1989 coup
in theory continued to function. However, no results have been released since May
1996.
Government-instituted neighborhood "popular committees" — ostensibly a mecha-
nism for political mobilization — served as a means for monitoring households' activi-
ties. These committees caused many citizens to be wary of neighbors who could re-
¥ort them for "suspicious" activities, including "excessive" contact with foreigners,
he committees also furnished or withheld documents essential for obtaining an exit
visa. In high schools, students were sometimes pressured to join pro-regime youth
groups.
Both the Government and rebel factions continued to conscript citizens forcibly,
including high school age children (see Section 6.c.).
The insurgent SPLA^A is not known to interfere with privacy, family, home, or
correspondence in areas that it controls, although correspondence is difTicult in war
zones.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.—Since the civil war resumed in 1983, more than 1.5 million people have been
killed as a result of fighting between the Government and insurgents in the south.
The civil war continued unabated, and all sides involved in the fighting were re-
sponsible for abuses in violation of humanitarian norms. At year's end, the (govern-
ment controlled virtually all the northern two-thirds of the country, but had lost sig-
nificant areas of the southern third to the SPLA. In January insurgents operating
under the NDA moved from small scale activities in the areas that border Ethiopia
and Eritrea to larger scale attacks. Government aircraft and helicopter gun ships
bombed or attacked civilian areas in the south and, according to African Rights, in
the Nuba Mountains. The NGO Christian Solidarity International reported govern-
ment bombing of villages in Blue Nile province.
Government aircraft dropped bombs near Moyo and Koboko in Uganda. The Gov-
ernment admitted that the Moyo bombing was in error, but did not comment on the
Koboko bombing.
Government forces routinely killed rebel soldiers captured on the battlefield. Only
a small group of prisoners captured before the 1989 coup are reported held as pris-
oners of war in government-controlled areas. These persons are believed to be neld
in Juba and were visited by the ICRC in past years.
Government restrictions in practice limited or denied travel by relief nongovern-
mental organizations to many areas long controlled by insurgents. The U.N."s Oper-
ation Lifeline Sudan, a coalition of relief/aid NGO's, was allowed to operate in the
south.
Rape of women is committed by members of both parties to the confiict in the
south. Both sides routinely displaced and often killed civilians or destroyed clinics
and dwellings intentionally during their ofTensive operations.
Insurgent forces along the border with Eritrea laid land mines, which caused cas-
ualties to civilian travelers as well as to military forces.
Northern Muslim opposition groups under the 1995 NDA umbrella structure,
which includes the SPLA, took military action against the Government. The NDA
attacked government garrisons and strategic points near the Ethiopian and Eritrean
332
borders and seized a number of villages during attacks in January. Its forces also
indiscriminately laid land mines on roads and paths, which killed and maimed both
soldiers and civilians. The SPLA has taken a number of prisoners over the years,
many during its offensive from October to December 1995. The ICRC regularly vis-
ited many of these prisoners, but was refused permission to visit SPLA criminal and
civil prisoners. The SPLM/A has returned some prisoners of war to the Government
under parole.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government severely curtails freedom of
speech and press. Government intimidation and surveillance, fostered in part by an
informer networic, continued to inhibit open, public discussion of political issues.
Journalists practice self-censorship.
On December 1, security forces severely beat 50 women who attempted peacefully
to deliver a petition to the U.N. offices in Khartoum. A total of 36 women were sub-
sequently arrested and charged with "disturbance" and "raising riots." The women
were tried that night in a public order proceeding whose outcome apparently was
predetermined by the authorities. All except one of the women were fined approxi-
mately $6 each; the other woman was lashed 40 times. Of the five defense lawyers,
the male lawyer was fined approximately $300, and the four female lawyers were
sentenced to 10 lashes each, on undetermined charges. The Government failed to
condemn, investigate, or discuss the action, and both the brutal attack and the
rigged trial apparently were intended to intimidate and humiliate opponents of the
regime.
The Government strictly controlled the print media, including government dailies,
but eased its restrictions in May. It modified the November 1996 Press and Publica-
tions Law. It changed, among other things, the composition of the Press Council,
which overseas journalism and media afiairs. Some lively discussions of domestic
and foreign policy have taken place in the press since then. However, in mid-May
police detained and released on bail Alwan reporter Ishraga Al-nour for writing that
the inadequate training of the Popular Police resulted in injuries, threatening public
safety. The Popular Police eventually withdrew the charges against her. At least
five privately owned daily newspapers operated as of year's end. Al-rai Al-akher re-
sumed publishing in June, having won a cxiurt case against the Government dating
to its closure the previous year. A wide variety of Arabic and English publications
are available, but they are subject to censorship. All journalists, even in the pri-
vately owned Arabic daily press, still practice sell-censorship.
Radio and television are controlled directly by the Government and are required
to reflect government and NIF policies. Sudan television has a permanent military
censor to ensure that the news reflects official views.
The Grovemment often charged that the international, and particularly the West-
em, media have an anti-Sudan and anti-Islam bias.
In spite of the restrictions on ownership of satellite dishes, citizens have access
to foreign electronic media; the Government does not jam foreign radio signals. In
addition to its own domestic and satellite television services, Sudan television offers
a pay cable network of six channels, which directly rebroadcasts uncensored Cable
News Network (CNN), the London-based, Saudi-owned Middle East Broadcasting
Corporation (MBC), Dubai TV, and Kuwait TV. Rebel movements have provided rel-
atively few opportunities for journalists to report on their activities.
Academic freedom does not exist. Public and most private universities, closed
since January largely as a result of NIF students' eflbrts to influence by violence
the outcome of student government elections, reopened in October. The closure effec-
tively ended academic debate, which had included a vigorous campus polemic with
pro-NIF and anti-Government sentiments prominently displayed and heard. Before
the January closure, the Government had used political criteria whenever possible
in appointing new faculty members.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The declaration of the state of
emergency and of martial law on June 30, 1989, efTectively eliminated the right of
assembly, and the Government severely restricted this freedom. The authorities per-
mitted only government-authorized gatherings. The Government dispersed several
unapproved demonstrations during tne year. In December security forces beat and
arrested approximately 50 women who had tried to deliver a petition to the U.N.
offices in Khartoum. Thirtv-six women were charged with "disturbance" and "raising
riots" (see Section 2. a.). The Government dissolved all political parties in 1989, and
prohibits citizens from forming new political groups or other associations. In 1989
the Government dissolved the Bar Association and reinstated it under NIF leader-
ship with highly controlled elections. All lawyers who wish to practice in Sudan
must maintain membership in the organization (see Section I.e.).
333
Professional association members accused the Government of manipulating the
elections in many associations. In November, journalists severely criticized the Gov-
ernment's manipulation of Journalists' Union elections in November to ensure vic-
tory by progovemment candidates. In Bar Association elections held in December,
the Nfr-associated group won overwhelmingly amid accusations of blatant fraud.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Although the Government has stated that all religions
should be respected and that freedom of worship is ensured, in practice the Govern-
ment treats Islam as the state religion and has declared that Islam must inspire
the country's laws, institutions, and policies. The 1994 Societies Registration Act re-
placed the controversial Missionary Societies Act of 1962. It theoretically allows
churches to engage in a wider range of activities than did the missionary act, but
churches are subject to the restrictions placed on nonreligious corporations. The
Government permits non-Muslims to participate in services in existing and other-
wise authorized places of worship. The Government continued to deny permission
to build Roman Catholic churches. Some makeshift structures have been permitted.
In March authorities began to demolish multi-use Roman Catholic church buildings
in the Kalakala area of Khartoum state. This is believed to be the first attack on
legally owned church property in Sudan. The Khartoum state government publicly
claimed that the demolitions were part of village planning. The church's attorney
discussed rebuilding the structures with the authorities. While non-Muslims may
convert to Islam, the 1991 Criminal Act makes apostasy (which includes conversion
to another religion) by Muslims punishable by death.
Authorities continued to restrict the activities of Christians, followers of tradi-
tional African beliefs, and other non-Muslims, and there continued to be reports of
harassment and arrest for religious beliefs and activities.
Muslims may proselytize freely, but non-Muslims are forbidden to proselytize.
Foreign missionaries and religiously oriented organizations continued to be harassed
by authorities, and their requests for work permits and residence visas are delayed.
Children who have been abandoned or whose parentage is unknown — regardless
of presumed religious origin — are considered Muslims and can only be adopted by
Muslims. Non-Muslims may adopt only other non-Muslim children. No equivalent
restriction is placed on adoption by Muslims. Foundlings or other abandoned chil-
dren are considered by the State to be Sudanese citizens and Muslims and therefore
can only be adopted by Muslims. In accordance with Islamic law, Muslim adoptees
do not take the name of their adoptive parents and are not automatic heirs to their
property.
PDF trainees, including non-Muslims, are indoctrinated in the Islamic faith. In
prisons. Government-supported Islamic NGO's offer inducements to, and pressure
on, non-Muslim inmates to convert. Islamic NGO's in war zones are reliably re-
ported to withhold food and other services from the needy unless they convert to
Islam. Children, including non-Muslim children, in camps for vagrant minors are re-
quired to study the Koran, and there is pressure on non-Muslims to convert to Islam
(see Section 5).
In rebel-controlled areas. Christians, Muslims, and followers of traditional African
beliefs generally worship freely.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government restricted freedom of movement by denying exit visas
to some categories of persons, including policemen and doctors. The Government
also kept lists of political figures and other citizens not permitted to travel abroad.
A leading lawyer and advocate of human rights, Ghazi Suleiman, was not permitted
to travel to the West because the Government includes him on such a list. Because
of tensions with Egypt, the authorities denied many requests for travel to that coun-
try.
Women may not travel abroad without the permission of their husbands or male
guardians. Some former political detainees were forbidden to travel outside Khar-
toum. Movement was generally free for other citizens outside the war zones, but
those who failed to produce an identity card at checkpoints risked arrest. Foreigners
needed permits, which were difiicult to obtain and often refused, for domestic travel
outside of Khartoum. Foreign diplomats, however, could travel to many locations
under government escort. Foreigners must register with the police on entering the
country, seek permission to move from one location to another, and reregister at
each new location within 3 days of arrival.
Foreign NGO staff sometimes had problems obtaining entry visas or work or trav-
el permits once they had entered the country.
Insurgent movements also required that foreign NGO personnel obtain permission
before traveling to areas that they control, although they generally granted such
permission. In July the SPLM detained a Roman Catholic priest who sought to
334
enter one of their zones without a valid permit and returned him to the aircraft in
which he arrived for dispatch back to Kenya.
Tens of thousands oi persons, largely southerners and westerners displaced by
famine and civil war, continued to live in squatter slums in the Khartoum area. Ac-
cording to the Khartoum state government, a master plan seeks to upgrade condi-
tions in some camps, requiring movement of populations to other areas so that roads
may be built or enlarged and services established. The Khartoum state government
is in contact with foreign NGO's and U.N. agencies concerning this efiort. During
the year, the Government razed thousands oisquatter dwellings in Khartoum (see
Section l.f.).
The Government cooperated with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian assistance organizations and accorded refugees
relatively good treatment. UNHCR statistics for 1996 estimated that there were 1
million reiugees, with 148,000 in camps and 750,000 scattered in urban areas
throughout the country.
The Government provides first asylum, although no figures are available for 1997.
There were no reports of forcible repatriation of refugees, regardless of their sta-
tus. Some reports cited mistreatment of refugees, including beatings and arbitrary
arrests. Refugees could not become resident aliens or citizens, regardless of their
length of stay. The Government allowed a large number of refugees to work. SPLA
military gains in the areas across the Uganda border enabled a number of Sudanese
refugees to return to Sudan. According to the UNHCR, as many as 223,720 Suda-
nese refugees remained in Uganda; some left camps and returned to Sudan in the
wake of SPLM/A seizure of areas north of the Sudan-Uganda border. Refugees fled
from Sudan to Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Kenya.
On September 22, Action Contre le Faim's humanitarian activities were abruptly
halted by the SPLM/A without explanation on undefined security grounds. The orga-
nization was forced to leave SPLM-controlled areas within 72 hours.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens had no genuine opportunity to change their government peacefully. The
NIF retains control of the Government and seeks to ensure that its vision of na-
tional institutions including, ultimately, a new constitution would prevail.
The Government established a committee to draft a constitution in July, under
the leadership of widely respected legal figures.
In 1989 the RCC abolished all political parties and temporarily detained the
major party leaders. In 1990 the RCC rejected both multiparty and one party sys-
tems, establishing 2 years later an entirely government-appointed transitional na-
tional assembly, based on a Libya-style political structure with ascending levels of
nonpartisan assemblies. The essentially powerless appointed legislature was re-
placed following the 1996 elections by an elected National Assembly, in which 125
of its 400 memoers were appointed from the National Convention. Opposition par-
ties boycotted the election.
The federal system of government was instituted in 1995, and is slowly developing
a structure of 26 states, which the Government sees as a possible inducement to
the insurgents for accommodation through a principle of regional autonomy.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. The Minister of Health
is the only woman in the Cabinet. Women have the right to vote. Seats in the Na-
tional Assembly are set aside for representatives of women's organizations and for
female student representatives. Twenty-five women are members of the 400-person
National Assembly.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Due to government restrictions on freedom of association (see Section 2.b.), there
are no independent domestic human rights organizations; however, individual
human rights activists operate in anonymity.
The Human Rights Advisory Council, a government body whose rapporteur is the
Solicitor General for Public Law, continued its active role in addressing human
rights problems within the Government. The Advisory Council issued two reports
in June. One detailed the inadequate results of a judicial commission inquiry into
events in Juba in 1992 (see Section l.b.). The other was a report of the special com-
mission charged with the investigation into allegations of slavery (see Section 6.C.).
The Government continued efforts begun in 1996 to implement international con-
ventions and basic human rights practices. U.N. Special Rapporteur on Sudan
Caspar Biro visited in January and again in September. However, his January visit
coincided with insurgent attacks north and south of the Blue Nile, and the Govern-
335
ment stated that it could not ensure his security. He left the country immediately.
The Government's invitation to the U.N.'s Working Group on Contemporary Forms
of Slavery remains open.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
A governmental decree prohibits discrimination based on religion or sex. Redress
is provided through the administrative courts or the Labor Onice. The 1992 General
Education Act stipulates equal opportunity in education for the disabled. Mecha-
nisms for social redress, especially with respect to violence against women and chil-
dren, are particularly weak.
Women. — Violence against women continues to be a problem, although accurate
statistics on violence against women do not exist. Many women are reluctant to file
formal complaints against such abuse, although domestic violence is a legal ground
for divorce. The police do not normally intervene in domestic disputes. Displaced
women from the south were particularly vulnerable to harassment, rape, and sexual
abuse. The Government did not address the problem of violence against women, nor
was it discussed publicly.
Some aspects of the law and many traditional practices discriminate against
women. Gender segregation is common in social settings. In keeping with Islamic
law, a Muslim woman has the right to hold and dispose of her own property without
interference. Women are ensured inheritance from their parents. However, a daugh-
ter inherits half the share of a son, and a widow inherits a smaller percent. It is
much easier for men to initiate legal divorce proceedings than for women. These
rules apply only to Muslims and not to those of other faiths, for whom religious or
tribal laws apply. Although a Muslim man may marry a non-Muslim, a Muslim
woman cannot marry a non-Muslim unless he converts to Islam. Women cannot
travel abroad without the permission of their husbands or male guardians (see Sec-
tion 2.d.).
A number of government directives require that women in public places and gov-
ernment offices and female students and teachers conform to what it deemed an Is-
lamic dress code. This, at the least, entailed wearing a head covering. However, en-
forcement of the dress code regulations was uneven.
Credible but unconfirmed reports continued that women held in special camps in
the south were sold to northerners to work as domestic servants (see Section 6.c.).
Children. — A considerable number of children suffered serious abuse, including
enslavement and forced conscription in the war zones. There continued to be credi-
ble but unconfirmed reports of the existence of special camps in the south in which
people from the north or from abroad came to purchase women and children for
work as domestic servants (see Section 6.c.)
Education is compulsory through grade eight. The Government forcibly con-
scripted young men and boys into the nrulitary forces, as did the insurgents. In June
the Government decreed that young men, typically of ages 17 to 19 must enter mili-
tary service to be able to receive a certificate on leaving secondary school. Such a
certificate is a requirement for entry into a university, and the decree effectively
broadened the conscription base. In September the Government attempted to send
a number of such youths to combat zones for advanced military training, presum-
ably for ultimate incorporation into the SPAF. A number of youths fied at the air-
port, which resulted in considerable public attention and press criticism.
The Government has operated camps for vagrant children. Police periodically pa-
trol the streets of Khartoum and other major cities, taking children whom police
personnel deem homeless to these camps, where they are detained for indefinite pe-
riods. Health care and schooling at the camps are generally poor; basic living condi-
tions are often primitive. All the children, including non-Muslims, must study the
Koran, and there is pressure on non-Muslims to convert to Islam (see Section 2.c.).
Teenagers in the camps are often conscripted into the PDF.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health authorities as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is wide-
spread, especially in the north. An estimated 90 percent or more of females in the
north have been subjected to FGM, with consequences that have included severe
urinary problems, infections, and even death. Infibulation, the most severe type of
FGM, is also the most common type. It is usually performed on girls between ages
4 and 7. It is often performed by traditional practitioners in improvised, unsanitary
conditions, causing severe pain and trauma to the child. No form of FGM is illegal
under the Criminal Code. However, the health law forbids doctors and midwives
from performing infibulation. Women displaced from the south to the north report-
edly are increasingly imposing FGM upon their daughters, even if they themselves
336
have not been subjected to it. The Government has neither arrested nor prosecuted
any persons for violating the health law against infibulation.
Two local NGO's with funding from the U.N. and a government agency are ac-
tively involved in efforts to eradicate FGM, which they oescribe as a "harmful prac-
tice. A small but growing number of urban, educated, families are completely aban-
doning the practice. A larger number of families, in a compromise with tradition,
have adopted the least severe form of FGM as an alternative to infibulation.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not discriminate against disabled
persons but has not enacted any special legislation or taken other steps, such as
mandating accessibility to public buildings and transportation for the disalaled. The
1992 General Education Act requires equal educational opportunities for the dis-
abled.
Religious Minorities. — Muslims predominate in the north, but are in the minority
in the south, where most people practice traditional African religions or Christian-
ity. There are 1 to 2 million aisplaced southerners in the north who practice tradi-
tional African religions or Christianity. About 500,000 Coptic Christians live in the
north.
Government and SPLM/A delegations met with IGAD in September and partici-
pated in IGAD-mediated peace talks in Nairobi in October and November. The dele-
gations discussed the role of religion in national affairs and the predominantly non-
Muslim Southern region's right to self-determination. Further meetings are sched-
uled for 1998.
In government-controlled areas of the south, there continued to be credible evi-
dence of an unwritten policy of Islamization of public institutions. In the past, some
non-Muslims lost their jobs in the civil service, the judiciary, and other professions.
Few non-Muslim university graduates found government jobs. Some non-Muslim
businessmen complained of petty harassment and discrimination in the awarding of
government contracts and trade licenses. There were also reports that Muslims re-
ceive preferential treatment for the limited services provided by the Government,
including access to medical care.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Sudan's estimated population of 27.5 million
is a multiethnic mix of over 500 Arab and African tribes with scores of languages
and dialects. The Arab, Muslim culture in the north and central areas and the non-
Muslim, African culture in the south are the two dominant cultures. Northern Mus-
lims, who form a majority of about 16 million, have traditionally dominated the Gov-
ernment. The southern ethnic groups fighting the civil war (largely followers of tra-
ditional African religions or Christians) seek independence, or some form of regional
self-determination, from the north.
The Muslim majority and NIF-dominated Government continued to discriminate
against ethnic minorities in almost every aspect of society. Citizens in Arabic-speak-
ing areas who do not speak Arabic experienced discrimination in education, employ-
ment, and other areas. The use of Arabic as the medium of instruction in higher
education discriminated against non-Arabs. For university admission, students com-
pleting high school are required to pass examinations in four subjects: English Lan-
guage; Mathematics; Arabic Language; and religious studies. Even at the university
level, examinations in all subjects except English Language were in Arabic lan-
guage, placing non-native speakers of Arabic at a disadvantage.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The RCC abolished the pre- 1989 labor unions,
closed union offices, froze union assets, forbade strikes, and prescribed severe pun-
ishments, including the death penalty, for violations of its labor decrees. The Gov-
ernment dismissed many labor leaders from their jobs or detained them, although
most of those arrested were later freed.
The Sudan Workers Trade Unions Federation is the leading blue-collar labor orga-
nization with about 800,000 members. In 1992 local union elections were held, alter
a delay to permit the government-controlled steering committees to arrange the out-
comes. The elections resulted in government-approved slates of candidates voted
into ofTice by prearranged acclamation.
The U.S. Government in 1991 suspended Sudan's eligibility for trade benefits
under the Generalized System of Preferences because of its violations of worker
rights.
Unions remained free to form federations and affiliate with international bodies,
such as the African Workers' Union and the Arab Workers' Union.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — A 1989 RCC constitutional
decree temporarily suspended the right to organize and bargain collectively. Al-
though these rights were restored to labor organizing committees in 1996, govern-
ment control of the steering committees meant in practice that the Government
337
dominates the process of setting wages and working conditions. The continued ab-
sence of labor legislation allowing for union meetings, filing of grievances, and other
union activity greatly reduced the value of these formal rights. Although local union
officials raised some grievances with employers, few carried them to the Govern-
ment.
Wages are set by a tripartite committee comprising representatives of the Govern-
ment, labor unions, and business. Specialized labor courts adjudicate standard labor
disputes.
In 1993 the Government created two export processing zones (EPZ's); it later es-
tablished a third at Khartoum international airport. During the year, only the EPZ
at Khartoum International Airport was open. The labor laws do not apply in the
EPZ's.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Although the law prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, slavery persists. According to the report by the U.N. Special
Rapporteur, reports and information from a variety of sources after February 1994
indicate that the number of cases of slavery, servitude, slave trade, and forced labor
have increased alarmingly. The taking of slaves, particularly in war zones and their
export to parts of central and northern Sudan continued. There also continued to
be credible, but unconfirmed, reports continue that women and children were sold
and sent to the north or abroad to work as domestic servants, agricultural laborers,
and sometimes concubines. The national government did not take any action to halt
these practices. Credible reports persist of practices such as the sale and purchase
of children, some in alleged slave markets. In 1996 representatives of Christian Soli-
darity International arranged the purchase of children. The average price per child
was reportedly about $300 worth of cattle, or $500 if the purchaser was a West-
erner.
Reliable reports indicate the direct and general involvement of the SPAF, the
PDF, and government-supported armed militias in the abduction and deportation of
civilians from the conflict zones to the north. These practices all have a pronounced
racial aspect, as the victims are exclusively black southerners and members of indig-
enous tribes of the Nuba Mountains.
In some instances, local authorities took action to stop slavery; in other cases, the
authorities did nothing to stop the practice. In response to a resolution of the 1995
U.N. General Assembly, the Government in May 1996 established a Special Com-
mission to Investigate Charges of Slavery (see Section l.b.), including the reported
use of Nuba children as house servants by military officers. In a preliminary report
issued in June, the Commission concluded that Nubans are not working as forced
labor on ranches given to government supporters; and that house servants of mili-
tary and civilian government offiicials are paid fixed salaries in accordance with the
relevant statute.
Both the Government and rebel factions continued to forcibly conscript men of
military age into the fighting forces (see Sections l.f. and 5). For example, in Feb-
ruary a group of national service trainees was unexpectedly taken to Khartoum and
flown to Juba, where the trainees were expected to serve in combat. Conscripts face
significant hardship and abuse in military service. The rebel factions continued to
force southern men to work as laborers or porters.
d. Status of Child Labor Practires and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced child labor; however, the Government does not efTectively enforce
it (see Section 6.c.). The legal minimum age for workers is 16 years, but the law
is loosely enforced by inspectors from the Ministry of Labor and in the official or
wage economy. Children as young as 11 or 12 years of age worked in a number of
factories, particularly outsiae the capital, including the factories at Um Ruwaba
that produce edible oils. In addition severe poverty has produced widespread child
labor in the informal, unregulated economy. In rural areas, children traditionally as-
sist their families with agricultural work from a very young age.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The legislated minimum wage is enforced by
the Ministry of Labor, which maintains field offices in most major cities. Employers
generally respect the minimum wage. Workers who are denied the minimum wage
may file a grievance with the local Ministry of Labor field offiice, which is then re-
auired to investigate and take appropriate action if there has been a violation of
the law. The minimum wage continues to be approximately $8.25 (14,000 Sudanese
pounds) per month, which is insuffiicient to provide a decent standard living for an
average worker and family. The workweek is limited by law to six 8-hour days, with
a day of rest on Friday. Although the laws prescribe health and safety standards,
working conditions were generally poor, and enforcement by the Ministry of Labor
minimal. The law does not address the right of workers to remove themselves from
dangerous work situations without loss of employment.
338
SWAZI1.AND
SwazilarKi in i^ovorncd as a modified traditional monarchy with executive, legisla-
tive, and (with limitations) judicial powers ultimately vested in tin- King (presently
Mswati III). 'I'h«' King rules according to unwritt<'n law and custom, in conjunction
with a mainly-electeu parliament and an accompanying structure of published laws
and implementing agencies. Parliamentary <'l('ctions in li>5).'<, local council elections
in 1994, and municipal elections in 19i)r) and 1997 introduced increased representa-
tive- government, hut iK)litical jjower continues to rest largely with the King and his
circle of tra<litional advis<'rs. The 19()K (lonstitution was susjK'nded hy the present
King's father in 197.'}. leased upon the 197.'1 decree, the King has the authority to
issue decr<'es that carry the force ol law, although he has not exerci.sed this author-
ity in n!cent years. The 197.'J decree also hans political parties, meetings, and pro-
cessions except in local "Tinkhundla" centers. There are public demands that the
197.'1 decree be liRed, and the (luestion is among issues that a (Constitutional Review
Commission ((l\i(]), appointed I)y the King in .luly 199(), is expected to consider and
make recommendations on ov<'r tlu- course of its 2-year nuindate. Four progressive
CK(" nu'mbers ix-signed, variously citing concerns over tlie Commission s terms of
reference, its procedures, its slow progrx'ss, and the fact that members were ap-
pointed by the King rather than nomiiuited hy civic or f)olitical groujjs. The judiciary
IS independent.
Both the Umbutfo Swaziland Defense Force and the Royal Swaziland i'olice oper-
ate* under civilian control and are respofisible for external and internal security.
Sonu' conununities, (]uestioning the ability of the National I'olice to deal with en-
forcement at the community level, formed comnuinity police. There were reports of
conflicts Ix-tween tlw national and the community [jolice. Membei-s of both the Na-
tional l'oli(-e and the conununity police committed some human rights abuses.
Swaziland has a free market economy, with ndatively little government interven-
tion. 'I'he majority of Citizens are engaged in subsistence agriculture, althougli a rel-
atively diversified industrial sector now accounts for the largest component of the
formal economy. The economy relies heavily on the export sector, especially the sofl
drink concentrate, sugar, and wood pulp industries, whiih aix' com[)osed primarily
of large firms with predominantly fbnign ownersliio. A governmental organization
maintitins large investments in all major sectoi>t of tne economy, including industry,
agricidture, and services.
Then- was little change in the overall human rights situation. Citizens still are
not able to cliange their government. Police tortured and beat some suspects and
sometimes u.sed excessive force against demonstratois. The (loveriujient generally
faih'd to prosecute or otherwise discipline police officers who committed sucli abuses.
Pri.son conditions are poor, and the (lovernment continued to use a nonbailable of-
fense provision of the law. Police- at times harassc-d human riglits and political activ-
ists fn)in j)roliibit,»-d political organizations, as well as lal)or leaders, 'i'he (lovern-
ment contmu«-s to limit freedom of spe-ech and the press, and journalists practice
some se-ll-censorship, although they spoke- out on ke-y issue-s. llowe-ve-r, the-re- was
Sre)wing fre-e-dom e)f spe-e-eh in ce-rtain an-as, including parliamentiuy de-bate, and at
le- CRC's publie- me-e-tings, whe-re- some- eitize-ns voie-e-d strong politie'al opinions, 'i'he
Cove-rnme-nt re-stricte-d Me-e-dom of assoeiation and asse-inbiy and n-taiiu-d pre)hibi-
tie)ns on politieal ae-tivity, although iiume-n)us political formations opeiate-d o[)e'nly
anei ve)iee-el opinions eritical e)f the- (love-rnme-nt. Authoritie-s on e)eeasion anx-sted or
detaine-d me-mbe-rs of i)e)litieal gn)upings, labor unie)n le-aele-rs, and human rights ac-
tivists for brie-f i)e'rioels. The-re- are- some- limits on fVe-e-elom e)f moveme-nt. Ix-gal and
cultural eliserimmal ion and viole-nee- against we)me-n as we-ll as abu.se- e)f ehildren, re-
maine-el pn)ble-ms. Discrimination against mixeel race- ami white- citizens pei-sists.
The- (;e)ve-rnme-nt re-striets worke-r rights. The- 199(5 Industrial iie-lations Act (IRA),
whieh l)oth unions and exj^anize-d busine-ss c-ritie-ize- for its he-avy pe-naltie-s and viola-
tions of Inte-rnational I,abe)r Organization (ll-O) conve-ntions, re-maiiu-d in foix-e, al-
the)ugh the- (love-rnme-nt agre-e-d 1.0 re-vise it and in Novembe-r formed a tripaitite re-
drafting committe-e«, inclueiing employers and labor, which was assisted by an II.O
advisor.
KKSI'Ken' l''e)l{ HUMAN KlelMTS
Section 1. Ut'spi-ct for the Ititvf^rity of the Person, Includinfi Freedom From:
a. Politieal and Other F.xirajitdicial Killing. There- we-re no reports of political or
othe-r extrajuelicial killings.
b. Disappearance. The-re- were- \w re-pe)rts of politically ine)tivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or l)curailtn^> Vreatmer>t or Punishmerd.- —
There weiv credible repe)rts by criminal defenelants of the use of torture during in-
339
terrogation. Police sometimes beat criminal suspects and occasionally used the
"tube style of interrogation, in which police suffocate suspects through use of a rub-
ber tube around the lace and mouth. The Government generally failed to prosecute
or otherwise discipline police ofiicers for such abuses. Courts did, however, invali-
date confessions inducea through such physical abuse.
Police sometimes used excessive force in dealing with demonstrators. In February
police gassed, beat, and detained 20 labor and political leaders at the beginning of
a labor mass "stay away" (a nonviolvent protest action whereby employees fail to
report to work). Police later shot and wounded six demonstrators in Big Bend dur-
ing the February stay away. In April during a prohibited political rally calling for
the repeal of the 1973 decree, police beat 18 people, including 2 bystanders. How-
ever, in October and November during a 2-day general labor mass stay away and
6-week teachers mass stay away, police exercised marked restraint.
Prison conditions are poor. Food is generally adequate, although sometimes family
members must bring food to supplement the sparse prison diet. Medical care is in-
adequate. Use of the nonbailable provision led to continued overcrowding in govern-
ment remand centers, where suspects are held during pretrial detention (see Section
l.d.). Women and juveniles are held in separate prison facilities.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors, and allowed
journalists to interview labor leaders detained during the February stay away.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law requires warrants for arrests in
most circumstances, except when police observe a crime being committed or have
reason to believe that a suspect may flee. Detainees may consult with a lawyer of
their choice and must be charged with violation of a statute within a reasonable
time, usually 48 hours, or, in remote areas, as soon as the judicial officer appears.
The authorities generally respect these rights in practice.
The Government continued to limit provisions for bail for crimes appearing in the
Nonbailable Offenses Order, which became elTective in 1993 and was strengthened
by Parliament in 1994. The act lists 11 ofTenses; narcotics use and trafficking were
added during 1997. The mere charge of the underlying offense, without any evi-
dentiary showing that the suspect is involved, is sufficient to employ the nonbailable
provision. The Minister of Justice may amend the list by his own executive act.
In January, immediately prior to a planned labor mass stay away, the nonbailable
provision was applied to a portion oi the 1963 Public Order Act, which was then
used to arrest four labor leaders. The court acquitted them after 26 days in prison.
The terms under which they were held were lenient, however, and the detained
labor leaders were allowed to meet with the press and union members. On the first
dav of the February stay away, police gassed, beat, and detained 20 labor and politi-
cal leaders for several hours. Also during the month-long stay away, police detained
a leading human rights activist for a day as well as various political activists, in-
cluding youths holding a protest prayer meeting in support of the labor leaders.
During Constitutional Review Commission visits in August to local centers, police
detainea one political activist briefly in Piggs Peak and arrested four activists in
Mbabane. The four were released on bail the following day. During October-Novem-
ber mass "stay aways" no detentions were reported.
The Government does not use forced exile. There are no barriers to prevent the
return of dissidents.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent; however, the King
has certain judicial powers.
Judicial powers are vested in a dual system, one independent and based on West-
em law, the other based on a system of national courts following unwritten tradi-
tional law and custom. In treason and sedition cases, the King can circumvent the
regular judiciary by appointing a special tribunal, that may adopt rules and proce-
dures different from those applied in the High Court. However, this power was last
used in 1987.
The Western judiciary consists of the Court of Appeals (composed entirely of expa-
triate, usually South African, judges), the High Court, and magistrates' courts, all
of which are independent of executive and military control and free from intimida-
tion from outside forces. The expatriate judges, often distinguished members of their
respective bars, serve on the basis of 2-year, renewable contracts. Local judges serve
indefinitely on good behavior. In magistrates' courts, the defendant is entitled to
counsel at his or her own expense. Court-appointed counsel is provided in capital
cases or when difTicult points of law are at issue. There are well-defined appeal pro-
cedures up to the Court of Appeals, the highest judicial body.
Most Swazis who encounter the legal system do so through the traditional courts.
The authorities may bring ethnic Swazis to these courts for minor offenses and vio-
lations of traditional law and custom. In traditional courts, defendants are not per-
mitted formal legal counsel but may speak on their own behalf and be assisted by
340
informal advisers. Sentences are subject to review by traditional authorities and to
appeal to the High Court and the Court of Appeals. Legally, the public prosecutor
has the authority to determine which court should hear a case, but in practice the
police usually make that determination. Accused persons have the right to transfer
their cases from the traditional courts. Delays in trials are common. Three labor
leaders charged in 1996 under the Industrial Relations Act and 49 political activists
charged in 1994 have pending cases. In February the court tried and acquitted after
26 days the four labor leaders who had been arrested immediately prior to labor's
mass action (see Section 6. a.).
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
requires a warrant from a magistrate before police may search homes or other
premises, and police generally respect this requirement in practice. However, police
officers with the rank of subinspector or higher have the right to search without a
warrant if they believe that evidence might be lost through delay in obtaining a
warrant. While searches without warrants occur occasionally, the issue of legality
of evidence rarely arises in court. In February during labor's mass stay away action,
police searched the home of a leading human rights activist without a warrant.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government limits freedom of speech and
of the press through the continuing ban on political parties and the occasional har-
assment of journalists. The Government also discourages critical news coverage of
the royal family, and journalists practice some self-censorship. The Government's
proposed media bill could further restrict freedom of speech and the press if imple-
mented. Both government-owned and independent newspapers covered a wide vari-
ety of sensitive topics and criticized government corruption, inefficiency, and waste.
However, while there is extensive published criticism of government activities, the
media, both government-controlled and private, practice self-censorship in regard to
the immediate royal family and national security policy. The government-owned tel-
evision and radio stations — the most infiuential media in reaching the public — gen-
erally followed official policy positions. In January the Government reportedly can-
celed a news talk show on state-owned television with representatives from both
government and labor that was to address the impending labor stay away. Report-
ers at state-owned radio were discouraged from reporting fully on developments re-
lating to the February stay away. Several journalists were harassed by police while
covering rallies by the Swaziland Democratic Alliance (SDA), and television came
under criticism by government officials for its coverage of activities by prodemocracy
groups, particularly an April rally by the SDA. The Government acted to withhold
its advertising from the country's only independently-owned daily. Although the
Government claimed that its action was for nonpolitical reasons, the decision fol-
lowed an article in May regarding possible tax arrears on property allegedly held
by the King.
The Ministry of Public Service and Information introduced a bill in Parliament
on a national information policy, which was designed to set up a government regu-
latory body, provide an overly-broad definition of publication, and impose criminal
penalties on infractions. The media and many NGO's voiced major concerns, causing
the bill to be referred to a parliamentary subcommittee for further review — a review
which also would set forth objections and potential modifications to the bill — with
return for full parliamentary review in early 1998.
Private companies and church groups own several newsletters, magazines, and
one radio station that broadcasts throughout the region, but these avoid political
controversy.
The practice of self-censorship and the prohibition of political gatherings limit
academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government restricts free-
dom of assembly. King Sobhuza's 1973 decree prohibits meetings of a political na-
ture, processions, or demonstrations in any public place without the consent of the
Commissioner of Police. The authorities generally did not grant permission to hold
such meetings but did not rigidly enforce the 1973 decree. Political organizations,
including the People's United Democracy Movement (PUDEMO) and Swaziland
Youth Congress (SWAYOCO), oflen met without the required permission and with-
out repercussions. However, the threat of police intervention remains, and on sev-
eral occasions police harassed political and labor groups taking part in political ac-
tivities, such as peaceful meetings, rallies, and demonstrations. In April during a
Swaziland Democratic Alliance rally calling for the repeal of the 1973 decree, police
beat 18 people, including 2 bystanders.
341
Several traditional forums exist for the expression of opinion, including commu-
nity meetings, national councils, and direct dialog with village chiefs, but they often
depend on the sufferance of leaders and are not effective channels for expressing
political dissent.
The Government restricts freedom of association. King Sobhuza's 1973 decree pro-
hibits political parties. Labor law restricts the ability of trade union organizations
to participate in the social and political affairs of the nation (see Section 6. a.).
c. Freedom of Religion. — Followers of all religious faiths are free to worship with-
out government interference or restriction. A wide variety of religious groups ac-
tively participate in society and engage in public discussion that extends to political
and social issues.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens may travel and work freely within the country. However,
under traditional law a married women requires her husband's permission to apply
for a passport, and unmarried women require the permission of a close male rel-
ative. A citizenship law passed in 1992 removed several ambiguities relating to citi-
zenship and nominally enabled nonethnic Swazis to obtain passports and citizenship
documents. Bureaucratic delays, however, plague individuals seeking these docu-
ments, in part due to occasional prejudice that mixed race and white Swazis are not
real Swazis. Mixed race citizens in particular are sometimes subject to unfair and
discriminatory treatment.
The GJovemment treats several thousand ethnic Swazis from the former homeland
of KwaZulu in South Africa as virtually indistinguishable from local Swazis and
routinely grants them travel and citizenship documents.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees (UNHCR) as well as the various nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) in-
volved in the care of refugees. The UNHCR officially recognizes several hundred ref-
ugees in Swaziland, the majority coming from east and central Africa. The issue of
provision of first asylum has not arisen in recent years. The Government did not
forcibly return any persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens are not able to exercise this right. The King retains ultimate executive
and legislative authority, and political parties are prohibited. Passage of legislation
by Parliament requires the King's assent to become law, which he is not obliged to
give. When Parliament is not in session, the King may legislate by decree under his
residual emergency powers. The King chooses the Prime Minister and, in consulta-
tion with the Prime Minister, the Cabinet, as well as many senior civil servants,
and heads of government offices. Ten of the 16 members of Cabinet selected by the
King are elected members of parliament.
Pressure has been building to modernize the political system. In July 1996, the
King appointed a 30-member Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) with a 2-
year mandate, with the stated purpose of examining the suspended 1968 Constitu-
tion, carrying out civic education, determining the people's wishes for their future
system of government, and making appropriate recommendations on a new constitu-
tional document. The CRC compiled the relevant documents outlining the current
constitutional framework, including portions of the 1968 Constitution still in force,
the 1973 decree as currently amended, and the 1992 establishment of parliament
order. The CRC distributed these documents to the public in July and August dur-
ing nationwide visits. On most occasions, the CRC allowed the public to voice criti-
cal opinions and concerns, although the formal collection of views was planned for
a later stage. The CRC was widely criticized for being nonrepresentative (members
were appointed by the King and serve as individuals rather than as representatives
of organizations), for its focus on bureaucratic details and slow start, and for terms
of reference that critics felt restricted the Commission's independence. Four progres-
sive members of the 30-member Commission resigned, and another was expelled
from his organization for not resigning. Human rights organizations, church groups,
labor unions, and other NGO's conducted their own active programs of constitu-
tional and human rights civic education.
Women have full legal rights to participate in the political process. There are 2
women in the 65-member House of Assembly, and 5 women in the 30-member Sen-
ate. There is 1 woman in the 16-person Cabinet. Four women serve as principal sec-
retaries, the most senior civil service rank in the ministries. There are 3 women on
the 30-person Constitutional Review Commission.
342
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government permits domestic human rights groups to operate. In 1997 a
local human rights group spoke out on a number of occasions, criticizing the Govern-
ment's detention oi labor leaders, handling of labor disputes, and the lack of ac-
countability and transparency in government circles. A major reference work on
human rights in Swaziland was published by Swazi legal scholars and human rights
activists. There were no visits by international human rights organizations.
However, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the
ILO were active critics of the Government's treatment of labor and the 1996 Indus-
trial Relations Act (IRA). The Government met with an ICFTU delegation during
the February stay away and with visiting ILO representatives in June and Septem-
ber. The Government agreed in August to amena the IRA and formed a redrafting
committee in November, including employer and labor members, assisted by an ILO
advisor.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status.
The Employment Act of 1980 forbids employers to discriminate on the basis of
race, religion, sex, or political affiliation. Under the act employees may bring suit
against employers for discrimination, and there are also provisions for criminal
prosecutions. However, there is no record of any suits or prosecutions. Reportedly,
the act has been used on occasion to bring moral suasion to bear against employers.
Mixed-race citizens sometimes experience discrimination.
Women. — Violence against women, particularly wife beating, is frequent, despite
traditional strictures against this practice. Women have the right to charge their
husbands with assault under both the western and traditional legal systems and
frequently do so, usually in extreme cases when intervention by extended family
members fails to end such violence. The traditional courts, however, can be unsym-
pathetic to "unruly" or "disobedient" women and are less likely than the moaern
courts to convict men for wife beating. Rape is also common and is regarded by
many men as a minor ofTense. Even in the modem courts, sentences irequentlv
amount to no more than several months in jail, a fine, or both. The Legal Code ad-
dresses legal protection from sexual harassment, but its provisions are vague and
largely inefiective. Several NGO's provide support against abuse or discrimination.
Women occupy a subordinate role in society. In both civil and traditional mar-
riages, wives are legally treated as minors, although those who marry under civil
law may be accorded the legal status of adults, if stipulated in a signed prenuptial
agreement. A woman generally requires her husband's permission to borrow money,
open a bank account, obtain a passport, leave the country, gain access to land, or,
in some cases, take a job. Unmarried women require a male relative's permission
to obtain a passport (see Section 2.d.). Despite the 1980 Employment Act requiring
equal pay for equal work, men's average wage rates by skill category usually exceed
those of women.
The dualistic nature of the legal system complicates the issue of women's rights.
As traditional marriage is governed by uncodified law and custom, women's rights
are often unclear and change according to where and by whom they are interpreted.
Couples often marry in both civil and traditional ceremonies, creating problems in
determining which set of rules applies to the marriage and to subsequent questions
of child custody and inheritance in the event of divorce or death. In traditional mar-
riages, a man may take more than one wife. A man who marries a woman under
civil law legally may not have more than one wife, although in practice this restric-
tion is sometimes ignored. Traditional marriages consider children to belong to the
father and to his family if the couple divorces. Children born out of wedlock are
viewed as belonging to the mother. Under the 1992 Citizenship Act, a woman does
not automatically pass citizenship to her children.
Changing socioeconomic conditions, urbanization, and the increasing prominence
of female leaders in government and civic organizations are breaking down barriers
to equality. Women now routinely execute contracts and enter into a variety of
transactions in their own names. The Government has committed itself to various
women's initiatives in the wake of the 1995 Beijing Conference on Women, and the
Ministry of Home Affairs coordinates women's issues. The Government established
a task force to address gender issues and hosted a meeting of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) countries to discuss how gender issue could be in-
tegrated into the SADC agenda.
Children. — The Government is concerned with the rights and welfare of children,
and a number of laws directly address children's issues. The Government does not
provide free, compulsory education for children. The Government pays teachers' sal-
343
ary while student fees pay for books and the buildings' fund. Supplemental money
must sometimes be raised for building upkeep, including teachers' housing. How-
ever, the country has a 99 percent primary school enrollment. The 1952 Adoption
of Cnildren Act includes a number of provisions for protecting children under con-
sideration for adoption, and the 1970 Maintenance Act includes various provisions
regarding the enforcement of maintenance decrees for the benefit of women and
children. A government task force educates the public on children's issues.
Child abuse is a problem. Children convicted of crimes sometimes are caned as
punishment. Female children can suffer sexual abuse, including by family members.
There are growing numbers of street children in Mbabane and Manzini.
People With Disabilities. — The Government, through the Ministry of Home Affairs,
has called for equal treatment of the disabled. A 'disabled bill' was drafted and
opened to discussion by the Federation of the Disabled in Swaziland (FODSWA) in
E)ecember. There are no laws mandating accessibility to buildings, transportation,
or government services. The Constitutional Review Commission extended its dis-
tribution of civic education materials to ensure distribution to the disabled.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1996 Industrial Relations Act (IRA) permits
workers in all sectors of the economy, including the public sector, to join unions. It
Eermits unions to associate freely in the context of traditional trade union concerns.
[owever, the IRA imposes criminal penalties for union activity outside core union
concerns, specifically on social or political issues, and it provides that the Govern-
ment may suspend or close down unions that engage in such noncore labor matters.
It prohibits trade union federations (but not individual unions) or their officers from
engaging in any act that "causes or incites" the slowdown or cessation of work or
economic activity, or to act in any way that might be construed as a "restraint of
trade," with 5 years' imprisonment the maximum penalty for such violations. Em-
ployers have equivalent penalties for unauthorized lockouts. The IRA confines
unions and employer organizations to single industries, and does not permit organi-
zation across economic and industrial sectors, contrary to ILO Convention 87. The
main trade union federation is the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU).
A second trade union federation is the Swaziland Federation of Labor (SFL), which
broke away from the SFTU in 1993 and gained formal recognition from the Govern-
ment in 1994. In November a tripartite drafting committee, with assistance from
the ILO, was formed to bring the IRA in line with internationally-recognized worker
rights.
Unions are free to draw up their own constitutions within the framework of the
IRA. The act specifies a number of provisions that must be addressed in a constitu-
tion, including the election of ofTicers by secret ballot. The Labor Commissioner
must approve the union constitution, and he can strike out or amend provisions that
violate the law. The Government may dissolve unions that fail to maintain propter
registration with the Labor Commissioner without recourse to judicial review. In
April several unions, including the SFTU, were suspended for not submitting re-
quired financial statements, although the SF'TU'S suspension was subsequently re-
voked. There is no collusion between the Government and business in relation to
worker rights.
The ERA details the steps to be followed when disputes arise, including what de-
termines a legal or an illegal strike. The act empowers the Government to mediate
employment disputes and grievances and to enjom a union from striking. When dis-
putes arise, the Government often intervenes to try lo reduce the chances of a
strike, which may not be called legally until all avenues of negotiation have been
exhausted and a secret ballot of union members has been conducted. The law pro-
hibits strikes in "essential" services, which cover electricity, water, firefighting,
health, sanitation, telephone, telegraph, and broadcast, as well as many civil service
positions.
There were a number of strikes, usually over wages and benefits, or dismissal of
fellow workers. In February the SFTU conducted a mass stay away related to 27
demands presented to the Government in 1994, including calls for fundamental po-
litical change. These demands addressed a wide range of issues, including recogni-
tion of affirmative action, a national uniform minimum wage, an end to discrimina-
tion against women, the provision of better housing for workers, inclusion of worker
representatives in constitutional discussions, and the lifting of the 1973 decree that
suspended the Constitution and outlawed political parties. The stay away lasted 4
weeKs and primarily affected the large sugar and pulp plantations and industries.
Immediately prior to the planned stay away action, four labor leaders were arrested
under a portion of the 1963 Public Order Act that had been made a nonbailable of-
fense the previous day (see Section l.d.). They were acquitted by trial and released
344
26 days later. During the stay away police shot six people, wounding one seriously,
and (letained and beat labor and political activists; one who was wheelchair-bound
sustained injuries that required 6 months' medical treatment. In March the four
labor leaders who had been arrested filed an approximately $1.3 million claim
against the Government. The SFTU conducted a 3-day stay away for similar mo-
tives in October where there was both increase worker intimidation and increased
police restraint. A wage-based teachers' strike lasted 6 weeks in October and No-
vember, during a key examination period, without violence. The charges against
three labor leaders from the 1996 stay away remained pending.
In response to a complaint by the ICFTU (initiated oy the SFTU), the ILO Com-
mittee of Experts (COE) has noted to the Government discrepancies between the
IRA and ILO Convention 87 on Freedom of Association and ILO Convention 98 on
the Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. The COE concerns include the pow-
ers accorded government officials to control union activity and the strictures on the
ability of workers to form unions and associate with other unions at home and
abroad. The Government agreed in August to amend the IRA and formed in Novem-
ber a tripartite redrafting committee that included employers, labor officials, and an
ILO adviser.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The ERA provides for the
right to organize and bargain collectively and outlaws antiunion discrimination. Col-
lective bargaining is widespread; approximately 80 percent of the formal private sec-
tor is unionized. The law obliges employers to recognize a union when it achieves
over 50 percent membership among employees. Employers must allow representa-
tives of legally recognized unions to conduct union activities on company time. The
Industrial Court may refuse to register collective bargaining agreements in the
event of nonobservance of any requirement of the IRA. The IRA prohibits trade
union federations or their officers, but not individual unions, from inciting any slow-
down of work or economic activity or acting in any way that might be construed as
a restraint of trade. It provides equivalent penalties to employers in the case of un-
authorized lockouts.
Disputes are referred to the Labor Commissioner and the Industrial Court, if nec-
essary. Although many employers resist recognition and force the issue to the Indus-
trial Court, the Court generally rules in favor of the unions in these cases. In the
case of unfair dismissal, the Court may order reinstatement and compensation to
the employee as well as a fine to the employer. Union leaders made credible charges
that management in various industries dismissed workers for union activity. The
Government sometimes instigates such dismissals.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced labor, in-
cluding child labor, and it is not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Em-
ployment Act of 1980 prohibits the hiring of a child below the age of 15 in an indus-
trial undertaking, except in cases where only family members are employed in the
firm, or in technical schools where children are working under the supervision of
a teacher or other authorized person. Legislation limits the number of night hours
that can be worked on schooldays and limits children's work hours overall to 6 per
day or 33 per week. Employment of children in the formal sector is not customary.
However, children below the minimum age are frequently employed in the agricul-
tural sector, particularly in the eastern cotton-growing region. Children are also em-
ployed as domestic workers and as herd boys in rural areas. The Ministry of Labor
is responsible for enforcement, but its effectiveness is limited by personnel short-
ages. The law prohibits forced labor, including child labor, and it is not known to
occur (see Section 6. c).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is a legally-mandated sliding scale of
minimum wages depending on the type of work. These minimum wages generally
f)rovide a worker and family with a decent standard of living. The minimum month-
y wage for a domestic worker is approximately $40 (180 emalangeni), for an un-
skilled worker $65 (280 emalangeni), and for a skilled worker $100 (450
emalangeni).
Labor, management, and government representatives have negotiated a maximum
48-hour workweek in the industrial sector, except for security guards who work up
to six 12-hour shifts f)er week. The Employment Act and the Wages Act entitle all
workers to 1 day of rest per week. Most workers receive a minimum of 12 days of
annual leave. The Labor Commissioner enforces standards in the formal sector.
There are extensive provisions allowing workers to seek redress for alleged wrongful
dismissal; these provisions are frequently brought into play. There are also penalties
for employers who conduct unauthorized lockouts.
345
Extensive legislation protects worker health and safety. The Government sets
safety standards for industrial operations and encourages private companies to de-
velop accident prevention programs. Recent growth in industrial production has ne-
cessitated more government action on safety issues. However, the Labor Commis-
sioner's office has conducted few safety inspections in recent years because of staff-
ing deficiencies. Workers have no formal statutory rights to remove themselves from
dangerous work places without jeopardizing their jobs; nor do any collective bargain-
ing agreements address the matter.
TANZANIA
The United Republic of Tanzania amended its Constitution in 1992 to become a
multiparty state. In 1995 the nation conducted its first multiparty general elections
for president and parliament in more than 30 years. The ruling party, Chama Cha
Mapinduzi (CCM), continued to control the Union Government, winning 186 of the
232 elective seats in Parliament. The CCM presidential candidate, Benjamin
Mkapa, won a four-way race with 61.8 percent of the vote. The islands of Zanzibar
are integrated into the United Republic's governmental and party structure; how-
ever, the Zanzibar Government, which has its own president and parliament, exer-
cises considerable autonomy. Elections for the president and parliament of Zanzibar
were also held in 1995. International observers noted serious discrepancies during
the vote-counting process, calling into question the reelection of CCM incumbent Dr.
Salmin Amour Juma as Zanzibar's President. In the period since that election, calls
for new elections by opposition parties were met with reprisals by the authorities.
In response, most donors halted economic aid to Zanzibar. The judiciary is formally
independent but sufiers from corruption, inefficiency, and executive infiuence.
The police have primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. They were
formerly supported by citizens' anticrime groups and patrols known as
"Sungusungu,' which have been largely inactive since late 1995 but are still in ex-
istence. The police regularly committed human rights abuses.
Agriculture provides 85 percent of employment. Cotton, coffee, sisal, tea, and
gemstones account for most export earnings. The industrial sector is small. Eco-
nomic reforms undertaken since 1986, including liberalization of agricultural policy,
the privatization of state-owned enterprises, the rescheduling of foreign debt pay-
ments, and the freeing of the currency exchange rate, helped to stimulate economic
growth, as has the decline in the rate of inOation. While the Government has at-
tempted to improve its fiscal management, pervasive corruption constrains economic
progress.
The Government's human rights record did not improve appreciably, and prob-
lems persisted. Although the 1995 multiparty elections represented an important
development, citizens' right to change their government in Zanzibar is severely cir-
cumscribed. While new opposition parties on the mainland and Zanzibar were com-
petitive in many races in 1995 and in by-elections since that time, winning in var-
ious constituencies, police often harassed and intimidated members and supporters
of the political opposition. Other human rights problems included police beatings
and mistreatment of suspects that sometimes resulted in death. Soldiers attacked
civilians, and police in Zanzibar used torture, including beatings and Hoggings.
Throughout the country, prison conditions remained harsh and life threatening. Ar-
bitrary arrest and prolonged detention continued, and the inefficient and corrupt ju-
dicial system often did not provide expeditious and fair trials. Pervasive corruption,
which was documented in the Warioba Commission's report, continued to have a
broad impact on human rights. The Government infringed on citizens' privacy and
limited freedom of speech and of the press, and freedom of assembly, association,
and movement. The Government obstructed the formation of domestic human rights
groups. Discrimination and violence against women remained serious problems.
Abuse of children and child labor continued. The Government infringed on workers'
rights. Mob justice remained severe and widespread.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings. Credible observers estimate that as many as 10 prisoners die each year as
a result of inadequate nutrition, health care, sanitation, and mistreatment, includ-
ing police beatings of persons in detention (see Section I.e.).
346
There were no developments in the 1993 police killing of a member of the opposi-
tion party Civic United Front (CUF) on the island of Pemba. After a lengthy inves-
tigation, authorities charged the policeman who fired the shots with involuntary
manslaughter; the ofTicer remains free on bail. CUF leaders complained that in 1996
the President and Attorney General of Zanzibar blocked the prosecution of the police
ofiicer. Nearly 5 years after the event, a trial is still pending.
Instances of mob justice against suspected criminals continued to claim dozens of
lives. Throughout the year, the media reported numerous incidents in which mobs
killed suspected thieves, who were stoned, lynched, beaten to death, or doused with
gasoline and set on fire. Such events are so commonplace that they are often
grouped together with reporting on car accidents and other mishaps. Many in-
stances are never reported. The widespread belief in witchcraft has led, in some in-
stances, to the killing of alleged witches by their "victims," aggrieved relatives, or
mobs. A deputy minister estimated that 100 mostly older women in the Mwanza
and Shinyanga regions are killed every year by those who believe them to be witch-
es. Government oiiicials condemn these practices and some arrests occur. However,
most perpetrators of witch-killing or mob justice elude arrest, and the Government
has not taken preventive measures.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits the use of torture and inhuman or degrading treatment,
but the police regularly threaten, mistreat, or occasionally beat suspected criminals
during and after their apprehension and interrogation. Police also use the same
means to obtain information about suspects from family members not in custody.
Although government officials usually condemn these practices, the Government sel-
dom prosecutes police for such abuses. The People's Militia Laws, as amended by
Parliament in 1989, bestow quasilegal status on the traditional Sungusungu neigh-
borhood and village anticrime groups. Participation in these groups was compulsory
prior to the 1995 election. In the past, these groups were criticized for using exces-
sive force with criminal suspects. While largely moribund since that election, the
Sungusungu still exist and in July the President asked that government law en-
forcement ofTicials work cooperatively with the Sungusungu. He created a committee
to recommend ways of strengthening relations between the traditional and formal
security entities.
Repeated reports from credible sources indicate that the police use torture, includ-
ing beatings and floggings in Zanzibar, notably on Pemba Island. The Zanzibar and
Union Governments have both denied these charges. In June police in Arusha were
charged with torturing 10 women detainees, 1 oi whom had a miscarriage. In Sep-
tember the Zanzibar prisons commissioner confirmed the death of a remand pris-
oner who reportedly died of illness en route to a hospital; the family alleged that
the prisoner was taken to the prison after being severely beaten at a police station.
Numerous incidents of soldiers attacking civilians were reported. In October undisci-
plined troops seized a bus and beat and robbed its passengers traveling to Kigoma.
A government commission of inquiry established following a similar 1996 incident
had not reached any conclusions at year's end.
Pervasive corruption is a serious problem in the police force. The report of the
Warioba Commission on Corruption tnat was released in April found that police ar-
rest innocent people and file false charges against them if they refuse to pay bribes.
The Gk)vernment did not punish or prosecute any police officers for such abuses.
Prison conditions remained harsh and life threatening. Government officials ac-
knowledged that prisons are overcrowded and living conditions are poor. The daily
amount of food allotted to prisoners is insufficient to meet their nutritional needs,
and even this amount is not always provided. Prisons are authorized to hold 21,000
persons, but the actual prison population is estimated at 47,000 persons. The Gov-
ernment is expanding^risons, out its efTorts have not kept pace with the growing
number of prisoners. The Government does not release timely statistics on the pris-
on expansion program or on the exact extent of the overcrowding.
In August tne law review commission called for the construction of 22 new pris-
ons. Some prisoners are paroled or receive suspended sentences as a means oi re-
lieving overcrowding.
The Warioba Commission reported that wardens give favorable treatment to cer-
tain prisoners at the expense of others. One person released from Ukonga prison
in 1996 reported that guards beat and abused prisoners, particularly during month-
ly searches in which all prisoners were assembled and required to strip. Serious dis-
eases, such as dysentery, malaria, and cholera, are common and result in deaths
because of inadequate medical care by the authorities. Medical treatment is limited,
and friends and family of prisoners generally need to provide medication or the
funds with which to purchase them. A prisoner denied medical treatment for almost
347
a month died in January en route to a hospital. Soon thereafter, another person
died at a bus stop within minutes of being released from Segerea prison. Convicted
prisoners are not allowed to receive food from the outside and are often moved to
different prisons without notification of their families. Pretrial detainees are held
together with those serving sentences but are allowed to receive food from the out-
side.
There is no outside monitoring of prison conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Arbitrary arrest and detention are prob-
lems. The Criminal Procedure Code, amended in 1985, requires that a person ar-
rested for a crime, other than a national security charge under the Preventive De-
tention Act, be charged before a magistrate within 24 hours. However, in practice,
the police often fail to comply. The 1985 amendments also restricted the right to
bail and imposed strict conditions on freedom of movement and association when
bail is granted. Because of backlogs, an average case still takes 2 to 3 years or
longer to come to trial. The Code provides for a right to defense counsel. The Chief
Justice assigns lawyers to indigent defendants charged with serious crimes such as
murder, manslaughter, and armed robbery. There are only a few hundred practicing
lawyers in the country, and most indigent defendants charged with lesser crimes do
not have legal counsel. In many cases, accused persons are denied the right to con-
tact a lawyer or talk with family members.
Under the Preventive Detention Act, the President may order the arrest and in-
definite detention without bail of any person considered dangerous to the public
order or national security. This act was amended in 1985 to require the Government
to release detainees within 15 days of detention or inform them of the reason for
their detention. The detainee was also allowed to challenge the grounds for deten-
tion at 90-day intervals. Despite a landmark ruling by the Court of Appeal in 1991
that the Preventive Detention Act could not be used to deny bail to persons not con-
sidered dangerous to society, the Government has still not introduced corrective leg-
islation. The Preventive Detention Act was not used during the year. While the Law
Reform Commission recommended that the act be repealed, the President said that
repeal is unnecessary if the law is not being used. The Government has additional
broad detention powers under the Regions and Regional Commissioners Act and the
Area Commissioners Act of 1962. These acts permit regional and district commis-
sioners to arrest and detain for 48 hours persons who may "disturb public tran-
quility."
Police continued to make arbitrary arrests, although less frequently than in the
East. For example, the police occasionally arrest relatives of criminal suspects and
old them in custody without charge for as long as several years to attempt to force
suspects to surrender. Such relatives who manage to get their cases before a judge
are usually set free, only to be immediately rearrested when they leave the court-
room. The Government took no action to correct this abuse during the year.
According to the Warioba Commission report, police arrest innocent people, accuse
them of crimes not committed, and withdraw or reduce the charges upon payment
of bribes. The Government has not taken any action to correct these abuses.
Since the 1995 election, police in Zanzibar, particularly on Pemba, have regularly
detained, arrested, or harassed CUF members and suspected supporters. In Septem-
ber police detained a prominent opposition politician for 6 days before releasing her.
Despite orders from the Union Government s Inspector General of Police, officers in
Zanzibar continued these activities.
The Government does not used forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; in practice the higher courts have increasingly demonstrated their independ-
ence of the Government, although executive interference exists. In the past, senior
police or government officials pressured and sometimes reassigned judges who made
unpopular rulings; no such incidents occurred during the year. Inciependent observ-
ers, however, continue to criticize the judiciary, especially at lower levels, as corrupt
and inefTicient and question the system's ability to provide a defendant with an ex-
peditious and fair trial. In June the Chief Justice suspended a magistrate who had
refused for 4 years to produce a copy of her ruling so that the defendant could file
an appeal. The Warioba Commission found that pervasive corruption affected the
judiciary from clerks to magistrates. Clerks took bribes to decide whether or not to
open cases and to hide or misdirect the files of those accused of crimes. Magistrates
often accept bribes to determine guilt or innocence, pass sentence, withdraw
charges, or decide appeals. In Dar es Salaam 235 remana prisoners refused to ap-
pear in court in January, charging that they could not get fair trials. A committee
was later formed to petition the Government to improve prison conditions and speed
up trials.
348
The legal system is based on the British model, with modifications to accommo-
date customary and Islamic law in civil cases. Military courts do not try civilians,
and there are no security courts. Defendants in civil and military courts may appeal
decisions to the High Court and Court of Appeal.
Zanzibar's court system generally parallels the mainland's legal system but re-
tains Islamic courts to adjudicate Muslim family cases such as divorce, child cus-
tody, and inheritance. Cases concerning Zanzibar constitutional issues are heard
only in Zanzibar's courts. All other cases may be appealed to the national Court of
Appeal.
The majority of individuals held in the two major prisons in Dar es Salaam are
awaiting trial, and in many instances bribes determine whether bail is granted or
even whether a case is judged as a civil or criminal matter. There are reports of
prisoners waiting several years for trial because they could not pay bribes to police
and court officials. Authorities acknowledge that some cases have been pending
since 1988. The Government initiated efibrts as early as 1991 to highli^t judicial
corruption and increased its oversight. Limited progress has been made, and during
the year several magistrates resigned after the Chief Justice was presented with
credible evidence of corruption.
Criminal trials are open to the public and to the press; courts must give reasons
on the record for holding secret proceedings. Criminal defendants have the right of
appeal.
While juvenile courts have theoretically existed since 1964, no separate facility ex-
isted for young ofTenders, many of whom were tried in adult courts. A separate juve-
nile court facility, funded by donors, opened in July.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
State continued to interfere with these rights, which are generally provided for in
the Constitution. The CCM has historically penetrated all levels of society through
local cells, varying in size from single family homes to large apartment buildings
and containing from 10 to 200 persons. Unpaid party ofTiciaTs serve as 10-cell lead-
ers with authority to resolve problems at the grassroots level and to report to au-
thorities any suspicious behavior, event, or noncompliance with compulsory night
f)atrol service in the neighborhood. In 1993 elections were held for new grassroots
eaders to replace the CCM 10-cell leaders in nonparty business. Few voters partici-
pated in these elections, which were boycotted by the opposition, and the 10-cell
leaders retain nearly all of their power and infiuence. However, since the 1993 elec-
tions the role of the cells has diminished considerably.
CCM membership is voluntary and is estimated at 2 to 3 million members. While
in the past CCM membership was necessary for advancement in political and other
areas, the importance of such membership is waning.
The Criminal Procedures Act of 1985 authorizes police ofTicials, including the ci-
vilian anticrime units, to issue search warrants. However, the act also authorizes
searches of persons and premises without a warrant if necessary to prevent the loss
or destruction of evidence connected with an offense or if circumstances are serious
and urgent. In practice warrants are rarely requested, and police and other security
services search private homes and business establishments at will. The security
services reportedly monitor telephones and correspondence of some citizens and for-
eign residents.
The police occasionally arrest relatives of criminal suspects and detain them with-
out charge in an effort to force suspects to surrender (see Section l.d.).
National employment directives stipulating the nature of employment and loca-
tion of residence give authorities the right to transfer citizens to another area to
ensure their productive employment (see Section 2.d.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press; however, the Government limited these rights in practice. The
Government pressures journalists to practice self-censorship and denied unrestricted
access to political opponents. In September police interrogated a journalist for the
Majira newspaper for writing articles about problems along the border with Bu-
rundi. Except in Zanzibar, citizens generally enjoyed the right to discuss freely polit-
ical alternatives. Opposition political party members and others openly criticize the
Government and ruling party in public forums. However, persons using "abusive
language" against the country's leadership may be subject to arrest, and the Gov-
ernment used this provision to detain some opposition figures. In July a former
presidential candidate was arrested in Zanzibar and charged with making seditious
comments about the chairman of the electoral commission. Earlier in the year.
349
President Mkapa intimated publicly that government officials who support the oppo-
sition could lose their jobs.
On Zanzibar, radio and television are controlled by the Government, which also
practices a restrictive policy with regard to print media. Private mainland news-
papers are widely available, and many residents can receive mainland television.
The press on the mainland is, on the whole, lively and outspoken, and even the
government-owned newspaper occasionally reports events that may portray the Gov-
ernment in an unflattering light. There are 9 daily newspapers ana 15 other news-
papers in English and Kiswahili, along with another dozen periodicals some of
which are owned or influenced by political parties, both the CCM and the opposi-
tion. The rising cost of newsprint resulted in the closure of 15 newspapers in 1996.
There is no official censorship, but throughout the year the Government continued
to pressure newspapers to suppress or change articles unfavorable to it.
m 1996 the Government of Zanzibar banned from the islands the privately owned
Kiswahili Language newspaper Majira. A member of an opposition party central
committee was arrested in June for entering Zanzibar with four copies of the news-
paper. In July that newspaper was charged with sedition for having published a
speech made by a presidential candidate in 1995.
Private radio and television stations broadcast in Dar es Salaam and in a few
other urban areas, although their activities may be circumscribed. The Government
reportedly does not censor news reports, but attempts to influence their content.
Some journalists, such as those in Zanzibar, exercise self-censorship on sensitive is-
sues. Authorities prevented television cameramen from filming the swearing in of
an opposition member of Parliament. Journalists who report arrests can be charged
with obstructing police activity under the 1964 Police Act. In March a journalist was
sentenced to 1 year in prison for possessing a supposedly secret document, which
was in fact a jiersonal letter. The arrest and conviction were widely publicized, and,
in an example of judicial independence, a court later overturned the conviction.
The Union Grovemment sought to maintain some control over the private media
with the establishment of a code of conduct for journalists and a Media Council.
With the leadership of the local chapter of the Media Council for Southern Africa
and the Association of Journalists and Media Workers, journalists forced the Gov-
ernment to agree to a voluntary code of ethics and establishment of a media council
intended to preserve and expand media freedom. The council was formally inaugu-
rated on August 16, although it came into existence in 1996. Thus far, it has proved
ineffectual.
Academic freedom is largely respected in practice. Academics, increasingly out-
spoken in their criticism of the Government, stepped up their calls for reform.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly; however, the Government limits this right in practice.
Political parties must give the police 48 hours' advance notice of rallies. Police have
the authority to deny permission on public safety or security grounds or if the per-
mit seeker belongs to an unregistered organization or political party. In September
1996, an opposition party canceled its march to celebrate the victory of one of its
by-election candidates because of government intimidation, and police dispersed an-
other opposition procession in February. Authorities arrested citizens for assembling
without the appropriate permit. Opposition parties, other than in Zanzibar, are able
to hold rallies. Zanzibar government officials prohibited the assembly of CUF sup-
porters and use of CUF slogans for the 10 months following the 1995 election. They
continue to ban CUF meetings, although they occasionally lift the ban. Police con-
tinue to break up meetings attended by persons thought to be opposed to the Zanzi-
bar Government. In Pemba security forces broke up gatherings and intimidated offi-
cials.
On the mainland, by-elections that were held 6 times during the year were on oc-
casion marred by violence. Tight security was employed at polling places. Opposition
candidates won some of these elections. However, in late 1996, following its loss in
a by-election, the Government issued new directives limiting political activity and
fund raising on the grounds of maintaining order. In advance of a Zanzibar by-elec-
tion in November, government officials harassed opposition supporters, and some
violent incidents took place in connection with voter registration.
Police arrested 7 CUF ofTicials including two Parliamentarians on the eve of the
November 30 Mkunazini by-election in Zanzibar, which was won by the CUF. After
the election, police arrested an additional 7 party ofTicials, eventually charging each
of the 14 persons with treason for having attempted to overthrow the Zanzibar Gov-
ernment.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, the Government
limits this right in practice. The Registrar of Political Parties has sole authority to
approve or deny the registration of any political party and is responsible for en/orc-
350
ing strict regulations on registered or provisionally registered parties. The Constitu-
tion and other legal acts and stipulate that citizens cannot establish new political
parties; candidates must be members of 1 of the 13 registered political parties. The
electoral law prohibits independent candidates; requires all standing Members of
Parliament to resign if they join another party; requires all political parties to sup-
port the union with Zanzibar; and forbids parties based on ethnic, regional, or reli-
gious affiliation. Parties granted provisional registration may hold public meetings
and recruit members. They have 6 months to submit lists of at least 200 members
in 10 of the country's 25 regions, including 2 regions in Zanzibar, in order to secure
full registration and to be eligible to field candidates for election. Nonregistered par-
ties are prohibited from holding meetings, recruiting members, or fielding can-
didates. Although the Registrar of Political Parties called the registration provisions
too restrictive, no remedial action has been taken. Moreover, the registrar an-
nounced plans to deregister parties that failed to win 3 percent of the vote in the
last election.
The most prominent unregistered party was the Reverend Christopher Mikila's
Democratic Party, which advocates the dissolution of the union and the expulsion
of minorities from the mainland. Despite his party's lack of government recognition,
Mtikila was able to publicize his views through his legally registered church and
through ongoing lawsuits against the Government.
Under the Societies Ordinance, the Ministry of Home Affairs must approve any
new association. Several nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) were formed in the
last few years to address the concerns of families, the disabled, women, and chil-
dren. NGO's formed during the year emphasized gender and environmental prob-
lems. Registration of new NGO's was suspended, pending the enactment of a new
NGO act. The National Women's Council, registered in 1993, was suspended by the
Ministry in 1996 and deregistered in 1997, allegedly because it engaged in political
activity contrary to its charter. The Council challenged the deregistration in the
courts, and the matter had not been finally resolved by year's end. TTie incident,
however, provoked the drafting by the Tanganyika Law Society of a model NGO
law, which was presented to the Government for its consideration. A number of pro-
fessional, business, legal, and medical associations have only begun to address polit-
ical topics. The Government for more than 3 years withheld registration from an
NGO called Defenders of Human Rights in Tanzania (see Section 4) until finally de-
nying registration during the year. A youth group has also been denied registration
on the grounds that there already was a youth organization affiliated with the
CCM. Opposition leaders complain that the Zanzibar government is even more re-
strictive in registering societies than the Union Government.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government generally respects this right in practice, subject to measures that it
claims are necessary to ensure public order and safety. Missionaries are allowed to
enter the country freely, particularly if proselytizing is ancillary to other religious
activities. Citizens are allowed to go abroad for pilgrimages and other religious prac-
tices.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government imposes some limits on these rights. Short-term do-
mestic travel is not restricted, but citizens must follow national employment direc-
tives stipulating the nature of employment and location of the residence. The
Human Resources Deployment Act of 1983 requires local governments to ensure
that every resident within their area of jurisdiction engages in productive and law-
ful employment. Those not employed are subject to transfer to another area where
employment is available. These laws, although generally not rigorously enforced, are
used by police as a means of soliciting bribes and intimidating urban residents. The
Dar es Salaam City Council rounds up beggars for return to their home areas, but
many return to the capital. In June the Zanzibar government returned thousands
of persons to their places of birth in an effort to curb urban congestion.
Passports for foreign travel may be difilcult to obtain, mostly due to bureaucratic
inefTiciency and officials' demands for bribes. Citizens can return without difTiculty.
Mainlanders are required to show identification to travel to Zanzibar and arc not
allowed to work or own land on the islands.
The Government cooperates with the U. N. High Commissioner for Refugees. The
Government traditionally maintained a generous open border policy both with re-
gard to neighboring countries' refugees and to persons seeking political asylum.
However, following an influx of Rwandan refugees in early 1995, the Government
closed the borders with Rwanda and Burundi. Tens of thousands of asylum seekers
nonetheless entered the country thereafter. Occasionally local authorities used laws,
such as those on poaching, trespassing, and illegal migration, to forcibly repatriate
several hundred Rwandan refugees previously admitted. By early 1997, virtually all
351
Rwandans had departed because of the Government's use of force and intimidation.
Most remaining Rwandans are considered illegal immigrants, but a relatively small
number of Rwandans who feared for their safety were granted asylum by the Gov-
ernment, and appeals by others who petitioned for asylum are pending.
Tanzania continues to offer first asylum to over 250,000 refugees from Burundi
and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
A multiparty political system was ofiicially introduced in 1992. In 1995, for the
first time in more than 30 years, citizens exercised their right to change their gov-
ernment through national elections for president and parliament. The CCM, with
huge advantages over opposition parties in membership and access to resources in-
cluding its own daily Kiswahili Language newspaper, retained 186 of 232 elective
seats in Parliament and won the presidency. Despite government tactics to restrict
or delay the activities of its opponents, the opposition achieved occasional success
in judicial challenges and received about 38 percent of the vote. The Government
arrested opposition politicians for holding meetings, distributing information, and
other acts that it regarded as seditious.
The Constitution of Zanzibar provides citizens with the right to change peacefully
their government; however, this right has been severely circumscribed. The 1995
presidential election in Zanzibar was seriously flawed. Government-owned broadcast
media in Zanzibar were biased in favor of the CCM incumbent president Salmin
Amour Juma. The government party intimidated and harassed the opposition and
did not permit opposition rallies until 2 months prior to the election. Further, reg-
istration was limited to persons who had maintained the same residence for 5 years,
which disenfranchised many voters. CUF party members were also detained by po-
lice when they attempted to campaign in rural areas.
Election observers in Zanzibar were denied access to the tabulation of votes from
polling stations. After 4 days, the Zanzibar Electoral Commission appointed by the
Amour government, announced that Amour had won by 0.5 percent of the vote. Fig-
ures tabulated by the CUF showed a similarly close victory for its candidate. After
eflbrts by the international community to reconcile discrepancies in the vote count-
ing, observers concluded that the official results may have been inaccurate. The
Zanzibar and Union Governments both rejected calls to overturn the result and con-
duct a new election for the presidency of Zanzibar.
In the 2 years since the election, government security forces and CCM gangs har-
assed and intimidated CUF members on both main Zanzibar islands, I'emba and
Ugunja. Because the CUF won all 20 seats on Pemba, Pembans living on Ugunja
were regarded as CUF supporters and as a result were harassed. CUF members ac-
cused police of detaining dozens of its members including several local leaders.
Many CUF supporters left Ugunja for Pemba or the mainland. Citizens' safety is
not ensured in Pemba, however, where security forces dispersed gatherings and in-
timidated individuals. Almost all international donors have suspended direct assist-
ance to Zanzibar in response to activities of the authorities.
There are no restrictions in law on the participation of women in politics and gov-
ernment. In practice, however, few women are politically active. Eight of 232 elected
members of the Union Parliament are women. In addition, 37 female members of
the CCM and opposition parties were appointed to Parliament to seats reserved for
women in order to meet the legal requirement that at least 15 percent of Members
of Parliament be women. The President has set a goal that women constitute 30
percent of parliamentarians elected in 2000. Three of the Cabinet's 23 ministers are
women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government has obstructed the formation of local human rights groups. Per-
sons seeking to register human rights NGO's, such as the Defenders of Human
Rights in Tanzania and the Tanzania Human Rights Education Society, complained
that the Ministry of Home Affairs continued to delay action on their applications
(see Section 2.b.). This hampered their access and efforts to monitor violations of
human rights. The Government continued to refuse registration of the African
Human Rights and Justice Protection Network on the grounds that it was politically
oriented. The Government deregistered the National Women's Council (see Section
2.b.).
Government ofiicials have said that international human rights groups are wel-
come to visit Tanzania. Anmesty International visited 5 times during the year.
352
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on nationahty, tribe, origin, polit-
ical affiliation, color, religion, or lifestyle. Discrimination based on sex, age, or dis-
ability is not specifically prohibited by law but is publicly discouraged in official
statements.
Women. — Violence against women remained widespread. Legal remedies exist, but
in practice are difficult to obtain. Traditional customs subordmating women remain
strong in both urban and rural areas and local magistrates oflen upheld such prac-
tices. Women may be punished for not bearing children. It is accepted for a husoand
to treat his wife as he wishes, and wife beating can occur at all levels of society.
Cultural, family, and social pressure prevent many women from reporting abuses
to authorities. Nonetheless, tne Ministry of Home Affairs noted that an average of
10,000 cases of wife beating are reported annually. Government officials frequently
make public statements decrying such abuses, but rarely is action taken against
perpetrators.
Although the Government advocates equal rights for women in the workplace, it
does not ensure these rights in practice. In the public sector, which employs 80 per-
cent of the salaried labor force, certain statutes restrict women's access to some jobs
or hours of employment. While progress on women's rights has been more noticeable
in urban areas, strong traditional norms still divide labor along gender lines and
place women in a subordinate position. Discrimination against women is most acute
in the countryside, where women are relegated to farming and raising children, and
have almost no opportunity for wage employment. Custom and tradition oflen
hinder women from owning property such as land, and these factors may .override
other laws that provide for equal treatment. Women seeking higher education may
be harassed by male colleagues, but authorities have largely ignored the practice.
The overall situation for women is even less favorable in heavily Muslim Zanzi-
bar. Women there, and in many parts of the mainland, face discriminatory restric-
tions on inheritance and ownership of property because of concessions by the Gov-
ernment and courts to customary and Islamic law. While provisions of the Marriage
Act provide for certain inheritance and property rights for women, application of
customary. Islamic, or statutory law depends on the lifestyle and stated intentions
of the male head of household. The courts have thus upheld discriminatory inherit-
ance claims primarily in rural areas. Under Zanzibari law, unmarried women under
the age of 21 who become pregnant are subject to 2 years' imprisonment.
Several NGO's provide counseling and education programs on women's rights
problems, particularly sexual harassment and molestation. The Government
deregistered the National Woman's Council (See Section 2.b.).
Children. — Government funding of programs for children's welfare remained min-
uscule. The Government has made some constructive efforts to address children's
welfare, including working closely with the U.N. Children's F'und and other inter-
national and local organizations to improve the well-being of orphans and neglected
children.
The law provides for 7 years of compulsory schooling through the age of 15. In
January the Education Minister said that some teachers were demanding money to
enroll students in school with the result that some children have been denied an
education. The Warioba Commission confirmed that bribes may determine whether
a child is eligible to register in school. In the past, girls who became pregnant were
expelled from school. In 1996 ofTicials put into effect procedures to permit pregnant
girls to continue their educations following their maternity absences. However, the
application of these procedures is not universal, and laws forcing girls out of school
remain in effect.
Female genital mutilation (FGM) is widely condemned by international health ex-
perts as damaging to both physical and psychological health. Although the Govern-
ment officially discourages FGM, it is still performed at an early age in approxi-
mately 20 of the counties 130 main ethnic groups, affecting 18 percent of the fe-
male population, according to a 1996 health survey conducted by tne Bureau of Sta-
tistics. In some groups, FGM is compulsory, and in others, a woman who has not
undergone the ritual may not be able to marry. In the Arusha and Dodoma regions,
a rep)orted 81 and 68 percent of women, respectively, have suffered FGM. Govern-
ment officials have called for changes in practices that adversely affect women, but
introduced no legislation that would specifically restrict the practice of FGM. Some
local government officials have begun to combat the practice, and in 1996 convicted
and imprisoned some persons who mutilated young girls. Seminars sponsored by
various governmental and nongovernmental organizations are regularly held in an
attempt to educate the public on the dangers of FGM and other traditional prac-
tices. These practices include the tradition of inherited wives, which critics contend
353
contributes to the spread of HIV/AIDS. While some authorities believe that FGM
is declining, a government report suggests that it is on the rise, especially in the
central region.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not mandate access to public
buildings, transportation, or government services for people with disabilities. Al-
though there is no official discrimination against the disabled, in practice the phys-
ically disabled are effectively restricted in their access to education, employment,
and provision of other state services due to physical barriers. The Government pro-
vides only limited fundingfor special facilities and programs.
Religious Minorities.— ^The Muslim community claims to be disadvantaged in
terms of its representation in the civil service and government and in state-owned
business, in part because both colonial and past post-independence administrations
refused to recognize the credentials of traditional Muslim schools. As a result, there
is widespread Muslim resentment of the perceived advantages enjoyed by Chris-
tians. Christians, in turn, have been critical of what they perceive as undue favor-
itism accorded to Muslims in appointments, jobs, and scholarships by former Presi-
dent Ah Hassan Mwinyi, a Muslim. Some leaders in both groups appear to be fo-
menting religious tension. There does not appear to be any serious problem of dis-
crimination due to religion in access to employment or educational opportunities.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — In the past, the Government discriminated
against the Barabaig and other nomadic people in the north. These ethnic groups
continued to complain of past government discrimination because of efforts to make
them adopt a more modern lifestyle and to restrict their access to pastoral land that
was turned into large government wheat farms.
The Asian community declined by 50 percent in the past decade to about 50,000,
a result of considerable antipathy by many African Tanzanians. There are, however,
no laws or official policies that discriminate against Asians. As the Government
places greater emphasis on market-oriented poficies and privatization, public con-
cern regarding the Asian minority's economic role has increased. This has led to de-
mands for policies of "indigenization" to ensure that privatization does not increase
the Asian community's economic predominance at the expense of the country's Afri-
can population.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Both the Constitution and the 1955 Trade Union Or-
dinance refer to the right of association of workers. Nevertheless, workers do not
have the right to form or join organizations of their choice. The Organization of Tan-
zania Trade Unions Act of 1991 addresses all labor union issues. The act created
the Organization of Tanzania Trade Unions (OTTU), the only trade union organiza-
tion; it was renamed the Tanzania Federation of Trade Unions (TFTU) in 1995. The
Federation is able to function, although it has still not been formally registered. The
TFTU is comprised of 11 independent trade unions, which have the right to leave
the TFTU and to collect their own dues, 5 percent of which are contributed to the
federation.
In May the regional International Labor Organization (ILO) representative called
for the repeal oT the OTTU act, noting that the law hindered the registration of
unions. More than 2 years after the labor reorganization, only 1 of the 11 new inde-
pendent unions, the Tanzanian Teachers' Union, is fully registered. Although unions
exist in the workplace, the absence of registration makes relations with employers
difficult. Noting this, in July the chairman of the Association of Tanzania Employers
called on the Government to recognize the unions in law. In late 1996, the Zanzibar
Government suspended the activities of the teachers' union and stated that it did
not recognize any trade union, even those ofTicially registered.
Although the TFTU may nominally represents 60 percent of workers in industry
and government, in some sectors it deducts dues from workers' pay whether or not
they are members. The TFTU has little influence on labor policy. Overall, less than
25 percent of the country's 2 million wage earners are organized. All workers, in-
cluding those classified as "essential" service workers, are permitted to join unions,
but essential workers are not permitted to strike.
There are no laws prohibiting retribution against legal strikers. However, workers
have the legal right to strike only after complicated and protracted mediation and
conciliation procedures leading ultimately to tne Industrial Court, which receives di-
rection from the Minister of Labor and Youth Development. If the TFTU is not sat-
isfied with the decision of the Industrial Court, it may then conduct a legal strike.
These procedures can prolong a dispute by months without resolving it. Pending a
resolution, frustrated workers have staged impromptu, illegal wildcat strikes and
walkouts. The Tanzanian Harbor Authority workers, glass workers, textile workers,
and newspaper workers staged such strikes during the year.
354
The TFTU expanded upon its forerunner's membership in regional and pan
Africanist trade union organizations by joining the International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions in 1996.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is pro-
tected by law but limited to the private sector. Wages for employees of the Govern-
ment and state-owned organizations, which account for the bulk of the salaried
labor force, are administratively set by the Government.
Although the TFTU negotiates on behalf of most private sector employees with
the Association of Tanzanian Employers, collective agreements must be submitted
to the Industrial Court for approval. The ILO has observed that these provisions are
not in conformity with ILO Convention 98 on Collective Bargaining and the Right
to Organize. The Security of Employment Act of 1964 prohibits discriminatory ac-
tivities by an employer against union members. Employers found guilty of antiunion
activities are legally required to reinstate workers. According to the Warioba Com-
mission, bribes may determine whether a worker dismissed m)m his job may be re-
installed.
There are no export processing zones (EPZ's) on the mainland, but there are three
in Zanzibar. Working conditions are comparable to those in other areas. Labor law
protections apply to EPZ workers.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, which also applies to children. However, the ILO observed that
various provisions of the law are incompatible with ILO Conventions 29 and 105 on
forced labor. Specifically, the Human Resources Deployment Act of 1983 requires
that every local government authority ensure that able-bodied persons over 15 years
of age not in school engage in productive or other lawful employment. In some rural
areas, ordinary villagers are still obligated to work in the village communal gardens
or on small construction projects, such as repairing roads.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution does not specifically prohibit forced or bonded child labor, but the Govern-
ment is working with NGO's to establish this prohibition explicitly (see Section 6.c.).
By law children under the age of 12 are prohibited from working in the formal wage
sector in both urban and rural areas, and the Government enforces this prohibition.
However, this provision does not apply to children working on family farms or
herding domestic livestock. Children oetween the ages of 12 and 15 may be em-
ployed on a daily wage and on a day-to-day basis, but they must have parental per-
mission and return to the residence of their guardian at night.
The minimum age for work of a contractual nature in approved occupations is set
at 15 years. The law prohibits a young person from employment in any occupation
that is injurious to health and that is dangerous or otherwise unsuitable. Young
persons between the ages of 12 and 15 may be employed in industrial work but only
between the hours of 6 a.m. and 6 p.m., with some exceptions. The Ministry of
Labor and Social Welfare and Youth Development is responsible for enforcement,
but the number of inspectors is inadequate to police conditions. The effectiveness
of government enforcement reportedly has declined with increased privatization. Ap-
proximately 3,000 to 5,000 children engage in seasonal employment on sisal, tea,
tobacco, and coffee plantations. Children working on plantations generally receive
lower wages than their older counterparts although they may be in comparable jobs.
Work on sisal plantations is particularly hazardous and detrimental to children. On
one sisal plantation, children made up 30 percent of the work force; only half the
children had completed primary school. They had a high incidence of skin and res-
piratory problems, were not provided protective clothing, and lacked adequate nour-
ishment and lodging. Another 1,500 to 3,000 children work in unregulated gemstone
mines. In the informal sector, children assist their parents in unregulated piecework
manufacturing.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — A legal minimum wage for employment exists
in the formal sector. The TFTU often negotiates higher minimum wages with indi-
vidual employers, defjending on the financial status of the business. The legal mini-
mum wage is $27 (17,500 Tanzanian shillings) per month. Even when supplemented
with various benefits such as housing, transport allowances, and food subsidies, the
minimum rate may not always be sufficient to provide a decent standard of living
for a worker and family, and workers must depend on the extended family or a sec-
ond or third job. Despite the minimum wage, many workers, especially in the infor-
mal sector, are paid less.
There is no standard legal workweek. However, a 5-day, 40-hour workweek is in
effect for government workers. Most private employers retain a 6-day, 44- to 48-hour
workweek. In general, women may not be employed between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m.
Several laws regulate safety in the workplace. An occupational health and safety
factory inspection system, set up with the assistance of the ILO, is now managed
355
by the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare and Youth Development. Its effective-
ness, however, is limited.
TFTU officials have claimed that enforcement of labor standards is efTective in the
formal sector, but no verification studies have been performed. Workers may sue an
employer through their TFTU branch if their working conditions do not comply with
the Ministry of Labor's health and environmental standards. Workers making such
complaints have not lost their jobs as a result. However, workers do not have the
right to remove themselves from dangerous situations without jeopardizing their
employment. Enforcement of labor standards is nonexistent in the informal sector.
TOGO
President General Gnassingbe Eyadema and his Assembly of the Togolese People
(RPT) party, strongly backed by the military, continue to dominate the exercise of
political power. During the year, the RPT used its parliamentary majority in the
National Assembly to create a Constitutional Court, an Audio-visual and Commu-
nications Authority, and a Supreme Council for the Magistrature. Despite the Gov-
ernment's professed intention to move from an authoritarian legacy to democracy,
in practice the new legislation ensures that President Eyadema and his supporters
continue to maintain firm control over all facets of government. As all of these new
bodies are filled with allies and supporters of President Eyadema, their authority
is thus limited, and their autonomy and effectiveness is very much in doubt. The
Government also moved forward unilaterally to update electoral lists and make
preparations for the presidential election, scheduled for June or July 1998. Despite
opposition demands to establish an electoral system free from government infiuence
for the election, the RPT majority in the National Assembly passed a new Electoral
Code that gives responsibility for organizing elections to the Minister of Interior, an
army general. The National Electoral Commission, whose own independence is not
guaranteed by the new legislation, is merely charged with confirming the results of
the election. The Government also exerts control over the judiciary.
The security forces consist primarily of the army (including the elite Presidential
Guard), navy, air force, the Surete Nationale (including the national police), and the
Gendarmerie. Approximately 90 percent of the army's officers and 70 percent of its
soldiers come from the President's northern (Kabye) ethnic group. The Minister of
the Interior is in charge of the national police, and the Defense Minister has nomi-
nal authority over the other security forces. In practice there is little differentiation
between civilian and military authorities. Security forces remain overwhelmingly
loyal to their chief. President Eyadema, subject to his direct control, and carry out
his orders. Some members of the security forces committed serious human rights
abuses.
About 80 percent of the country's estimated 4.25 million people are engaged in
subsistence agriculture, but there is also an active commercial sector. The main ex-
ports are phosphates, cotton, and cocoa, which are the leading sources of foreign ex-
change. While there has been considerable recovery in the gross domestic product
(GDP) since the severe political and economic crisis of the early 1990's, annual per
capita GDP remains below $400. The country is slowly moving toward structural ad-
justment under programs of international financial institutions and has resumed
moderate growth.
The Government's human rights record continued to be poor. The Government re-
stricted citizens' right to change their government. Security forces were responsible
for extrajudicial killings, beatings, arbitrary detentions, and interference with citi-
zens' movement and privacy rights. The Government did not, in general, investigate
or effectively punish those who committed such abuses. Prolonged pretrial detention
was commonplace, and prison conditions remained very harsh. The Government con-
tinued to influence the judiciary; defendants' rights to fair and expeditious trials are
not ensured, and some detainees wait years to be judged. The Government and the
security forces restricted freedom of speech and of the press, often using investiga-
tive detention and suspension of newspaper publication to harass journalists and po-
litical opponents. Government intimidation limits freedom of assembly. The Na-
tional Assembly renewed the mandate of the National Human Rights Commission,
but it is dominated by supporters of Eyadema. Societal discrimination and violence
against women, as well as abuse of children, continued.
356
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — ^A heavy security presence combined
with habitual impunity enjoyed by members of the security forces has created a cli-
mate in which excessive force can be used without legal consequences. There were
two confirmed cases of extrajudicial killing by members of the security forces.
Dosseh Danklou and Agbodjinshie Yakanou, supporters of prominent self-exiled op-
position leader and former Interior Minister Alphonse Kokouvi Masseme, were
killed in detention by security forces following their arrest on June 15 on weapons
charges in the border village of Akato. Two other men, arrested at the same time,
were later released (see Section 2.d.).
In addition to these confirmed incidents, opponents of the Government alleged
other killings and attacks linked to security forces. Apetse Kofii Edem, a former
member of the Togolese armed forces who had been living in Ghana as a refugee,
was killed by heavily-armed men in an ambush on February 3 on the road to
Kpalime. His body, along with that of another man, was found the next day in a
field near the town of Notse, 90 kilometers north of Lome. On February 19, an un-
identified young man was killed by members of the security forces, who knocked
him off his motorcycle as he passed in front of a military checkpoint near the Ghana
border. Komlan Hofia Pomeavo, a family member of Alphonse Kokouvi Masseme,
was arrested by security forces on March 1. His body was found the next day in
a ditch by the side of the road near his village of Akato.
The bodies of two men were found on June 29 near a village close to the Ghana
border. Reliable sources claimed that the two men were killed by members of the
security forces in retaliation for a series of attacks on police in the Sanguera region,
20 kilometers north of Lome.
In December the Lome Court of Appeals sentenced Aleka Kpakou and Kouma
Dolla, the soldiers accused in the murder of German diplomat Thomas Rupprecht
in February 1996, to 10 years in prison. There were, however, no developments in
the 1996 murders of Captain Philippe Azote or Anthony Dogbo. Likewise there was
no progress in solving tne 1996 murders of Rose Woenagno, Amouzou Adjakly, or
Komlavi Yebesse. Nor were there further developments in the 1995 murder in
Ghana of opposition leader Lieutenant Vincent Tokofai, the 1994 killing of Gaston
Edeh, or the 1992 killings of Marc Atidepe.and Tavio Amorin.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
There were, however, no developments in the 1994 disappearance of David Bruce,
or in the disappearance of Afougnilede Essiba, Adanou Igbe, Kobono Kowouvi, and
another companion, all four of whom were arrested by soldiers at an armed security
checkpoint in Adetikope in 1994. In 1994 the Government began an investigation
of the Bruce disappearance but has not reported any results.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.—
The law prohibits these practices, but security forces often beat detainees imme-
diately after arresting them. Some suspects have claimed credibly to have been
beaten and denied access to food and medical attention. The Government did not
investigate, prosecute, or punish any officials for these abuses.
Prison conditions remained very harsh, with serious overcrowding and inadequate
sanitation and food. Medical facilities are practically nonexistent and disease is
widespread. Despite these problems, there were no reported deaths of prisoners due
to disease or inadequate medical facilities, unlike in 1996, when conditions led to
an estimated 15 deaths. Prison guards in the overcrowded Civil Prison of Lome
charge prisoners a small fee to shower, use the toilet, or have a place to sleep. Chil-
dren are often incarcerated with convicted adults. Women are housed separately.
Although international and local private organizations have access to prisons for
monitoring purposes, the Ministry of Justice refused written requests from diplo-
matic missions lor monitoring visits.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law allows authorities to hold ar-
rested persons incommunicado without charge for 48 hours, with an additional 48-
hour extension in cases deemed serious or complex. In practice detainees can be,
and often are, detained without bail for lengthy periods with or without the ap-
proval of a judge. Family members and attorneys ofiicially have access to a detainee
after the initial 48- or 96-hour detention period, but authorities often delay, and
sometimes deny, access.
Judges or senior police officials issue warrants. Although detainees have the right
to be mformed of the charges against them, police sometimes ignore this right. The
law stipulates that a special judge conduct a pretrial investigation to examine the
adequacy of evidence and decide on bail. However, a shortage of judges and other
qualified personnel, plus official indifference, have resulted in lengthy pretrial de-
357
tentions — in some cases several years — and confinement of prisoners beyond their
sentences. An estimated 50 percent of the prison population were pretrial detainees.
The Government continued to use brief investigative detentions of less than 48
hours to harass and intimidate opponents and journalists for alleged defamation of
government oflicials (see Section 2. a.). The Government often resorts to false
charges of common crimes to detain and intimidate opponents.
There were instances of arbitrary arrests and detention. In the week preceding
the January 13 anniversary celebration of President Eyadema's coup d'etat, security
forces arrested a number of young men in the Nyekonakpoe and Adidogome Casa-
blanca districts of Lome. These areas are reputedly strongholds of the opposition
and are also adjacent to the border with Ghana. Security forces reportedly deployed
and then conducted identity checks throughout the area, arresting those who could
not produce identity cards. The security forces conducted a similar roundup in the
Be quarter of Lome (the site of the anniversary parade) 2 days before the celebra-
tion. All those detained were later released. Houssoukpe Kokou was detained on
June 15 and held for 3 days on charges that his 8-year-old son was found carrying
a gun. Security forces found no weapons when they conducted a search of his resi-
dence. Dogbolo Sofahu and Agbodzalu Kemavo, arrested on June 15 along with
Dosseh Danklou and Agbodjinshie Yakanou (see Section l.a.), were later released.
In December security forces detained Jean-Pierre Fabre, the Secretary General of
Gilchrist Olympio's Union of the F'orces for Change (UFC) Party. F'abre was accused
of plotting to take pictures of cadavers at Lome hospitals, supposedly of persons
killed by security forces. The pictures reportedly were to be used in a London press
conference by Olympio to attempt to defame the military. The Government did not
produce any photographs, did not file charges, and released Fabre after a 36-hour
detention.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and the Government respects this prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution provides for an inde-
pendent judiciary, in practice the executive branch continued to influence the judici-
ary. The Government established a Supreme Council for the Magistrature in Au-
gust, but a majority of its members are strong supporters of President Eyadema.
The Constitutional Court, established in March, stands at the apex of the court
system. The civil judiciary system includes the Supreme Court, the Sessions (Court
of Assizes), and Appeals Courts. A military tribunal exists for crimes committed by
security forces, but its proceedings are closed. Traditional law discriminates against
women, particularly in the area of inheritance.
The court system remained overburdened and understaffed (see Section l.d.).
Magistrates, like most government employees, are not always paid on time. The ju-
dicial system employs both African traditional law and the Napoleonic Code in try-
ing criminal and civil cases. Trials are open to the public, and judicial procedures
are generally respected. Defendants have the right to counsel and to appeal. The
Bar Association provides attorneys for the indigent. Defendants may confront wit-
nesses, present evidence, and enjoy a presumption of innocence. In rural areas, the
village chief or council of elders may try minor criminal and civil cases. Those who
reject the traditional ruling may take their cases to the regular court system, which
is the starting point for cases in urban areas.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
There have been no developments in the case of members of the radical opposition
group M05, convicted and sentenced to prison for the 1994 attack on an electrical
station owned by the Togolese phosphate parastatal. Although the crime appeared
to have been politically motivated, the State Prosecutor refused to apply the Decem-
ber 1994 general amnesty law to this case.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — In
criminal cases, a judge or senior police official may authorize searches of private
residences. In political and national security cases, the security forces need no prior
authorization. Police conducted searches without warrants, searching for dissidents'
arms caches as well as for criminals, often under the guise of searching for identity
cards. Armed security checkpoints exist throughout the country, and security forces
arbitrarily interfere with privacy by searching vehicles, baggage, and individuals in
the name of security. The Government monitors telephones and correspondence and
maintains the police and Gendarmerie as domestic intelligence services.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, but the Government regularly intimidated journalists through
threats, detention, and persecution. Police and gendarmes frequently harassed
newspaper vendors. Advertisers were often intimidated as well.
358
Despite Government interference, there is a lively independent press, some of
which is often extremely critical of President Eyadema. Of the 10 independent news-
papers identified in 1996, only 8 continue to publish with any regularity. There are
four independent radio stations and two private television companies tnat retrans-
mit international satellite stations, but none of the independent broadcasters pro-
vides any reporting of local or national events. The official media consist of one
radio station, one television station, and one daily newspaper. Although they were
generally slanted in favor of President Eyadema and the Government, they allowed
the opposition limited access.
The High Authority for Audio-visual and Communications (HAAC), designed to
provide equal access to state media, as called for in the 1992 Constitution, was cre-
ated in June. In practice it operates as an arm of the Government, is filled with
Eyadema supporters, and has not increased opposition access to government media.
There were many instances of detention and censorship. Moreover, intimidation
of the press leads to considerable self-censorship. The publishers of two independent
weeklies, Le Regard and Tingo Tingo, were arrested in February for printing arti-
cles that were critical of present and former members of the Government. Mikaila
Saibou, publisher of Le Regard, was detained for 5 days and then freed after apolo-
gizing in person to President Eyadema. Saibou was then instructed to publish a
statement in his paper admitting that Le Regard violated basic principles of journal-
ism. Augustin Assiobo, publisher of Tingo Tingo, was fined $100 (50,000 cfa) and
served 3 months in prison for defaming the family of a deceased government min-
ister. Tingo Tingo also issued a written apology for the story.
Also in February, the chief state prosecutor ordered the suspension of the opposi-
tion paper Forum Hebdo for 6 months. The publisher, Gabriel Kouame Agah, was
fined $2,000 (1,000,000 cfa) and sentenced in absentia to 1 year in prison on the
charge of criminal libel and publication of false information likely to incite the pub-
lic to unrest. Agah had been residing in self-imposed exile in Ghana since 1992.
Forum Hebdo resurfaced in May with a new name (Le Nouvel Echo) but with the
same editorial outlook and stafT.
In March the Government detained and questioned Lucien Messan, the publisher
of Le Combat du Peuple. He was taken to the Minister of the Interior, General Seyi
Memene, and questioned about an article the paper had written alleging that an
Africa Numero 1 journalist had accepted a $20,000 (10,000,000 cfa) bribe from the
Government to do a favorable story on the newly-installed Constitutional Court.
When Messan refused to disclose his source, he was arrested and confined overnight
at the headquarters of the Gendarmerie. Messan had also been briefiy detained in
January, during which time he was brought in handcuffs before Presiaent Eyadema
to hear complamts about an unfiattering picture of the Togolese leader that the
paper had published. In this instance, he was released the same day. Although Le
Combat du Peuple continues to publish regularly, Messan fied into exile in May.
In December the Government arrested and detained Afatsao Siliadin and Basile
Agboh, respectively the publishers of "Nouveau Journal" and "Crocodile", two inde-
pendent weeklies, after the papers ran stories linking President Eyadema to pro-
Mobutu rebels in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The two journalists were
held for 48 hours, then released, after making private apologies to the president,
followed by televised public confessions that their stories were lalse.
At the University of Benin, the country's sole university, academic freedom is con-
strained by concern among professors about potential harassment by the Govern-
ment or antiopposition militants and the lack of a faculty -elected rector. Opposition
student groups are intimidated by an informer system that has led in the past to
government persecution. The only recognized student group is pro-Eyadema.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Under the Constitution, citi-
zens are free to assemble, and in practice political parties are able to hold con-
gresses and meet. However, fear of informants and harsh reaction from the Govern-
ment has reduced public demonstrations, particularly outside the capital. In Feb-
ruary the mayor of the northern city of Kara banned a seminar on civic education
jointly organized by a Togolese nongovernmental organization and a German foun-
dation. In March RPT political activists attempted to break up an Action Committee
for Renewal (CAR) party rally in Mango. A local police official arrived on the scene
at the same time and informed the organizers that the prefect had prohibited the
meeting. In April RPT youth using tear gas and machetes broke up a political rally
in the prefecture of Agou organized by the opposition CAR party. In the same
month, the opposition alleged that the prefect of Oti had forced the area's tradi-
tional chiefs to adopt a resolution calling on CAR party leader Yawovi Agboyibo to
stay out of the area because his "security could not be assured." In October soldiers
prevented the CAR from holding a political rally in the northern town of Bafilo.
When the party again attempted to meet in Bafilo in November, two assailants.
359
credibly alleged to be members of the security forces in civilian clothes, attacked
CAR leader Agboyibo as he alighted from his vehicle. Agboyibo sustained minor fa-
cial injuries, but the rally proceeded as planned. The security forces briefly detained
the attackers but later released them and have filed no charges.
The opfMsition held well-attended and incident-free protest marches in Lome in
May, September, and October. In all three instances, unarmed police and gen-
darmes acted professionally to provide security for the marchers, and appropriate
crowd and traffic control.
Under the Constitution, citizens are free to organize in associations and political
parties. Parties are able to elect ofTicers and register. There are many active non-
governmental organizations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government generally respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights; however, armed security
checkpoints and arbitrary searches of vehicles and individuals are commonplace.
The lack of discipline of the soldiers manning the roadblocks and their actions, such
as firing at vehicles and frequently demanding bribes before allowing citizens to
pass, impede free movement within the country.
The Government generally cooperates with the OfTice of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in as-
sisting refugees. While there is no legislated body to determine asylum or refugee
status, the Government routinely accepts the decision of the UNHCR office resident
in Lome. The Government provides first asylum (and provided it to approximately
500 persons in 1997). Ogoni refugees complained that security forces subjected them
to arbitrary arrest and intimidation, but the UNHCR discounts these allegations.
There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they feared
persecution.
The August 1995 agreement with the UNHCR for the repatriation of an estimated
45,000 Togolese refugees living in Benin and 75,000 to 80,000 living in Ghana was
formally terminated in June. The UNHCR estimates that approximately 15,000 ref-
ugees remain expatriated. The Government also accommodates roughly 8,500 refu-
gees, mainly Ghanaians.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for the right of citizens peacefully to change their gov-
ernment. In recent elections, however, this right was only partly respected. The
Government, under the authority of the Minister of the Interior, began to revise the
voting lists and prepare for the August 1998 presidential election. The RPT majority
in the National Assembly also passed legislation to create, and the Government es-
tablished, institutions designed to play a key role in future elections. In each case,
the opposition boycotted the vote in the National Assembly. The Government set up
a Constitutional Court in March, and in June it established a High Authority for
Audio-visual and Communication (see Section 2.a.). The former has power to rule
in the event of a disputed election, and the latter is to oversee government and pri-
vate media. Both bodies are controlled by President Eyadema's appointees. Addi-
tionally, in August the National Assembly passed a new Electoral (Jode, which in-
cluded a renewal of the mandate of the National Electoral Commission (NEC). The
new code confirms that the Interior Ministry is to organize and supervise local, leg-
islative, and presidential elections, and provides limited authority to the NEC. The
method of nomination of members to the NEC creates an automatic majority for
President Eyadema's supporters.
Eyadema maintains a highly centralized government, including influencing impor-
tant nominations of ministers, prefects, mayors, and traditional chiefs. The Govern-
ment does not openly restrict the functioning of political opponents, but the Presi-
dent uses the strength of the military and his government allies to intimidate and
harass citizens and opposition groups. Eyadema also continues to influence the judi-
ciary.
The Constitution provides for universal suffrage and a secret ballot, and these
provisions are respected in practice.
There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women or members of ethnic
minorities in politics or government. Although many women are members of politi-
cal parties, there was only one female minister in the Government and one female
deputy in the National Assembly.
45-909 98-13
360
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are several local private human rights groups, including the Togolese
Human Rights League and the Center of Observation and Promotion of the Rule
of Law. In general the Government allows groups access to investigate alleged viola-
tions of human rights. However, the Government usually does not follow up on in-
vestigations of abuses. Years of government threats and intimidation of human
rights leaders, combined with a lack of results from human rights initiatives, have
led some human rights monitors to end their public activities.
The Government includes a Ministry of Justice and Human Rights. The National
Assembly voted in 1996 to enact a ministerial decree to reorganize the government-
sponsored and government-funded National Human Rights Commission (CNDH).
The Government named the members of the CNDH in August, and the majority are
supporters of President Eyadema. The opposition, which had boycotted the National
Assembly vote, criticized the law for allowing the President to control the composi-
tion, and ultimately the actions, of the CNDH. In practice neither the Ministry of
Justice and Human Rights nor the CNDH operate independently from the Presi-
dent. The International Committee of the Red Cross witndrew its permanent rep-
resentative in late 1997.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of ethnic group, regional
or family origin, sex, religion, social or economic status, or personal political or other
convictions. However, the Government does not provide effective redress for dis-
crimination complaints, and discrimination based on both ethnic group and sex is
common.
Women. — Violence against women continues. Although mechanisms exist within
both the traditional extended family and formal judicial structures for redress, the
police rarely intervene in traditional or domestic violence cases. Wife beating affects
an estimated 10 percent of married women and continues with impunity. Local
houses of prostitution exist, and some trafficking in Togolese women for the pur-
poses of prostitution or for exploiting women as domestic servants occurs with no
visible enort by the Government to curtail these abuses. There is a Ministry of
Feminine Promotion and Social Protection, which, along with independent women's
groups and related nongovernmental organizations, has active campaigns to inform
women of their rights.
Despite a constitutional declaration of equality under the law, women continue to
experience discrimination, especially in education, pension benefits, inheritance, and
as a consequence of traditional law. A husband may legally oppose his wife's right
to work or control her earnings, and he may also decide where his family will live.
Employers are often reluctant to hire women, especially for higher level positions.
Far fewer women than men attend university, ana fewer women graduate from sec-
ondary school. Families traditionally give boys priority over girls when deciding who
shall attend school. In urban areas, women and girls dominate local market activi-
ties and commerce with neighboring countries. However, harsh economic conditions
in rural areas, where most of the population lives, leave women with little time for
activities other than taxing domestic and agricultural field work. Under traditional
law, which applies to the vast majority of women, a wife has no maintenance rights
in the event of divorce or separation, and no inheritance rights on the death of her
husband.
Children. — Although the Constitution and family code laws provide for the protec-
tion of children's rignts, in practice government programs often suffer from a lack
of money, materials, and enforcement. The Government provides free education in
state schools, and there are social programs to provide free health care for poor chil-
dren. Orphans and other needy children receive some aid from extended families or
private organizations but less from the State. There are few juvenile courts, and
children are often jailed with adults. There are credible reports of trafficking in chil-
dren for the purpose of forced labor (see Section 6.c.).
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, remains a
current, although diminishing, practice. Approximately 12 percent of girls and
women have undergone FGM. Although many of the largest ethnic groups do not
practice FGM, the practicing groups have rates ranging from 40 to 98 percent. In
theory women and girls are protected by the Constitution from FGM, and in Decem-
ber the Government submitted draft legislation to the National Assembly to outlaw
the practice completely. Under existing laws, the Government states that it would
assist any woman who sought protection from infiiction of FGM, but neither the
361
constitutional protection nor the new draft law address "whistle blowers" who bring
FGM cases to the attention of legal authorities. In any event, in practice, the prohi-
bition is not enforced; no cases have been brought to court, no one has been helped
by the authorities to evade FGM, and traditional customs often supersede the legal
system in various ethnic groups. The Government has sponsored seminars to edu-
cate and campaign against FGM, and aired a documentary in April on national tele-
vision that denounced the practice.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not mandate accessibility to pub-
lic or private facilities for people with disabilities. Although the Constitution nomi-
nally obliges the Government to aid disabled persons and shelter them from social
iiyustice, the Government provides only limited assistance in practice. While there
is no overt state discrimination against disabled persons and while some hold re-
sponsible government positions, the disabled have no meaningful recourse against
private sector discrimination, which compels many to beg.
National/ Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Members of northern ethnic groups domi-
nate the security forces, while southerners dominate most commerce and the profes-
sions. With a few exceptions, southerners and northerners are also divided along po-
litical lines. Civil unrest in recent years and inadequate or prejudicial law enforce-
ment exacerbated ethnic rivalries dating from precolonial times. With the rise in
north-south tensions, majority ethnic group memoers in those regions have harassed
and attacked their neighbors belonging to minority groups, forcing them back to
their home regions. In recent years, many Togolese, predominantly southerners, fled
to neighboring Benin and Ghana, and members of northern ethnic groups were in-
ternally displaced.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides most workers with the
right to join unions and the right to strike. Security forces, including firemen and
policemen, do not have these rights; government health care workers may join
unions but may not strike. The work force in the formal (wage) sector is small, in-
volving about 20 percent of the total work force, of whom 60 to 70 percent are union
members or supporters.
The Constitution also prohibits discrimination against workers for reasons of sex,
origin, beliefs, or opinions. There is no specific law prohibiting retribution against
strScers.
There are several major trade union federations. These include the National Con-
federation of Togolese Workers (CNTT), which is closely associated with the Govern-
ment; the Labor Federation of Togolese Workers (CSTT); the National Union of
Independent Syndicates (UNSIT); and the Union of Free Trade Unions.
Federations and unions are free to associate with international labor groups. The
CNTT and the UNSIT are affiliates of the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code nominally
provides workers with the right to organize and bargain collectively. All formal sec-
tor employees are covered by a collective bargaining agreement. However, true col-
lective bargaining is limited by the Government's role in producing a single tri-
partite bargaining agreement signed by the unions, management, and the Govern-
ment. This agreement sets wage standards for all formal sector employees. Individ-
ual groups in the formal sector can attempt through collective bargaining to nego-
tiate a more favorable package, and some do, but this approach is not common.
The Labor Code prohibits antiunion discrimination. The Ministry of Labor is
charged with resolving labor-related complaints but does not always do so effec-
tively.
A 1989 law allows the establishment of export processing zones (EF^'s). Many
companies have EPZ status, and about 30 are in operation. The EPZ law provides
exemptions from some provisions of the Labor Code, notably the regulations on hir-
ing and firing. Employees of EPZ firms do not enjoy the same protection against
antiunion discrimination as do other workers.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law does not specifically ad-
dress the question of forced or bonded labor including that performed by children,
and children are sometimes subjected to forced labor, primarily as domestic serv-
ants. Credible sources confirm the international trafTicking of children, who are sold
into various forms of indentured and exploitative servitude, which amounts at times
to slavery. This traffic often results in the children being taken to other West and
Central African countries, the Middle East, or Asia. In rural areas, parents some-
times force young children into domestic work in other households in exchange for
cash. The Government has done nothing to stop this practice.
362
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Aige for Employment. — The
Labor Code prohibits the employment of children under the age of 14 in any enter-
prise. The law, however, does not prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, and
it is a significant problem (see Section 6.c.). Some types of industrial and technical
employment require a minimum age of 18. Inspectors from the Ministry of Labor
enforce these age requirements but only in the formal sector in urban areas. In both
urban and rural areas, particularly in farming and petty trading, very young chil-
dren traditionally assist in their families' wont. Under the Constitution, school is
mandatory for both sexes until the age of 15, but this requirement is not strictly
enforced.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government sets minimum wages for dif-
ferent categories, ranging from unskilled labor through professional positions. Less
than the omcial minimum wage is often paid in practice, mostly to less-skilled work-
ers. Ofiicial monthly minimum wages range from approximately $25 to $39 monthly
(cfa 14,700 to cfa 23,100). A 5 percent wage increase in July 1996 represented the
first since 1987, despite the 50 percent devaluation of the cfa in 1994. Many workers
cannot maintain a decent standard of living at the lower official minimum wages,
and many must supplement their incomes through second jobs or subsistence farm-
ing. The Ministry of Labor is ostensibly responsible for enforcement of the minimum
wage system, but it does not enforce the law in practice. The Labor Code, which
regulates labor practices, requires equal pay for equal work, regardless of sex. How-
ever, this provision is generally observed only in the formal sector.
Working hours of all employees in any enterprise, except for agricultural enter-
prises, normally must not exceed 40 hours per week; at least one 24-hour rest period
per week is compulsory, and workers must receive 30 days of paid leave each year.
The law requires overtime compensation, and there are restrictions on excessive
overtime work. The Ministry of Labor's enforcement is weak, however, and employ-
ers often ipiore these provisions.
A technical consulting committee in the Ministry of Labor sets workplace health
and safety standards. It may levy penalties on employers who do not meet the
standards, and employees ostensibly nave the right to complain to labor inspectors
of unhealthy or unsafe conditions without penalty. In practice the Ministry's en-
forcement of the various provisions of the Labor Code is limited. Large enterprises
must legally provide medical services for their employees and usually attempt to re-
spect occupational health and safety rules, but smaller firms often do not.
Workers have the right to remove themselves from unsafe conditions without fear
of losing their jobs.
UGANDA
President Yoweri Museveni, elected to a 5-year term in 1996 under the 1995 Con-
stitution, dominated the Government. He has ruled since 1986 through the National
Resistance Movement (NRM), legislatively reorganized and renamed as "The Move-
ment." The 1995 Constitution provided for a 276-member unicameral parliament
and an autonomous, independently elected president. The Constitution formally ex-
tended Uganda's one-party movement form of government for 5 years and severely
restricted political party activities, with a national referendum on the role of mul-
tiple political parties scheduled for the year 2000 after a 1-year campaign period.
Movement supporters remained in control in the Parliament, which was elected to
a 5-year term in July 1996. Both the presidential and parliamentary elections were
peaceful, orderly, and technically transparent; but election conditions, including re-
strictions on political party activities, led to a flawed election process. The judiciary
is generally independent, but understaffed and weak; the President has extensive
legal and extralegal powers.
The Uganda People's Defense Force (UPDF) is the key security force. The Con-
stitution maintains civilian control of the UPDF, with the President designated as
commander-in-chief. The UPDF's demobilization program, which concluded in 1995,
was partially reversed due to increasing instability in the north, and some soldiers
were reactivated in 1996 to combat the rebels. UPDF soldiers and members of local
defense units (LDU's) assist the police in rural areas, although the LDU's continued
to operate without a legal mandate. The Internal Security Organization (ISO) re-
mained under the direct authority of the President. Although the ISO is primarily
an intelligence-gathering body, its operatives occasionally detained civilians. The
UPDF, police, and LDU's committed human rights abuses.
The economy grew at a rate of 5 percent during the fiscal year ending June 30.
While the agriculturally based economy continuea to rely on coffee as its chief ex-
363
port, cotton and other agricultural exports continued to expand. Economic reforms
encouraged investment, and the Government divested 13 parastatals. The Govern-
ment introduced structural reforms in the banking industry and continued commer-
cial law reform. In addition, the capital markets authority licensed a stock ex-
change. The Government also made major investments in power, communications,
and transport. However, foreign economic assistance accounted for approximately 29
percent oi government spending. Annual gross domestic product is about $250 per
capita.
The Government's human rights record remained the same, and there continued
to be numerous, serious problems. Movement domination of the political process lim-
its the rights of citizens. Security forces used excessive force, at times resulting in
death. Government forces committed or failed to prevent some extrajudicial killings
of suspected rebels and civilians. Police, UPDF, and LDU forces regularly beat and
sometimes tortured suspects, often to force confessions. There were numerous cases
in which the Government detained and charged UPDF and LDU members for
human rights abuses. However, despite measures to improve the discipline and
training of security forces, and despite the punishment of some security force offi-
cials guilty of abuses, security force abuses remained a problem throughout the
country.
Prison conditions remained harsh and life threatening. Members of the security
forces sometimes arbitrarily arrest and detain citizens. Prolonged pretrial detention
remained a problem. Poor judicial administration, lack of resources, a large case
backlog, and lengthy trial delays circumscribed due process and the right to a fair
trial. The Gk)vemment continued to cooperate with nongovernmental organizations
(NGO's) on legal and prison reforms. The UPDF at times infringed on citizens' pri-
vacy rights. Although independent newspapers generally published freely, the Gov-
ernment at times restricted freedom of speech and the press in practice. The Gov-
ernment dominated the media and occasionally resorted to outdated laws on sedi-
tion and criminal libel or employed other means of press harassment, including im-
prisonment. This led some journalists to practice self-censorship. The UPDF contin-
ued to censor press reports about the northern insurgencies. In September the Gov-
ernment resumed administration of Movement political education courses, which
had been suspended in 1995 to avoid interference with the elections. The Govern-
ment restricts freedom of assembly and association, and the 1995 Constitution ex-
tended previously existing restrictions on political activity for an additional 5 years,
effectively limiting these rights further. However, the Government continued efforts
to improve representation in the political process of "marginalized" groups, includ-
ing women and people with disabilities. Discrimination against women, people with
disabilities, and ethnic minorities persists. Domestic violence, rape, and abuse of
children remained serious problems. The Government worked with NGO's to combat
the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM). Child labor, especially in the infor-
mal sector, is widespread.
Insureent forces committed numerous serious abuses. The Lord's Resistance Army
(LRA), led by Joseph Kony, continued to kill, torture, maim, rape, and abduct large
numbers of civilians, virtually enslaving numerous children. Although its activities
diminished sharply late in the year, the West Nile Bank Front (WNBF) also com-
mitted killings, as did the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a rebel group active in
western Uganda.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no confirmed reports of
politically motivated killings by government forces. In a widely publicized incident
in June, however, a leading organizer for the Democratic Party (DP), Modesta
Kabaranga Akiiki, was shot, then burned to death in her home with her mother.
After an investigation assisted by the President's security staff, a suspect in the
murder was arrested; the motive for the murders was unclear at yearns end, but
many DP leaders believed that it was political.
In the course of official operations, police, UPDF, and LDU personnel sometimes
used excessive force, resulting in deaths. In particular, UPDF units in the north re-
portedly engaged in isolated executions of suspected rebels. In February a civilian
was reportedly beaten to death by two LDU members at their headquarters in
Masaka; the perpetrators were reportedly an^ested. In March a group of UPDF sol-
diers allegedly used a sledgehammer to batter to death four suspected highway rob-
bers. In May a robbery suspect was tortured to death by UPDF officers (see Section
I.e.). In June an elderly man was reportedly beaten to death by two UPDF soldiers
364
who had arrested him on suspicion that his son was an LRA rebel. In July police
in Ntungamo reportedly beat a suspect to death (see Section I.e.).
Harsh conditions, some intentional mistreatment, and lack of adequate medical
treatment caused many deaths in prisons (see Section I.e.). In February prison
guards beat an inmate to death in Apac district.
Muslim groups also complained oi extensive mistreatment by security officials in
the west. On August 28, unidentified persons shot and killed Abdullah Buwuula, a
Muslim barber in Kasese district who nad publicly protested harassment by govern-
ment security operatives. Two other Muslims, Mubarak Mawejje (previously ar-
rested by UPDF personnel suspicious of a meeting in his home) and Amir Sinai,
were also reportedly killed in Kasese district in August under suspicious cir-
cumstances. There no were no reports of investigations by government agencies of
the three killings.
A Gulu-based human rights ^oup. Human Rights Focus, released a report in Feb-
ruary that alleged 35 extrajudicial Killings by the military forces, most of which oc-
curred in previous years.
The policeman arrested in June 1995 for killing a striker at the Lugazi Sugar
Corporation died while released on bail.
Vigilante justice was a problem (also see Sections I.e. and 5).
Authorities rarely prosecuted persons engaged in mob violence, which on occasion
resulted in death. In June irate mourners at the burial of an LDU guard in Soroti
overpowered police and lynched the suspected killers. In separate incidents in Sep-
tember, two suspected burglars caught by a mob in a Kampala suburb were
"necklaced" with motor vehicle tires and burned to death. Villagers in Kyarumba
beat to death a suspected child abuser in August (see Section 5).
The rebel LRA was responsible for the killing of numerous civilians, including
children (see Section l.g.). LRA forces particularly targeted local government offi-
cials and employees, especially teachers; over 100 teachers were killed during the
insurgency in Kitgum district alone. The WNBF and the ADF also committed
extrajudicial killings (see Section l.g.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances
due to action by government forces.
Numerous local officials and local government employees were abducted by the
LRA during the year; the whereabouts of some of the abductees remains unknown,
(see Section l.g.).
In addition, the LRA abducted hundreds of school-age children, reportedly for in-
doctrination in Sudan as LRA guerrillas, for sale as slaves in Sudan, or for sexual
purposes. While some of those abducted later escaped or were recaptured, the
whereabouts of many children remained unresolved at year's end. The ADF rebel
group in the west also abducted numerous civilians, including some students; the
whereabouts of a number of these abductees remain unknown.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits "any form of torture, cruel, inhuman, or degrading treat-
ment or punishment." However, security forces commonly beat and sometimes tor-
tured suspected criminals, often to force confessions. In December participants at a
workshop sponsored by the African Center for Rehabilitation and Treatment of Tor-
ture Victims (ACT'V) ranked the police as the most common users of torture, fol-
lowed by prisons, the army, and local councils. In January operatives of the ISO re-
portedly beat people in Nakawa estate near Kampala, while ostensibly searching for
criminals. Also in January, police in Kibale beat 20 Muslims suspected of being ADF
supporters (see Section 2.c.). In May Paul Kollo, a suspected armed robber, died in
a police cell in Gulu apparently due to torture, just after being handed over to police
by UPDF officers. In July the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) began
an investigation in a case in which a UPDF soldier, Corporal Twaha Kabushera,
was paralyzed after torture during military detention. In August, 18 UPDF soldiers
in Gulu district, including their unit commander, were arrested for allegedly beating
21 civilians after failing to apprehend a reported deserter. In July Stephen
Baryakaijuka died after allegedly being severely beaten by police in Ntungamo, re-
portedly on orders of the district police commander. In August Kasese police tor-
tured a Muslim detainee, then released him without charge the next day (see Sec-
tion 5). A report by the International Committee of the Rea Cross (ICRC) in Septem-
ber accused officers in the Kampala central police station of beating and mistreating
suspects. In October attorneys for several suspects charged that their clients had
been tortured (see Section I.e.).
LDU's, which frequently lack training, are guilty more often than police of mis-
treatment of prisoners and detainees. Although they have no authority to make ar-
rests, LDU's continued to do so. Bosco Opira, a 15-year-old boy residing in Paicho
in Kitgum county, was reportedly tortured in May by having plastic utensils melted
365
on his body by LDU members who arrested him for illegal possession of a gun. In
another case, a contract security guard in Kampala was arrested at his home with-
out warrant by an LDU unit on suspicion of involvement in a burglary, beaten, and
delivered to a police station — where a quick investigation easily determined that he
had been on duty at a diplomatic residence when the crime occurred.
Tlie Government investigated some cases of abuse, trying and punishing some of-
fenders. In January, three police officers in Jinja were reportedly arrested after al-
legedly torturing a local businessman, Charles Kasajja. In February, two LDU mem-
bers were arrested after allegedly beating a civilian to death at the LDU district
headquarters in Masaka. In April, six police officers were arrested in Busia near
the Kenya border for allegedly shooting a suspected robber on April 20; at year's
end, the officers were detained on remand pending investigations.
WPDF mobile forces reportedly beat civilians brutallv and raped women (see Sec-
tion l.g.). The Human Rights Focus report issued in February alleged 11 instances
of rape by LDU's, most of which occurred in previous years.
There were numerous instances in which mobs attacked suspected thieves and
other offenders caught in the conunission of crimes (also see Section l.a.). Often mo-
tivated by widespread distrust of the justice system, these mobs engaged in stoning,
beatings, and other forms of mistreatment, such as tying suspects' wrists and ankles
together behind their backs, stripping suspects of their clothes and parading them
through the streets, or forcing suspects to hop painfully on the sides of their ankles.
In February angry residents of Nyabwina village in Kabarole district reportedly
beat a local official caught with the wife of a suspect whom he had arrested.
The LRA continued to maim and rape civilians. The ADF also committed rapes
(see Section l.g.).
Prison conditions remained harsh and life threatening. Conditions for the esti-
mated 5,000 inmates in local police cells, generally worse than those in the prisons
themselves, were characterized in a report by the government-sponsored Uganda
Human Rights Commission (UHRC) as "degrading and inhuman." There are two ci-
vilian prison systems: One is state-funded and operated by the Ministry of Internal
Affairs; a second is run at the local administration level, under the auspices of the
Ministry of Local (government. Conditions are particularly harsh in the 133 local
prisons, which received no central government funding. Although the law states that
civilians are never to be held in military barracks, civilians continued to be detained
in barracks, often without trial. Both civilian and military prisons have high mortal-
ity rates from overcrowding, diseases spread by unsanitary conditions, malnutrition,
and HIV/AIDS.
No accurate estimates are available on the number of deaths due to harsh condi-
tions and lack of medical care, although the UHRC reported severely inadequate
medical services, seriously unhygienic conditions, and a "situation of semi-starva-
tion" of prisoners in many prisons. In August, 10 inmates reportedly died of hunger
and mistreatment at Morukatipe prison near Tororo. A total of 57 prisoners report-
edly died in Arua prison during tne year, in many cases allegedly from food short-
ages and poor medical care. In December the officer in charge of Arua prison was
placed on forced leave pending investigation of the deaths. In February, nine prison
guards were reportedly arrested by authorities for beating a prisoner to death in
a prison in Apac district. The predominant cause of death among prisoners was
HrV/AIDS, which reportedly affected 18 percent of the inmates at Luzira central
prison near Kampala. The uniforms and oedding stipulated by law are rarely pro-
vided, although there is evidence that some wardens do attempt to obtain these
items for inmates.
Harsh conditions largely result from the Government's seriously inadequate fund-
ing of prison facilities. The centrally funded prisons are sufficiently organized to
grow maize, millet, cassava, beans, eggplant, carrots, and other crops, although the
UHRC accused prison farms of overworKing inmates, who often received only $.001
(1 Ugandan shilling) per day for their labor. Prison conditions come closest to inter-
national norms in Kampala, where prisons provide medical care, running water, and
sanitation. On the other hand, these centrally funded prisons are the most over-
crowded. By one estimate, the country's centrally funded prisons — all of which pre-
date independence in 1962 — currently hold about three times their maximum
planned capacity. Despite an order by the chief magistrate in June 1996 that all
judges visit a prison, few complied with the order. Human rights groups, especially
the Uganda Law Reform Commission, continued to lobby for expanded noncustodial
sentencing — an effort generally blocked by strongly punitive attitudes among judges,
in part motivated by fear of accusations of corruption if prisoners appear leniently
treated. Although the law provides for access to prisoners by families, ignorance of
this right, and Tear of prison authorities, often limit family visits. The UHRC noted
366
allegations it had received that officers in charge of police cells sometimes de-
manded bribes to allow visits.
Women have segregated wings in the prisons, with female staff. According to
human rights advocates, rape is not generally a problem, although female prisoners
also suffer from severely substandard conditions. Due to lack of space in juvenile
facilities, juveniles are often kept in prison with adults. The central prison system
maintains one juvenile prison and two lower security reformatory halls. School fa-
cilities and health clinics in all three institutions are defunct; prisoners as young
as age 12 perform manual labor from dawn until dusk, and administrators reported
in October that one institution with a capacity of 45 children actually held 173; no
records were available for most of these children.
The central prison system in 1996 launched a 3-year program to improve prison
buildings, water and sanitation systems, food, and uniforms. Most of the items used
in this program, which benefited 12 of the 46 centrally administered prisons in
1997, are made within the prison system itself.
Government agencies have sponsored or participated in numerous conferences on
the justice system and prison conditions, including a 2 day conference in Kampala
in &ptember. Government agencies also worked closely with international ana in-
digenous human rights organizations on prison reform efTorts. Revision of the pris-
ons act, which provides the legal basis for prison management, began in 1996 and
was still pending at year's end, as were proposals to integrate local prisons with the
central prison system.
Media access to prisons remained limited, but the Government permitted full ac-
cess to prisons by the ICRC and local NGO's, principally the Foundation for Human
Rights Initiative (FHRI) and the Uganda Prisoners' Aid Foundation (UPAF). In Au-
gust military authorities granted the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC)
access to military places of detention. As far as known, the UHRC did not avail it-
self of this access before the end of the year; it has issued no reports on such visits.
Prison authorities require advance notification of visits, a process that is often sub-
ject to administrative delays.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Members of the security forces at times
arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens. According to the Constitution, a suspect
must be charged within 48 hours of arrest and be brought to trial or released on
bail within 120 days (360 days for a capital offense) — unless the case has been com-
mitted to the court before the expiration of this period, when pretrial detention is
not constitutionally limited. The Constitution also provides that detainees should
immediately be informed of the reasons for their detention. In practice, however, the
authorities enforced none of these requirements. Other laws, such as the Public
Order and Security Act of 1967 (the Detention Order), provide for unlimited deten-
tion without charge but these laws have never been formally invoked by the Govern-
ment. Legal and numan rights groups, including the UHRC, sharply criticized the
excessive length of detention without trial — in many cases amounting to several
years — for alleged offenses under other laws, which both violated the constitutional
rights of the detainees and contributed substantially to prison overcrowding.
Arbitrary arrest, while not common, does occur. In particular, some Muslim orga-
nizations complained of arrests targeted at young Muslims on suspicion that they
supported rebel groups. Group arrests in "dragnet" operations were also reported,
such as detention of over 80 people in Kampala in March in a crackdown on bur-
glary. Police arrested 50 persons, including street children, in an efTort directed
against vagabonds in Fort Portal in January. In general those detained in such op-
erations who had identification papers and did not have criminal records were re-
leased. ISO operatives occasionally detained civilians.
Although they have no legal authority to make arrests, LDU's continued to arrest
citizens.
Some incidents of apparently politically motivated arrests were reported. In Au-
gust a member of the Uganda Young Democrats, the youth wing of tne DP, report-
edly was arrested and detained for 3 weeks, then released, for what police called
politicizing and inciting youths against the Government. In addition, some members
of the DP and the Uganda People's Congress (UPC), were detained for short periods
of time, apparently without legal authority, for selling party cards. During the year,
the Government charged over 1,000 persons with treason and related crimes, and
the cases of many others charged for political offenses remain pending (see Section
I.e.). The February report of Human Rights Focus alleged 47 cases of unlawful ar-
rest by the UPDP and 9 by the police, most of which occurred in previous years.
While the number of political detainees is unknown, it is believed to be small.
Pretrial detainees comprise nearly three-fourths of the prison population. At
year's end, there were 13,500 prisoners in the central prison system, of whom 5,500
had been convicted, and 8,000 were in pretrial detention (remand). Congestion and
367
delay in the legal system have produced similar figures for several years, although
both categories increased substantially over the previous year. At the local level, the
situation is far worse. Most of the approximately 4,000 local prisoners have not yet
had a fair trial. Civilians detained in military barracks are almost invariably de-
prived of a fair, civilian trial. The actual number of such detainees are unknown,
but there are believed to be fewer than in local prisons. Efforts to verify these condi-
tions were reportedly hampered by intentional concealment of detained civilians.
Verification of the situation in military facilities is difficult; however, in August the
UHRC was granted access to military places of detention (see Section I.e.). Across
all types of prisons, the average time in pretrial detention is from 2 to 3 years.
The Government did not use exile as a means of political control. A presidential
amnesty for former LRA and WNBF rebels remains in effect, although those who
return risk capture and violence by mobs or the UPDF.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, the President has extensive legal and extralegal powers that may
influence the exercise of this independence. However, in its first decision, the Con-
stitutional Court in April ruled unanimously against the Government in a case in-
volving the military status of a prominent officer, Major General David Tinyefuza;
at year's end, the case was on appeal to the Supreme Court. The President nomi-
nates, for the approval of Parliament, members of the Judicial Service Commission,
which makes recommendations on appointments to the High Court, the Court of Ap-
peal, and the Supreme Court. The judiciary also is understaffed and weak; at year's
end, only 16 of the 30 positions in the three senior federal courts were filled.
The highest court is the Supreme Court, followed by (in descending order) the
Court of Appeal (which also functions as the "Constitutional Court" for cases of first
instance involving constitutional issues), the High Court, the chief magistrate's
court, local council (LC) 3 (subcounty), LC 2 (parish), and LCI 1 (village). A minimum
of six justices may sit on the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal/Constitutional
Court. Although once considered a useful innovation, the LC courts are now often
thought to be sources of injustice due to such factors as bribery and male dominance
in rural areas. In addition there are a few specialized courts to deal with industrial
or other matters. The Industrial Court (IC), which arbitrates labor disputes, is
structurally parallel to the chief magistrate's court.
At the lower end of the judicial system, the local village councils have the author-
ity to settle civil disputes, including land ownership and payment of debts. These
courts, often the only ones available to villagers, frequently exceed their authority
by hearing criminal cases, including murder and rape. LC decisions may be ap-
pealed to magistrate's courts, but often there are no records made of the case at the
village level, and many defendants are not aware of their right to appseal. The civil-
ian judicial system contains procedural safeguards, including the granting of bail
and appeals to higher courts.
The ridit to a fair trial has been circumscribed for many years by an inadequate
system oT judicial administration and lack of resources, resulting in a serious back-
log of cases. The courts, like other branches of government, were impaired by a 4-
year-long civil service hiring freeze, now somewhat relaxed, which was exacerbated
during the year by budget cuts of up to 30 percent in many ministries. As a result,
criminal cases may take 2 years or more to reach the courts. The case backlog re-
mains huge; in particular, the backlog of criminal cases in the high court has in-
creased every year since 1993. Some courts, however, began in 1966 to adhere to
the constitutionally prescribed limits on pretrial detention. For example, Kampala
businessman Joseph Lusse, who had been arrested in April 1995 and charged with
treason, was released on bail by High Court justice J.M. P.Tabaro, who ruled that
Lusse's lengthy stay in prison on remand violated his constitutional right to bail.
Many defendants cannot afford legal representation. The Constitution requires
that the Government provide an attorney for indigent defendants accused of capital
offenses, but there is rarely enough money to retain adequate counsel. The Uganda
Law Society (ULS) operates legal aid clinics in four regional offices. It assists mili-
tary defendants as well as civilians. The Uganda Association of Women Lawyers
(FIDA) and the FHRI also practice public-interest law from offices in Kampala.
The military court system does not assure the right to a fair trial. Altnough the
accused has the right to legal counsel, military defense attorneys are often un-
trained and may be assigned by the military command, which also appoints the
prosecutor and the adjudicating officer. The sentence passed by a military court,
which may invoke the death penalty, may be appealed to the high command, but
not to the High or Supreme Courts. In 1995 the ULS petitioned the Government
to address the lack of an appeals process in the military courts; in October a court-
martial of appeal was established.
368
The Government continued to arrest and charge persons for treason, especially
captured rebel fighters in numbers greater than the judicial system could manage.
In the past, numerous human rights abuses were committed in connection with
treason cases, including political detentions, detentions without charge, and mis-
treatment of prisoners. In a notable case, the High Court in April released two trea-
son suspects on bail due to the judicial system's failure to prosecute in a case that
had begun in 1992 and had received six adjournments. In another case, attorneys
for four Sudanese citizens and four Ugandans chained in October with levying war
against the Grovemment and treason, respectively, claimed that their clients had
been tortured and denied medical treatment. During the year, the Government
charged over 1,000 persons with treason and related crimes, in addition to at least
196 pending cases in various stages of the legal process. Most were cases in which
persons were accused of attempting to overthrow the Government. Some 111 per-
sons arrested in 1995 on treason charges for attempting to establish a rebel training
camp in Buseruka remain in custody, and their cases have been pending with the
High Court since July 1996; two persons in this group died in prison during the
year. The case of the six Sudanese rebels charged with treason remained in the
High Court, as did the cases of two UPDF soldiers, Lt. David Kibirige and Capt.
Muses Lubega, arrested for treason in 1995. Francis Kilama, charged with treason
in 1995, remains in pretrial detention pending poHce investigation. Several persons
{)reviously charged with treason, in addition to businessman Joseph Lusse, were re-
eased after dismissal of the charges, in some instances for procedural reasons.
The number of political prisoners is unknown but believed to be small. Bright
Gabula Africa, whose death sentence for treason was upheld by the Supreme Court
in 1995, remains imprisoned pending the outcome of his appeal to the Advisory
Committee on the Prerogative of Mercy, a largely anonymous constitutional body
that recommends whether presidential clemency powers should be exercised in a
given case. According to the authorities, no executions for treason or for any other
crime occurred during the year.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the protection of privacy, which the Government generally
observes. The law requires that police have search warrants before entering private
homes or offices, and the police generally observed this law in practice, although in
its effort to combat the reoel movement in the north, the UPDF often invaded pri-
vate homes without warrants. LDU's arrest citizens without authority; an LDU unit
in Kampala arrested a suspect in his home and beat him (see Section I.e.) UPDF
forces in the north also allegedly beat civilians and confiscated civilian property,
such as cattle. The police sometimes searched vehicles without prior warrants. Pris-
on officials routinely censor the mail of prisoners.
During the conflict with the LRA, government forces used threats to compel citi-
zens to leave their homes and move to areas under government protection (see Sec-
tion l.g.).
g. L/se of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Con-
flicts.— Reports of violations of humanitarian law increased. In the north, govern-
ment forces implemented a policy of concentrating inhabitants in so-called "pro-
tected villages" with UPDF detachments nearby as a means of protecting them and
denying support to the LRA. Most inhabitants moved to the protected villages vol-
untarily, but many were coerced by military authorities who told them that they
would be treated as rebel supporters if they did not move. The villages, which were
established hastily and without coordination with civil authorities, lacked appro-
priate water and electrical supplies as well as health and educational services; they
were rapidly beset by hunger and disease, which killed numerous residents. This
policy was strongly attacked by parliamentarians from the area. A parliamentary
committee report in January noted that while the policy "may appear necessary and
successful" from "a security point of view," from "a humanitarian angle it has so
far proved a disaster." Toward year's end, some residents began returning to their
farms, while international assistance improved somewhat the condition of remaining
village inhabitants. In other incidents, UPDF mobile forces reportedly routinely beat
civilians brutally during questioning about rebel activities in the vicinity; some re-
ports suggested that they raped villagers.
In the north, forces of the LRA led by Joseph Kony, and supported by the Govern-
ment of Sudan, regularly attacked civilian and military targets, as well as Sudanese
refugee camps. These attacks caused widespread death and destruction of homes
and property and disrupted both economic and social life over much of Gulu and
Kitgum districts. The LRA continued to kill, maim, rape, and abduct large numbers
of civilians. In particular, the LRA abducted numerous children and, at clandestine
bases, terrorized them into virtually slavery as guards, concubines, and soldiers. An
Amnesty International report on the practice in September concluded that without
369
abductions of children the LRA would have few combatants. A Human Rights Watch
report in September estimated that 3,000 to 5,000 children had escaped from LRA
captivity over the last 2 years and an equal number remained in LRA hands. A
similar report by the U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF) in May provided a somewhat
lower estimate of abductions. In the largest massacre of the northern war, between
January 7 and January 12, LRA units assaulted numerous villages >n northwest
Kitgum district, hacking and clubbing to death some 412 men, women, and children.
In other incidents, LRA units killed or maimed persons traveling on roads, using
bicycles, or keeping pigs — all of which violated LRA "rules." Such extrajudicial
killings occurred frequently. LRA rebels also planted land mines on roads in Gulu
and Kitgum district throughout the year. An LRA mine killed the wife of the Angli-
can bishop of Kitgum in May. Land mines on the few roads to the Sudan border
hinder the transport of food to internally displaced persons (IDP's) and to the
150,000 to 200,000 Sudanese refugees in camps there.
In the northwestern region bordering Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, the WNBF similarly laid land mines on major roads used for relief ship-
ments to refugee camps as well as for local commerce. WNBF forces, however, were
depleted by combat in southern Sudan against the Sudan People's Liberation Army
(SPLA), and WNBF activities largely ceased by year's end.
Another rebel group, the ADF, was active in the west and southwest during the
year. The ADF engaged in wide-scale abuse of civilians, including killing, rape, and
abduction. After an ADF attack in Bundibugyo district in June was turned back,
residents found the bodies of some 58 civilians murdered by the ADF. In addition
more than 50 civilians were killed in ADF attacks in Kasese district in September
and October. ADF elements also planted land mines extensively and engaged in nu-
merous attacks on civilian locations, causing scores of deaths and injuries. Like the
LRA, the ADF targeted local officials for abduction and murder.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, but the Government at times restricted these rights in practice.
The media were dominated by the New Vision, a government-funded daily news-
paper with a circulation of 40,000 (with up to 10 readers sharing each copy) and
a government-controlled Radio Uganda. These news sources were of a fairly high
quality and often included reporting critical of the Government. The Government's
occasional use of outdated sedition laws and imprisonment of some members of the
media led some journalists to practice self-censorship. During the 1996 election cam-
paigns, the New Vision exhibited a clear pro-NRM editorial bias and gave more
prominent attention to NRM supporters running for office.
The media are generally free and outspoken, with widespread availability of rival
nongovernment publications. The independent Monitor newspaper equaled the New
Vision's circulation while another major independent, The Crusader, which began
publication in 1995, continued to publish and improve its credibility. The East Afri-
can, a Nairobi -based weekly publication that provides extensive reporting on Ugan-
da, continued to circulate without government hindrance.
Editor Teddy Seezi Cheeye of the outspoken biweekly, Uganda Confidential, was
acquitted in January of charges of having kidnaped a woman for sexual purposes.
In dismissing the case, Kampala chief magistrate Mrs. Flavia Munaaba declared
that the charges were "a frameup engineered by powerful and corrupt people" whom
Cheeye, known for his efforts against government corruption, had long been criticiz-
ing. Although the New Vision called for an investigation of the prosecution, the Gov-
ernment in February appealed the dismissal. At year's end, no hearing date had
been set.
Haruna Kanaabi, editor of the weekly newsletter Shariat, appealed to the High
Court his 1995 conviction for sedition and publishing false news, which was based
on an article in Shariat that claimed that Rwanda was actually the 40th district
of Uganda. At that time, Kanaabi was sentenced to 5 months' imprisonment.
In January journalist Muasazi-Namiti was arrested on charges arising from arti-
cles that he had published about the activities of Hassan Kato. Muasazi-Namiti re-
ported that Kato had had sexual relations with over 1,000 women — one of whom,
named in the articles, was the wife of a local covernment leader. Both Muasazi-
Namiti and Kato were arrested and charged with disseminating false information.
Hearings in the case began in September. In another case, Amos Kajoba, the editor
of the UPC publication The People was detained for 7 hours in Kampala in April
in connection with a criminal libel case for allegedly "exposing a Member of Par-
liament to hatred."
Other instances of press harassment also occurred. In October editor Charles
Onyango-Obbo and senior reporter Andrew M. Mwanda of the Monitor newspaper
370
were arrested and charged with dissemination of false information based on a report
that they published stating that Uganda had received gold in payment for assist-
ance in overthrowing former Zairian leader Mobutu Sese Seko. In response to their
appeal, a High Court judge sharply reduced the amount of their bail, from about
$4,000 (4 million shillings) to $400 (400,000 shillings). At years end, the journalists
remained released on bail, and trial was pending. In February editors oi the Mon-
itor were questioned by the police for more than 2 hours concerning articles that
had allegedly angered President Museveni. In April the editor of the Lira-based
Rupiny newspaper, a sister publication of the New Vision, was held for 1 hour for
allegedly publishing negative reports about Lira municipality.
The Government controls one television station and Radio Uganda, the radio sta-
tion with the largest audience. There are four local television stations, six local
radio stations, and five private television stations available by satellite. Uncensored
Internet access is widely available through three commercial service providers in
major cities, although its price was prohibitive for all but the most affluent non-
institutional users.
The Government sometimes abridged freedom of speech of those who questioned
government policies. In March a walk supported by a spectrum of Christian leaders,
including the Roman Catholic Metropolitan Emmanuel Cardinal Wamala, intended
to call for a peaceful solution to the conflict in the north, was postponed under pres-
sure from the President. The march took place in November without further govern-
ment interference. In May the inspector general of police forbade a demonstration
against a number of government policies supported by some opposition-minded
Members of Parliament (M.P.'s). While authorities sought to justify this action on
the grounds that its sponsors purportedly might be contemplating violence, com-
ments by government leaders after these events suggested that they saw content-
based discrimination in treatment of demonstrations as appropriate. Members of op-
position political parties complained that ISO authorities kept their meetings under
constant surveillance, intimidating their supporters. A member of the youth wing
of the DP reportedly was arrested and detained for what police called politicizing
and inciting youths against the Government (see Section l.d.).
The press and media law, which took effect in 1995, requires journalists to be li-
censed and to meet certain standards, including holding a university degree. The
law provides for a Media Council to monitor and discipline journalists. The law also
gives the Government power to suspend newspapers and to deny access to state in-
formation. Although the Media Council was established in 1996, government ofTi-
cials do not vigorously enforce the law, both for practical and political reasons.
The Uganda Journalists Safety Committee, a media watchdog group, filed suit in
the Constitutional Court in June against the sedition laws and the press and media
law. The High Court began hearings in late November on the suit, which claimed
that the laws violated a number of constitutional provisions; final action was still
pending at year's end.
A considerable degree of academic freedom exists at the two public and five pri-
vate universities, with no government interference in teaching, research, or publica-
tion. Students and faculty have sponsored wide-ranging political debates in open fo-
rums on campus, including an interdisciplinary conference on human rights in the
Great Lakes region at Makerere University in December. At the same time, some
limits were evident. Makerere University, the most important institution of higher
education, cautioned staff member Mohammed Mayanja, a former presidential can-
didate, about remarks which he made that were critical of President Museveni, who
is also the university chancellor.
In the past, the Government required many students and government officials to
take NRM political education and military science courses known as "Chaka
Mchaka." These courses were criticized as indoctrination in NRM political philoso-
phy, including the view that political parties were responsible for the countjy's civil
conflicts before 1986. There were reports that the techniques used in some of the
courses included intimidation, physical and mental abuse, and sexual harassment.
The Chaka Mchaka courses, suspended in 1995 to avoid interference with the elec-
toral process, were revived in the latter part of the year.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, but the Government restricts this right in practice. The Con-
stitution bans political parties from holding national conventions, issuing platforms,
endorsing candidates, or opening branch offices outside the capital for 5 years. The
Constitution also forbids other activities that would interfere with "the Movement
system," an elastic provision that the Government often interpreted adversely to po-
litical parties' interests.
There were no known cases of denial of assembly permits to other groups during
the year.
371
In March the F*resident exerted pressure to prevent a march in favor of a peaceful
solution to the conflict in the north, and in May a senior police official forbade a
demonstration by some opposition-minded M.P.'s. (see Section 2.a.). Members of op-
position parties reported constant ISO surveillance of their meetings (see Section
2.a.).
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, but the Government restricts
this right in practice. NGO's are required to register with the Nongovernmental Or-
?[anizations Board, which includes representation from the Ministry of Internal Af-
airs as well as other ministries. The Government generally approves NGO registra-
tion, although there have been instances in which NGO's considered to be opposed
to the Government politically have encountered serious difficulties in obtaining reg-
istration.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution protects freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. There is no state religion. Prisoners are
given the opportunity to pray on the day appropriate to their faith. Muslim pris-
oners are usually released from work duties auring the month of Ramadan.
A number of incidents, however, demonstrated hostility against Muslims by some
government officials, in part because of support by some Muslims of rebel groups,
especially of the ADF, (see Section l.a.). In January during the month of Ramadan,
three police officers pursued a suspect into Nakasero mosque during night prayers.
Also in January, a security officer in Kibale district entered the mosque in Muhooro
town during night prayers, ejected the worshipers at gunpoint while accusing them
of being ADF supporters, and detained 20 Muslims for 2 days in a local police post,
where they were oeaten by police. A local government ofTicial reportedly expressed
regret for the incident. In the same month, security officers in Bushenyi town
blocked a vehicle carrying relief supplies for Muslims in Kasese district; cir-
cumstances suggested that the action, although purportedly based on lack of proper
documentation, was motivated by anti-Muslim hostility. In February the Resident
District Commissioner (RDC) of Bushenyi ordered the arrest of a Muslim who lefl
a district meeting before the singing of the national anthem; reported remarks by
the RDC suggested that the arrest was motivated by hostility to Muslims. In August
Siraje Kifamunyanja, a Muslim businessman in Kasese, was reportedly arrested by
district security officers at his attorney's ofTice, tortured at district ofiices, and re-
leased the following day without charge.
In August members of the security forces were suspected of killing three Muslims
in Kasese district (see Section l.a.). Muslim groups complained of numerous in-
stances of harassment by security officers during the year, but there were no reports
that government agencies investigated such incidents.
d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government gen-
erally respected them in practice, although some local officials reportedly demanded
payment of fees for permission to change a place of residence. A married woman
needs to obtain her husband's written permission on her passport application if chil-
dren are traveling on her passport.
The Government cooperates with the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refiigees (UNHCR) and with other humanitarian organizations in assisting refu-
gees. As it has repeatedly done in past years, Uganda continued to provide first asy-
lum to citizens from neighboring countries, extending this practice to approximately
204,000 refugees during the year; most were from Sudan, but a smaller number
were from other neighlx)ring countries. The (jovemment provided asylum, but not
refugee status, to 2,()00 to 3,0(X) Rwandans who had refugee status in Tanzania but
entered Uganda to avoid repatriation to Rwanda. Most of the latter group returned
to Rwanda by midyear. There were no reports of forced return of persons to a coun-
try where they feared persecution.
The Gk)vernment provided increased security in refugee camps, and there were no
reports of large scale attacks by rebel groups on the camps. Nevertheless, there
were several instances of attacks, rapes, harassment, and looting directed against
refugees, causing several serious injuries and deaths. In one incident in October,
LRA rebels abducted 24 refugees, subsequently releasing 22 and killing 2 (see Sec-
tion l.g.).
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Movement domination of the Government and the political process, and some re-
strictive constitutional provisions, limited citizens' effective exercise of the right to
change their government. The President dominates the Government, and Movement
supporters control the Parliament. In addition, a constitutional provision prohibiting
actions that impair the Movement system was interpreted by some local officials —
372
the vast majority of whom are Movement supporters — to forbid the sale of political
party cards. Althou^ no law makes such an action a criminal offense, a number
of DP and UPC figures were arrested by police and held briefly while attempting
to sell party cards. Local government elections, to be carried out under the "no-
party" Movement system, began at village and parish levels in November and De-
cember. They were expected to conclude in the first half of 1998. No national elec-
tions took place during the year. Universal suffrage is accorded to adults 18 years
of age and older. Contrary to the Constitution, the right to vote was denied to pris-
oners. Special seats in Parliament are designated for members of the UPDF.
Women play a prominent role in national affairs, but are underrepresented in gov-
ernment and politics. However, the Government has used quotas in an aggressive
effort to place women in positions of authority. The Vice President and the Deputy
Speaker of Parliament are women. In addition, each of the nation's then 39 districts
in 1996 elected a woman to Parliament to fill a seat reserved for women by provi-
sions of the Constitution. Six other women won openly contested seats in the 276-
member Parliament in that election.
Provisions of the Local Government Bill, passed in March, reserved seats on local
councils for women as well as members of other "marginalized" groups, such as dis-
abled persons. The Constitution proves for five seats in Parliament for representa-
tives of the disabled, and a by-election to fill one of these seats was actively con-
tested.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and N ongouernmenial In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Numerous human rights groups operate. Among them are: The FHRI; the Uganda
chapter of FIDA; the UPAF, which monitors prison conditions; the National Organi-
zation for Civic Education and Election Monitoring, which deals with problems re-
lated to civil society and political rights; Human Rights Focus, based in the north-
em town of Gulu; the National Association of Women's Organizations of Uganda
(NAWOU), an umbrella group; and the Human Rights and Peace Center, based at
Makerere University. These groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. HURINET, a human
rights network and an umbrella organization for nine human rights organizations
active in the country, continued to be active, and Amnesty International opened a
branch office in Kampala while also forming a Uganda chapter.
The Constitution established the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) as
a permanent independent body with quasi-judicial powers. Under the Constitution,
the Commission may subpoena information and oraer the release of detainees and
the payment of compensation for abuses, but it may not intervene in cases pending
before a court. The Commission began investigations of numerous alleged human
rights abuses but by year's end had issued no rulings. The UHRC also inspected
numerous detention facilities and publicly reported its findings. Government offi-
cials were generally cooperative and responsive to NGO views. They frequently at-
tended conferences and seminars hosted by NGO's on social problems. The Govern-
ment allowed access by international human rights NGO's, the UNHCR, and the
ICRC.
Section 5. Discrimination Based On Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, Or
Social Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on these factors, but the Govern-
ment does not effectively enforce the law in matters of local or culturally accepted
discrimination against women, children, people with disabilities, or certain ethnic
groups. Race was not a factor in national politics. The escalating tension in the
north led to violations of the rights of many Acholi, the ethnic group that comprises
a significant part of the northern population.
Women. — Violence against women, including rape, remained common. There were
no laws passed to protect women against battery, although there is a general law
concerning assault. In August, however, the Ministry of Gender and Community De-
velopment began to implement the Children Statute, passed in 1966, which provides
extensive protections for families and children. Public opinion and law enforcement
officials continued to view wife beating as a man's prerogative and rarely intervened
in cases of domestic violence. Women remained more likely to sue for divorce than
to file assault charges against their husbands while still married. These problems
received growing public attention, with numerous NGO's that advocate women's
rights sponsoring conferences, empowerment sessions, and training programs
throughout the country. These NGO's were particularly active in connection with a
case in which an Asian woman, Renu Joshi, was allegedly murdered by relatives.
373
including her husband, Kooky Sharma, in December. At year's end, legal action in
this case was pending.
Traditional and widespread societal discrimination against women continued, es-
pecially in rural areas, despite constitutional provisions to the contrary. Many cus-
tomary laws discriminate against women in the areas of adoption, mairiage, divorce,
and devolution of property on death. In most areas, women may not own or inherit
f)roperty, nor retain custody of their children under local customary law. Divorce
aw sets stricter evidentiary standards for women to prove adultery. Women do most
of the agricultural work but own only 7 percent of the agricultural land. Since the
implementation of the Constitution, foreign-born husbands of Ugandan women can
become citizens. The previous law had allowed only men to sponsor their foreign
spouses for citizenship. There are limits on a married woman's ability to travel
aoroad with her children (see Section 2.d.).
There are active women's rights groups, including the FIDA, Action for Develop-
ment, the National Association of Women Judges of Uganda (NAWJ) and the
NAWOU, which promote greater awareness of the rights of women and children.
The FIDA is conducting a 3-year project to reform outdated and discriminatory
laws, and the NAWJ completed ana began disseminating a guidebook on women's
rights and options concerning domestic violence.
Children. — Although it has devoted only limited funds to children's welfare, the
Government demonstrated a commitment to improving children's welfare. Beginning
in August, it implemented the Children Statute, passed in 1996. The law stipulates
parents' responsibilities and provides extensive protections for children in a wide va-
riety of areas, including financial support, foster care placement, adoption, deter-
mination of parentage, and treatment of children charged with offenses. It also in-
cludes concise provisions on the rights of the child, including a provision that a child
shall not be "made to work or take part in any activity whether for pay or not which
is likely to injure the child's health, education, mental, physical or moral develop-
ment." Nevertheless, the large size of the youth population makes it difficult for the
Government to enforce prohibitions on child labor (see Section 6.d.). One-half the
population is under the age of 18. Current estimates, based on 1991 figures (the
most recent available), suggest that there are 1.3 million orphaned children (chil-
dren missing either parent are considered orphans). This large number of orphans
results from previous civil wars, internal displacement of persons, and AIDS.
Parliament passed legislation to put into effect a campaign promise by President
Museveni in 1996 to provide free education through seventn grade for a maximum
of four children per family. This program, called "Universal Primary Education"
(UPE), received preferential treatment in the central government budget, although
strained finances, instability in some areas, and inability to rapidly expand edu-
cational personnel and infrastructure left the program incompletely implemented at
year's end. Although the UPE began to make education more accessible financially,
parents must still pay for books, uniforms, and some school costs. Implementation
of the UPE caused financial problems for the country's large, often polygynous fami-
lies. Girls and boys theoretically have equal access to education, and lower grades
are about evenly divided by sex; at year's end, the effect of the UPE on education
for girls — who have traditionally been less favored when families have made finan-
cially-related educational decisions — remained unclear. Parents' inability to afford
schooling has in the past correlated highly with child labor (see Section 6.d.).
Child abuse remained a serious problem, particularly the rape of young girls
(known locally as "defilement "). Only a small fraction of these incidents is reported,
especially when the perpetrator is a family member, neighbor, or teacher, as is often
the case. Few accusations reach the courts. Neither conviction nor punishment was
common. Cases were reported frequently in newspapers, but a payment to the girl's
parents often ended the matter. Despite these obstacles, an increasing number of
cases are being prosecuted, such as that of a 20-year-old baggage porter sentenced
in February to 4 years in prison and 12 strokes of a cane for defiling three children
after confining them in a forest in Masaka district. In another case, a 56-year-old
man was convicted in Kampala in April of attempted defilement of a 9-year-old girl
and was imprisoned for 2 years. On occasion, local inhabitants meted out informal
justice to alleged defilers. For example, in August residents of Kyarumba village in
Kabarole district beat a suspect to death.
Many schools use corporal punishment, although Minister of Education Amanya
Mushega in May banned the beating of secondary school students and called for the
arrest of teachers who did not comply. In one case, a teacher was detained for alleg-
edly beating to death a 15-year-old pupil at Bugenge primary school in Masaka dis-
trict; prosecution was pending at year's end. In August a teacher in Kampala was
suspended and placed under investigation based on allegations that he had caned
a pupil.
374
The 1996 cases of the Mpigi teacher charged with beating an 8-year-old child to
death and the Bulegna headmaster charged with beating a 17-year-old girl to death
remained unresolved at year's end.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is practiced
only by tne Sabyni tribe, located in highly rural Kapchorwa district in eastern
Uganda, whose members number fewer than 10,000. Among the Sabyni, initiation
ceremonies involving FGM have been carried out every 2 years for girls between the
ages of 14 and 16 years. There is no law against the practice, but government and
women's groups working with the U.N. Fund for Population Activities are carrying
out a program to combat the practice through education. With strong government
support, including the support of local Kapchorwa leaders, a pilot phase of this pro-
gram, which emphasizes close cooperation with local traditional authority figures
and peer counseling, achieved more than a one-third reduction in numbers of muti-
lations performed. The program is being expanded.
The Children Statute provides that children with disabilities be treated and given
necessary special facilities — a provision hampered in execution by inadequate lund-
ing.
The LRA abducted many children, using them as guards, soldiers, and concubines
(see Section l.g.)
People Withuisabilities. — The Constitution specifies that persons with disabilities
have a right to respect and human dignity" and requires tnat authorities take ap-
propriate measures "to ensure that they realize their full mental and physical poten-
tial." Regardless of this provision, there is no statutory requirement lor government
services or facilities such as accessibility of buildings for the disabled. Most build-
ings are one-story, but in larger towns with multistory buildings, there are often no
elevators and, even where they do exist, they are rarely reliable. Widespread dis-
crimination by society and employers limits job and educational opportunities for
those with physical disabilities. A small office for the disabled within the Ministry
of Local Government lacks sufficient funding. Disabled M.P.'s have emphasized the
problems of people with disabilities.
Religious Minorities. — A number of incidents demonstrated hostility against Mus-
lims by residents of some localities. In February a mob in Igayaza village in Kibale
strict destroyed a mosque belonging to the Tabliq Muslim sect and an Islamic pri-
mary school.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Civil strife in the north led to violation of
the rights of many members of the Acholi tribe, which is largely resident in the
northern districts of Gulu and Kitgum. Both the LRA rebels — who themselves are
largely Acholi — and government forces committed violations of humanitarian law,
and LRA fighters were particularly implicated in instances of murder and maiming
(see Section l.g.).
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of every per-
son to join associations or trade unions, and the law allows unionization if a major-
ity of tne work force supports it. In practice, the (}overnment respects the right to
form unions, and since 1993 this right has extended to civil servants. However,
many "essential" government employees are not permitted to form unions; these in-
clude the police, army, permanent secretaries in the ministries, heads of depart-
ments and state-owned enterprises, school principals, and other management level
ofiicials.
The National Organization of Trade Unions (NOTU), the largest labor federation,
includes 17 unions and is independent of the Government and political parties.
Among its members are medical workers, including doctors, and the civil service
union. The NOTU's influence on the overall economy remains marginal, since about
90 percent of the work force consists of peasant farmers. Even in areas where cash
crops are significant, unionization remained virtually nonexistent. In addition, the
NOTU's membership has reportedly declined from some 500,000 in the 1970's to
about 150,000. According to the 1988-89 census, about 20 percent of an estimated
400,000 workers in the industrial or modem wage sector of tne economy were union-
ized.
The Constitution confirms the right to strike, but government policy requires that
labor and management make "every effort" to reconcile labor disputes before resort-
ing to strike action. This directive presents unions with a complicated set of restric-
tions. If reconciliation does not seem possible, labor must submit its grievances and
notice to strike to the Minister of Labor, who usually delegates the dispute to the
industrial court (IC). In February the IC upheld a 1993 pay increase award to em-
ployees of three foreign-owned banks — the first prolabor ruling since President
375
Museveni in 1995 expressed his displeasure with the IC's hostility toward the busi-
ness community. In the absence of verdicts from the IC, the Minister of Labor gen-
erally did not permit strikes, on the basis that "every effort" had not been ex-
hausted. Frustrated laborers often went on strike anyway, protesting credibly that
they were not paid a living wage.
Tliere were 13 major strikes by both union and nonunion labor, including univer-
sity staff, railway and medical workers, and sugar cane harvesters. There were also
a number of shorter informal strikes by employees in particular localities or institu-
tions, such as health workers or teachers, largely over unpaid salary; these actions
usually were resolved quickly by payment of back wages. The Government respected
the rights of striking workers once strikes began, but government officials tnreat-
ened strikers at critical institutions, such as hospitals, with loss of their jobs. The
Solice officer arrested in 1995 for killing a striker at the Lugazi Sugar Corporation
ied while the case was pending. The case of three union leaders of the Ugandan
Medical Workers Association arrested in 1995 was dismissed by a Kampala court
in January for failure to prosecute.
Labor unions freely exercised the right to affiliate with and participate in regional
and international labor organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for the right
to organize and bargain collectively, specifying that a workplace may be unionized
if a majority of the employees supports doing so. True collective bargaining, how-
ever, takes place only in the small private sector of the modern economy. In the
modem sector, the Government is by far the largest employer (civil service and
state-owned enterprises) and it dominates the bargaining process. The Government
has, however, adopted a tripartite (government-eniployers-labor) cooperative ap-
proach to setting wages and resolving labor issues. Both the Government and em-
ployers may reier disputes to the Industrial Court. The law does not prohibit
antiunion discrimination by employers, and there were no reported incidents of gov-
ernment harassment of union olficials.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or bonded
labor, including forced or bonded labor by children, but a lack of resources prevented
the Government from enforcing this prohibition eftectively. However, there is strong
evidence that prison ofTicials hired out prisoners to work on private farms and con-
struction sites, where they were reportedly often overworked. Throughout the coun-
try, prison ofiicials routinely augmented their meager pay with crops grown by pris-
oners on the prison grounds. Male prisoners performea arduous physical labor while
female prisoners produced marketable hanaicrafts such as woven basketry. Com-
pensation, when paid, was generally very low, although the law demands that pre-
trial detainees must receive back pay for all work that they have performed, once
they are released. The Government in January provided its 1995 report on the
International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention on Forced Labor; ILO had cited
the Government for its failure to report in 1995 and 1996.
The LRA abducted numerous children and terrorized them into virtual slavery as
guards, soldiers and concubines (see Sections l.b. and l.g.).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but a lack of resources prevented the
Government from enforcing this prohibition efTectively (see Section 6.c.). Employers
are prohibited by law from hiring workers below the age of 18, but child labor is
widespread. The Ministry of Social Services is charged with enforcing the law on
child labor, but it has few resources to do so. Part of the problem is demographic,
as half the population is under 18 years of age. School fees nave made it impossible
for many parents — particularly poor farmers, the majority of the population — to pro-
vide their children with an education. As a result, there is an incentive to leave
school and go into agricultural or domestic work in order to help meet expenses or
perform the work of absent or infirm parents, a common situation throughout the
country. About 55 percent of school-age children are in school.
Most working children are employed in the informal sector, often on the subsist-
ence farms of extended family members or as domestic servants. In urban areas,
children peddle small items on the streets, are involved in commercial sex, or beg
for money. Some of the largest sectors also employ child labor. Although most tea
harvesting is done by adults, some children are also employed.
Smuggling, one of the nation's larger informal industries, illegally employs large
numbers of child laborers at the borders with Kenya and Tanzania. Children walk
back and forth across the unguarded borders transporting small amounts of coffee,
fuel, sugar, or other commodities.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work.— The Government does not set a minimum
wage, although a Minimum Wages Board appointed in 1995 submitted recommenda-
376
tions on this issue to the Cabinet. Wages continued to be determined through nego-
tiation between individuals and their employers, unions and proprietors, or through
negotiation within the boards of directors at state-owned industries. Salaries are
usually augmented by other incentives such as housing and transport allowances,
which often equal base wages. The Ministry of Labor's salary scale for civil servants
starts with unskilled labor at $50 (51,133 shillings) per month, up to supervisors
at $400 (414,738 shillings) per month, plus modest increases for years worked. AH
include provisions for paid overtime. The higher end of this scale would provide
minimal support for a worker and family, but most civil servants have great dif-
ficulty earning enough money to pay their children's school costs. Many civil serv-
ants and their dependents work in second jobs, grow their own food, or seek other
ways to feed themselves.
ia industries that employ workers on an hourly basis, the normal workweek was
40 hours. Although there was no legal maximum workweek, a time-and-a-half rate
was paid for each additional hour worked. Many industries pay workers by piece-
work, which avoids overtime and circumvents the prohibition on child labor.
The condition of employee housing on the tea and sugar plantations, at the major
state-owned corporations, and within military and police barracks, was substandard.
Sanitation and water facilities are often lacking.
Building codes are often unenforced. Some structures have tripled in height above
the original foundations, leading local engineers to express reservations about the
structural integrity of these workplaces. Factories are generally sound, but machin-
ery almost always lacks safeguards.
Vestiges of occupational health and safety legislation are contained in the Out-
dated Factories Act of 1954, the Workmen's Compensation Act of 1964, and the Em-
ployment Decree of 1975. None of these acts addresses present-day working haz-
ards. The acts do not protect workers who refuse to perform dangerous work from
being fired although strong unions in certain dangerous industries do protect such
workers. The Ministry of Labor's Department of Occupational Health is responsible
for enforcement of the limited occupational safety regulations, but in practice inspec-
tions are rare, due primarily to the inspectors' lack of vehicles and funding for in-
spection trips. Under the law, the maximum award payable in workers' compensa-
tion to a disabled employee, or to the estate of employees killed on the job, is $38.
Ministry of Labor officials recognized the inadequacy of this amount and at year's
end were working on remedial efforts, including new legislation.
ZAMBIA
Zambia is a republic governed by a president, a unicameral national assembly,
and a constitutionally independent judiciary. After two decades of one-party rule,
free and fair multiparty elections in November 1991 resulted in the victory of the
Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) and the election of President Frederick
J.T. Chiluba, a former trade unionist. In the November 1996 elections. President
Chiluba was reelected, and his party won 131 of 150 seats in the National Assem-
bly. Constitutional amendments enacted in May 1996 had disqualified former Presi-
dent Kenneth Kaunda, the main opposition leader, from seeking the presidency. The
MDD's use of government resources, including the state-owned media, put the fair-
ness of the elections into question, although, despite some voting irregularities,
there was no evidence of substantial or widespread vote-rigging or vote-counting
fraud. The (jovemment generally respected the independence of the judiciary.
Early in the morning of October 28, an army captain took control of the national
radio station and announced a coup. By 10 a.m., government troops had regained
control of the facilities, the captain and his allies were arrested, and the coup at-
tempt was over. Several days later, the President proposed and Parliament ap-
proved legislation establishing a 90-day State of Emergency, which was scheduled
to end in February 1998, if not extended. The State of Emergency allowed the Gov-
ernment to detain suspects for 28 days without charge. By year's end, the Govern-
ment had detained 86 persons, including former President Kenneth Kaunda.
TTie police, divided into regular and paramilitary units operating under the Min-
istry of Home AfTairs, have primary responsibility for maintaining law and order.
They are highly politicized. The Zambia Intelligence Security Service, under the of-
fice of the President, is responsible for intelligence and internal security. Police con-
tinued to commit numerous, and at times serious, human rights abuses.
Throughout the year, the Government continued its free market economic reform
program, halving the inflation rate, maintaining the budget under control, and
pressing forwara with the privatization of parastatal companies. The revenue au-
377
thority contributed to the good budgetary results through increased collections, de-
spite cutting tax rates at midyear. Erratic rainfall and delayed delivery of fertilizer
contributed to a below average 1996-97 maize crop, the staple food of most citizens.
Agreement in principle was reached with international mining companies to pri-
vatize the major elements of the copper industry, a move to stem generally declining
production and continued losses. Nonmetals exports continued growing strongly, in-
creasing diversification and jobs and making up for reduced foreign exchange earn-
ings from copp)er.
The Government took steps to address some human rights problems, but serious
abuses continued in several areas. The police committed extrajudicial killings and
beat and otherwise abused criminal suspects and detainees. Harsh prison conditions
deteriorated further, posing an increased threat to the health and lives of inmates.
Arbitrary arrests, prolonged detention, and long delays in trials remain problems.
Police infringed on citizens' privacy rights. Police authorities continued steps to ad-
dress police orutality, including community-based policing methods, human rights
training in the curriculum of the police training college, and human rights seminars
for miolevel and senior officers. However, a lack of professionalism and discipline
in the police force remains a serious problem.
The Government persisted in attempts to limit freedom of the press and continued
to control two of the country's three daily newspapers, contrary to its 1991 promises
to privatize government-owned mass media. The Government restricted citizens'
right of peaceful assembly and association. Citizens' right to change their govern-
ment also was restricted in 1996. In May the Government established the autono-
mous Zambian Human Rights Commission (ZHRC). Despite initial doubts about its
effectiveness, the Commission obtained access to the coup detainees and exposed the
fact that seven of them were tortured.
The Commission also took effective steps to press the Government to release a
number of prisoners. Women continued to experience discrimination in both law and
fact. Wife beating, rape, and denial of widows' inheritance rights remained wide-
spread. Discrimination against people with disabilities is a problem. Child labor ex-
ists in rural subsistence occupations and in some urban occupations.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings during the year, but police continued to use excessive force that at times
resulted in extrajudicial killings. According to police spokesmen, one suspect died
in jail when officers failed to provide necessary medical attention, and there may
have been other deaths.
In December 1995, army recruits near Kapiri Mposhi went on a rampage in retal-
iation for the death of a comrade at the hands of local villagers. The rampaging
army recruits destroyed an estimated 100 village houses and killed two villagers.
After 2 years, no disciplinary action has been reported.
There were many deaths of inmates due to harsh prison conditions (see Section
I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — Press accounts report that in May former Rwandan I^gal Af-
fairs Minister Agnes Ntangibyaliro Rutugwera, who was living in the copperbelt,
was abducted by unknown persons believed to be Rwandan state security agents.
Her whereabouts are unknown. Immigration authorities denied involvement.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the 1991 Constitution prohibits torture, police regularly used excessive
force when apprehending, interrogating, and detaining criminal suspects or illegal
aliens. In most such instances, detaining officers beat suspects. In March police at
the Chawama station severely beat a suspect, denied him necessary medical atten-
tion, and then released him without charges. In May police crushed the testicle of
a detainee. No officers have been disciplined or arrested for these acts.
The ZHRC confirmed that police tortured seven of the persons detained after the
October coup attempt. There were reports that state agents tortured two of the
seven in order to make them falsely implicate former President Kaunda and other
politicians in the coup attempt. There were also no reports of any government inves-
tigation of the torture of the coup detainees.
On August 23, police fired on an opposition party vehicle, slightly wounding
former President Kenneth Kaunda and seriously wounding opposition leader Dr.
Rodger Chongwe. Calls for an independent international inquiry were dismissed.
The police force promised to undertake its own investigation. The ZHRC was also
investigating the Kabwe shooting. No results of the investigations have been an-
nounced.
378
Throughout the year, government officials, nongovernmental organizations
(NGO's), and the press closely scrutinized police involvement in human rights
abuses, criminal activity, and corruption. Inspector General of Police Francis
Ndhlovu continued to exercise his mandate to reform the force. Ndhlovu has insti-
tuted a variety of measures designed to restore discipline and professionalism, in-
cluding police training in respect for human rights. The effectiveness of such reform
efforts was called into question during public disturbances in Lusaka's main com-
mercial area in August when police used excessive force to disperse street vendors
and later attacked vendors and opposition party members on Cairo Road. Ndlovu's
admission in open court in 1996 tnat he had illegally wiretapped The Post news-
paper's telephone lines also raised questions about his commitment to protect
human rights.
Police corruption is also a problem. Police often detain citizens in private debt dis-
putes in exchange for a portion of the payment owed (see Section l.d.). Police some-
times committed extortion at roadblocks (see Section 2.d.).
The police undertook investigations of instances of police use of excessive force,
disciplining officers who committed human rights abuses. Middle-ranking and senior
police officers were enrolled in human rights training seminars at the police acad-
emy. According to statistics provided by the police command, at least 8 police offi-
cers were the subjects of internal investigations or prosecutions. Authorities ar-
rested some police officers on such criminal charges as robbery and possession of
illegal narcotics.
An earlier human rights commission, chaired by prominent attorney Bruce
Munyama, aggressively examined police human rights abuses in public hearings
held throughout 1995. In September 1995, the commission submitted its final report
to the President, including recommendations to improve the human rights perform-
ance of the police. The Government released the report to the public in September
1996.
At year's end, the Government had not disciplined or prosecuted any of the indi-
viduals allegedly involved in the torture of persons detained in connection with the
1993 State of Emergency.
Prison conditions are harsh and continued to deteriorate, posing an increased
threat to prisoners' lives. According to official statistics, prisons designed to hold
6,0(X) prisoners held over 12,000. This severe overcrowding, combined with poor
sanitation, inadequate medical facilities, meager food supplies, and lack of pxjtable
water resulted in serious outbreaks of dysentery and other diseases, including tu-
berculosis, at various prisons throughout the year. In a report submitted to Par-
liament in 1996, the Director of Prisons said that 975 prisoners had died in prison
between January 1991 and December 1995, due to illness and harsh conditions. The
death rate of prison inmates remained about the same in 1997.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Government permits prison visits by
both domestic and international human rights monitors.
Arbitrary arrest and detention are still problems. Criminal suspects are often ar-
rested on the basis of fiimsy evidence or an uncorroborated accusation. In criminal
cases, the law requires that a detainee be charged and brought before a magistrate
within 24 hours. Attorneys and family members are allowed access to pretrial de-
tainees. In practice, the authorities hold most detainees for more than 1 month from
commission of an offense to first appearance before a magistrate. In many cases, an
additional period of 6 months elapses before the magistrate commits the defendant
to the High Court for trial. Following committal, preparation of the magistrate court
record for transmittal to the High Court takes months — in some cases as long as
a year. Once a case reaches the High Court for trial, court proceedings last an aver-
age of 6 months.
Detention is often prolonged. Approximately 2,000 of the 12,000 prisoners are
awaiting trial on criminal charges. In some cases, defendants have been awaiting
trial for as long as 4 years. There was some progress in holding trials; in past years
some defendants had waited as long as 10 years for their trials. These long delays
are the result of inadequate resources, inefliciency, lack of trained personnel, and
broad rules of procedure that give wide latitude to prosecutors and defense attor-
neys to request adjournments. In 1996 the High Court Commissioner began releas-
ing detainees if police failed to bring the case to trial.
Although there is a functioning bail system, overcrowded prisons refiect the large
number of detainees who have committed serious offenses for which bail is not
granted. These include treason, murder, aggravated robbery, and violations of the
narcotics laws. Also, indigent detainees rarely have the means to post bail. The gov-
ernment legal aid ofTice is responsible for providing legal representation for indigent
detainees and defendants in criminal or civil cases. In practice, few receive assist-
379
ance. In 1997 the office had 14 attorneys to cover the entire country and a budget
of $110,000.
Police stations frequently become "debt collection centers," where police officers,
acting upon unofficial complaints, detain debtors without charge indefinitely until
they pay the complainants. In return, the police receive a percentage of payments.
The authorities held approximately 500 foreigners, principally from neighboring
countries. At times, these detentions last months or years (see Section 2.d.).
The State of Emergency imposed in October allowed the Government to detain
suspects for 28 days without charge. As of year's end, the Government had detained
86 persons. On Christmas day, the Government detained former President Kenneth
Kaunda on suspicion that he was involved in the coup. (Kaunda had been out of
the country since shortly before the coup, returning to Zambia on December 21.) He
was moved from prison to house arrest on December 31. At year's end, the Govern-
ment held a number of political detainees, including ZDC President Dean
Mung'omba and UNIP President Kaunda. They have not been charged, but the in-
vestigations continued. The Government must release them or present formal crimi-
nal charges and bring them to trial before the State of Emergency expires in Feb-
ruary 1998 or ask Parliament for an extension of the State of Emergency.
In 1996 the Speaker of the National Assembly ordered the indefinite incarceration
of Post newspaper reporters Fred Mmembe, Bright Mwape, and Lucy Sichone for
contempt of tne House. The High Court later quashed the sentences, ruling that the
Speaker had no authority over private citizens. The Government appealed the case,
seeking to reinstate the detentions of the three reporters. The case was pending at
year's end.
The Government does not use exile for political purposes. However, it has used
deportation and the threat of deportation for political purposes against persons
whose claims to Zambian citizenship it had refused to recognize.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Government generally respected the inde-
pendence of the judiciary during the year. In April 1996, the Government introduced
constitutional amendments that would have virtually eliminated the independence
of the high courts and the Supreme Court. The amendments would have granted
the President the power to dismiss judges, subject only to concurrence by the Na-
tional Assembly. The President alone would have been able to decide what con-
stituted grounds for dismissal. Following strong public protest, the Government
withdrew the amendments the following month.
The President nominates and the National Assembly confirms the Chief Justice
and the other eight members of the Supreme Court. The Court has appellate juris-
diction for all legal and constitutional disputes. The High Court, which holds regular
sessions in all nine provincial capitals, has authority to hear criminal and civil cases
and appeals from lower courts. Magistrate courts have original jurisdiction in some
criminal and civil cases, while local, or customary, courts handle most civil and
petty criminal cases in rural areas.
Local courts employ the principles of customary law, which vary widely through-
out the country. Lawyers are barred from participating, and there are few formal
rules of procedure. Presiding judges, who are usually prominent local citizens, have
great power to invoke customary law in rendering judgments regarding marriages,
divorces, inheritances, other civil proceedings, and minor criminal matters. Judg-
ments are often not in accordance with the Penal Code; for example, they tend to
discriminate against women in matters of inheritance (see Section 5).
Trials in magistrate courts are public, and defendants have the opportunity to
confront accusers and present witnesses. Many defendants, however, are too poor
to retain a lawyer and the poor state of the Government's legal aid department
means that many citizens entitled to legal aid find it is unavailable.
There were no reports of political prisoners (see Section l.d.).
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for respect for privacy and the inviolability of the home; how-
ever, the authorities did not always respect these rights in practice. Except during
a state of emergency, the law requires a warrant before police may enter a home;
police routinely ignored this requirement, and often arrested alleged criminals at
their homes without having first obtained an arrest warrant. The Constitution
grants the Drug Enforcement Commission and the Zambian intelligence Security
service authority to wiretap telephones. In September 1996, the Inspector General
of Police admitted in open court that he had ordered illegal wiretaps on a telephone
at the ofTices of The Post, an independent daily newspaper. At year's end, he still
had not been charged for this illegal action.
Roundups of suspected illegal aliens in the home or workplace continued. Accord-
ing to the Government Commissioner for Refugees, immigration officials are empow-
ered under the law to conduct these roundups without a warrant.
380
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — While the Constitution provides for freedom of
expression and of the press, the penal code lists various prohibited activities that
may be broadly interpreted so as to restrict these freedoms. In response to headlines
and stories that alleged corrupt practices on the part of government officials, the
Government or its appointed officials have brought numerous libel actions against
the Post newspaper. At year's end, over 80 cases filed over the course of the last
3 years remained to be adjudicated.
The law includes provisions for investigative tribunals to call as witnesses jour-
nalists and media managers who print allegations of parliamentary misconduct.
Failure to cooperate with a tribunal may result in charges of contempt punishable
by up to 6 months in jail. This is seen by the media as a clear infringement on press
freedom and a means for parliamentarians to bypass the clogged court system in
dealing with libel suits against the media. In 1996 the Speaker of the National As-
sembly ordered the indefinite detention of three journalists for contempt of the
House (see Section l.d.).
In February the Government published the draft of a media bill that would have
limited press freedom severely. After considerable criticism and protest, the Govern-
ment withdrew the bill. Partly in an efTort to forestall any future government at-
tempts to regulate the media, the Zambia Independent M^dia Association (ZIMA)
formed its own media council to establish ethical standards and handle complaints.
A number of independent newspapers question government actions and policies
and circulate without government interference. For the last 2 years, the leading
independent daily, The Post, has had an Internet home page that has attracted over
15,000 readers per month. State House and the government-controlled Times of
Zambia and Daily Mail also have home pages, established in April 1996.
The Government owns the two most widely circulated newspapers, as well as the
sole television station, the Zambia National Broadcast Corporation (ZNBC). In addi-
tion to the government- controlled radio station, there are two church related sta-
tions and one private commercial station operating in Zambia. The Government
pressured the commercial station to refrain irom carrying the British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC). Multi-Choice, based in South Africa, provides both Direct Sat-
ellite Television and analog wireless subscriber television service. In addition to
many entertainment channels, the DSTV service provides Cable News Network
(CNN), BBC World, and Sky Television News. It also provides three BBC, one Radio
France International, and Voice of America (VGA) radio news broadcasts. The ana-
log wireless system carries BBC world news and several entertainment channels.
Neither of the services provides local news coverage. The Government exercised con-
siderable influence over the government-owned media, which continued to follow the
government line on important issues. A second wireless television service, CASAT,
began operations in December.
On January 6, Masautso Phiri, senior editor at the independent newspaper, the
Post, was summoned by the Supreme Court to answer charges of contempt of court
relating to statements he had made alleging that each justice had accepted a
$750,000 (1 billion kwacha) bribe from the MMD-led Government to throw out the
opposition petitions against Chiluba's presidential eligibility. He admitted in court
that he had no proof of these allegations, and was subsequently sentenced to 3
months imprisonment. Phiri maintains that the court acted unfairly, noting that
three of the justices should have recused themselves due to their personal involve-
ment. In mid-April, Health Minister Katele Kalunba banned the Central Board of
Health from advertising in The Post.
In February editor Lweendo Hamusankwa and reporter Boyd Phiri of the inde-
{>endent weekly Chronicle were picked up by police and detained at Woodlands po-
ice station in connection with a story that reported a break-in at an army armory.
They were charged with "publishing false news with intent to cause fear and alarm"
and criminal libel. The case remained open, and no trial date had been set by year's
end. On February 15, state agents seized Chronicle reporter George Jambwa at gun-
point following the publication of a story that headlined a presidential aide driving
a stolen vehicle. Jambwa was detained for 10 hours at Lusaka Central prison and
asked to reveal the source of his story. He then was released.
In December 1996, police charged the opposition's legal counsel, Mainza Chona,
with "publishing false news with intent to cause alarm among the public". This fol-
lowed a statement that Chona made in the Supreme Court tnat a suspected bomb
had been planted at former president Kaunda's house. The magistrate set him free
after finding the statement to be privileged information made in official court pro-
ceedings. Most attorneys believe that the police action was politically motivated, in-
tended to intimidate opposition lawyers.
381
All undei^aduate and a few professional program classes at the University of
Zambia were canceled starting in November 1996 following a stone-throwing inci-
dent. Although the university senate took this action, public statements by the Min-
ister of Education led most observers to believe that it did so at the behest of the
Government. The motivation for the closure was a combination of political, adminis-
trative, and financial problems at the university. The university reopened in Octo-
ber.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly, but the Government restricted this right in practice.
The law requires rally organizers to notify the police 7 days in advance. The police
may advise the organizers that the time or venue is inopportune. In practice, the
police did not interfere with most peaceful rallies whose leaders had followed the
prior notification rule; however, authorities often denied permission to proceed for
rallies planned by the political opposition, particularly the United Independence
Party (tJNIP).
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, on occasions the
Government has harassed and arrested NGO leaders. Following their detention of
several hours in November 1996, NGO leaders Alfred Zulu (ZIMT) and Ngande
Mwanajet (AFRONET) were released. They were charged with receiving financing
from foreign governments at the beginning of the year. There has been no further
action on either charge. Both remain active and free (see Section 4).
All organizations must apply formally for registration to the Registrar of Societies.
In most cases the authorities routinely approved these applications. During the
year, there were 37 political parties in operation and dozens of nongovernmental or-
ganizations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — A 1996 amendment to the Constitution declared Zambia
a Christian nation wnile providing for freedom of religion. The Government respects
the rights of all faiths to worship freely in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides citizens with the right to move freely
throughout Zambia, to reside in any part of the country, and to depart and return
to the country without restriction. The authorities generally respected these rights
during the year, but police roadblocks to control criminal activity continued, and po-
lice sometimes extorted money and goods from motorists. In September the Minister
of Local Government forbade the Npezeni, the Chief of the N'goni (a group related
to South Africa's Zulus), from leaving the country to attend a meeting of ^ulu and
Zulu-related chiefs in South Africa.
Several days after UNLP President Kenneth Kaunda was detained, the passports
of his son Wezi Kaunda, Wezi's wife, and a UNEP Central Committee member were
confiscated when they tried to cross the border into Zimbabwe.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated that
there were approximately 120,000 refugees, mainly Angolans, in Zambia in 1997.
The Government cooperated with the UNHCR in processing applications for refugee
status.
A steady trickle of persons from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DROC)
continued to cross into Zambia during the year. In response to alleged criminal ac-
tivities of many Congolese in the border region, the Government rounded up, ar-
rested, and deported many Congolese and other illegal aliens throughout the year.
The deportation of illegal aliens is lawful, but those who had been accorded refugee
status by the UNHCR were sometimes picked up and held for varying lengths of
time before being released. In several cases, the Government deported refugees who
were registered with the UNHCR.
The authorities held a number of foreigners who were not registered with the
UNHCR as illegal aliens (principally from neighboring countries) until they could
be deported. They also held approximately 500 former Zairian soldiers, who are reg-
istered with the UNHCR, in a camp in Northern province.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens voted in multiparty elections in November 1996; however, constitutional
amendments barred the best known opposition candidate, former president and
UNEP leader Kenneth Kuanda and his deputy, senior chief Inyambo Yeta, from run-
ning for the presidency in 1996, thereby restricting the right of citizens to change
their government. The amendments accepted in 1996 require both parents of presi-
dential candidates to be Zambian citizens by birth and disqualify tribal chiefs from
running for the presidency.
Eleven political parties contested presidential and national assembly elections in
1996. Approximately 50 percent of eligible voters registered. Of these almost 70 per-
382
cent cast ballots. While the MMD's use of government resources — including the
state-owned media during campaigns — probably did not affect the final outcomes,
their fairness was put into question. The Government's failure to implement a
transparent registration project raised doubts about the Government's willingness
to have an open electoral process.
Local elections, originally scheduled for 1995, had still not taken place by year's
end.
Under the Constitution, the President wields broad authority. Although the Na-
tional Assembly ratifies major appointments and has other powers, in practice it
continued to provide only a limited check on executive authority.
The number of women in politics and government is increasing, but remains
small. There are 13 women in Parliament (1 minister, and 2 deputy ministers) and
3 Asians (1 minister). There is also one mixed-race (African-European) minister.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights and civic organizations generally operated without serious govern-
ment hindrance; however, police arrested the leaders of the Zambian Independent
Monitoring Team (ZIMT) and the Committee for a Clean Campaign (CCC) in No-
vember 1996 after the two orcanizations described the 1996 electoral process as nei-
ther free nor fair. Although these detentions were brief, the ZIMT, the CCC, the Af-
rican Human Rights Network (AFRONET), and the Foundation for Electoral Proc-
esses have claimed that official harassment, including the blocking of their bank ac-
counts, has continued. Other human rights organizations in Zambia include the Law
Association of Zambia, Women for Change, the Catholic Commission for Justice and
Peace, and the Zambia Civic Education Association.
In May the Government established an autonomous Human Rights Commission.
A Supreme Court justice chairs the Commission; other members are drawn from
throughout society and include the former head of the Foundation for Democratic
processes (FODEP) and a University of Zambia lecturer on human rights. The Com-
mission interceded on behalf of persons who it concluded had their rights denied by
the Government. While there were doubts, at first, about its autonomy and elTective-
ness, the Commission aggressively sought and received access to the coup detainees,
exposed the torture of seven of them, and demanded and obtained better medical
care for them. The Commission spoke out on behalf of detainees and prisoners, and
the Government responded. At year's end, a number of seriously ill prisoners were
released at the Commission's request.
The Government continued to be receptive to criticism from human rights and
civic organizations in general, but on occasion, government officials accused human
rights monitors of abetting crime and thwarting the work of the police through their
focus on the victims of police brutality. The Gfovemment did not interfere with in-
quiries or visits by international human rights oreanizations.
The Government continued to cooperate with the International Criminal Tribunal
(ICTR) for Rwanda in detaining and sending to Arusha those persons whom the
ICTR identified as suspected war criminals.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, tribe, sex, place of origin,
marital status, political opinion, color, or creed. Constitutional amendments barring
native-born Zambians of partial or full foreign ancestry from the presidency appear
to violate the prohibition on discrimination cased on place of origin. These amend-
ments also pronibit traditional chiefs, who are accorded authority and privileges as
chiefs, from running for political office unless they resign their chieftainships. A
legal challenge to these amendments was unsuccessful.
Women. — Violence against women remained a serious problem. Wife beating and
rape were widespread. According to official statistics, over 4,000 rape cases were re-
ported to the police between 1991 and 1997. Of these, approximately 30 percent re-
sulted in conviction and 5 percent in acquittal. The remainder were either dismissed
or remain unresolved. Defendants convicted of rape normally were sentenced to
hard labor. Since many rapes are not reported to police, the actual number is con-
sidered much higher. Domestic assault is a criminal offense, but in practice police
are often reluctant to pursue reports of wife beating, preferring to broker a reconcili-
ation. The Government and nongovernmental organizations expressed increasing
concern about violence against women, and the media devoted considerable publicity
to it during the year.
Both the Constitution and law entitle women to full equality with men in most
areas. In practice, women are severely disadvantaged compared with men in formal
383
employment and education. Married women who are employed often suffer from dis-
criminatory conditions of service. For example, women have little independent ac-
cess to credit facilities; in most cases, they remain dependent on their husbands,
who are required to sign for loans. As a result, few women own their own homes.
Customary law and practice also place women in subordinate status with respect
to property, inheritance, and marriage, despite various constitutional and legislative
firovisions. Polygamy is permitted i? the first wife agrees to it at the time of the
irst wedding. Under traditional customs prevalent in most ethnic groups, all rights
to inherit property rest with the deceased man's family. The 1989 Intestate Succes-
sion Act was designed to provide women with a share of the joint estate. Under the
act, the children of a deceased man equally share 50 percent; the widow receives
20 percent; the parents, 20 percent; and relatives, 10 percent. A 1996 "reform" of
the act places the widow's share at 20 percent to bo divided equally with any other
women who can prove a marital relation with the deceased man, thus granting in-
heritance rights to other wives, mistresses, and concubines.
In practice, "property grabbing" by the relatives of the deceased man continues
to be rampant, particularly when local customary courts have jurisdiction. These
courts often use a different law, the Local Courts Act, to distribute inheritances
without reference to the percentages mandated in the Succession Act. As a result,
many widows receive little or nothing from the estate. Fines for property grabbing
mandated by the Intestate Succession Act are extraordinarily low.
Children. — The Government seeks to improve the welfare of children, but scarce
resources and ineffective implementation of social programs adversely affected the
welfare of children. Due to harsh economic conditions, both rural and urban children
often must work in the informal sector to help families make ends meet (see section
6.d.).
There was no societal pattern of abuse against children.
People With Disabilities. — Persons with disabilities face significant societal dis-
crimination in employment and education. The Government has taken steps to ame-
liorate their hardships, including establishing a national trust fund to provide loans
to the disabled to help them start businesses, but its efTorts are limited by scarce
resources. The Government has not legislated or otherwise mandated accessibility
to public buildings and services for the disabled.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of citizens
to form trade unions, and approximately 60 percent of the 300,000 formal sector
workers are unionized. Fourteen of the country s 19 large national unions, organized
by industry or profession, are affiliated with the Zambia Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU). The ZCTU is democratically operated and, like its constituent unions, is
independent of any political party and the Government. The Mine Workers Union
of Zambia and four other ZCTU constituent unions broke from ZCTU and have es-
tablished a rival umbrella organization.
The 1993 Industrial and Labor Relations Act (ILRA) reestablished the "one indus-
try, one union" principle. The Bankers Union of Zambia was duly registered with
the Government in 1993 but has been unable to operate because the employers rec-
ognize the existing Zambia Union of Financial and Allied Workers. In November
1993, the Ndola High Court ordered the Government to register the Secondary
School Teachers Union of Zambia. The Government continues to argue that the
Zambia National Union of Teachers represents secondary school teachers and has
administratively delayed recognition of the new secondary teachers union.
All workers have the right to strike, except those engaged in essential services,
the Zambia Defense Force, the judiciary, the police, the prison service, and the In-
telligence Security Service. The ILRA defines essential services as power, medical,
water, sewerage, firefighting, and certain mining occupations essential to safety. It
permits strikes only alter all other legal recourse has oeen exhausted, and in prac-
tice all work stoppages during the year were illegal. The ILRA prohibits employers
from retribution against employees engaged in legal trade union activities. Workers
engaged in illegal strikes do not enjoy this protection.
By a majority vote of its members, a union may decide on affiliation with the
ZCTU or with trade unions or organizations outside Zambia. The ZCTU is a member
of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. Labor leaders travel with-
out restriction to international conferences and to visit counterparts abroad.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The ILRA provides for the
right to organize and bargain collectively. Employers and unions in each industry
negotiate collective bargaining agreements through joint councils in which there is
no government involvement. Civil servants and teachers, as public officials, nego-
tiate directly with the Government. Collective disputes are first referred to a concil-
384
iator or a board of conciliation. If conciliation fails to resolve the dispute, the parties
may refer the case to the Industrial Relations Court or, in the case of employees,
vote to strike. In practice, the industry joint councils function effectively as collec-
tive bargaining units.
The ILRA prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers against union mem-
bers and organizers. An employee who believes that he nas been penalized for union
activities may, after exhausting any existing administrative channels for relief, file
a complaint with the Industrial Relations Court. This Court has the power to order
appropriate redress for the aggrieved worker. The complainant may appeal a judg-
ment of the Industrial Relations Court to the Supreme Court. In practice, the Court
often orders employers to reinstate workers found to have been the victims of dis-
crimination.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits slavery
and involuntary servitude, but it authorizes the Government to call upon citizens
to perform labor in specific instances, for example, during national emergencies or
disasters. Moreover, the Government can require citizens to perform labor that is
associated with traditional civic or communal obligations, as when all members of
a village are called upon to assist in preparing for a visit by a traditional leader
or other dignitary. In practice, bonded or forced labor by adults or children is not
f)ermitted, and the labor authorities enforce the legal proscriptions when cases vio-
ating the law are brought to their attention (see section 6.d.).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum age for employment of children is 16 years. The Labor Commissioner ef-
fectively enforces this law in the industrial sector, where because of high adult un-
employment, there are no jobs available to children. The law is not enforced, how-
ever, for those who work in the subsistence agricultural, domestic service, and infor-
mal sectors, where children under age 16 are often employed. In urban areas chil-
dren commonly engage in street vending. Forced or bonded labor by children is not
permitted, and authorities enforce legal proscriptions when cases of violations are
Drought to their attention (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage for nonunionized workers
is set at $0.05 (70.30 kwacha) per hour, based on a 48-hour workweek, the legal
maximum for nonunionized workers, a worker earning the minimum wage would re-
ceive $10.70 (14,600 kwacha) per month. The minimum wage covers nonunionized
workers in categories such as general workers, cleaners, ofTice orderlies, and watch-
men. The minimum wage is insufficient to provide a worker and family with a de-
cent standard of living, and most minimum wage earners must supplement their in-
comes through second jobs, subsistence farming, or reliance on the extended family.
With respect to unionized workers, each industry sets its own wage scales and
maximum workweek limits through collective bargaining. In practice, almost all
unionized workers receive salaries considerably higher than the nonunion minimum
wage. The minimum workweek for full-time employment is 40 hours and is, in prac-
tice, the normal workweek. The law requires 2 days of annual leave per month of
service.
The law also regulates minimum health and safety standards in industry, and the
Department of A^nes is responsible for enforcement. Factory safety is handled by
the Inspector of Factories under the Minister of Labor, but staffing problems chron-
ically limit enforcement effectiveness. There are no legislative provisions to protect
a worker who refuses to work on safety grounds.
ZIMBABWE
President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic
Front (21ANU-PF) have dominated the legislative and executive branches of
Zimbabwe's Government since independence in 1980. The Constitution allows for
multiple parties; in addition to ZANU-PF, there are a large number of smaller par-
ties. However, they are poorly organized and led, poorly financed, and subject to
periodic intimidation by the ruling party and Government security forces. Late in
1997, the Parliament amended the election laws to allow for increased access to
funding for opposition candidates, and this action should increase the size of the
electorate; these changes will go into efTect in early 1998. The judiciary is independ-
ent, but the Government occasionally refuses to abide by court decisions.
The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) are responsible for maintaining law and
order. The Zimbabwe National Army and Air Force are responsible for external se-
curity. The Central Intelligence Organization (CIO) under the Ministry of State Se-
385
curity is responsible for internal and external security but no longer has powers of
arrest. Members of the security forces committed human rights abuses.
Zimbabwe's economy is agriculturally based, with strong mining and tourism sec-
tors and a diversified manuiacturing base. It has become mcreasingly market based
following the 1991-95 structural adjustment program. Primary exports are tobacco,
cotton, oil seeds, livestock, gold, and nickel. Over 60 percent of the population en-
gages in subsistence agriculture. The formal sector unemployment rate is above 45
percent. Indigenization (black economic empowerment) is a Government priority to
redress economic disparities between the majority black population and a small
white elite. The estimated 1996 annual per capita gross domestic product of $588
is expected to rise or decline if another drought occurs as predicted. Due to the rapid
decline in the Zimbabwe dollar and escalating inflation at year's end, the poor and
working class saw a significant drop in their standard of living.
The Government respected some of the human rights of its citizens; however,
there were significant problems in some areas, including incidents of police brutal-
ity, harsh prison conditions, pretrial detention, the Government's refusal to abide
by several court rulings, CIO intimidation of opposition party candidates and their
supporters, restrictions on academic freedom, infringements on citizens' privacy, re-
strictions on opposition party financing, and attempts at interference with non-
governmental oi^anizations'(NGO) leadership selection. The political process re-
mained heavily tilted in favor of the ruling party.
As a result of the Government's improper handling of the October 1995 mayoral
elections in Harare, Bulawayo, and Gweru, the High Court nullified the results of
those votes. Ruling party candidates won the subsequent 1996 mayoral elections in
all three cities, and in 1997 the Supreme Court upheld the validity of the new elec-
tions.
During the December mayoral election in Chitungwiza an independent candidate,
Fidelis Mhashu, campaigned strongly, but was defeated by the ZANU-PF candidate
by a narrow margin. Mnashu was beaten severely in June at a local government
oflice in the presence of government officials. There have been no reports of arrests
or charges being brought against any individuals arising out of that attack. Al-
though the small independent press was increasingly open and critical of the Gov-
ernment, there was some self-censorship. The electronic media — the major source of
information for most citizens — remained totally Government controlled, and strict
anti-defamation laws also led to self-censorship. Three new private television sta-
tions were granted broadcast rights. All three stations are likely to face financial
difficulties due to limited revenue, and are restricted to broadcasting on an available
channel leased from the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation; creation of an inde-
pendent transmission facility is still forbidden under the Broadcasting Act. Domestic
violence against women remained widespread, and traditional, often illegal, dis-
crimination against women and the disabled continued.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings by Government security forces.
Harsh prison conditions contributed to the average of 25 deaths per month of pris-
oners in custody (see Section I.e.).
The Legal Resource Foundation and the Catholic Commission for Justice and
Peace (CCJP) interviewed thousands of victims or relatives of victims of atrocities
committed during the 1982-87 Matabeleland crisis and presented their findings to
the President in March. The Government did not respond to the report nor take any
action on the 1993 Simplicius Chihambakwe conrmiission investigation of the
Matabeleland crisis. Despite calls by the CCJP for an investigation into the wide-
spread killings of civilians in Matabeleland and recommendations for compensating
people in the affected area, the Government took no further action on the bodies
discovered at various locations nor has anyone been held accountable for the mas-
sacres.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
In the case of the 1990 disappearance of Rashiwe Guzha a court declined to de-
clare her dead but ordered the distribution of her estate. The former CIO Deputy
Director-General, with whom Guzha had a romantic relationship before her dis-
appearance, and who was rumored to have been involved in her disappearance, died
during the year.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture, and cruel and inhuman treatment. There were
no credible reports of torture. The ZRP service charter and improved training have
386
resulted in markedly better treatment of suspects and the public. However, there
are still reports of occasional police brutality. In July police beat 20 female residents
of a Harare housing complex and arrested 45 for alleged prostitution and loitering.
Most of the women arrested were married and in their own residences at the time.
Onlv one Government oflicial, independent Member of Parliament Margaret Dongo,
challenged the arrest and beating of these women. There have also been freauent
reports that police beat detainees at Mbare Musika police station in one of the nigh-
est crime areas in Harare. A police officer also publicly beat a female bus inspector
for refusing to give him a bribe. There has been no public Government reaction to
this beating.
The Government has not actively pursued past allegations of torture, nor pros-
ecuted CIO or ZRP oflicers for such abuses. The CIO continued to refuse to pay
court-ordered damages to a 1990 torture victim.
Prison conditions remained harsh and have improved little since the CCJP issued
its 1993 report describing extreme overcrowding, shortages of clothing, and poor
sanitary conditions. Overcrowding and poor sanitation aggravated outbreaks of cnol-
era, diarrhea, and AIDS-related illnesses. An average of 25 prisoners a month died
in custody, 18 from AIDS-related illnesses, in 1996 (the last year for which statistics
are available). The Government has established a successful community service sen-
tencing program to try to alleviate prison overcrowding. The Legal Resource Foun-
dation, in cooperation with the prison service, established a human rights training
program for prison ofTicials. Officials who mistreat prisoners are routinely punished.
Tne Government permits international human rights monitors to visit prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes these prohibitions. The law
requires that police inform an arrested person of the charges against him before he
is taken into custody. Warrants of arrest issued by the courts are required except
in cases of serious crimes or where there is the risk of evidence disappearing. The
Ministry of Home AfTairs pays an average of $150,000 (Z$1.5 million) each year in
damages in wrongful arrest cases.
Although a preliminary hearing before a magistrate is reauired within 48 hours
of an arrest (or 96 hours over a weekend), the law is often disregarded if a person
does not have legal representation. A 1992 amendment to the Criminal Procedures
and Evidence Act substantially reduced the power of magistrates to grant bail with-
out the consent of the Attorney General or his agents. In practice, nowever, a cir-
cular issued by the Attorney General giving a general autnority to grant bail has
lessened the negative impact of the rule. High Court judges grant bail independ-
ently.
The Government still enjoys a wide range of legal powers under the Official Se-
crets Act and the Law and Order Maintenance Act (LOMA). Originally promulgated
30 years ago and widely used in the past to prosecute political opponents of the Gov-
ernment, the LOMA gives extensive powers to the police, the Minister of Home Af-
fairs, and the President to address political and security crimes that are not clearly
defined. The Government invoked the LOMA in July to ban demonstrations by
former combatants who demanded compensation for wartime injuries. The ban was
not vigorously enforced against the war veterans and was lifted after 2 weeks. In
DeceniDer opposition leader M.P. Ndabadingi Sithole was convicted and sentenced
to 2 years under the LOMA for conspiring to assassinate President Mugabe in 1995.
At year's end, no appeal had been filed nor was there any government reaction to
the judge's call for a pardon in light of Sithole's age, poor health, and evidence of
the Government's prior notice of the assassination plans.
The Government proposed a security bill to repeal the LOMA; however, the draft
bill contains several negative elements or similarities to the LOMA, including vague
definitions of political and security crimes, harsh penalties for failure to report the
acts of others, and restrictions on freedom of assembly, speech, and association. Fol-
lowing unprecedented public debate on the bill and subsequent consultations with
legal, democracy, and human rights organizations, the Gk)vernment withdrew the
bill for further revisions.
According to the Grovernment, the total prison population has been reduced to
18,000 from 22,000 in 1996, due in large part to alternative sentencing under the
community service program for youth olienders. The Government also reports that
6,000 prisoners are pretrial detainees. Detainees spent an average of 6 months in-
carcerated before their trials because of a critical shortage of magistrates and court
interpreters.
The Government does not use exile as a means of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — TTie Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the judiciary has a well-deserved reputation for independence. However,
on occasion the executive branch refuses to aoide by judicial decisions. The Cus-
387
tomary Law and Local Courts Act of 1990 created a unitary court system, consisting
of headmen's courts, chiefs' courts, magistrates' courts, the High Court, and the Su-
preme Court. With this restructuring, civil and customary law cases may be heard
at all levels of the judiciary, including the Supreme Court.
Judges are appointed for life and can be removed from the bench only for gross
misconduct. They are not discharged or transferred for political reasons. Mag-
istrates, who are part of the civil service rather than the judiciary, hear the vast
majority of cases and are sometimes subject to political pressure. Military courts
deal with disciplinary or court martial proceedings. Police courts, which can sen-
tence a police oflicer to confinement to camp or demotion, handle disciplinary and
misconduct cases. Trials in both these latter courts meet internationally accepted
standards for fair trials; defendants in these courts have the right to appeal to the
Supreme Court. All levels of the judiciary often make rulings unpopular with the
Government.
The Constitution provides for the right to a fair trial, and the Judiciary rigorously
enforces this right. Every defendant has the right to a lawyer ofhis choosing. How-
ever, well over 90 percent of defendants in magistrates' courts go unrepresented. In
criminal cases, an indigent defendant may apply to have the Government provide
an attorney, but this is rarely done and rarely granted. However, in capital cases
the Government provides an attorney for all defendants unable to afford one. Liti-
fants in civil cases can request legal assistance from the NGO Legal Resources
oundation, but no longer from the government-established Citizens Advice Bureau,
which was eliminated due to budget constraints. All litigants are represented in the
High Court. The Supreme Court nas instructed magistrates to ensure that unrepre-
sented defendants fully understand their rights and to weigh any mitigating cir-
cumstances in criminal cases, whether or not the accused presents them as part of
his defense.
The right to appeal exists in all cases and is automatic in cases in which the
death penalty is imposed. Trials are open to the public except in certain security
cases. Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence and the right to present wit-
nesses and question witnesses against them. Defendants and their attorneys gen-
erally have access to (}ovemment-held evidence relevant to their cases. The legal
system does not discriminate against women or minorities.
The Government generally abided by court decisions even when it was strongly
opposed to the rulings. However, the Government routinely delayed payment of
court costs or judgments awarded against it. For example, the CIO continued its re-
fusal to pay damages awarded by the High Court to a former opposition party ofii-
cial whom CIO agents had tortured in 1990.
Legal and human rights activists continued to criticize the Government's efforts
to adopt constitutional amendments detrimental to human rights protections. For
example. Amendment 11 (1992) changed the Constitution to allow corporal punish-
ment of minors after the Supreme Court ruled that caning of minors constituted
cruel and inhuman punishment. Amendment 14 (1996), which denies both men and
women the right to confer automatic residency on their foreign spouses, was passed
in response to a 1994 Supreme Court ruling declaring that women should have the
same rights as men to confer residency and citizenship on their spouses (see Section
2.d.). Amendments to the Constitution are not ratifiea by the public but are subject
to the ZANU-PF-dominated Parliament's approval only.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home, or cor-
respondence. Human rights groups are concerned that Amendment 14 erodes these
constitutional rights by repealing Section 11 of the Constitution which specifies pro-
tection for the right to the privacy of one's home and from the compulsory acquisi-
tion of property without compensation. Although Government authorities generally
respect citizens' right to privacy and violations are subject to legal sanction, it is
widely known that the Government sometimes monitors private correspondence and
telephones, particularly international communications.
The need for land reform is almost universally accepted; however, there are prob-
lems with implementation of the 1992 Land Acquisition Act (Land Act). Under the
Land Act farmers whose lands have been designated for acquisition may appeal only
the amount of^ compensation, not the initial decision to acquire their larms. In No-
vember the Government said that it would not compensate for land, but only for
improvements on the land, a position not sustainable under the act. In the past, the
act was implemented largely along racial lines; the Government stated that black-
owned commercial farms would not be subject to acquisition. However, in November
owners of 1,471 farms, some of which are black-owned, were notified their land
would be acquired by compulsory means in 1997. In some cases, land was appar-
388
ently targeted for acquisition to achieve political goals. In December, 1,420 adminis-
trative appeals were filed with the Ministry of Lands and Agriculture by owners of
the tar^geted farms, challenging the notices to acquire their lands. By year's end, the
Government had not acquired any of the newly identified land. Opposition party
leader M.P. Ndabadingi Sithole continued his legal battle with the Government over
its 1993 acquisition of nis farm.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of expres-
sion but allows for legislation to limit this freedom in the "interest of defense, public
safety, public order, state economic interests, public morality, and public health." Al-
though the independent press is increasingly open and critical of the Government,
there is some degree of self-censorship in private media and a high degree in the
Government-controlled press. For example, the Catholic Commission for Justice and
Peace and Legal Resources Foundation's detailed report on the 1980's Matabeleland
crisis was distributed to government and private papers. However, only one private
paper commented on the substance of the report. Self-censorship is aggravated by
anti-defamation laws that make no distinction between public and private persons.
In addition an extremely broad OfTicial Secrets Act makes it a crime to divulge "any
information acquired in the course of ofTicial duties."
The Government has shown a modest increase in tolerance for private media criti-
cism of official corruption during the ChidyausUcu Commission's investigation into
fraud and malfeasance in the management of the war victims compensation fund.
The maior print media (seven English language newspapers and one local-lan-
guage tabloid) belong to the Mass Media Trust, a holding company heavily influ-
enced by the government ruling party. The Ministry of Information controls the
Zimbabwe Inter-Africa News Agency wire service. The Government influences main-
stream media through indirect ownership, editorial appointments, directives to edi-
tors, and removal of wayward editors. In December a popular radio broadcaster was
dismissed following her refusal to cease airing public calls reporting on the then-
ongoing demonstrations in Harare against new taxes to fund the war veteran's com-
pensation package. The Government controls the only two daily newspapers, the
Chronicle and the Herald. The small independent press consists primarily of three
weekly and three monthly magazines. They carefully monitor government policies
and open their pages to opposition critics. Other minor independent publications
exist with fewer than 3,000 subscribers.
All radio and television channels are entirely government owned and controlled.
Following a Supreme Court ruling that the Government's monopoly on telecommuni-
cations was unconstitutional because it interfered with the right to freedom of ex-
pression, the Government granted a broadcasting license to private television sta-
tion Joy Television (Joy TV). However, Joy TV's independence has been questioned
because of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Commission's (ZBC) apparent favoritism
both in granting Joy a license, which was denied to earlier bidders, and in specula-
tion over possible ZBC editorial control of Joy programming. President Mugabe's
nephew, Leo Mugabe, reportedly has financial ties to Joy TV. Two other broadcast-
ing stations, MABC and LDM, was licensed in September and November, respec-
tively. Like Joy TV, the two stations lease air time from ZBC; all three stations are
likely to face difficulties due to limited advertising revenue.
Books and films are subject to review by the Zimbabwe Board of Censors. A film
on the liberation struggle, which the National War Veteran's Association claimed
was ofiensive and which was seized by the police in 1996, is now publicly available.
Following the controversial banning of the Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe
(GALZ) ejmibit on AIDS counseling and prevention at the 1996 Harare Inter-
national Book Fair, which the High Court overturned, there was no GALZ exhibit
at the 1997 fair.
The University of Zimbabwe (UZ) Amendment Act and the National Council for
Higher Education Act curtail academic freedom by restricting the independence of
universities, making them subject to government influence, and extending the dis-
ciplinary powers of the university authorities against staff and students. After pro-
testing government delays in disbursement of their subsidies, UZ students were vic-
tims of teargas and arrest; they were subsequently released.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of assembly and association for political and nonpolitical organizations, in-
cluding a broad spectrum of economic, social, professional, and after protesting Gov-
ernment delays in disbursement of their subsidies recreational activities. Permits
are not required for meetings or demonstrations. The Government was sharply criti-
cized by human rights, democracy, and labor leaders for its use of excessive force
in Harare to prevent a 1-day planned national demonstration in December against
389
new taxes to fund the war veterans compensation packages. The Zimbabwe Con-
gress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) had obtained a court order prohibiting the Govern-
ment from interfering with its plans for a p>eaceful demonstration. However, violence
erupted in Harare early on the day of the demonstration when police used tear gas,
dojra, and sticks to disperse people who had congregated at assembly points.
The formation of unions and political parties is not restricted. Organizations are
generally free of governmental interference as long as their activities are viewed as
nonpolitical. In a case brought by a women's nongovernmental organization (NGO)
the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional those sections of the Private Voluntary
Oreanizations Act of 1995, which had empowered the Minister of Social Welfare,
Labor, and Public Service to suspend the executive body or "any member of the ex-
ecutive committee of an organization and to appoint persons to manage the affairs
of the organization for a specified time. Following the ZCTU's successful national
work stoppage in December, in which the organization urged the support of employ-
ers, government media attacked the ZCTU's leadership for allegedly aiding white
employers to undermine the Government's land policy. Prior to the Supreme Court's
ruling, several new NGO's decided to set up their organizations as "associations"
connected with established NGO's so that their executive bodies would not be sub-
ject to government interference.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government gen-
erally respects them in practice.
In response to a 1994 Supreme Court ruling that Zimbabwe's law allowing men,
but not women, to confer residency rights on their foreign bom spouses was dis-
criminatory and unconstitutional, the Government proposed a constitutional amend-
ment establishing the practice in the Constitution. After an outcry from civic, par-
ticularly women's, organizations, the Government withdrew the amendment and
proposed a revised bill that allows neither men nor women to confer citizenship on
their foreign born spouses automatically. Parliament passed the amendment in Oc-
tober 1996, but implementing immigration regulations have not yet been promul-
gated.
The Government cooperates with the Office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. Zimbabwe provides first asylum. According to the Government, 223 asylum
seekers were given refugee status, and at least five persons were denied first asy-
lum in 1997. 'There were no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim
to refugee status. There were reportedly 1,564 refugees in Zimbabwe from more
than 20 countries; the largest groups consisted of 226 Rwandans, 166 Congolese
(Democratic Republic of the Congo), 138 Burundians, 138 Somalis, and 137 Ango-
lans.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although citizens have the legal right to change their Government democratically;
the political process continued to be tilted in lavor of the ruling party. However,
early next year two recent parliamentary changes will go into effect that will allow
for increased access to the political process for opposition candidates and potentially
increase the size of the electorate. The Political Parties Finance Amendment Act
(PPF Act) will no longer base government financial grants on the number of mem-
bers already in Parliament, but on a percentage of votes received in the last general
election, with a minimum of 5 percent required. The new Local Authorities Election
Laws Amendment Act (Election Act) amended and, in efTect, replaced the Election
Act, Rural District Council, and Urban Council Acts to eliminate restrictions on poor
people's right to vote in local elections. The act abolished the provision in the pre-
vious Council Acts which disqualified from voting those who were not long-term
residents or property owners in an area. It also abolished the old Rural District
Council Act provision which gave multiple votes to property owners by allowing
them to delegate voting rights based on their corporate ownership in a district,
while retaining a personal vote.
Government critics have charged that the ruling ZANU-PF party delayed the De-
cember 28 and 29 mayoral election in Chitungwiza to allow the ZANU-PF's can-
didate more time to mount a successful campaign in the face of strong opposition
from an independent. The ZANU-PF candidate won the election by 1,641 votes with
less than 7 percent of the total registered voters participating. President Mugabe
and his ZANU-PF party remained the dominant political force within the country.
' 390
President Mugabe won reelection in March 1996 with little opposition in an elec-
tion considered generally free and fair by hundreds of NGO monitors. In the 1995
parliamentary general elections, ZANTJ-PF captured 117 of the 120 popularly elect-
ed seats. The 10 chiefs who sit as Members of Parliament (M.P.s) are elected by
their peers. The President also appoints 8 provincial governors, who sit as M.P.s,
and 12 nonconstituency M.P.s. All 30 of these persons are ZANU-PF members. The
net result of several constitutional amendments has been to consolidate the power
of the executive branch and to limit the independence of M.P.s.
There is no effective Parliamentary opposition, and the legislature remained sub-
ordinate to the executive branch. However, in 1997 Parliament had greater influ-
ence on the content of proposed legislation in ruling party caucus debates and dur-
ing the conmiittee phase than in previous years. There are many small opposition
parties. However, their growth was inhibited by a variety of factors, including the
Political Parties Finance Act (PPFA) (sections of which were ruled unconstitutional
by the Supreme Court), the Government's virtual monopoly of the electronic media,
and credible reports of CIO harassment of opposition and independent candidates
and their supporters. In addition to serious institutional problems, however, the op-
position parties' lack of organization and leadership played a significant role in their
poor electoral showing.
In September the Supreme Court held unconstitutional those provisions of the
PPFA that provided government funding only to parties that had more than 15 Par-
liamentary seats, effectively giving all public funaing to the ruling party. In October
Parliament passed the PPFA, which authorizes the Government to fund any reg-
istered party that obtains 5 percent of the votes cast. The court noted that "in poor-
er societies, where private funding is either not available or offers inadequate assist-
ance, the inability to obtain state funding, because the qualification is set too high,
causes a reduction of the effective freedom of expression of political parties." While
the Supreme Court did not order a specific alternative criteria for party funding,
the Minister of Justice said that he would propose an amendment in Parliament
that would base it on the total number of votes cast.
The Supreme Court rejected an opposition party challenge to the 1996 Gweru
mayoral elections, called for by the President before Parliament established the post
of executive mayor, ruling that Parliament's subsequent enactment of the required
legislation validated the election.
There are institutional problems with the management and supervision of elec-
tions. Although the Ministiy of Justice technically administers the Electoral Act, the
Registrar General's Office falls under the Ministry of Home Afl'airs. With a meager
budget and a tiny staff seconded from the Ministry of Justice, the Electoral Super-
visory Commission lacks the institutional capacity to oversee all of the country's
polling stations. Nor do commissioners have the executive authority to order that
an irregularity be corrected. Despite an attempt to computerize the voters' roll, it
contains a very large number of redundancies or errors, including misspellings, mul-
tiple entries, and names of the deceased. No date has been set for rural district elec-
tions because of a conflict between government officials and opposition parties over
the Government's proposed use of a national versus local voters' roll for all elections.
Women participate in politics without legal restriction. However, according to
local women's groups, husbands — particularly in rural areas — commonly force their
wives to vote for the husband's preferred candidates.
Twenty of the 150 M.P.'s are women, including the Deputy Speaker of Parliament.
Three cabinet ministers with portfolios, three ministers of state, and three deputy
ministers are women. All major ethnic groups are represented in Parliament and
in the Government.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Although the Government permits local civic and human rights groups to operate,
it monitors their activities closely, in particular those of the Catholic Commission
for Justice and Peace and Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZIMRIGHTS).
Other groups that promote human rights include the Ix;gal Resource Foundation,
the Southern African Federation of the Disabled, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human
Rights, the Child and Law Project, the Zimbabwe Women Lawyer's Association, and
the Southern African Human Rights Research and Documentation Trust. The Foun-
dation for Democracy in Zimbabwe (FODEZI) was established in July as a watchdog
organization to support independent candidates. Amnesty International, Trans-
parency International, and the International Committee of the Red Cross operate
in Zimbabwe. The Government does not discourage representatives from inter-
national human rights groups from visiting Zimbabwe.
391
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides that "every person in Zimbabwe" is entitled to fun-
damental rights whatever his race, tribe, place of origin, political opinions, color,
creed, or sex.
Women. — Domestic violence against women, especially wife beating, is common
and crosses all racial and economic lines. It extends throughout the country, and
at times results in death. According to Women in Law and Development in Africa
(WILDAF), domestic violence accounts for more than 60 percent of murder cases in
the Harare High Court. A women's rights organization, the Musasa Project, con-
ducted a 3-week study in all the districts of Midlands province on domestic violence
against women in which 37 percent of the women interviewed said that they had
been sexually abused. Thirty-two percent said that they had been physically abused
since the age of 16. Human rights groups have notecl that increased training has
improved police community relations officers' handling of these cases. There were
approximately 2,000 cases of rape reported in the first 6 months of 1997, up from
1,400 cases in the first half of 1996. Women's groups and the police believe the ac-
tual number is much higher, but the majority of cases go unreported because of the
social stigma of rape. When cases come to court, lengthy sentences for rape and wife
beating are generally imposed. However, a 'T)inding over" order (an order to appear
in court to respond to an accusation of violent behavior) is issued based only on ac-
tual physical abuse and not on threats of violence. In addition, the courts do not
have the power to oust an abusive spouse from a matrimonial home. In a case that
is attracting much public attention, Canaan Banana, Zimbabwe's first president
(1980-1987) has been charged with sexual abuse arising out of allegations of forcible
sodomy made by a former aide. This is the first case involving a prominent public
figure accused of sexual abuse. The case has been referred to the Supreme Court
for a ruling on the issue of pretrial prejudice from the publicity. At year's end, the
court had not ruled in the case.
Since independence the Government has enacted major laws aimed at enhancing
women's rignts and countering certain traditional practices that discriminate
against women. However, women remain disadvantagea in Zimbabwean society. Il-
literacy, economic dependency, and prevailing social norms prevent rural women in
particular from combating societal discrimination. Despite legal prohibitions, women
are still vulnerable to entrenched customary practices, including the practice of
pledging a young woman to marriage with a partner not of her choosing; the custom
of forcing a widow to marry her late husband's brother; and the custom of ofTering
a young girl as compensatory payment in interfamily disputes.
Although two women preside as chiefs in Mashonaland, a dispute erupted in 1996
over the ascension of a female chief, sanctioned by the President, in Matabeleland
South. Provincial Governor Welshman Mabhena declared that "under Ndebele cus-
tom a woman can never preside over a man. It is a mockery of our culture." How-
ever, the female chief in Matabeleland remains in ofTice.
The Legal Age of Majority Act and the Matrimonial Causes Act recognize women's
right to own property independently of their husbands or fathers. However, while
unmarried women may own property in their own names, women married under
customary law are not allowed to own property jointly with their husbands. The Ad-
ministration of Estates Amendment Act, which came into effect in October, removes
inheritance laws unfavorable to widows. Women's groups have praised the amend-
ment as a major step toward ending the unfair and unequal distribution of inherited
assets for women. The new inheritance amendment is awaiting the President's sig-
nature to become law. Divorce and maintenance laws are favorable toward women,
but women generally lack awareness of their rights under the law.
Although labor legislation prohibits discrimination in employment on the basis of
gender, women are concentrated in the lower echelons of the work force and com-
monly face sexual harassment in the workplace.
Several active women's rights groups in Zimbabwe, including WILDAF, the
Musasa Project, the Zimbabwe Women Lawyers' Association, and the Women's Ac-
tion Group, concentrate on improving women's knowledge of their legal rights, in-
creasing women's economic power, and combating domestic violence. There is no
Government olTice specifically responsible for women's affairs.
Children. — The Government continued to demonstrate its strong commitment to
children's rights and welfare through a system of primary health care and education
overseen by the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare. However, budget cuts and
the lack of adequate attention to AIDS prevention are eroding the Government's ca-
pacity to address children's needs in these areas. The Children's Protection and
Adoption Act, the Guardianship of Minors Act, and the Deceased Person's Mainte-
nance Act all protect the legal rights of minor children. While there is no compul-
45-909 98-14
392
soiy education, Zimbabwe has made considerable progress in providing education for
girls, and overall primary school attendance has increased by more than 400 percent
since independence. About 93 percent of children reach grade 5. With the reintro-
duction of school fees in urban schools and rural secondary schools, however, enroll-
ment has declined. If a family is unable to pay tuition costs, it is most often female
children who leave school. There are an estimated 12,000 homeless street children
in Zimbabwe, many of them the children of former Mozambican refugees or AIDS
orphans. Although it is not known yet whether the statistics reflect the fact that
more cases are actually occurring or only that more are being reported, child abuse,
including incest (long taboo in Zimbabwean society), infanticide, child abandonment,
and rape is increasing but still is not widespread. There are reports of child labor
(see Section 6.d.). The Ministry of Justice's Vulnerable Witnesses Committee estab-
lished victim- friendly courts to improve the judicial system's handling of child vic-
tims of rape and sexual abuse. The criminal justice system has special provisions
for dealing with juvenile offenders.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is rarely per-
formed in Zimbabwe. However, according to press reports, the initiation rites prac-
ticed by the small Remba ethnic group in Midlands Province include infibulation,
the most extreme form of FGM.
People With Disabilities. — President Mugabe appointed a disability activist to Par-
liament in 1995 to represent the needs of the aisabled. The Disabled Persons Act
of 1992 specifically prohibits discrimination against people with disabilities in em-
ployment, admission to public places, or provision of services and is viewed by advo-
cates of the disabled as model legislation. In practice, however, the lack of resources
for training and education severely hampers the ability of disabled people to com-
pete for scarce jobs. Although the act stipulates that Government buildings should
be accessible to disabled persons, for budgetary reasons this is rarely implemented.
Disabled people face particularly harsh customary discrimination. According to tra-
ditional belief, people with disabilities are considered bewitched, and reports of dis-
abled children being hidden when visitors arrive are common.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Shona ethnic group makes up 77 per-
cent of the population, Ndebele 14 percent, Kalanga 5 percent, whites 2 percent, and
other ethnic groups 2 percent, (jovemment services are provided on a nondiscrim-
inatory basis, and the Government has sought to expand and improve the previously
"whites only" infrastructure in urban areas to provide health and social services to
all citizens. Nevertheless, in social terms Zimoabwe remains a racially stratified
country. While schools and churches are all legally integrated, social interaction
among racial groups is rare. Although intertribal relations are generally very good,
the disproportionate number of Shona speaking teachers and headmasters in
Matabeleland schools remained a sensitive issue.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1985 Labor Relations Act (LRA) provides pri-
vate sector workers with freedom of association and the right to elect their own rep-
resentatives, publish newsletters, and set programs and policies that reflect the po-
litical and economic interests of labor. WorKers are free to form or join unions with-
out prior authorization. The LRA allows for the existence of multiple unions per in-
dustry, provided that each is registered with the Ministry of Public Service, Labor,
and Social Welfare (MPSLSW). While the Government may deregister individual
unions, the High Court has ruled that the LRA does not give the Minister the power
to suspend or deregister the national umbrella labor confederation, the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU).
Approximately 20 percent of the formal sector work force belongs to the 33 unions
that form the ZCTU. ZCTU ofTicers are elected by delegates of affiliated trade
unions at congresses held every 5 years. While the Government encouraged the
ZCTU's formation, anticipating that it would form the labor arm of 21ANU-PF, it no
longer directly influences ZCTU actions. The Government and the ZCTU often clash
on economic policy, particularly the Economic Structural Adjustment Program
(ESAP). The Giovemment usually does not consult either the ZCTU or employers be-
fore implementing policy decisions that affect the workplace. This lack of consulta-
tion often results in reactions that disrupt labor relations, thereby promoting uncer-
tainty and even strikes. Following the Government's efTorts in December to impose
huge income and other tax increases without consultation, the ZCTU organized a
nationwide, 1-day work stoppage, which was described as the most successTul indus-
trial action in Zimbabwe's history. While thousands demonstrated peacefully in
most cities throughout the country, the aggressive police tactics (see Section 2.b.)
led to street violence in Harare. The ZCTU secretary general who organized the
393
work stoppage was attacked and badly beaten in a raid on his office 2 days later.
At least one suspect was arrested for this attack by year's end.
The LRA allows for the formation of multiple national federations. A second um-
brella labor organization, the Zimbabwe Federation of Trade Unions (ZFTU), was
launched in October 1996 with the stated purpose of providing an alternative of the
ZCTU. The new organization states that its goal is to work in collaboration with
the Government, and it is openly critical of the ZCTU. The ZFTU's origin, leader-
ship, and membership remained unclear at year's end. Although key personnel have
not been publicly identified, most observers believe that they are principally former
senior ZCTU leaders, some of whom were involuntarily separated from that organi-
zation. No ZFTU activity has been observed.
Public servants and their associations, the Public Service Association (PSA), the
Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA), and the Zimbabwe Nurses Association
(ZINA), are not covered by the provisions of the LRA. Instead, their conditions of
employment are provided for under the Constitution. Although civil servants are
constitutionally barred from forming unions, in 1995 ZIMTA stated its intention to
afiiliate with the ZCTU and the PSA in August. All public servants are deemed es-
sential and are prohibited from striking. Nonetheless, a nationwide, civil servant
strike rocked the country in August 1996, followed by a public sector doctors and
nurses strike in October 1996. Although the Government declared the strikes illegal,
arrested worker representatives, and ordered wholesale dismissals, many were ulti-
mately rehired. However, despite promises to the contrary strike representatives
were not allowed to return to their jobs. Public service wage increases above the
1997 inflation rate preempted a repeat of the 1996 strikes, but they helped set the
stage for a series ol private sector wage negotiation strikes that were popularly de-
scnoed as the "winter of discontent."
The Labor Relations Amendment Act (LRAA) of 1992 specifies that workers may
establish independent worker committees, which exist side by side with unions, in
each plant. Worker committees must also be registered with the MPSLSW, which
is free to refuse registration. Trade union ofiicials believe that the formation of
worker committees was an attempt to dilute union authority. However, the ineffec-
tiveness of worker committees demonstrated the need for the experienced worker
representation of the established trade unions.
The International Conference of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) has criticized
Zimbabwean labor legislation for giving "wide scope to the authorities to declare
that a given enterprise or industry constitutes an essential service, and then impose
a ban (on strikes) on it." The authority to reclassify a previously nonessential serv-
ice as essential was not used in 1997. Workers in sectors deemed "nonessential"
have the right to strike, provided the union advises the Government 2 weeks in ad-
vance of its intention to do so. The Government has often declared strikes illegal
on the basis of failure to give timely notice. If the MPSLSW finds that administra-
tive requirements were not met for a strike, it can issue a disposal order that gives
the employer the right to dismiss striking workers. There were no reports that this
occurred in 1997. More than 100 collective job actions were reported during the
year.
The ZCTU and its officials are free to associate with international labor organiza-
tions and do so actively. The ZCTU is affiliated with the ICFTU and the Southern
African Trade Union Coordinating Council.
The American Federation of Labor/Congress of Industrial Oi^anizations's Amer-
ican Centre for International Labour Solidarity maintains a regional office based in
Harare.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The IJRA provides workers
with the right to organize. As originally enacted, this act was silent on the right
to bargain collectively. However, the 1992 LRAA permits unions to bargain collec-
tively over wages. Worker committees, which are oy law not organizationally part
of the unions or the ZCTU, are empowered to negotiate with the management of
a particular plant on the conditions of labor and codes of conduct in the workplace,
except for wages.
Collective bargaining wage negotiations take place on an industry wide basis be-
tween the relevant union and employer organizations sitting on joint employment
boards or councils. These bodies submit their agreements to the Registrar in the
MPSLSW for approval. The Government retains the power to veto agreements that
it believes would harm the economy. However, it did not directly involve itself in
labor negotiations unless requested to do so by one of the two parties. When no
trade union represents a specific sector, representatives of the organized workers,
such as the professional associations, meet with the employer associations, under
the mediation of labor officers from the MPSLSW. Public sector wages are deter-
mined by the Salary Service Department of the MPSLSW, subject to the approval
394
of an indep>endent Public Service Commission (PSC). Each year PSC officials meet
with PSA representatives to review wages and benefits. These reviews result in a
recommendation that is forwarded to the MPSLSW. The Minister is not required
by law to accept the recommendation.
Employees aesignated as being in managerial positions are excluded from union
membership and thus from the collective bargaining process. There were some re-
ports that nrms designated excessive numbers of employees as being in managerial
positions in order to exclude them from the collective bargaining exercises.
The LRA prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers against union members.
Complaints of such discrimination are referred to labor relations olTicers and may
subsequently be adjudicated by the Labor Relations Tribunal (LRT). Such com-
plaints are handled under the mechanism for resolving cases involving "unfair labor
practices." The determining authority may direct that workers fired due to
antiunion discrimination should be reinstated, although this has yet to be utilized
in practice.
The LRAA streamlined the procedure for adjudicating disputes by strengthening
the LRT. Now, labor relations officers hear a dispute; their decision may be ap-
eealed to regional labor relations officers, after which the LRT may hear the case.
Qtimately, it may be appealed to the Supreme Court. In 1993 the Government
filled long vacant positions on the LRT, but at year's end the LRT boards were still
not fully stafTed.
The Export Processing Zones Act states the LRA shall not apply to workers in
export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government prohibits forced
and bonded labor by children. There were no reports that it occurred (see Section
6.d.). Compulsory labor is prohibited by law, and there were no reports that it was
practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded labor by children. There were no reports that
it occurred (see Section I.e. ). Legislation passed in March 1997 bans employment
of children under the age of 12 and restricts employment of those between the ages
of 12 and 17 to light work during school holidays for periods not exceeding 6 hours
per day. Light work is defined as work not likely to prejudice the education, health,
safety, rest or social, physical, or mental development of a child. All hazardous em-
gloyment, overtime and night shifl work is banned for those under the age of 18.
hildren work in the agricultural sector, and there were reports that children
worked in the domestic worker sector, and worked as car-watcners on the streets.
Although schooling is not compulsory, over 90 percent of children attend school
through grade 5 (see Section 5).
Child labor in the formal agricultural sector, such as on tea and coffee planta-
tions, reportedly involves children working in the fields after school during the
planting and harvesting seasons and full-time during school holidays. Long hours
are common. Children often work alongside their parents and their working condi-
tions approximate those of adults. While some form of child labor or child work on
large conunercial farms is widespread, agricultural organizations maintain that the
labor performed is not exploitative, involuntary, contrary to law, or outside of cul-
tural norms that allow children to engage in field work with their families. Anec-
dotal evidence suggests some school schedules and calendars are tailored to allow
children to work in the fields during busy farming periods. Economic hardship often
makes child labor imjaerative for families to make ends meet.
The AIDS epidemic is resulting in increased numbers of orphans, street children,
and child laborers. Similarly, increased economic hardship among the poor results
in more children working. Exploitation of children as domestic workers is widely dis-
cussed, but concrete information is not available.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The maximum legal workweek is 54 hours, and
the law prescribes a minimum of one 24-hour rest period per week. Working condi-
tions are regulated by the Government on an industry-specific basis. The Constitu-
tion empowers the PSC to set conditions of employment in the public sector. Govern-
ment regulations for each of the 22 industrial sectors continue to specify minimum
wages, hours, holidays, and required safety measures. In recent years, in an effort
to opt out of the wage bargaining system, the Government mandated wage param-
eters and specified minimum wage increases only for domestics and gardeners. Due
to an ineffective monitoring system, many such workers are remunerated below the
minimum wage.
The minimum monthly wage for domestics and gardeners of approximately $35
(Z$450 and Z$400 respectively) is the de facto minimum wage for other workers. In
most instances, the employer must provide housing and food to workers or allow-
ances for such. On commercial farms, the employer may provide schooling for work-
395
ers' children. The minimum wage is not sufTicient to sustain a decent standard of
living for a worker and family. The ZCTU pegs Zimbabwe's poverty datum line at
$200 per month (Z$2,400). Workers in sectors covered under collective bargaining
agreements received wage increases averaging 28 percent following numerous
strikes (inflation hovers at about 21 percent). In theory, labor relations officers from
the MPSLSW are assigned to monitor developments in each plant to assure that
government minimum wage policy and occupational health and safety regulations
are observed. In practice, these offices are understafTed, cannot afford to routinely
inspect workplaces, and must rely on voluntary compliance and reporting by em-
ployers.
Approximately 200 work-related deaths and 12,000 occupational injuries were re-
ported in the first half of 1997. Many of the basic legal protections do not apply to
the vast majority of farm, mine, and domestic workers. Unions charge that there
are no general standards for the work environment, such as threshold limits for
manually lifted weights or conditions for pregnant workers. Health and safety
standards are determined only on an industry-specific basis. The Government inter-
venes on a selected basis (and often seemingly in response to the most recent acci-
dent) and sets standards by regulation in some industries. In theory workers have
a legal right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations without jeopardy
to continued employment; in practice they risk the loss of their livelihood.
LATEV AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA
Antigua and Barbuda is a multiparty, parliamentary democracy and a member of
the Commonwealth of Nations. A prime minister, a cabinet, and a bicameral legisla-
tive assembly compose the Government. A Governor General, appointed by the Brit-
ish monarch, is the titular head of state, with largely ceremonial powers. Prime
Minister Lester B. Bird's Antigua Labour Party (ALP) has controlled the Govern-
ment and Parliament since 1976. During the last elections in March 1994, the ALP
retained power by capturing 10 of 17 parliamentary seats, down from the 15 it held
under the administration of V.C. Bird Sr., the current Prime Minister's father. The
Governor General appoints the 15 senators, 11 with the advice of the Prime Min-
ister and 4 with the advice of the opposition leader. The judiciary is independent.
Security forces consist of a police force and the small Antigua and Barbuda
Defence Force. The police are organized, trained, and supervised according to Brit-
ish law enforcement practices and have a reputation for respecting individual rights
in the performance of their duties.
Antigua and Barbuda has a mixed economy with a strong private sector. Tourism
is the most important source of foreign exchange earnings. The country is burdened
by a large and growing external debt, which remains a serious economic problem.
Per capita gross national product was about $7,800 in 1996.
Although the Government generally respected constitutional provisions for politi-
cal and civil rights, opposition parties complained that they received no coverage or
opportunity to express their views on the government-controlled electronic media.
Societal discrimination and violence against women also continued to be problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, and the authorities generally respected
these prohibitions.
Conditions at the lone, 18th-century-vintage prison are primitive. While the pris-
on is not overcrowded, death row prisoners get exercise only three times a week,
and all prisoners receive only one meal a day, consisting mostly of cornmeal mush
and a small piece of fish or chicken. Prisoners are permitted to supplement their
diet if their relatives are able to bring food to the prison.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention, and the Government respects these provisions in practice. Crimi-
nal defendants have the right to a judicial determination of the legality of their de-
tention. The police must bring detainees before a court within 48 hours of arrest
or detention.
There were no reports of involuntary exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The judicial system is part of the Eastern Caribbean legal system and reflects his-
torical ties to the United Kingdom. The Privy Council in London is designated by
the Constitution as the final court of appeal, which is invariably employed in the
case of death sentences. There are no military or political courts.
The Constitution provides that criminal defendants receive a fair, open, and pub-
lic trial. In capital cases only, the Government provides legal assistance at public
(397)
398
expense to persons without the means to retain a private attorney. Courts can reach
verdicts quickly, with some cases coming to conclusion in a matter of days.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices. Government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech,
of the press, and other forms of communication. Although the authorities generally
respect these provisions in practice, the Government has restricted opposition par-
ties' access to electronic media, elTectively denying them equal coverage. The Gov-
ernment owns one of the two general interest radio stations and the single tele-
vision station. A religious station broadcasts without impediment. One of the Prime
Minister's brothers owns the second radio station, and another brother is the prin-
cipal owner of the sole cable television company. The government-controlled media
report regularly on the activities of the Government and the ruling party, but limit
the coverage and access of opposition parties. These restrictions led opposition lead-
er Baldwin Spencer to initiate a constitutional challenge in 1993, ana in March the
High Court determined that Spencer had been discriminated against and denied his
constitutional right to freedom of expression. The presiding judge called on the Gov-
ernment to provide the opposition greater media access in the future; however, this
ruling had limited impact in practice.
Daily and weekly newspapers offering a range of opinion are active and often pub-
lish vigorous criticism of the Government without government interference. Never-
theless, when the sole daily newspaper tried to start a radio station in 1996, it was
unable to secure a license to operate. After waiting for more than 1 year for a li-
cense, the station began broadcasting and the police closed it after 1 day. The au-
thorities charged the owners with operating a radio station without a license; the
charges were still pending at year's end. The owners sued the State in December
1996 for illegal search and seizure and claimed that their constitutional right to
broadcast had been violated. In December the judge ruled that constitutional rights
had not been violated even though the owners could rightly claim significant delay;
the judge found that the Government had not been inconsistent in this case, since
it had not granted other licenses. The owners appealed the case, pointing out that
a progovemment station had recently been granted a license.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly. The police normally issue the required permits for
public meetings, but sometimes deny them in order to avert violent confrontations.
While the authorities placed some restrictions on demonstrations in the past, the
opposition held numerous rallies, public meetings, and a large march with no inter-
ference.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
There were no reports of forced expulsion of anyone having a valid claim to refu-
gee status. The issue of provision of first asylum did not arise. However, government
practice on refugee and asylum cases remains undefined.
The Government accepted approximately 3,000 residents of Montserrat who fled
volcanic eruptions. This influx placed a serious burden on the country's social serv-
ices, and the Government asked the United Kingdom for assistance in meeting these
needs. Despite the additional burdens, the Government continued to welcome
Mouse rrat refugees.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for a multiparty political system accommodating a wide
spectrum of political viewpoints. All citizens 18 years of age and older may register
and vote by secret ballot. The Constitution requires general elections at least every
5 years. The law obligates the Government to hold voter registration during a fixed
fieriod (of only 5 days) each year, and parties conduct their own registration drives
ree of government interference.
Except for a period in opposition from 1971 to 1976, the ALP has held power con-
tinuously since 1951. The opposition has charged that the ALPs longstanding mo-
nopoly on patronage and its influence over access to economic opportunities make
399
it extremely difficult for opposition parties to attract membership and financial sup-
port. In 1992 public concern over corruption in government spawned the merger of
three opposition political parties into the United Progressive Party (UPP). The UPP
increased its representation to seven seats from five during the 1994 election. Oppo-
sition and press regularly charge members of the Government with corrupt prac-
tices.
No women have been elected or currently serve in the House of Representatives.
Two women are senators, which are appointed positions. Eight of the 14 permanent
secretaries (the top civil servant position in ministries) are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
While there are no governmental restrictions, no local human rights groups have
been formed. There were no requests for human rights investigations or inquiries
from individuals or international human rights groups during the year. The Govern-
ment created and filled the post of human rights ombudsman.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, creed, language, or social sta-
tus, and the Government generally observed its provisions.
Women. — Violence against women is a recognized social problem. It is treated as
a matter of public conscience, and there are nongovernmental social welfare groups
focused on the problem. Women in many cases are reluctant to testify against their
abusers. Police generally refrain from intervening in cases of domestic violence, and
some women have charged credibly that the courts are lenient in such cases.
While the role of women in society is not legally restricted, economic conditions
tend to limit women to home and family, particularly in rural areas, although some
women work as domestics, in agriculture, or in the large tourism sector. Although
the Government pledged to provide better family planning services, educational op-
portunities, and job training, it has been slow to implement new programs. The Di-
rectorate of Women's Affairs exists to help women advance in government and the
professions, but progress was slow.
Children. — The Government provides education for children through the age of 16,
and children have access to health care and other public services.
Child abuse remains a hidden problem. While the Government has repeatedly ex-
pressed its commitment to children's rights, it has done little to protect those rights
in practice. The Government pledged to establish a committee on children's rights
and indicated it intends to strengthen monitoring and implementation of the United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Hie United Nations Children's Fund
helped support a study of the needs of children and families, and its recommenda-
tions are oeing used to develop a National Plan of Action on Child Survival, Devel-
opment, and Protection.
People With Disabilities. — There are no specific laws mandating accessibility for
the disabled, but there are constitutional provisions that prohibit discrimination
against the physically disabled in employment and education. There is no evidence
of widespread discrimination against physically disabled individuals, although the
Government does not visibly enforce the constitutional antidiscrimination provi-
sions.
Section 6. Worker Rights:
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the right to associate freely and to
form labor unions, and the authorities generally respect these rights in practice. Al-
though fewer than 50 percent of workers belong to unions, the important hotel in-
dustry is heavily unionized. There are two major trade unions: the Antigua Trades
and Labour Union (ATLU) and the Antigua Workers' Union (AWU). The ATLU is
associated with the ruling ALP, while the larger and more active AWU is rather
loosely allied with the opposition.
The Labor Code recognizes the right to strike, but the Industrial Relations Court
may limit this right in a given dispute. Once either party to a dispute requests the
court to mediate, there can be no strike. Because of the delays associated with this
process, unions often resolve labor disputes before a strike is called.
Unions are free to affiliate with international labor organizations and do so in
practice.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Labor organizations are free
to organize and bargain collectively. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination, and
there were no reports that it occurred. Employers found guilty of antiunion discrimi-
nation are not required to rehire employees fired for union activities, but must pay
full severance pay and full wages lost by the employee from the time of firing until
400
the determination of employer fault. There are no areas of the country where union
organization or collective bargaining is discouraged or impeded.
There are no export processing zones. However, in anticipation of such a zone, the
Giovemment passed legislation in 1993, appointed a commissioner in 1996, and
named a board in February to oversee potential development.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution forbids slavery
and forced labor, including that of children, and they do not exist in practice.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
stipulates a minimum working age of 13 years, which is respected in practice. The
tripartite National Labor Advisory Board recommended in September 1996 that the
minimum age be raised to 16, which would correspond with the Education Act. The
law prohibits forced or bonded child labor, and it is effectively enforced (see Section
6.C.). The Ministry of Labor, which is required by law to conduct periodic inspections
of workplaces, has responsibility for enforcement. There have been no reports of
minimum age employment violations. The political strength of the two major unions
and the powerful influence of the Government on the private sector combine to
make the Ministry of Labor very effective in enforcement in this area.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law established minimum wages for var-
ious work categories in 1981. The lowest minimum wage, for domestic workers, is
$0.46 (EC$1.25) per hour; the highest minimum wage, for skilled labor, is $1.30
(EC$3.50) per hour. Most minimum wages would not provide a decent standard of
living for a worker and family, but in practice the great majority of workers earn
substantially more than the minimum wage. There was consideration of reactivating
the tripartite advisory board to review the outdated 1981 rates.
The law permits a maximum 48-hour, 6-day workweek, but in practice the stand-
ard workweek is 40 hours in 5 days. The law provides workers a minimum of 12
days of annual leave. There is no law that provides for maternity leave, but general
gractice arising from the collective bargaining process is to provide up to 13 weeks,
mployers generally pay 40 percent of wages for 8 weeks of leave, while social secu-
rity pays 60 percent. The remaining weeks are paid at 60 percent by social security.
Where no collective agreement exists, social security pays 60 percent for 13 weeks.
The Government has not yet developed occupational health and safety laws or
regulations. Plans to incorporate comprehensive legislation on safety, health, and
the welfare of workers into the existing Labor Code have not yet been implemented.
There is no specific provision for a worker to leave a dangerous workplace situation
without jeopardy to continued employment.
ARGENTINA
Argentina is a federal constitutional democracy with an executive branch headed
by an elected president, a bicameral legislature, and a separate judiciary. In 1995
voters reelected President Carlos Saul Menem to a second term that runs until
1999. The judiciary is independent but inefTicient.
The President is the constitutional commander in chief, and a civilian Defense
Minister oversees the armed forces. Several law enforcement agencies share the re-
sponsibility for maintaining law and order. The Federal Police report to the Interior
Minister, as do the Border Police and Coast Guard. Provincial police are subordinate
to the respective provincial governors. Members of the police continued to commit
human rights abuses.
Argentina has a mixed agricultural, industrial, and service economy. An economic
reform and structural adjustment program has led to high growth with low inflation
and spurred competitiveness. Gross domestic product (GDP) increased about 8 per-
cent, and per capita GDP was $8,900. As a result of privatization, private sector ad-
justment, and rapid labor force growth, the national unemployment rate, although
declining slowly, remained high at 16 percent. The high cost of living affected those
on low fixed incomes the most, although the entire country benefited from the end
of hvperinfiation.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however,
there were problems in some areas. There continued to be instances of extrajudicial
killings and brutality by the police, who also arbitrarily arrested and detained citi-
zens. However, the authorities took action to prosecute or punish a number of per-
sons for such abuses. Prison conditions are poor. The judicial system is subject to
political influence at times and to inordinate delays, resulting in lengthy pretrial de-
tention. There were numerous threats against journalists, and one journalist was
killed. Discrimination and violence against women are also problems.
401
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated extrajudicial killings.
Police officers, however, were believed responsible for a number of extrajudicial
killings. The authorities investigated and in some cases detained, tried, and con-
victea the officers involved. A former police chief in the province of Buenos Aires
was arrested on suspicion of carrying out the brutal murder in January of news pho-
tographer Jose Luis Cabezas (see Section 2. a.). In April a young woman, Teresa
Rodriguez, was killed when police in the province of Neuquen, reinforced by federal
border guards, broke up a demonstration by striking teachers and unemployed
workers in the town of Cutral-co. The bullet that killed her apparently was fired
from a police weapon, although this could not be confirmed.
In April a court in the Buenos Aires provincial town of Lomas de Zamora sen-
tenced two provincial police officers to 8 years in prison in the 1992 death of 19-
year-old Anibal Romero, shot and killed while attempting to avoid arrest on sus-
picion of armed robbery.
In July the Catholic bishop of the province of Santiago del Estero led a public
march to protest the killing of 15-year-old Juan Gonzalez, allegedly by a provincial
policeman.
In November the authorities arrested and indicted five Mendoze provincial police-
men in connection with the October death of 18-year-old Sebastian Bordon, a high
school student from Buenos Aires province. For reasons that remain unclear,
Bordon, who was on a school trip, was left, in the custody of Mendoza police. His
body was found several days later in a rugged area of the province. The five officers
arrested in the case are expected to be tried in March or April, 1998.
Suspected police involvement in the Cabezas murder increased the pressure on
the governor of the province of Buenos Aires, Eduardo Duhalde, to reform the pro-
vincial police force. He relieved hundreds of officers from duty under a 1996 law en-
abling the provincial government to fire police for cause without lengthy adjudica-
tion procedures. In June the Government created a new office within the Secretariat
of Security to monitor the activities of the provincial police and receive public com-
plaints of abuse of police authority. In September the Government published a new
Eolice instruction manual incorporating a report on police violence by the Center for
egal and Social Studies, a nongovernmental human rights group. The governor told
a meeting of senior police ofilcers that reforms were essential to restore public con-
fidence in the force.
In June a court sentenced a Buenos Aires provincial policeman to 11 years in pris-
on for killing Roberto Roldan, who was shot in February 1996 while seated in the
back of a car that was rushing his daughter to a hospital in the Buenos Aires sub-
urb of Avellaneda. In October a court sentenced three Buenos Aires provincial po-
licemen to life in prison and a fourth to 15 years in prison in connection with the
1996 killing of 16-year-old Cristian Campos in the city of Mar del Plata.
In April a court in the capital city of Buenos Aires accused police authorities of
inaction in apprehending a fugitive federal policeman, Angel Petronio, who was con-
victed in 1994 of attempted homicide. In July a border policeman was sentenced to
8 years in prison on a charge of attempted homicide in the March 1996 shooting
of two teenage girls in Buenos Aires. In September a court in the capital city sen-
tenced a federal police ofilcer to 18 years in prison for the 1996 killing of 17-year-
old Marcelo Mirabete.
In September the second trial in 2 years in the death of Maria Soledad Morales
opened in the province of Catamarca. The young girl's body was found in a ditch
beside a highway in 1990, and several police officers were suspected of helping to
cover up the crime. A 1996 trial had ended without a verdict when one of the judges
resigned.
A former Buenos Aires provincial policeman, one of five indicted in 1993 for the
murder of 17-year-old Sergio Duran, was arrested in October after eluding capture
for 4 years.
The authorities charged eight army officers with attempting to cover up the 1994
murder in the province of Neuquen of army recruit Omar Carrasco, who was beaten
to death in a hazing incident. The Carrasco murder led to increased public pressure
against compulsory military service, which the Government later abolished. In Sep-
tember attorneys for the three officers who in January 1996 were convicted of carry-
ing out the murder said that they would request a review of the case based on new
expert testimony regarding the cause of Carrasco's death.
In September the Jewish community released a 100-page report criticizing the
Government's handling of investigations into the 1992 bombing of the Israeli Em-
402
bassy, which killed 29 persons, and the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish cultural
center, which killed 87 persons. The Islamic Jihad terrorist group had claimed re-
sponsibility for the embassy attack. In November a congressional commission discov-
ered that one of the four policemen charged in connection with the AMIA bombing,
Juan Jose Ribelli, received $2.5 million 1 week before the bombing. Investigators
also determined that police officers provided a stolen van for the AMIA car bombing.
Investigations of both bombings were continuing at year's end.
In October a Spanish court issued arrest warrants for the former chief of the Ar-
gentine navy and 10 aides on charges of genocide during the 197&-83 "dirty war"
waged by the military governments. The Spanish judge had previously ordered the
arrest of Leopoldo Galtieri, the army general who served as president when a mili-
tary junta ruled the country in 1981-82. The court also brought charges of genocide
against former naval officer Adolfo Scilingo, who went to Spain to testify in the in-
vestigation (see Section l.b.). On December 30, the Spanish judge issued charges
against another 36 Argentine military and police officials, whose names were pro-
vided by Scilingo. According to press reports, in response to a request from the
Spanish Government, the Swiss Government agreed to freeze the bank accounts of
four of the Argentine officers charged.
In July a court sentenced Enrique Gorriaran Merlo to life imprisonment for lead-
ing a 1989 guerrilla attack on the army's La Tablada barracks, in which 34 people
were killed. It also sentenced his ex-wife. Ana Maria Sivori, to 18 years in jail for
her role in the attack.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
There were no new developments in the case of the police officers ordered arrested
for the torture death of 23-year-old student Miguel Bru, who disappeared in 1993.
An arbitral panel ordered payment of an indemnity of $136,000 to the family of
Cristian Guardatti, last seen in the custody of provincial police in 1992. This arbi-
tration was a product of amicable settlement procedures, achieved through the good
offices of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (lACHR). At year's end,
the Government stated it was taking steps to arrange payment of the arbitral
award. The lACHR referred the question of compensation for the families of Adolfo
Garrido and Raul Baigorria, who disappeared in 1990, to the Inter-American Court
of Human Rights. An ad hoc investigative commission and an arbitral commission,
established by the province of Mendoza in 1996, submitted reports to the court,
which was expected to hear the case in early 1998.
The fate of the thousands who disappeared under the 1976-83 military regime
continued to claim public attention. In April a Madrid newspaper reported that
Spanish intelligence services had microfilmed the records of the regime's war
against leftist subversion. The Spanish Government, however, denied the report. In
June a Buenos Aires television station claimed that it had obtained the transcript
of the military interrogation of a prominent journalist who disappeared in 1977,
suggesting that there might be otner such records in existence. The manner in
which the document was publicized, however, cast doubt on its authenticity.
In June a court ordered the release from prison of former naval officer Adolfo
Scilingo, who in 1995 claimed in a newspaper interview that fellow officers had
rounded up alleged subversives during the military dictatorship and thrown them
to their deaths from airplanes over the River Plate. He added that he had partici-
pated in two such flights. Four assailants attacked Scilingo in September; they
carved on his face the initials of journalists who had interviewed him and warned
him to stop speaking to the press. In October Scilingo went to Spain to testify before
judge Baltasar Garzon, who was conducting an investigation into the disappearance
ana death of Spanish citizens in Argentina during the military regime. The judge
ordered him arrested, and he was in jail at year's end, awaiting trial on charges
of genocide (see also Section l.a.).
The federal appeals court in Buenos Aires continued its investigation into the fate
of those who disappeared during the dictatorship. The court cannot impose sentence
on those responsible for the disappearances wno benefited from government par-
dons. In October, however, federal prosecutor Miguel Angel Osorio raised questions
about the pardons in a request to federal judge Gustavo Literas to investigate the
activities of certain military leaders pardoned in 1989. Federal judge Adolfo
Bagnasco continued an investigation into the fate of children of persons who dis-
appeared.
In June the authorities confirmed that former navy Captain Alfredo Astiz, who
was removed from the armed forces in 1996 because of his alleged torture and mur-
der of two French nuns and a teenager at the Navy Mechanics School in Buenos
Aires in 1977, was working for the navy again. The Minister of Defense ordered the
navy to give him no further work.
403
In May the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, a human rights group, asked the Ital-
ian Ministry of Justice to prosecute Cardinal Pio Laghi for an alleged role in tor-
ture, murder, and kidnaping while he was Papal Nuncio in Argentina from 1974 to
1980. The group charged that he had first hand knowledge of abuses perpetrated on
suspected political dissidents by members of the military government; tne cardinal
denied the allegations. The Government of Italy took no action in the matter.
Most reliable estimates place the number of those who disappeared during the
dirty war between 10,000 and 15,000. In 1984 the National Commission on Dis-
appeared Persons (CONADEP) issued a report that lists 8,961 names, based on pub-
lic testimony from friends, relatives, and other witnesses. Since then, the Ministry
of the Interior's Subsecretariat for Human and Social Rights, which inherited the
CONADEP files, has added over 700 new names, also based on voluntary reporting.
At the same time, other names have been removed from the original list, either
through confirmation of the death or survival of the person who disappeared, or
through the identification of duplicate entries. The absence of documentary records
of those who disappeared means that the human rights secretariat, like CONADEP
before it, must rely on public testimony, either voluntary or court-ordered. As
CONADEP noted in its report: "It has been possible to determine that an important
quantity of documentation existed which has been destroyed or which is being con-
cealed by those responsible for the repression."
The human rights secretariat has received over 9,600 claims for compensation
from former prisoners of the military regime and approved 8,000 of them. It has re-
ceived 7,000 claims from the families of persons who died or disappeared and ap-
proved 1,500 of them. The law provides that the families of persons who dis-
appeared may submit claims for compensation until the year 2000. The Government
announced in August that it plans to issue an estimated $3 billion in bonds to com-
pensate families of those who disappeared.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture, and the Criminal Code provides penalties for tor-
ture that are similar to those for homicide. Nevertheless, police brutality remains
a serious problem. In June the U.N. Committee Against Torture criticized the Gov-
enmient for tolerating the continued practice of torture in police stations and pris-
ons.
In January the Government of Buenos Aires province dismissed eight police offi-
cers for their role in violently repressing a student demonstration at the La Plata
police headquarters in February 1996. In February a court ordered the federal police
to pay $10,000 (10,000 pesos) to Hector Gonzalez, who was a victim of a police beat-
ing during a 1992 incident in a Buenos Aires train station.
The Commission for Relatives of Victims of Social and Institutional Violence
(Cofavi) works to obtain justice in instances of police brutality and reportedly ob-
tained 32 convictions for violent crimes in cases it brought against police officers
since 1992. Cofavi and other human rights groups assert there has been an increase
in the number of documented cases oT police brutality, highlighted by the Bordon
and Campos killings (see Section l.a.).
Prison conditions are poor in a number of overcrowded jails where the facilities
are old and dilapidated. According to the New Rights of Man, a nongovernmental
human rights organization, a federal prosecutor reported numerous problems, in-
cluding cellblock flooding, inadequate electrical wiring, broken windows, poor sani-
tary conditions, and insufficient food in federal penitentiary number 6 in the city
of Rawson, in the Patagonian province of Chubut.
In January an inmate of the Villa Devoto prison in Buenos Aires was shot in the
neck and killed. Prison authorities said that the victim and several other inmates
had fired on guards during an escape attempt, but inmates claimed that the victim
had innocently approached an area that was off limits to prisoners. In July inmates
of the Caseros prison protested conditions there, but after negotiations with senior
authorities the incident ended peacefully. Among their demands, the prisoners
sought compliance with the "2 for 1" law, a 1994 statute that gives unsentenced
prisoners 2 days' credit toward their final sentence for every day served prior to sen-
tencing. According to press reports, 80 percent of the 1,230 inmates in the Caseros
prison have yet to be sentenced.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Penal Code places limits on the ar-
rest and investigatory power of the police and the judiciary, but provincial police
often ignored these restrictions. Human rights groups find it difficult to document
such incidents, saying that victims are reluctant to file complaints because they fear
police retaliation or do not believe that their complaints would do any good.
Police occasionally detain teenagers and young adults, sometimes overnight, some-
times for an entire weekend, without formal charges. They do not always provide
404
such detainees with the opportunity to call their families or an attorney. These de-
tainees are released only upon a complaint from relatives or legal counsel.
The law provides for the right to bail, and it is utilized in practice. Nonetheless,
the law allows pretrial detention for up to 2 years, and the slow pace of criminal
trials often results in lengthy pretrial detention periods.
The law does not permit involuntary exile, and it is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. While the judiciary is nominally independent and impartial, its processes are
ineflicient, complicated, and, at times, subject to political influence.
The judicial system is divided into federal ana provincial courts, each headed by
a Supreme Court with chambers of appeal and section courts below it. The system
is hampered by inordinate delays, procedural logjams, changes of judges, inadeqpiate
administrative support, and incompetence. Allegations of corruption are widely re-
ported, especially m civil cases.
Trials are public and defendants have the right to legal counsel and defense wit-
nesses. A panel of judges decides guilt or innocence. In 1992 some federal and pro-
vincial courts began deciding cases using oral trials instead of the practice of writ-
ten submissions. Oral trials are less time consuming, and they have helped reduce
the number of prison inmates awaiting trial. Nevertheless, lawyers and judges are
still struggling to adjust to the new procedures, and substantial elements of the old
system remain. For example, before the oral part of a trial begins, judges receive
written documentation regarding the case which, according to prominent legal ex-
perts, can bias a judge before oral testimony is heard.
Constitutional reforms in 1994 provided for a blue-ribbon judicial council that
would have responsibility for federal court administration and the selection and re-
moval of judges. In December Congress passed enabling legislation to create the
council. After the President signs the new law, the council's 20 members are to be
chosen within 120 days.
Some international human rights groups have claimed that Juan Antonio
Puigjane, a Capuchin monk sentenced to prison with 19 others in a 1989 attack on
an army barracks, is jailed for political reasons. Argentine officials, however, main-
tain that Puigjane was properly tried and convicted for involvement in a violent re-
bellion against a democratically elected government. There were no other reports of
political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, and government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions. Violations are subject to legal sanction, although in practice,
local police have the right to stop and search individuals without probable cause.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. Following
the murder of news photographer Jose Luis Cabezas (see Section l.a.), there were
reports of numerous anonymous threats against journalists. The body of Cabezas,
a photographer for the weekly newsmagazine Noticias, was found January 25 out-
side the coastal resort town of Pinamar, in Buenos Aires province. His hands were
cuffed behind his back, he had been shot in the head, and his body left in his car,
which had been burned. A former police chief in Pinamar was eventually arrested
on suspicion of carrying out the murder, but the motive was unclear and by year's
end the case had not yet gone to trial. There was widespread suspicion that Cabezas
was killed because he had been investigating police involvement in criminal activi-
ties.
In an August report, a group of prominent journalists called the Association for
the Defense of Independent Journalism chronicled numerous threats to journalists
around the country following the Cabezas murder, many in the form of anonymous
telephone calls. Several reporters covering the Cabezas investigation were taken off
the story due to threats made against them and their families. In a report issued
in September, the Committee on Freedom of the Press of the Association of Argen-
tine News Organizations concluded that as long as the Cabezas murder remained
unsolved, and there was no adequate response to "the interminable and unaccept-
able series of threats to journalists and the media," it would continue to maintain
that "the freedom of the press existing in our country since 1983 is seriously com-
promised."
The law provides for academic freedom, and the Government respects this in prac-
tice.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution and laws pro-
vide for these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
405
There were violent protests in major cities in May, as citizens protested high un-
employment and declining living standards. Riot policemen clashed with tens of
thousands of people blocking roads, bridges, and government buildings. In La Plata
police fired tear gas and rubber bullets at protesters and arrested 70 people. In the
northwestern province of Jujuy, border guards injured 50 people while breaking up
a roadblock set up by 200 sugar workers and their families.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom ofMovem.ent Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution and law provide for these rights, and the Government
respects them in practice.
Trie Government recognizes as refugees those persons who meet the criteria of the
1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967
Protocol. The refugee eligibility committee, composed of representatives of the Min-
istries of Justice, Foreign AfTairs, and the Interior is responsible for determining a
reftigee's status. A representative of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees may
participate in committee hearings, but may not vote. The Government has granted
refugee status to numerous persons and accepted them for resettlement. The issue
of the provision of first asylum, however, has rarely arisen. There were no reports
of the forced return of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Since its return to democratic government in 1983, Argentina has held periodic
free and fair elections to choose federal, provincial, and municipal office holders.
Universal adult suffrage is obligatory in national elections. Political parties of vary-
ing ideologies operate freely and openly. The revised Constitution provides that all
amilt citizens snail enjoy full participation in the political process, and they do so
in practice.
The Constitution stipulates that the internal regulations of political parties and
party nominations for elections be subject to afTirmative action requirements to as-
sure that women are represented in elective office. A 1993 decree implementing a
1991 law required that a minimum of 30 percent of all political party lists of can-
didates be female. As a result, the presence of women in the Congress is increasing.
In the new Chamber of Deputies elected in October, 70 of 257 members are women.
In the Senate, however, wnose members are still appointed, only 2 of 72 members
are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government offi-
cials are generally cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and federal law provide for equality for all citizens. The 1988
Antidiscrimination Law establishes a series of penalties from 1 month to 3 years'
imprisonment for anyone who arbitrarily restricts, obstnjcts, or restrains a person
based on "race, religion, nationality, ideology, political opinion, sex, economic posi-
tion, social class, or physical characteristics. There is no evidence of any systematic
effort to abridge these rights by the Government or by private groups.
Women. — Violence and sexual harassment against women are problems. Insen-
sitivity among police and judges sometimes discourages women from reporting as-
saults, especially domestic violence. The National Women's Council has been work-
ing with law enforcement authorities to include, in their police training curriculum,
material on handling cases of violence against women. Rape is a problem, but reli-
able statistics as to its extent were not available. A rapist is not prosecuted if he
offers to marry the victim and she accepts his proposal. Many public and private
institutions oner prevention programs and proviae support and treatment for
women who have been abused, out transitory housing is scarce.
Women still encounter economic discrimination and occupy a disproportionate
number of lower paying jobs. Often they are paid less than men for equal work,
even though this is explicitly prohibited by law. Women are also found dispropor-
tionately in the informal, unregistered labor market, where they are efTectively de-
nied work-related economic ana social benefits enjoyed by registered workers.
The National Women's Council, created in 1992 in response to recommendations
in the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
Against Women, carries out programs to promote equal opportunity for women in
406
education and employment, encourage the participation of women in politics, and
support women's rights programs at the provincial level.
Children. — The 1994 Constitution incorporates the U.N. Convention on the Rights
of the Child. The Ministry of Interior's Subsecretariat for Human and Social Rights
works with the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and other international
agencies to promote children's rights and well-being. Historically, Argentina has had
numerous programs to provide public education, health protection, and recreational
services for all children, regardless of class or economic status.
According to some nongovernmental and church sources, however, child abuse and
prostitution are on the rise, and the National Council on Children and the Family
believes that those affected tend to be younger than previously thought. The Coun-
cil, which the Government established in 1990, works with federal and local agen-
cies to improve child protection programs. The federal capital, most of the 23 prov-
inces, and the Federal Government nave passed child protection laws.
People With Disabilities. — ^A 1994 law aimed at eliminating physical barriers to
disabled persons regulates standards regarding access to public buildings, parks,
plazas, stairs, and pedestrian areas. Street curbs, commuter train stations, and
some buildings in Buenos Aires have been modified to accommodate wheelchairs,
but some public buildings and lavatories are still inaccessible to the disabled.
Federal law also prohibits discrimination against the disabled in employment.
Since establishment of the National Program against Discrimination in 1994, the
largest single group bringing complaints has been disabled persons. Nongovern-
mental organizations are active in defending the rights of people with disabilities
and helping them find employment.
Indigenous People. — The revised Constitution provides for the right of minorities
to be represented in government and incorporates international agreements in-
tended to promote their economic, social, and cultural rights. Estimates of the size
of the indigenous population vary from 60,000 to 150,000, but the National Statis-
tical Institute put the figure at below 100,000 as of 1992. Most indigenous people
live in the northern and northwestern provinces and in the far south. Their stand-
ard of living is considerably below the national average, and they have higher rates
of illiteracy, chronic diseases, and unemployment. Some indigenous groups, includ-
ing the Kolla Indians in the northwest province of Salta, are involved in protracted
legal disputes with the federal and provincial governments over tribal lanas.
In March the Government restored to the Kolla Indians ownership of their ances-
tral lands, half a century after they first marched on Buenos Aires to demand their
rights. About 100 Kollas traveled to Buenos Aires by bus to receive deeds to 708,900
acres from President Menem. With state land that was already given up under laws
from the 1994 constitutional reforms, the Government has reportedly returned al-
most 4 million acres to indigenous people and plans to return 988,400 acres more
in 1999.
Religious Minorities. — There were scattered reports of anti-Semitic acts. Jewish
community centers in the provinces of Misiones, Tucuman, and Cordoba were van-
dalized early in the year. On the night of December 24, vandals entered the Jewish
cemetery in the town of La Tablada, outside Buenos Aires, and damaged 35 tomb-
stones. The cemetery, which was also vandalized in October 1996, is guarded by
Buenos Aires provincial police, who reportedly said that they saw nothing. No one
had been arresled by year's end. In November a Congressional commission discov-
ered new evidence against one of the four policemen charged in connection the 1994
bombing of the AMLA Jewish community center in Buenos Aires (see Section l.a.).
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — With the exception of military personnel, all workers
are free to form unions. Estimates regarding union membership vary widely. Most
union leaders believe it to be about 40 percent of the work force; government figures
indicate union membership at 30 percent. Trade unions are independent of the Gov-
ernment or political parties, although most union leaders support President
Menem's Justicialist Party.
Most unions are affiliated with the General Confederation of Labor (CGT). A
smaller federation, the Argentine Workers' Central, was granted government rec-
ognition in May after petitioning the International Labor Organization.
Workers have the right to strike, and strikers are protected by law. The Move-
ment of Argentine Workers (a dissident group within the CGT) and the Argentine
Workers' Central staged a 1-day general strike in August to protest an agreement
on labor law reform negotiated in May between the Government and the CGT.
Many trade unions are also members of international trade secretariats and par-
ticipate actively in their programs.
407
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law prohibits antiunion
practices, and the Government enforces this prohibition. The trend towards bargain-
ing on a company level, rather than negotiating on a sectoral basis, continued, but
the adjustment has not been an easy one for either side. Both the Federal Gk)vem-
ment and a few highly industrialized provinces are working to create mediation
services to promote more effective resolution of collective bargaining disputes.
Export processing zones exist or are planned in several provinces. The same labor
laws apply in these zones as in all other parts of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced labor,
and there were no reports that it was practiced. The law also prohibits forced and
bonded labor by children and the GJovemment enforces this prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits employment of children under 14 years of age, except in rare cases where
the Ministry of Education may authorize a child to work as part of a family unit.
Minors between the ages of 14 and 16 may work in a limited number of job cat-
egories but not more than 6 hours a day or 35 hours a week. The law prohibits
forced and bonded labor by children, and there were no reports of its use (see Sec-
tion 6.C.). A survey by the National Institute on Statistics and the Census revealed,
however, that some 149,000 children under age 15 were employed. According to the
National Council on the Child and the Family, two-thirds were working in rural
areas as farm laborers with their parents and a third were employed in urban
areas, chiefly as domestic servants. UNICEF estimated that 252,000 children under
15 years of age were working.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The national monthly minimum wage is $200
(200 pesos), which is not sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for an aver-
age family of four.
Federal labor law sets standards in the areas of health, safety, and hours. The
maximum workday is 8 hours and workweek 48 hours. Occupational health and
safety standards are being developed, but federal and provincial governments lack
sufficient resources to enforce them fully.
Employers are required to insure their employees against workplace accidents.
Workers have the right to remove themselves from dangerous or unhealthful work
situations, afler having gone through a claim procedure, without jeopardy to contin-
ued employment. Nevertheless, workers who leave the workplace before it has been
proven unsafe run the risk of being fired; in such cases, the worker has the right
to judicial appeal, but this process can be very lengthy.
BAHAMAS
The Commonwealth of the Bahamas is a constitutional, parliamentary democracy
and a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. Queen Elizabeth II, the nominal
head of state, is represented by an appointed Governor General. Prime Minister Hu-
bert A. Ingrsiham's Free National Movement (FNM) has controlled the Government
and Parliament since August 1992. The judiciary is independent.
The police and the small Bahamas Defence Force answer to civilian authority and
generally respect laws protecting human rights. However, there continue to be re-
ports that police occasionally abuse detainees.
The economy depends primarily on tourism, which accounts for nearly two-thirds
of the gross domestic product. Financial services, particularly offshore banking and
trust management, are also a major source of revenue. While some citizens enjoy
relatively high income levels, there is considerable underemployment and poverty.
The official unemployment rate is over 11 percent, but unoHicial estimates range
up to twice that figure.
Citizens enjoy a wide range of democratic freedoms and human rights. The prin-
cipal human rights problems include reports of occasional police abuse of detainees,
continuing harsh conditions at the only prison, lengthy pretrial detention and delays
in trials, violence and discrimination against women, and violence against children.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
408
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and other cruel and degrading treatment or pun-
ishment, but corporal punishment — abolished in 1984 — was reinstated in 1991.
Human ri^ts monitors and members of the general public continued to express
concern over instances of police abuse against criminal suspects. Many of the
charges of abuse involved beatings in order to extract confessions. Police omcials de-
nied that there have been violations of defendants' rights. According to the officials,
these rights are protected by the trial judge, who determines the admissibility of
the defendant's statement as evidence at trial. The Police Complaints and Discipline
Unit, which reports directly to senior police officials, is responsible for investigating
allegations of police brutality.
Conditions at Fox Hill, the only prison, continue to improve, but remain harsh
and overcrowded. The men's prison, originally built in 1953 to house about 600 in-
mates, holds over 1,400 prisoners. The women's prison population is around 30, con-
siderably less than full capacity. Male prisoners are crowded into poorly ventilated
cells that generally lack running water and adequate sanitation facilities. There are
no separate facilities for inmates being held on remand, although some are eventu-
ally segregated in a medium security wing after being processed through maximum
security. Prison officials estimate that about 13 percent of the incoming prisoner
population is infected with the HIV virus. Most prisoners lack beds, many sleep on
concrete floors, and most are locked in their cells 23 hours per day. Facilities for
women are less severe and do have running water. Organizations providing aid,
counseling services, and religious instruction have regular access to inmates.
In October migrants from the Dominican Republic rioted to protest poor condi-
tions at the Carmichael Road Detention Center (see Section 2.d.).
The Government provided funds to enable prison ofTicials to make improvements
in prison facilities and to continue prisoner rehabilitation programs. Modern train-
ing facilities for prison officers and staff are equipped with new computers and addi-
tional personnel. The prison offers some educational and literacy programs for pris-
oners, nas added a new dental unit, and is building a prison workshop to provide
some activity for inmates. Plans for critically needed new maximum security living
space have not yet been implemented.
Local and international human rights groups were able to visit the prison during
the year.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention. The authorities conduct arrests openly and, when required, ob-
tain judicially issued warrants. Serious cases, including those of suspected narcotics
or firearms offenses, do not require warrants where probable cause exists. Arrested
persons appear before a magistrate within 48 hours (or by the next business day
for cases arising on weekends and holidays) to hear the charges against them. They
may hire an attorney of their choice. The Government does not provide legal rep-
resentation except to destitute suspects charged with capital crimes. Police some-
times deviate from prescribed procedures, however, and act arbitrarily. The Govern-
ment respects the right to a judicial determination of the legality of arrests.
The Bail Act prohibits bail for repeat offenders and those accused of certain vio-
lent crimes. Juc^es tend not to grant bail to foreign suspects, particularly on more
serious offenses, since the authorities consider foreign offenders likely to flee if re-
leased on bail. Judges sometimes authorize cash bail for foreigners arrested on
minor charges, but in practice, foreign suspects generally prefer to plead guilty and
pay a fine rather than pursue their right to defend themselves, given possible delays
in court cases and harsh conditions in the prison. Attorneys and other prisoner ad-
vocates continued to complain of excessive pretrial detention.
The authorities detain illegal migrants, primarily Haitians and Cubans, at the
Carmichael Road Detention Center until arrangements can be made for them to
leave the country or they obtain legal status. Conditions at the detention center are
Spartan, but most detainees do not remain for an excessively long period of time.
Tne Government has earmarked $800,000 to renovate the center. In October mi-
grants from the Dominican Republic rioted to protest poor conditions at the center.
The rioters threw stones at the guards and set fire to the center's mess hall. The
authorities transferred the detainees who rioted to the prison.
Dlegal migrants convicted of crimes other than immigration violations are held at
the prison and remain there for weeks or months, pending deportation after serving
their sentences, unless they can arrange private means for their repatriation.
Exile is illegal and is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The justice system derives from English common
law. The judiciary, appointed by the Governor General on the advice, in most cases,
of the Judicial and Legal Services Commission, has always been independent.
409
Magistrate's courts are the lowest level courts and only handle crimes with a max-
imum sentence of 5 years. Trial by jury is only available in the Supreme Court,
which is the trial court that handles most major cases. Its decisions may be ap-
pealed to the Court of Appeal, with the Privy Council in London being the final
court of appeal.
Trials are fair and public. Defendants enjoy the presumption of innocence and the
right to appeal. Defendants can confront and question witnesses against them and
present evidence on their own behalf. The judicial system is plagued by a large
backlog of cases. In order to reduce the backlog, the Government nas streamlined
the appeals process, limited the availability of bail in serious cases, computerized
court records, and added new judges, lay magistrates, and trained court reporters.
Despite these measures to improve efficiency in the courts, complaints persist of ex-
cessive pretrial detention and delayed justice for victims.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits arbitrary entry, search, or seizure, and the Government gen-
erally respects these prohibitions in practice. The law usually requires a court order
for entry into or search of a private residence, but a police inspector or more senior
police ofiicial may authorize a search without a court order where probable cause
to suspect a weapons violation exists. Such an official may also authorize the search
of a person (that extends to the vehicle in which the person is traveling) without
a court order, should probable cause exist to suspect drug possession.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government respects the constitutional pro-
vision for the right of free expression, and the political opposition criticizes the Gov-
ernment freely and frequently. Three daily and several weekly newspapers, all pri-
vately owned, express a variety of views on issues of public interest, including vary-
ing degrees of criticism of the Government and its policies. Foreign newspapers and
magazines are readily available.
There is a government-run radio station and three privately owned radio broad-
casters. The country's sole television station, the state-owned Broadcasting Corpora-
tion of the Bahamas, presents a variety of views, although opposition politicians
claim with some justification that their views do not receive as extensive coverage
as those of the Government.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the rights to free assembly and association, and the authorities respect these rights
in practice. The law permits private associations, but groups must obtain permits
to hold public demonstrations. The authorities grant such permits almost without
exception.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
The Government cooperates with the ofTice of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The Govern-
ment did not grant first asylum to any persons in 1997, but 11 requests were pend-
ing decision at the end of the year. There were no reports of forced return of persons
to a country where they feared persecution.
Although the repatriation agreement between the Bahamas and Haiti expired at
the end of 1995, the Government continued to repatriate illegal Haitian immigrants
based on the terms of the agreement. The Bahamas signed a repatriation agreement
with the Government of Cuba in January 1996, and since then the authorities have
successfully repatriated illegal Cuban immigrants.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
The Bahamas is a constitutional, parliamentary democracy with two major politi-
cal parties and general elections at least every 5 years. An elected Prime Minister
and Parliament govern. The political process is open to all elements of society, and
citizens 18 years of age and older are eligible to register and vote; voting is by secret
ballot. The two principal political parties are the ruling Free National Movement
and the opposition Progressive Liberal Party (PLP). The PLP led the country for 6
410
years of internal self-government from 1967 to 1973 and held power from independ-
ence in 1973 until 1992. The FNM won general elections in 1992 and 1997.
The FNM holds 35 of 40 seats in the House of Assembly, and the PLP holds 5.
Both the ruling party and the opposition name members to the upper house — the
Senate — in compliance with constitutional guidelines. Although it does pass legisla-
tion, the Senate is primarily a deliberative body that serves as a public forum to
discuss national problems and policies to address them.
The Parliament has six elected female members, including the speaker of the
House, and five appointed female Senators, including the government leader in the
Senate. The Foreign Minister is a woman, and women also head the Ministry of
Education and the Ministry of Labor, Immigration, and Training.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Individual human rights monitors and several local human rights groups, as well
as representatives of international human rights organizations, operate freely, ex-
pressing their opinions and reporting their findings on alleged human rights viola-
tions without government restriction. The Government allows them broad access to
institutions and individuals.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Government generally respects in practice the constitutional provisions for in-
dividual rights and freedoms regardless of race, place of origin, political opinion,
creed, or sex. However, both the Constitution and the law discriminate against
women in several respects.
Women. — Domestic violence against women continued to be a serious problem,
with many women seeking shelter at the private, but government-supported, crisis
center in Nassau. The Government has established a nationwide toll-free hot line,
with two trained volunteers on each of the inhabited islands on call to respond in
the event of a crisis. The crisis center, with help from the Government, continued
a public awareness campaign to highlight the problems of abuse and domestic vio-
lence. The Domestic Court, which deals exclusively with family issues such as
spousal abuse, maintenance payments, and legal separation, continued to receive a
high volume of cases. The court can and does impose various legal constraints to
protect women from abusive spouses or companions. However, advocates for wom-
en's rights see a need to improve the effectiveness of enforcement of orders of the
Domestic Court.
The Constitution discriminates against women by not providing them with the
same right as men to transmit citizenship to their foreign-born spouses. Addition-
ally, the law makes it easier for men witn foreign spouses to confer citizenship on
their children than for women with foreign spouses. Some inheritance laws also
favor men over women. For example, when a person dies without a will, the estate
passes to the oldest legitimate son, or in cases where there is no son, the closest
legitimate male relative. Prominent women of all political persuasions continue to
push for an amendment to the Constitution and related laws to redress this situa-
tion.
Women participate fully in society and are well represented in the business and
£rofessional sectors, as well as in the judiciary and government (see Section 3). The
linister of Foreign Affairs, Janet Bostwick, also directs the Bahamian Bureau of
Women's Afi'airs, which is within the Ministry of Foreign AfTairs. The Chief Justice
of the Supreme Court is a woman.
Children. — The Government places priority on maintaining adequate expenditures
for child welfare and education. However, child abuse and neglect remain serious
problems. The law requires that anyone having contact with a child they believe to
be sexually abused must report their suspicion to the police. The same reporting re-
quirement does not apply to cases of physical abuse, which nonetheless are high.
The police refer reported cases of sexual and physical abuse to the Department of
Social Services, which investigates them and can bring criminal charges against
perpetrators. The Department may remove children from abusive situations if the
court deems it necessary.
People With Disabilities. — Although the 1973 National Building Code mandates
certain accommodations for the physically disabled in new public buildings, the au-
thorities rarely enforce this part oi the code. The code fails to mandate accommoda-
tion in new private buildings, however, which often lack accessibility as well.
The Disability Affairs Unit of the Ministry of Social Development and National
Insurance works with the Bahamas Council for Disability, an umbrella organization
for groups offering services for the disabled, to provide a coordinated public and pri-
411
vate sector approach to the needs of the disabled. A mix of government and private
residential and nonresidential institutions provide a range of education, training,
counseling, and job placement services for both physically and mentally disabled
adults ana children. The country is participating in an International Labor Organi-
zation pilot program to provide specialized training to persons who provide services
to the disabled.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — An estimated 30,000 Haitians reside in the
Bahamas legally and productively, but social, economic and political sensitivities re-
main. Members of the Haitian community reported that some police and immigra-
tion officials have taken Haitians ofT the streets into custody before allowing them
a chance to produce their residency permits. Haitians also complained that officials
sometimes came to their residences late at night, a violation of the terms of the ex-
pired Bahamas-Haiti repatriation agreement. These alleged violations are difficult
to confirm, but some similar past complaints resulted in procedural changes by the
authorities.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides that labor unions have the
right of free assembly and association. Private sector and most public sector workers
may form or join unions without prior approval. Members of the police force, defense
force, fire brigade, and prison guards may not organize or join unions. Workers exer-
cise the right of association extensively, with almost one-quarter of the work force
(and one-half the workers in the important hotel industry) belonging to unions.
Three major umbrella labor organizations, the National Workers Council of Trade
Unions and Associations, the Trade Union Congress (TUC), and the National Con-
gress of Trade Unions, along with individual labor unions, all function independent
of government or political party control.
The Industrial Kelations Act requires that, before a strike begins, a simple major-
ity of a union's membership must vote in favor of a motion to strike. The Depart-
ment of Labor must supervise the vote. Unions instituted work stoppages at the
Nassau International Airport and at a major hotel construction site in Nassau dur-
ing the year. In order to resolve trade disputes more quickly, the Industrial Rela-
tions Act was amended in 1996 to establish an industrial tribunal. According to the
act, labor disputes are first filed with the Ministry of Labor and then if not resolved,
are turned over to the tribunal. The tribunal follows normal court procedures for
the admission of evidence, direct examination, and cross examination. The tribunal's
decision is final and is only appealable in court on a strict question of law. Some
employers complain that the industrial tribunal is unfairly biased in favor of em-
ployees.
All labor unions have the right to maintain affiliations with international trade
union organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers freely exercise their
right to organize and participate in collective bargaining, which the law protects.
Unions andemployers negotiate wage rates without government interference.
The Constitution and the Industrial Relations Act prohibit antiunion discrimina-
tion by employers. The act requires employers to recognize trade unions, and it re-
quires the reinstatement of workers fired for union activities. Employers may dis-
miss workers in accordance with applicable contracts, which generally require some
severance pay. The Government enforces labor laws and regulations uniformly
throughout the country.
There are two small free trade zones. Labor law and practice in these zones do
not differ from those in the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor by all persons, including children, and such labor does not exist
in practice.
a. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits the employment of children under the age of 14 for industrial work, work
during school hours, or work at night. There is no legal minimum age for employ-
ment in other sectors, and some children work part time in light industry and serv-
ice jobs. The constitutional prohibition of forced and compulsory labor is respected
in practice.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Fair Labor Standards Act limits the regu-
lar workweek to 48 hours and provides for one 24-hour rest period. The act requires
overtime payment (time and a halO for hours beyond the standard. The act permits
the creation of a Wages Council to recommend the setting of a minimum wage, but
the Government has never established such a council or a general minimum wage.
However, in 1996 the Government established a specific minimum wage of $4.12 per
hour for all hourly and temporary workers throughout the public sector.
412
, The Ministry of Labor, responsible for enforcing labor laws, has a team of inspec-
tors who conduct on-site visits to enforce occupational health and safety standards
and investigate employee concerns and complaints, but inspections occur only infre-
quently. The Ministry normally announces inspection visits in advance, and employ-
ersgenerally cooperate with inspectors to implement safety standards.
The national insurance program compensates workers for work- related injuries.
The Fair Labor Standards Act requires employers to find suitable alternative em-
ployment for employees injured on the job but still able to work. The law does not
provide a right for workers to absent themselves from dangerous work situations
without jeopardy to continued employment.
BARBADOS
Barbados, a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, is a constitutional democ-
racy with a multiparty, parliamentary form of government. The Queen is head of
state and is represented oy an appointed Governor General. Prime Minister Owen
Arthur is the head of government and governs with an appointed cabinet. The judi-
ciary is independent.
The Royal Barbados Police Force is charged with maintaining public order. The
small volunteer Barbados Defence Force (BDF), responsible for national security,
can be employed to maintain public order in times of crisis, emergency, or other spe-
cific need. In response to increased crime in tourist areas, the BDF has assisted the
police since 1993 by patrolling beaches. On the whole, the police respected constitu-
tional and legal provisions protecting human rights, but there continued to be infre-
quent reports of abuses by police.
The economy is based on tourism, services, light manufacturing, and agriculture,
which makes it vulnerable to external economic developments. Per capita gross do-
mestic product exceeds $7,000. Barbados has experienced a continued strong recov-
ery after a recession in the early 1990's. In 1997 the economy was expected to gT^ow
approximately 3.5 percent, based primarily on increases in tourism.
Citizens enjoy a wide range of rights and freedoms, and the Government respects
constitutional provisions regarding human rights. Principal human rights problems
continued to be societal violence against women and children and occasional in-
stances of excessive use of force by police.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution specifically prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading
treatment or punishment. However, the Caribbean Human Rights Network and the
local press reported numerous allegations of coerced confessions. There continued to
be credible reports that law enforcement officials sometimes used force during de-
tention to extract confessions from detainees. There also was an allegation that po-
lice abducted a homeless carwasher, took him to a field, and shot him in the back.
The authorities suspended four ofTicers in connection with this incident and brought
charges against two of them. The criminal case was pending before the courts at
year^ end.
Police procedures provide that the police may question suspects and other persons
they hold only at a police station, except when expressly permitted by a senior divi-
sional officer. An ofticer must visit detainees at least once every 3 hours to inauire
about the detainees' condition. After 24 hours, the detaining authority must submit
a written report to the deputy commissioner. The authorities must approve and
record all movements of detainees between stations. The Caribbean Human Rights
Network is satisfied that the authorities generally adhere to these basic principles,
although officials occasionally used excessive force.
Barbados is in the forefront of an initiative to standardize police procedures
throughout the English-speaking Caribbean region. The authorities issued firearms
to special units and some foot patrols in high-crime areas in response to the 1993
shooting death of a policeman and a rise in gun- and drug-
related crime. Aside from this development, the police force is still mainly un-
armed, in keeping with its British traditions.
413
The only prison is antiquated and overcrowded, with over 800 inmates in a struc-
ture built for 350 inmates. The Caribbean Human Rights Network has publicly
urged the establishment of a detention and rehabilitation center for youths and first
offenders. To reduce overcrowding, magistrates have begun to make use of alter-
natives to incarceration, such as community service work.
The Government allows private groups to visit prisons to ascertain conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and imprisonment and requires detainees to be brought before a court of law
within 72 hours of arrest. The Government generally respects these provisions in
practice. Criminal defendants have the right to counsel, and attorneys have ready
access to their clients.
The authorities do not use exile as a punishment or means of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an indejjendent judi-
ciary, and it is free of intervention by other branches of government.
The judiciary includes the Supreme Court, which consists of the high court and
court of appeal. The Governor General, after consultation with the Prime Minister
and the Leader of the Opposition, appoints the Chief Justice. Other judges who
make up the court are appointed on the advice of the Judicial and I^egal Service
Commission. Judges serve until the age of 65.
The Constitution provides that persons charged with criminal ofTenses be given
a fair public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial
court, and the Government respects this right in practice. The judicial system pro-
vides for the right of due process at each level. The law presumes defendants inno-
cent until proven guilty. The Government provides free legal aid to the indigent
with the exception of a 1,300 pounds sterling cap on expenses incurred for appeals
by death row prisoners to the Privy Council in London. Two inmates have chal-
lenged this limit and are suing the Government on the grounds that it effectively
deprives them of their right to due process.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits arbitrary entry, search, or seizure, and the law requires war-
rants to be issued before privately owned property may be entered and searched.
The Government does not routinely interfere in the private lives of its citizens.
Nonetheless, there continued to be credible reports that, in response to increased
drug-related crime, the police resorted to searches of homes in certain neighbor-
hoods, sometimes without warrants. The Government does not censor mail. How-
ever, the Government restricts the receipt of foreign publications deemed to be por-
nographic. Other foreign publications of^ a nonprurient nature are allowed without
restriction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the authorities respect these rights in practice. There are two
independent daily newspapers, both of which present opposition political views. The
Government regularly comes under attack in the newspapers and on daily call-in
radio programs. There are five radio stations, two of which are owned by the Gov-
ernment. The Caribbean Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) television service (the only
television source, excluding direct satellite reception) is government owned. Al-
though CBC is a state enterprise, it regularly reported views opposing government
policies. Critics allege that the Government sometimes uses its influence to discour-
age media reporting on sensitive issues, but the press remained vigorously critical
of the Government on a broad span of issues. The Government prohibits the produc-
tion of pornographic materials.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government observes the
constitutional provisions for peaceful assembly and private association in practice.
Political parties, trade unions, and private organizations function and hold meetings
and rallies without hindrance.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens and legal residents move freely within Barbados and leave and
enter the country without restriction.
The Government has not formulated a policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first
asylum. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise. There were no re-
ports of forced expulsion of anyone having a valid claim to refugee status. However,
government practice remains undefined.
414
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have this right in law and exercise it in practice. Political parties freely
compete in fair elections by secret ballot at least every 5 years. In the most recent
election in September 1994, the Barbados Labour Party won a decisive victory, gain-
ing a 19-to-8 majority over the Democratic Labour Party. The National Democratic
Party won one seat, its first ever in Parliament. There are no impediments to par-
ticipation in the political process, and all citizens over age 18 may vote. The Prime
Minister exercises executive power along with the Cabinet of Ministers he appoints,
balanced by the bicameral Parliament and the judicial system.
Women are well represented at all levels of government and politics. The Deputy
Prime Minister is a woman (she also serves concurrently as Foreign Minister), and
the Ministries of Health and Education are also headed by women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Local groups involved with human rights operate freely and without government
hindrance. Tne Caribbean Human Rights Network, a Caribbean-wide human rights
organization which has its headquarters and a small staff in Barbados, investigates
and reports on allegations of human rights violations throughout the region.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal treatment under the law, regardless of race,
religion, or sex. The Government respects these rights in practice.
Women. — Violence against women and children continued to be a significant social
problem. Women's rights groups reported that the known incidence of sexual as-
saults, domestic violence, incest, and rape increased, despite the fact that there is
still some reluctance on the part of victims to report such incidents. There are public
and private counseling services for domestic violence, rape, suicide, and child abuse.
The 1992 Domestic Violence Law specifies the appropriate police response to do-
mestic violence, intended to protect all members of the family, including men and
children. It applies equally to marriages and to common law relationships. Criminal
penalties for violent crimes are the same, regardless of the sex of the offender or
the victim. The courts heard a number of cases of domestic violence against women
involving assault or wounding. Victims may request restraining orders, which the
courts oiten issue. The courts can sentence an olTender to jail for breaching such
an order. Human rights monitors continued to criticize the inconsistency in sentenc-
ing for rape, incest, and statutory rape, which is often left, to the discretion of the
judge. They noted that the lack oi sentencing guidelines resulted in longer sentences
for persons convicted of petty theft than for incest; and lesser sentences for incest
than for rape or sexual assault of nonfamily members.
Women actively participate in all aspects of national life and are well-represented
at all levels of both the public and private sectors. They form a large percentage
of heads of household ana are not discriminated against in public housing or other
social welfare programs.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's human rights and welfare,
although violence against children remains a serious problem. The Child Care Board
is the key agency responsible for monitoring and responding to the critical welfare
needs, interests, and rights of children.
People With Disabilities. — The law does not prohibit discrimination against the
physically disabled in employment, education, or the provision of other state serv-
ices. The Labor Department, which is responsible for finding jobs for the disabled,
unsuccessfully advocated the introduction of such legislation in the 1980's. Simi-
larly, there is no legislation mandating provision of accessibility to public thorough-
fares or public or private buildings. Interest groups have lobbied for this type of leg-
islation from time to time, but without success.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers freely exercise their right to form and be-
long to trade unions and to strike. There are two major unions and several smaller
ones, representing various sectors. The public service union, the National Union of
Public Workers, is independent of any political party or the Government. The larg-
est union, the Barbados Workers' Union (BWU), was historically closely associated
with the Barbados Labour Party prior to 1954. After 1954, officers of the BWU be-
came personally associated with the Democratic Labour Party. A new Congress of
Trade Unions and Staff Associations was inaugurated in August 1995. Most unions
belong to this organization.
415
The law accords fiiU protection to trade unionists' personal and property rights.
Another law prohibits strikes against public utilities. All private and public sector
employees are permitted to strike, but essential workers may strike only under cer-
tain circumstances and after following prescribed procedures. There were no major
strikes or long-term work stoppages during the year.
Trade unions are free to form federations and are affiliated with a variety of re-
gional and international labor organizations. The Caribbean Congress of Labor has
its headquarters in Barbados.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for the right
to organize and bargain collectively, and authorities respected it in practice. Despite
recent modest increases in union membership, job losses in traditional sectors of the
economy have reduced overall union membership to approximately 30 percent of the
working population. Normally, wages and working conditions are negotiated
through the collective bargaining process, but a tripartite prices and incomes policy
accord signed in the summer of 1993 established a 2-year wage freeze. The revised
(second) protocol contained provisions for negotiated increases in basic wages and
increases based on productivity. The new accord covered 1995-97.
Employers have no legal obligation to recognize unions under the Trade Union Act
of 1964, but most do so when a significant percentage of their employees signify a
desire to be represented by a registered union. While there is no specific law prohib-
iting antiunion discrimination, tne courts provide a method of redress for employees
alleging unfair dismissal. The courts commonly award monetary compensation but
rarely order reemployment.
There are no manufacturing or special areas where collective bargaining rights
are legally or administratively impaired. There are no export processing zones.
c. F^ohibition of Forced or Compulsory I^bor. — The Constitution prohibits forced,
compulsory, or bonded labor, including that by children, and there were no reports
of its use.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum working age of 16 is broadly observed. Compulsory primary and secondary
education policies, wliich require school attendance until age 16, reinforce minimum
age requirements. The law prohibits forced or bonded labor by children, and the au-
thorities efTectively enforce it (see Section 6.c.). The Labor Department has a small
cadre of labor inspectors who conduct spot investigations of enterprises and check
records to verify compliance with the law. These inspectors may take legal action
against an employer who is found to have underage workers.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law sets and the authorities establish min-
imum wages for specified categories of workers. Only two categories of workers have
a formal^ regulated minimum wage — household domestics and shop assistants
(entry level commercial workers). Household domestics receive a minimum wage of
about $0.75 (bds $1.50) per hour, although in actual labor market conditions, the
prevailing wage is almost double that amount. There are two age-related minimum
wage categories for shop assistants. The adult minimum wage for shop assistants
was raised by 13 percent in June, to $2.13 (bds $4.25) per hour; the juvenile mini-
mum wage for shop assistants is $1.62 (bds $3.25) per hour.
The minimum wage for shop assistants is marginally sufficient to meet minimum
living standards; most employees earn more. In 1992 an International Labor Orga-
nization (ILO) Committee of Experts (COE) cited Barbados for not adhering to the
ILO convention on equal remuneration in its wage differentials in the sugar indus-
try. The COE admonished the Government to ensure application of the principle of
equal remuneration for work of equal value to male and female workers in the sugar
industry or to provide further information on job descriptions which might justify
such wage distinction. This case was not resolved by years end.
The standard legal workweek is 40 hours in 5 days, and the law requires overtime
payment for hours worked in excess. Barbados accepts ILO conventions, standards,
and other sectoral conventions regarding maximum hours of work. However, there
is no general legislation that covers all occupations. Employers must provide work-
ers a minimum of 3 weeks' annual leave. Unemployment benefits and national in-
surance (social security) cover all workers. A comprehensive, government-sponsored
health program offers subsidized treatment and medication.
The Factories Act of 1983 sets out the officially recognized occupational safety and
health standards. The Labor Department enforces health and safety standards and
follows up to ensure that problems cited are corrected by management. The Fac-
tories Act also requires that in certain sectors firms employing more than 50 work-
ers set up a safety committee. This committee can challenge the decisions of man-
agement concerning the occupational safety and health environment. Trade unions
have called on the Government to increase the number of factory inspectors in order
to enforce existing and proposed safety and health legislation more effectively, and
416
to follow up to ensure that problems cited are corrected by management. Govern-
ment-operated corporations in particular were accused of doing a "poor job" in
health and safety. The Government has promised to undertake inspections of gov-
ernment-operated corporations and manufacturing plants as a priority. Workers
have a limited right to remove themselves from dangerous or hazardous job situa-
tions without jeopardizing their continued employment.
BELIZE
Belize is a parliamentary democracy with a constitution enacted in 1981 upon
independence from the United Kingdom. The Prime Minister, a cabinet of ministers,
and a legislative assembly govern the country. The Governor General represents
Queen Elizabeth II in the largely ceremonial role of head of state. Both local and
national elections are scheduled on a constitutionally prescribed basis. The Govern-
ment generally respects the constitutional provisions for an independent judiciary.
The Police Department has primary responsibility for law enforcement and main-
tenance of order. The Belize Defense Force (BDF) is responsible for external security
but when deemed appropriate by civilian authorities may be tasked to assist the po-
lice department. Both the police and the BDF report to the Minister of National se-
curity and are responsible to and controlled by civilian authorities. There were occa-
sional reports of aouse by the police.
The economy is primarily agricultural, although tourism has become the principal
source of foreign exchange earnings. The agricultural sector is heavily dependent on
preferential access to export markets for sugar and for bananas. The Government
favors free enterprise and generally encourages investment, although domestic in-
vestors are given preferential treatment over foreign investors in a number of key
economic sectors. Preliminary estimates put 1997 gross domestic product growth at
2.5 percent in real terms. Annual per capita income was about $2,540.
The Constitution provides for, and citizens enjoy in practice, a wide range of fun-
damental rights and freedoms. Principal human rights abuses include occasional use
of excessive force by the police when making arrests, poor prison conditions, lengthy
pretrial detention, political influence on the judiciary, judicial limits on freedom of
the press, discrimination and domestic violence against women, and employer mis-
treatment of immigrant workers in the banana industry.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids torture or other inhuman punishment. However, the police
occasionally used excessive force when making arrests. In September an escapee
from police custody was brutally beaten when apprehended by 2 police officers, 1
of whom struck the escapee 21 times with a baton. The incident took place in front
of several witnesses, including a television news crew that broadcast the scene na-
tionwide. The police department suspended the officer, and he is expected to face
an internal disciplinary board at a later date. The Police Department, the Police
Coniplaints Board, and on occasion special independent commissions appointed by
the Prime Minister investigate allegations of abuse by ofiicials. BDF representatives
attended regional human rights conferences and noted that human rights have long
been a part of their training curriculum.
Prison conditions are poor. Conditions at the Hattieville prison — the nation's only
prison — have steadily deteriorated since it opened in 1993 to replace the notoriously
decrepit Belize City prison. Although designed to house 500 inmates, it now houses
1,100 or about 6 prisoners per lO-by-12-Ioot cell. Inmates, especially those in the
maximum security wing, are exposed to untreated sewage running in shallow
ditches through the facility. The Hattieville prison includes a separate facility for
women. There are no medical facilities and no health care providers resident at the
prison. There is no separate facility for inmates with mental illnesses. Approxi-
mately 20 percent of the inmates are non-Belizeans. There are rare reports of
human rights abuses at the prison, in the form of physical brutality by prison war-
dens. Incidents of gang and drug related violence in the prison are on the rise.
There is no attempt at social rehaoilitation, as indicated by a 75 percent recidivism
rate.
417
The Government took a few steps to address these problems. In July the Cjovem-
ment renovated an old military barracks and converted it into a new juvenile deten-
tion facility called the Youth Enhancement Academy, which will include a rehabili-
tation program and some efforts at job training. Previously, 13- to 15-year-old chil-
dren were jailed with hardened criminals. The Government also created the new
prison position of coordinator general, subsequently filled by the former BDF com-
mandant, which reports direct^ to the Minister of National Security. In August the
Ministry and the Inter-American Institute of Human Rights cosponsored a 2-day
conference to discuss problems at the prison.
The Grovemment permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest or detention, and the Government generally observes these prohibitions. The
law requires the police to inform a detainee of the cause of detention within 48
hours of arrest and to bring the person before a court within 72 hours. In practice,
the authorities normally inform detainees immediately of the charges against them.
Bail is granted in all but the most serious cases. In cases involvmg narcotics, the
Kolice cannot grant bail, but a magistrate's court may do so after a full hearing,
[any detainees cannot afford bail, however, and backlogs in the judicial system
often cause considerable delays and postponements of hearings, resulting in an over-
crowded prison and at times prolonged incarceration before trial.
The Constitution forbids exile, and it does not occur.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government generally respects this provision in practice. However,
notwithstanding constitutional provisions, the fact that prominent government lead-
ers continue to practice law while in office brought the judiciary's independence into
question. The appearance of judicial independence from the executive branch is also
compromised because judges and the director of public prosecutions must negotiate
renewal of their employment contracts with the Government and thus may be vul-
nerable to political interference.
The judiciary consists of the magistrate's courts, the Supreme Court, and the
Court of Appeal. Those convicted by either a magistrate's court or the Supreme
Court may appeal to the Court of Appeal. In some cases, including those resulting
in a capital sentence, the convicted party may make a final appeal to the Privy
Council in the United Kingdom.
Persons accused of civil or criminal offenses have constitutional rights to pre-
sumption of innocence, protection against self-incrimination, defense by counsel, a
gubllc trial, and appeal. Legal counsel for indigent defendants is provided by the
tate only for capital offenses. Trial by jury is mandatory in capital cases. The Su-
preme Court and magistrate's courts sufTer backlogs aggravated by the inability to
maintain a full complement of judges.
An inordinate number of significant narcotics-related cases are taking years to re-
solve. In these cases, defendants are often released on minimal bail payments. The
nation's longest-running drug case, which took 5 years, finally concluoed with a con-
viction. The defendants, however, were released on a substantial bond pending an
appeal.
The judicial system came under public scrutiny because of several high-profile
irregularities. In one instance, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court overturned
a lower court's sentence of four Colombians for narcotics trafiicking, despite the fact
that the case was not under the Supreme Court's jurisdiction. The Court of Appeal
later overturned the Chief Justice's ruling. In another case, the Attorney General's
office was deeply involved in the high-profile prosecution of an opposition political
leader and questioned the impartiality of the jury when it acquitted the defendant.
There are lengthy trial backlogs in the judicial system. One factor commonly cited
is the low pay offered to judges, resulting in a high turnover rate. Two of the five
Supreme Court justices resigned from the court efiective January 1998, and the
Chief Justice retired.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to legal sanctions. However, tnere were
several cases in which the Government has expropriated private land. The law re-
quires that the Government assess and pay compensation in such instances, but
tnese cases take many years to settle.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press but also permits the authorities to make "reasonable provisions"
in the interests of defense, public safety, public order, public morality, or public
418
health. These provisions include forbidding any citizen to question the validity of
the financial disclosure statements submitted by public officials. Anyone who ques-
tions these statements orally or in writing outside a rigidly prescribed procedure is
subject to a fine of up to $5,000 or imprisonment of up to 3 years, or both.
A wide range of viewjwints is publicly presented usually without government in-
terference in six privately owned weekly newspapers (there is no daily press), half
of which are directly afliliated with major political parties. All newspapers are sub-
ject to the constraints of libel laws.
In a notable exception to freedom of the press, in February the Supreme Court
issued an injunction barring the nation's print and electronic media from reproduc-
ing or commenting upon an article in the British press that attacked the Supreme
Court for its position on capital punishment. The injunction stated that any repro-
duction of the article in the press would be considered contempt of court and could
prejudice several capital punishment cases before the Supreme Court. The major
newspapers and media outlets filed legal challenges against the injunction but were
not able to persuade the Court to lift it.
The Supreme Court took a similar action in what was called the most significant
prosecution since independence. A former deputy leader of the opposition who
served as Attorney General under an earlier government was charged with commit-
ting fraud and embezzlement during his previous tenure as the head of the Social
Security Department. The Supreme Court imposed a gag order on the media barring
commentary and significant reporting during the 6-week trial, citing its potential
impact on the jury.
Since the first privately owned commercial radio station began broadcasting in
1990, other stations have been established, broadening the audience's choices. Popu-
lar radio call-in programs are lively and feature open criticism of and comments on
government and political matters. Through financial subsidies, the Government con-
tinues to exert suostantial editorial influence over the nominally autonomous Broad-
casting Corporation of Belize (BCB) and its two radio stations; BCB once held a mo-
nopoly on radio in the country. The Government utilizes BCB studios and facilities
to produce partisan advertisements and party propaganda.
There are eight privately owned television broadcasting stations, including several
cable networks in Belize City and the major towns. The Government's Belize Infor-
mation Service and two independent television stations produce local news and fea-
ture programs. The Belize Broadcasting Authority (BBA) regulates broadcasting and
asserts its right to preview certain broadcasts, such as those with political content,
and to delete any defamatory or personally libelous material from political broad-
casts. As far as is known, the BBA did not exercise this authority during 1997 al-
though there appeared to be ample opportunity to do so during the aggressive and
negative media campaigns each party waged during the year.
The law provides for academic freedom, and the Government respects it in prac-
tice.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and the authorities honor it in practice. Political parties and
other groups with political objectives freely hold rallies and mass meetings. The or-
ganizers 01 public meetings must obtain a permit 36 hours in advance of the meet-
ings; such permits are not denied for political reasons and are routinely granted in
practice.
The Constitution permits citizens to form and join associations of their choice,
both political and nonpolitical.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
The Government generally cooperates with the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. In March the UNHCR downgraded its mission to a liaison office and ceased
all funding for the Government's Refugee Department, which had previously relied
upon UNHCR to pay all program costs, including department employees' salaries.
Tne Government is searching for alternative sources oi funding.
A government committee to review applications for asylum meets weekly and in-
cludes a UNHCR representative as a member. The Government turned down ap-
proximately 100 requests for asylum in 1997. The Government honors the principle
of first asylum, and most recently provided it to four persons in 1995.
In the wake of the civil conflicts in Central America during the 1980's, over
40,000 mostly Hispanic immigrants came to Belize, many of them entering illegally
and living in the country without documentation. The Government has granted asy-
419
lum and allowed local resettlement of about 8,000 refugees. In a move criticized by
the UNHCR, the Government reinterpreted its law to require refugees to live in
Belize for 10 years before they can apply for citizenship, whereas nonrefugee resi-
dents must only live in the country for 5 years before applying.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Belize is a democracy governed by a Legislative Assembly, with executive direc-
tion from a cabinet of ministers headed by Prime Minister Manuel Esquivel. The
law reqruires national elections at least every 5 years.
All elections are by secret ballot, and sufTrage is universal for citizens 18 years
and older. National political parties include the People's United Party (PUP), the
United Democratic Party (UDP), the National Alliance for Belizean Rights (NABR),
and the People's Democratic Party (PDP). The nation's ethnic diversity is reflected
in each party's membership. The Government changed hands (for the third time
since independence in 1981) in 1993 when a coalition of the UDP and the NABR
won 16 of 29 seats in the House of Representatives.
No laws impede participation of women in politics; their scarcity in electoral poli-
tics can be attributed to tradition and socioeconomic factors. Women hold a number
of appointive offices, including three of nine Senate seats. One member of the 29-
seat House of Representatives is a woman, but women in elective office are the ex-
ception. None hold senior positions higher than membership on the executive com-
mittees of the political parties.
There are no laws impeding participation by indigenous people or minority groups
in politics. There are Garifuna and Hispanic representatives at the national political
level, but there are no Mayan representatives at that level.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government oHlcials
are generally cooperative and responsive to their activities. The Human Rights Com-
mission of Belize (HRCB), a nongovernmental organization (NGO) affiliated with re-
gional human rights organizations and partly funded by the UNHCR, operates free
of government restriction on a wide range of issues, including refugee and agricul-
tural workers' rights, cases of alleged police abuse, and cases of alleged illegal de-
portations of Central American nationals. The HRCB publicizes, and urges police
and other government bodies to act upon complaints it receives. After a period of
inactivity in 1996, the HRCB gained new prominence through media reports of its
grassroots workshops in local villages to educate citizens about human rights.
Local and international human rights groups operate freely, and the Government
cooperates with independent investigations of human rights conditions.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Belize is a multiracial, multiethnic country, and the Government actively pro-
motes tolerance and cross-cultural understanding. Discrimination on ethnic or reli-
gious gi^unds is illegal and not common, although ethnic tension, particularly re-
sentment of recently arrived Central American and Asian immigrants, continued to
be a problem. The Government continues to reserve certain professions for Belizean
nationals, granting permits and licenses to non-Belizeans only in specific cases.
These occupations include fishing, souvenir manufacturing, sightseeing tours, ac-
counting, insurance, real estate, and legal services.
Women. — Domestic violence against women is a chronic problem. Women Against
Violence, an NGO with branches throughout the country, runs a shelter for battered
women and a hot line for rape victims.
Despite constitutional provisions for equality, women face social and economic
preiuaices. For example, women find it more difilcult than men to obtain business
and agricultural financing and other resources. Most employed women are con-
centrated in female-dominated occupations with traditionally low status and wages.
A women's bureau in the Ministry of Labor and Social Services is charged with de-
veloping programs to improve the status of women. A number of ofTicially registered
women's groups work closelv with various government ministries in promoting so-
cial awareness programs. Women have access to education and are active in all
spheres of national life, but relatively few are found in top managerial positions.
While the law mandates that women receive equal pay for equal work, female wage
earners often earn less than men in similar jobs. There are no legal impediments
to women owning or managing land or other real property.
420
Children. — Education is compulsory for children ages 5 to 14. There is a family
services division in the Ministry of Human Resources devoted primarily to children's
issues. The division coordinates programs for children who are victims of domestic
violence, advocates remedies in specific cases before the family court, conducts pub-
lic education campaigns, and works with NGO's and the United Nations Children's
Fund to promote children's welfare. There is also a national committee for families
and children, chaired by the Minister of Human Resources. There is no societal pat-
tern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — The law does not specifically mandate provision of ac-
cessibility for disabled persons nor prohibit job discrimination against them. The
Government's Disability Services Unit, as well as a number of NuO's such as the
Belize Association of and for Persons with Disabilities and the Belize Center for the
Visually Impaired, provide assistance to physicallv disabled persons. Disabled chil-
dren have access to government special education facilities.
Indigenous People. — There are a number of indigenous people loosely grouped
under the general term Maya. The Maya have sought official recognition of their
communal claims to land, but the Government has been reluctant to single out one
ethnic group for special consideration. The Maya reservations are not demarcated
on official maps, and the Maya have filed suit to force the Government to accord
recognition to their reservations. The Mayans have formed cultural councils and
other groups to advance their interests, sometimes with the collaboration of NGO's
concerned with environmental and indigenous issues.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — By statute and in practice, workers are free to estab-
lish and join trade unions. Eleven independent unions, with approximately 11 per-
cent of the labor force, represent a cross-section of white-collar, blue-collar, and pro-
fessional workers, including most civil service employees. Several of these unions,
however, are inactive. The Ministry of Labor recognizes unions after they file with
the office of registry. The law empowers members to draft the by-laws and constitu-
tions of their unions, and they are free to elect officers from among the membership
at large. Unions that choose not to hold elections may act as representatives for
their membership, but the national Trade Union Congress permits only unions that
hold free and annual elections of oflicers to join its ranks. Both law and precedent
effectively protect unions against dissolution or suspension by administrative au-
thority.
The law permits unions to strike, but unions representing essential services may
strike only after giving 21 days' notice to the ministry concerned.
Although no unions are officially affiliated with political parties, several are sym-
fiathetic to one or the other of the two main parties (the UDP and the PUP). Unions
reely exercise the right to form federations and confederations and affiliate with
international organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for collec-
tive bargaining and unions freely practice it throughout the country. Employers and
unions set wages in free negotiations, or, more commonly, employers simply estab-
lish them. The Labor Commissioner acts as a conciliator in deadlocked collective
bargaining negotiations between labor and management, offering nonbinding coun-
sel to both sides. Historically, the Commissioner's guidance has been voluntarily ac-
cepted. However, should either union or management choose not to accept the Com-
missioner's decision, both are entitled to a legal hearing of the case, provided that
it is linked to some provision of civil or criminal law.
The Constitution prohibits antiunion discrimination both before and after a union
is registered. Unions may freely organize, but the law does not require employers
to recognize a union as a bargaining agent. Some employers have been known to
block union organization by terminating the employment of key union sympathizers,
usually on grounds purportedly unrelated to union activities. Effective redress is ex-
tremely difficult in such situations. Technically, a worker may file a complaint with
the Labor Department, but in practice it was virtually impossible to prove that a
termination was due to union activity.
The Labor Code applies in the country's two export processing zones (EPZ's).
There are no unions in the EPZ's, however, reOecting the general weakness of orga-
nized labor in the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution and laws forbid
forced, compulsory, or bonded labor, and it is not generally known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Laws pro-
hibit forced and bonded labor by children, and the Government effectively enforces
this prohibition. The minimum age for employment is 14 years, or 17 years for em-
ployment near hazardous machinery. Inspectors from the Ministries of Labor and
421
Education enforce this regulation, although in recent years school truancy officers,
who have historically borne the brunt of the enforcement burden, have been less ac-
tive. The law requires children between the ages of 5 and 14 to attend school, but
there are many truants and dropouts.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage is $1.12 (BZ$2.25), except
in export industries where it is $1.00 (BZ$2.00) per hour. For domestic workers and
shop assistants in stores where liquor is not consumed, the rate is $0.87 (BZ$1.75)
per hour. The minimum wage law does not cover workers paid on a piecework basis.
The Ministry of Labor is charged with enforcing the legal minimum wage, which
is generally respected in practice. The minimum wage as a sole source of income
is inadequate to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. Most
seilaried workers receive more than the minimum wage.
The law sets the normal workweek at no more than 6 days or 45 hours. It re-
quires payment for overtime work and an annual paid vacation of 2 weeks. A patch-
work of health and safety regulations covers numerous industries, and the Min-
istries of Labor and Public Health enforce these regulations to varying degrees. En-
forcement is not universal, and the ministries commit their limited inspection and
investigative resources principally to urban and more accessible rural areas where
labor, health, and safety complaints have been registered. Workers have the legal
right to remove themselves from a dangerous workplace situation without jeopardy
to continued employment.
The exploitation of undocumented Hispanic workers, particularly young service
workers and possibly some agricultural workers, continued to be a major issue for
the Government, the HRCB, and other concerned citizens. Banana farm owners are
slowly moving the housing they provide for their workers away from the fields
where poisonous pesticides are sprayed. Health clinics in the region report that the
most frequently treated ailments are pesticide-related skin conditions. Company-
provided housing often lacks electricity and water.
BOLIVIA
A constitutional, multiparty democracy with an elected president and bicameral
legislature, Bolivia has separate executive, legislative, and judicial branches with an
attorney general independent of all three. The judiciary, while independent, is cor-
rupt and inefficient. The executive and legislative branches share these defects to
some extent. Implementation of the 1994 constitutional amendments to reform the
political and judicial systems continued and was partially completed by the end of
1997.
The National Police have primary responsibility for internal security, but military
forces can be called upon for help in critical situations. A special antinarcotics force
(FELCN), including the Mobile Rural Patrol Unit (UMOPAR), is dedicated to
antinarcotics enforcement. Civilian authorities maintain effective control of the se-
curity forces, but some members of these forces committed human rights abuses.
Bolivia has extensive poverty, and many citizens lack access to such basic services
as px)table water, sewage, electricity and primary health care. Per capita gross do-
mestic product (GDP) is about $930. The country is rich in minerals and hydro-
carbons, and extensive investments in petroleum deposits in the eastern part of the
country are expected to form a basis for strong GDP growth in the future. Most
workers engage in traditional agriculture, however, and many citizens will remain
barely linked to the cash economy.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however,
legal and institutional deficiencies prevented their full protection. The most perva-
sive human rights abuse continued to be prolonged incarceration of detainees due
to antiquated procedures, and inefficiency and corruption in the judicial system.
There were credible reports of abuses by police, including use of excessive force,
petty theft, extortion, and improper arrests. Human rights groups criticized the
FELCN and the UMOPAR for alleged abuses against coca growers and peasants in
the Chapare region. An investigation by the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights found that security forces committed excesses resulting in the deaths of nine
civilians in December 1996 and that the Government did not act to identify and
punish those responsible. Investigations of alleged official abuses were slow. Other
problems include harsh prison conditions, discrimination against and abuse of
women and indigenous people, abuse of children, and inhuman working conditions
in the mining industry.
422
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — ^There were no reports of politically
motivated killings. However, 14 civilians were killed in the course of law enforce-
ment operations that encountered armed resistance. The precise causes and cir-
cumstances of these deaths have not been oflicially determined, but it appeared that
some resulted from the use of excessive force by authorities. Four police officers
were killed by gunfire and one by beating in these operations.
In December 1996, police and military forces were ordered to the Amayapampa
area in Potosi department to dislodge miners who had seized a privately owned
mine in a dispute with the mine's management. The miners had disarmed police
units that tried earlier to recapture another mine seized from the same manage-
ment. In the Amayapampa confrontations, nine civilians and one police officer were
killed. The Government requested an investigation by the Inter-American Commis-
sion on Human Rights (lACHR). In its July report, the lACHR found that on De-
cember 19, 1996, four civilians were killed when police with riot gear and military
troops with rifles fought civilians armed with rocks and dynamite. On December 20,
1996, a police colonel was killed by rifle fire from ambush; 27 other security officials
and a civilian doctor were wounded. There were no civilian casualties in this en-
counter. Later that day, two civilians were killed when security forces using rifles
occupied a village barricaded by civilians armed with rocks and dynamite. On De-
cember 21, a civilian nurse helping the insurgent miners bled to death from an un-
treated bullet wound in the leg. Four other civilians and three soldiers were wound-
ed in the December 21 attack. The circumstances of the two additional confirmed
civilian deaths have not been clarified. The lACHR concluded that some of the civil-
ians killed were not active in the confiict.
Military authorities who took control of the area did not permit some autopsies,
ballistics tests, or other normal investigative measures, although the Ministry of
Justice requested them. The lACHR found that the Government was responsible for
the undisciplined actions of its security forces, although they exceeded their orders,
and that the Government was also responsible for not fully investigating the violent
events and punishing those who caused the civilian and ofTicial casualties. After the
inauguration of the new (}ovemment on August 6, the Minister of Justice and the
Attorney General ordered a complete investigation of the Amayapampa incidents,
which was still under way at years end.
Violence increased in the Chapare region as the Government intensified its efTorts
to eradicate illegal coca in the first months of the year. Beginning on April 17, a
series of clashes between coca growers and eradication forces led to the deaths of
five civilians and one policeman. Three of the five civilians and the policeman died
of gunshot wounds. Justice Ministry human rights investigators found that the
fourth civilian death, which had initially been attributed to gunfire, was caused by
falling from a roof. The fifth civilian death, that of an infant allegedly overcome by
tear gas fumes, occurred after human rights personnel took the child to a hospital.
He was suffering from a severe infection, undernourishment, and dehydration. Fam-
ily members withheld the bodies of the infant and the fourth adult civilian casualty
from the authorities and buried them without an autopsy. In the course of the April
encounters, 15 civilians and 3 police officers were wounded by gunfire. Another 27
civilians and 3 police officers suffered injuries unrelated to gunfire. An office of
DIRECO, the coca eradication agency, and vehicles were burned, and three police
officials were briefly taken hostage.
Police and DIRECO employees were ambushed on May 7 when returning to their
bases. One policeman was killed and four other police and DIRECO personnel were
wounded by gunfire. Despite extensive searches and claims to the contrary by coca
growers, no evidence of civilian casualties was found. In August a policeman died
from internal injuries caused by a blunt object, presumably a sling-fired stone, in
the May 7 confrontation.
One policeman was killed and another wounded by gunfire in an ambush on July
2. One coca grower was wounded by shotgun pellets. Medical examination proved
these to be lead pellets, not the rubber pellets used by police, indicating that he
was, in fact, shot hy his fellow coca growers. The police arrested eight coca growers
in connection with this incident, but the case was not resolved.
The police temporarily arrested large numbers of civilians in connection with
these confrontations but none were prosecuted. There were credible allegations that
police used undue force in making some arrests. There were also credible complaints
that UMOPAR members often aid not wear name tags on their uniforms as re-
quired, making it impossible to identify individuals who allegedly committed abuses.
423
Final results of investigations of these events, the two law enforcement-related
deaths reported in 1996, and the five deaths in the Chapare in 1995, have not been
released. No action is known to have been taken against any officials involved. The
police officer accused in 1994 of murdering coca worker Felipe Pe?^z Ortiz, who es-
caped from custody in September of that year, has not been recaptured. The Govern-
ment's failure to complete effective investigations and identify and punish those re-
sponsible for either civilian or police deaths within a reasonable time creates an at-
mosphere of impunity and a condition that almost amounts to lawlessness.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Government honors the constitutional prohibition against torture. However,
there were reports that police used undue force in detaining coca workers during
antinarcotics operations. Although many such allegations clearly were politically
motivated exaggerations, the similarity and volume of such claims suggest that they
had some basis in truth. For example, during incidents in April, May, and July, po-
lice used excessive force in making some arrests (see Section l.a.). However, no se-
curity personnel were charged or tried. In January police arbitrarily arrested and
beat an official of a human rights organization (see Section l.d.).
Several police officers were fired and charged for off-duty crimes including theft
and rape. In general, however, police and prosecutors were reluctant to prosecute
security officials for ofTenses committed while on duty. The Congress has yet to take
action on the 1995 report of its Human Rights Commission resurrecting allegations
that police officials had in past years tortured captured terrorists and recommend-
ing that criminal proceedings be opened against a number of named officers.
Prison conditions are harsh. Prisons are overcrowded, and conditions can be life-
threatening for inmates without money. Ability to pay can determine cell size, visit-
ing privileges, day-pass eligibility, and place or even length of confinement. Cell
pnces range from $20 to $5,000, paid to prior occupants or to prisoners who control
cell blocks. In the poorest parts of La Paz' San Pedro prison, for example, inmates
occupy tiny cells (3 by 4 by 6 feet) with no ventilation, lighting, or beds. Crowding
in some "low-rent" sections obliges inmates to sleep sitting up. Children up to 6
years old may live with an incarcerated parent; more than 1,200 children do so, ac-
cording to a February government report. The authorities worked to get such chil-
dren out of prisons, but many have nowhere else to go, and the Government consid-
ers it more humane to support them in prison than leave them homeless in the
streets. The standard prison diet, according to a 1995 study, can cause anemia; the
diet has not been improved since then. Drugs and alcohol are readily available for
those inmates who can pay. There is no adequate health care within the prisons,
and it is very difficult for prisoners to get permission for medical treatment outside.
Affiuent prisoners, however, can obtain transfers to preferred prisons or even to out-
side private institutional care for "medical" reasons.
Convicted juvenile prisoners are not segregated from adult prisoners in jails. Re-
habilitation programs for juveniles or other prisoners are scarce to nonexistent. The
Government has acknowledged these problems but does not have sufficient re-
sources to connect them quickly.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors and news media
representatives. A nigh-level delegation from the International Conunittee of the
Red Cross visited prisons and talked with all inmates accused of terrorism, in con-
nection with the 'Tupac Amaru (MRTA) terrorist takeover of the Japanese Ambas-
sador's residence in Lima, Peru.
The incidence of violence in the Chapare coca-growing region increased over 1996,
as some growers formed armed "self-defense groups" to oppose the eradication of il-
legal coca. There were credible reports that coca growers unions used physical coer-
cion and intimidation to prevent farm workers from cooperating with the Govern-
ment in coca eradication. In February a large group of protesters destroyed a
DIRECO office and kidnaped an employee; security forces found and freed him after
24 hours. Indigenous groups complained that armed coca growers continued to in-
vade their lands by force and coerce or bribe their members to cultivate illegal coca.
Indigenous communities in areas with little or no central government presence
impose punishment reliably reported to include the death penalty on members who
violate traditional laws or rules, although such punishment is forbidden by the Con-
stitution.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Arrests are carried out openly. The law
requires a valid warrant, which a court must confirm within 48 hours. However,
there were credible reports that these legal safeguards were violated in some cases.
On January 25, plainclothes police agents seized Waldo Albarracin, President of
the Bolivian Permanent Assembly for Human Rights (APDH) on a public bus and
held him for several hours before delivering him to a police station. Police then took
45-909 98-15
424
him immediately to a medical clinic to investigate his complaint that he had been
beaten while in illegal custody. The first examining physician reported that there
were no signs of physical injury. However, a second clinic, to whicn Albarracin was
taken at the insistence of Ministry of Justice human rights officials, found ample
evidence that Albarracin had been physically mistreated.
The Government said first that Albarracin had been legally arrested on several
charges including sedition and insurrection because, according to a newspaper re-
port, he had suggested that the police colonel killed in the Amayapampa violence
might have been shot by his own men. The complaint against Albarracin was filed
by a senior police ofiicer. Albarracin alleged that the newspaper had misquoted him
and that the police had acted arbitrarily based only on an unconfirmed account. The
acting District Prosecutor for La Paz denied that her office had issued any arrest
warrant for Albarracin. The Technical Judicial Police, to whom Albarracin was de-
livered by the arresting agents, denied that they had any documentation to support
his arrest.
The Commander of the National Police was replaced quickly afler the discrep-
ancies in the official story became public. Two police intelligence agents were identi-
fied as Albarracin's abductors. The Constitution Commission of the Chamber of Dep-
uties assumed jurisdiction over the investigation, which by law supersedes any po-
lice investigative authority. The Commission became deadlocked because some mem-
bers wanted the abducting agents to be tried by regular criminal courts while others
believed that they should only receive administrative discipline. The Commission
was not able to issue a report before the Congress recessed for the June 1 national
elections. The new Congress did not deal with the matter, and the police agents re-
mained unpunished at year's end.
Denial oi justice through prolonged detention remains the most pervasive human
rights problem. Judicial corruption, a shortage of public defenders, inadequate case-
tracking mechanisms, and complex criminal justice procedures keep persons incar-
cerated for months, or even years, before trial. The Conctitution provides for judicial
determination of the legality of detention. Prisoners are released if a judge rules de-
tention illegal, but the process can take months. Prisoners may see a lawyer, but
approximately 70 percent cannot afford legal counsel, and public defenders are over-
burdened. Bail exists, except in some drug cases, and is generally granted.
The Government continued to address the problem of delay ofjustice by imple-
menting the 1994 constitutional reforms to streamline the judicial system and by
taking measures to correct other deficiencies as they come to light. Although large
numbers of prisoners continued to be released under the Personal Recognizance Law
promulgatea in 1996, most prisoners still await either trial or sentencing.
TTie expanding public defender program pursues an active approach by distribut-
ing concise information about human rights to the populace and seeking to be in-
volved in arrest cases at the earliest possible juncture to ensure that human rights
and due process are honored. The new program of mobile public defenders who can
reach the more remote parts of the country has proven enective, obtaining the re-
lease of arrested persons in about 60 percent of the cases handled, and is being ex-
tended to additional isolated regions.
Children from 11 to 16 years of age can be detained indefinitely in children's cen-
ters for known or suspected offenses, or for their protection, simply on the orders
of a social worker. There is no judicial review.
The Government does not use forced exile as a punishment.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent, but corruption and
intimidation in the judicial system remain major problems. Poor pay and working
conditions help make judges and prosecutors susceptible to bribes. Five Supreme
Court justices are the subject of corruption allegations or lawsuits that have not
been resolved.
The judicial system has four levels: Investigative, trial, and superior courts, with
the Supreme Court at the apex.
Police present the case of an arrested person to a prosecutor. If the prosecutor
decides to prosecute, the case is then submitted to an investigative court which de-
cides whether there is sufficient evidence to issue an indictment; if so, the case goes
to a trial court. The trial court's decision may be appealed to superior court and,
eventually, to the Supreme Court. Cases of persons arrested under the
countemarcotics law go directly from a special prosecutor to the trial court. The
trial court's decision must be reviewed by the district superior court, which may con-
firm, lower, raise, or annul the sentence, or impose a sentence where there was none
before. Both the district prosecutor and the defense attorney may make rec-
ommendations and comments at this stage. Superior court decisions in narcotics
cases must be reviewed by the Supreme Court, whose decision is final. Under the
Personal Recognizance Law, persons who are absolved or found innocent in either
425
of the two first instances may then be granted provisional liberty while they await
the mandatory higher reviews.
The authorities generally respect the constitutional provision of the right to a fair
public trial. However, the maximum time periods permitted by law for different
stages of the judicial process frequently are exceeded. Supreme Court justices admit
that it is sometimes oilTicult to assemble the quorum needed for decisions, and con-
sequently the Court's rulings are unduly delayed. TTie authorities suspended 6
judges and fined or placed on probation 15 others because they misapplied the law
or unlawfully delayed the judicial process.
A revised Criminal Code was adopted containing stronger provisions for the pro-
tection of life and against official corruption. A new Law on Civil Processes and
Family Assistance shortened the periods allowed for various stages of civil suits and
eliminated some opportunities for delaying tactics by attorneys. The long-awaited
bills to establish the Judicial Council, the Constitutional Court, the national Om-
budsman, and to revise the Code of Criminal Procedures were submitted to the Con-
gress in August. Congress passed laws creating the Ombudsman and the Judicial
Council, and the President promulgated them in December.
Defendants have the right to an attorney, to confront witnesses, to present evi-
dence, and to appeal judicial decisions. The authorities generally honor these rights.
Although the law provides for a defense attorney at public expense if needed, one
is not always promptly available. The highly formal and corrupt judicial system
makes it difficult for poor, illiterate persons to have effective access to courts and
legal redress.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the sanctity of the home and the privacy of citizens, and
government authorities generally respect these provisions. There were credible alle-
gations of UMOPAR abuses involving illegal searches and thefts of property from
homes. However, residents in the coca-growing areas generally are reluctant to file
and pursue formal complaints. The Human Rights Office of the Ministry of Justice
in the Chapare accepts and pursues complaints of human rights abuses committed
by anyone, including police, narcotics traffickers, and coca growers.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for the fundamental
right to express ideas and opinions freely by any means of dissemination. There are,
however, some limitations on freedom of speech. The Penal Code provides that per-
sons found guilty of insulting, defaming, or slandering public officials for carrying
out their duties may be jailed from 1 month to 2 years. If the insults are directed
against the President, Vice President, or a Minister, the sentence may be increased
by one-half.
Newspapers are privately owned, and most adopt antigovemment positions. State-
owned ana private radio and television stations operate freely. There were credible
allegations that security forces interfered with broadcasts by a Catholic Church-
owned radio station in the Amayapampa area during the December 1996 disturb-
ances there.
The Government respects academic freedom, and the law grants public univer-
sities autonomous status. Some Marxist groups of teachers and students sought to
deny academic freedom and to impose their political agenda on the education proc-
ess. Radical elements of the teachers' union temporarily prevented the administra-
tion of tests to qualify teachers for promotions, a new requirement of the Education
Reform Law, but the tests eventually were given.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for the rights
of peaceful assembly and association, and the authorities respect them in practice.
The Government routinely grants permits for marches and rallies and, as a rule,
the authorities try to avoid confronting demonstrators. However, police clashed with
union and other demonstrators on some occasions. Labor, political, and student
groups carried out many demonstrations and rallies in La Paz and other cities
throughout the year, particularly during the first quarter. The authorities inter-
vened only when rallies became dangerously violent or interfered substantially with
normal civic activity.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Roman Catholicism predominates, and the Constitution
recognizes it as the official religion. However, citizens may practice the religion of
their choice. About 400 religious groups, mostly Protestant, are active. Missionary
OToups must register with the Foreign Ministry as nongovernmental organizations
(NGO's); there was no indication that they were treated differently Trom other
NGO's. The Ministry did not disallow any registrations by missionary groups.
426
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no restrictions on travel. The law permits emigration and
{>rovides for the right to return. The Government does not revoke citizenship for po-
itical reasons.
The Government cooperates with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. Some refugees
were accepted for resettlement. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not
arise. After the takeover of the Japanese Ambassador's residence in Lima, Peru, by
Tupac Amaru terrorists, the authorities found that some MRTA activists had used
Bolivia as a safehaven, and announced a more restrictive policy on accepting Peru-
vian political Eisylees.
There were no reports of persons forced to return to a country where they feared
persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. Political parties ranging from far
left to moderate right function openly. Implementing regulations for the 1994 con-
stitutional revisions provide for half of the congressional deputies to be elected indi-
vidually and directly, rather than from party lists. The first national election under
these regulations was held on June 1, with attendance by international observers.
Only one instance of tampering with ballots was detected.
No legal impediments exist to women or indigenous people voting, holding politi-
cal office, or rising to political leadership. Nevertheless, the number of women and
indigenous people who have prominent positions in politics remains small. Political
parties acceded to demands from women that they be allocated a fair share of the
candidacies in the 1997 national elections, approving a law that every third can-
didate on party lists must be female. There are 12 women among the 157 deputies
and senators. The Justice Minister is a woman.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials
are generally cooperative and responsive to their views. However, they criticize
human rights advocates for paying attention exclusively to the negative aspects of
the Government's performance. The Government asked the lACHR to investigate
the December 1996 Amayapampa violence and cooperated in the subsequent inves-
tigation (see Section l.a.). The Human Rights Commission of the Congress is very
active and frequently criticizes the Government publicly.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based upon race, sex, language, religion,
political or other opinion, origin, or economic or social condition. Nonetheless, there
was significant discrimination against women, indigenous people, and the small
black minority.
Women. — Violence against women is pervasive. Of domestic violence complaints
studied in 1992-93, 52 percent involved physical mistreatment and 48 percent in-
volved psychological abuse. A total of 11,069 complaints of violence against women
were registered in La Paz during this period. The Government estimates that there
are about 100,000 incidents of violence against women annually nationwide and
that as many as 95 percent of them go unpunished. The Congressional Committee
on Women stated that an average of^3.5 cases of rape or statutory rape were re-
ported each day for the first half of 1995 and estimated that twice that many cases
were not reported.
The Government continued to implement a program to protect women. In Decem-
ber 1995, the Government promulgated the Law on Domestic Violence, which makes
rape a public crime and broadens the definition of family member abuse. Public
agencies state that reported incidents of abuse have increased markedly as a result
01 the new law, as citizens become more aware of the problem and of the availability
of help. A presidential decree issued in October proviaed for equal rights for women
and committed the Government to end gender-based discrimination.
Legal services offices devoted to family and women's rights operate throughout
the country. Family protection police units, staffed by specially trained officers, in-
cluding women, are also active.
427
A medical security program inaugurated in July 1996 provides free medical care
to women of reproductive age and to children under the age of 5, based on economic
need.
The Penal Code does not define sexual harassment as a crime. Authorities must
try persons accused of harassment under other penal provisions. There are no sta-
tistics on the incidence of sexual harassment, but the problem is generally acknowl-
edged to exist widely in the male-oriented society.
Women generally do not enjoy a social status equal to that of men. Many women
do not know their legal rights. Traditional prejudices and social conditions remain
obstacles to advancement. Women generally earn less than men for equal work.
Young girls often leave school early to work at home or on the economy. A recent
study by the Secretary of Education revealed that four out of five illiterate Bolivians
are female. Although not effectively enforced, the national labor law is overprotec-
tive in some aspects, limiting women to a workday 1 hour shorter than that of men
and prohibiting them from working at night.
Children. — The Government is aware of the precarious situation of children and
the need to provide legal and institutional infrastructure for their protection. Seven
l3efender of Children and Adolescents offices were opened in La Paz to help protect
children's rights and interests. However, the Government has not given the poor sit-
uation of children sufiicient political priority to ensure that it will be corrected
quickly and effectively.
Statistics from the Ministry of Planning's Education Reform Team show that in
rural areas, only 0.7 percent of girls and 1.4 percent of boys finish high school; in
urban areas, 26 percent of girls and 31 percent of boys do so. The 1994 Education
Reform Act sought to improve the situation of children; even optimistic observers,
however, noted that it would take years for it to have an impact.
The National Institute of Statistics calculated in 1995 that 47 percent of children
in La Paz were chronically undernourished, and that 10 percent of the children mi-
grating from rural areas snowed evidence of acute malnutrition.
Many children, particularly from rural areas, lack the birth certificates and iden-
tity documents they need to secure social benefits and protection. There are credible
allegations that as many as 200 juveniles, for instance, are incarcerated as adults
in the San Pedro jail for lack of reliable civil documents proving their ages. The Mi-
nors' Code promulgated in 1992 has proven inadequate. A new Minors' Code was
introduced in the Congress in March but was not passed by year's end.
According to a 1995 report by the director of the National Institute of Child Devel-
opment, 96,000 children have mental disabilities, 37,000 have physical disabilities,
4,000 have hearing impairments, and 2,500 have visual impairments. Because of
scarce resources, only aoout 6,000 of these children have access to specialized help.
Government surveys suggest that about 1 million children (or about 1 child in 3)
suffer physical or psychological abuse — 13 percent of them at school, where corporal
punishment and verbal abuse are common, and 87 pjercent at home. About 20 per-
cent of these children suffer abuse severe enough to result in bruises, scars, or
bums. AJthou^ laws provide safeguards against children working, they are not ef-
fectively enforced, and about 216,000 children work, usually to help provide for fam-
ily subsistence, in uncontrolled and sometimes unhealthy conditions (see Section
6.d.).
The old practice of "criadito" service still persists in some parts of the country.
Criaditos are indigenous children of both sexes, usually 10 to 12 years old, whom
their parents indenture to middle- and upper-class families to perform household
work in exchange for education, clothing, room, and board. There are no controls
over the benefits to, or treatment of, such children, who may become virtual slaves
for the years of their indenture.
People With Disabilities. — The Government promulgated regulations to implement
the 1995 Law on Disabilities. The regulations require wheelchair access to all public
and private buildings; duty free import of orthopedic devices; a 50 percent reduction
in public transportation fares; and expanded teaching of sign language and Braille.
A National Committee for Incapacitated Persons was established to oversee the
law's enforcement, conduct studies, and channel and supervise programs and dona-
tions for the disabled. The new electoral law made arrangements for blind voters.
In general, however, there are no special services or infrastructure to accommodate
people with disabilities. A lack of adequate resources impedes full implementation
of the new law. Social attitudes keep many disabled persons at home from an early
age, limiting their integration into society.
Indigenous People. — ^Discrimination against, and abuses of, indigenous people con-
tinued. The indigenous majority generally remains at the low end of the socio-
economic scale, facing severe disadvantages in health, life expectancy, education, in-
come, literacy, and employment. Lack ol education, inefficient farming and mining
428
methods, indigenous cultural practices, inability to speak Spanish, and societal bi-
ases keep the indigenous people poor. Thev continued to be exploited in the work-
place. Some rural indigenous worlcers are kept in a state of virtual slavery by em-
ployers who charge them more for room and board than they earn. Although the
1996 Agrarian Reiorm Law extended the protection of the national labor law to all
f>aid agricultural workers, including indigenous workers, the problem persists for
ack of effective enforcement.
The Agrarian Reform Law provides for indigenous communities to have legal title
to their communal lands and for individual farmers to have title to the land they
work. The Government and indigenous leaders jointly developed provisions of this
law. Government authorities presented communal land titles to seven indigenous
groups in May.
Indigenous people complain that their territories are not legally defined and pro-
tected, and that their resources are exploited by outsiders. Specific offenders alleg-
edly are coca growers and timber pirates. Indigenous groups nave taken advantage
of the Popular Participation Law to form municipalities that offer them greater op-
portunities for self-determination.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers may form and join organizations of their
choosing. The Labor Code requires prior government authorization to establish a
union, permits only one union per enterprise, and allows the Government to dissolve
unions; however, the Government has not enforced these provisions in recent years.
While the code denies civil servants the right to organize and bans strikes in public
services, including banks and public markets, neany all civilian government work-
ers are unionized. Workers are not penalized for union activities. In theory, the Bo-
livian Labor Federation (COB) represents virtually the entire work force; however,
only about one-half of workers in the formal economy actually belong to labor
unions. Some members of the informal economy also participate in labor or trade
organizations. Workers in the private sector frequently exercise the right to strike.
Solidarity strikes are illegal, but the Government has neither prosecuted those re-
sponsible nor imposed penalties. Significant strikes centered around annual negotia-
tions over salaries and benefits for public employees. However, their real targets
were the Grovernment's economic and social reform programs. Most strikes were con-
ducted and led by the militant Trotskyite element of the Urban Teachers Union.
Other disturbances occurred in the Chapare region where the coca growers unions
opposed government eradication efforts. Dissension within the COB held disruptive
pulblic demonstrations to their lowest level in recent years.
Unions are not free from influence by political parties. The COB itself is a politi-
cal organization directed by Marxist iaeologues. Its stated aim is to overthrow the
Government's neoliberal economic program, and it gives little attention to serious
collective bargaining. Most parties have labor committees that attempt to influence
union activity and also have party activists inside the unions.
The law allows unions to join international labor organizations. The COB became
an affiliate of the Communist, formerly Soviet-dominated, World Federation of
Trade Unions in 1988.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers may organize and
bargain collectively. Collective bargaining, or voluntary direct negotiations between
employers and workers without the participation of the government, is limited but
growing. The Labor Code was written in a period in which the COB, which purports
to represent all worker groups and interests, had quasi-governmental status and the
exclusive authority to negotiate with state-owned enterprises. The practice was for
the COB and the Government to negotiate a global agreement on salaries, minimum
wages, and other work conditions each year. With the privatization of most of these
enterprises, the COB's relevancy has diminished markedly, and the practice of di-
rect employee-management negotiations in individual enterprises is expanding. The
two most recent governments drafted new labor codes but did not submit them to
the legislature, largely because of COB opposition.
The law prohibits discrimination against union members and organizers. Com-
plaints go to the National Labor Court, which can take a year or more to rule. The
court has ruled in favor of discharged workers in some cases and successfully re-
quired their reinstatement. However, union leaders say problems are often moot by
the time the court rules.
Labor law and practice in the seven special duty-free zones are the same as in
the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, including forced and bonded labor by children. However, the practices
of child apprenticeship and agricultural servitude by indigenous workers (see Sec-
429
tion 5) constitute violations, as do some individual cases of household workers efTec-
tively held captive bv their employers.
d. Status Of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits employment of persons under 18 years of age in dangerous, unhealthy, or
immoral wore. The Labor Code is ambiguous on conditions of employment for mi-
nors from 14 to 17 years of age and permits apprenticeship for those 12 to 14 years
old. This practice, sometimes tantamount to Bondage (see Section 6.c.), has been
criticized by the International Labor Organization. The extreme poverty of many
families dictates the involuntary employment of their children for motives of sur-
vival.
Responsibility for enforcing child labor provisions resides in the Labor Ministry,
but it generally does not enforce provisions about employment of children. Although
the law requires all children to complete at least 5 years of primaiy school, this re-
quirement is poorly enforced, particularly in rural areas. Urban children sell goods,
shine shoes, and assist transport operators. Rural children often work with parents
from an early age. Children are not generally employed in factories or formal busi-
nesses but, when employed, often work the same hours as adults.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — In conformity with the law, the minimum wage
is subject to annual renegotiation and was increased by 7.5 percent to approxi-
mately $45.50 (240 Bolivianos) per month, plus bonuses and iringe benefits. The
minimum wage does not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family,
and most workers earn more. Although the minimum wage falls below prevailing
wages in most jobs, certain benefit calculations are pegged to it. The minimum wage
does not cover about 20 percent of urban workers — vendors and shoe polishers, for
example — nor does it cover farmers, some 30 percent of the working population.
Only half the urban labor force enjoys an 8-hour workday and a workweek of 5
or 5V2 days, because the maximum workweek of 44 hours is not enforced. The Labor
Ministry's Bureau of Occupational Safety has responsibility for protection of work-
ers' health and safety, but relevant standards are poorly enforced. Working condi-
tions in the mining sector are particularly bad. Although the State Mining Corpora-
tion has an office responsible for safety, many mines, often old and using antiquated
equipment, are dangerous and unhealthy. In some mines operated as cooperatives,
miners earn less than $3 per 12-hour day. They work without helmets, boots, or res-
pirators in mines where toxic gases abound; they buy their own supplies, including
dynamite, have no scheduled rest periods, and must survive underground from 24
to 72 hours continuously with little water and food. There are no special provisions
in law defining when workers may remove themselves from dangerous situations.
Unless the work contract covers this area, any worker who refuses to work based
on the individual's judgment of excessively dangerous conditions may face dismissal.
BRAZIL
Brazil is a constitutional federal republic composed of 26 states and the federal
district. The federal legislative and judicial branches of government exercise author-
ity independent of the executive branch. In 1994 voters elected a new president,
two-thirds of the Senate, and 513 federal deputies. It was the second time since the
end of military rule in 1985 that citizens freely chose their president and elected
the legislative bodies in accordance with the 1988 Constitution. All parties are able
to compete on the basis of fair and equal procedures. Fernando Henrique Cardoso
became president on January 1, 1995, and is serving a 4-year term, reduced from
5 years by a 1994 constitutional amendment. The juoiciary is independent but inef-
ficient and subject to political influence.
Police forces fall primarily under the control of the states. State police are divided
into two forces: The civil police, who have an investigative role, and the uniformed
police, known locally as the "military police," who are responsible for maintaining
fmblic order. Although the individual state governments control the uniformed po-
ice, the Constitution provides that they can be called into active military service
in the event of an emergency, and they maintain some residual military privileges,
including a separate judicial system. In September the Justice Ministry created a
public security secretariat to coordinate efforts to reorganize and modernize the po-
lice forces. The federal police force is very small and plays little role in maintaining
internal security. The state police forces committed numerous serious human rights
abuses.
Brazil has a market-based, diversified economy. The Government, which tradition-
ally played a dominant role in shaping economic development, is encouraging great-
er private sector participation in tne economy through privatization of state enter-
430
prises, deregulation, and removal of impediments to competition. Industrial produc-
tion, includmg mining operations and a large and diversified capital goods sector,
accounts for approximately 34 percent of gross domestic product (GDP); agriculture
contributes about 13 percent. Brazil exports both manufactured and primary goods.
Among the principal exports are coffee, soybeans, textiles, leather, metallurgical
products, and transportation equipment. Per capita GDP was about $5,000 in 1997,
and the economy grew at a rate of 3.5 percent. Although income distribution im-
proved slightly in 1997, the poorest tenth of the population received only 1 percent
of national income while the richest tenth received 48 percent.
The Government generally respected the human rignts of its citizens, but numer-
ous serious abuses continued. State police forces committed many extrajudicial
killings, and ofiicials reportedly tortured prisoners. The police also were responsible
for abductions for ransom and instances of arbitrary detention. The state govern-
ments concerned did not effectively punish perpetrators of these abuses. In many
cases, special courts for the uniformed police were overloaded, rarely investigated
effectively or brought fellow officers to trial, and seldom convicted abusers. This sep-
arate system of special state police courts contributes to a climate of impunity for
police officers involved in extrajudicial killings or abuse of prisoners. Legislation en-
acted in 1996 gave civil courts jurisdiction over intentional homicide committed by
uniformed police officers, but left control of the initial inquiry in the hands of the
police, whicn can preempt investigation and prosecution of cases.
The poor bear the brunt of most violence. Prison conditions range from poor to
harsh. The judiciary has a large case backlog and is often unable to ensure the rig^t
to a fair trial. Justice is slow and often unreliable, especially in rural areas where
some powerful landowners use violence to settle land disputes and influence the
local judiciary. Violence against women, minorities, and homosexuals, and discrimi-
nation against women and minorities are problems. Child prostitution is also a prob-
lem. Despite constitutional provisions safeguarding the rights of indigenous people,
they continue to be victimized by outsiders who encroach on Indian lands ana to
be neglected by governmental authorities. The authorities do not adequately enforce
laws against forced labor, including that by children. Child labor is a serious prob-
lem.
In April the Government created a human rights secretariat in the Justice Min-
istry to oversee implementation of its 1996 Action Plan to address human rights
abuses. The Government also passed a law defining and penalizing torture ana ex-
panded scholarship programs to reduce child labor. However, because of jurisdic-
tional and resource limitations, the increased commitment by the national Govern-
ment did not have a significant impact in some of the states where human rights
violations are most common.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Extrajudicial killings continued to
be a serious problem throughout the country. In urban areas, high crime rates, fail-
ure to apprenend most criminals, and an inept and inefficient criminal justice sys-
tem all contribute to public acquiescence in police brutality and killings of criminal
suspects. Human rights groups report that the uniformed police, who openly doubt
the judiciary's ability to convict those they apprehend, often summarily execute sus-
pected criminals rather than apprehend them, and then file false reports describing
the executions as shootouts. A Human Rights Watch/Americas report described the
unjustified use of deadly force in police raids in urban shantytowns; extrajudicial
killings, justified in official reports under "resisting arrest;" and executions by ofT-
duty officers in response to minor provocations or to resolve personal vendettas.
Failure to investigate, prosecute, and punish police officers who commit such acts
creates a sense of impunity that encourages continued human rights abuses. The
need for police reform was brought to the forefront by widely publicized incidents
of police involvement in criminal activity and police strikes in at least 15 states,
which drew attention to their low pay and inadequate training.
A 1996 law giving civil courts jurisdiction over intentional homicide committed by
uniformed police ofncers was used in some high-profile cases. However, in most less
prominent cases, the decision whether a policeman acted in self-defense or commit-
ted an intentional homicide is based on an investigation performed by the police
force itself; almost without exception, the police investigators conclude that suspects
were "resisting arrest." All crimes less serious than murder committed by uniformed
police officers against civilians remain in the military justice system. According to
one leading newspaper, a majority of criminal cases involving police in the state of
Rio de Janeiro were never tried in court. Of 1,472 cases against police that were
431
sent to the military court between January 1996 and July 1997, 68 percent were
"retired" without a court hearing. Cases were retired for insuflicient evidence and
lack of knowledge of the author of crime. Cases were also retired in which police
killed or wounded civilians while the latter were resisting arrest.
TTie number of citizens killed in conflicts with police fell in Sao Paulo but contin-
ued to rise in Rio de Janeiro. A study by the Institute for Religious Studies (ISER)
concluded that 10 percent of all Rio de Janeiro homicides were civilians killed by
police. The ISER study also documented that in a sample of 697 cases of fatal police
shootings between 1993 and 1996, Rio de Janeiro police officers rarely fired to im-
mobilize rather than kill; half of the victims were killed with four or more bullets,
and the majority of victims were shot in either the shoulders or the head. Forty
cases clearly demonstrated execution-style deaths, where victims were first inmio-
bilized and then shot at close range. Victims were generally young, black, and with-
out criminal records. Human rights groups continued to criticize "bravery" awards
conferred by the Rio de Janeiro authorities which have had the effect of encouraging
police to use excessive force.
In a report released on December 8, the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights (lACHR) stated that the police forces require widespread reform to curb re-
Seated instances of violence and other abuses. The report said that the number of
eaths in Rio de Janeiro attributed to state police officers averaged 20 a month in
1996, which it termed an "alarming phenomenon." It said that one battalion that
covers slum areas was responsible for one-third of the deaths. The LACHR also said
that the number of deaths in civilian confrontations with the state police was three
times the number injured by them, a reversal of normal patterns. The LACHR said
*^his is evidence of the use of excessive force and even shows a pattern of
extraiudicial executions bv the Rio de Janeiro police." The report added that there
had Seen instances in which ofiicers guilty oi victimizing suspects have been re-
warded. It cited one case in which a corporal was decorated and elected "ofiicer of
the year" even though he had been accused of 49 killings. State security officials
continue to champion an approach to crime that effectively rewards police ofiicers
for killing suspects, and leaves the poor neighborhoods unpoliced ana open to the
violent rivalries of drug gangs.
In February Sao Paulo state police killed Osvaldo Manoel da Silva. On December
11, the state attorney general's office charged five policemen with Da Silva's mur-
der. The policemen claimed that Da Silva died as a result of wounds sufiered while
resisting arrest, but a reconstruction of the events by a credible university forensic
team indicated that he was shot three times in the ambulance en route to the hos-
pital. The judged assigned to the case set evidentiary hearings for early February
1998.
On May 20, uniformed police killed 3 homeless persons and injured 11 in violence
that erupted at a low-income housing project in greater Sao Paulo. The police were
carrying out a court order to remove over 400 families that had illegally occupied
the 'Tazenda da Juta" housing complex on May 3. The police operation was broad-
cast on television and criticized as an excessive use of force.
Police involvement in criminal activity often produces killings. The most notorious
case occurred in March, when police in the Sao Paulo suburb of Diadema were
filmed at a roadblock mounted to extort money from residents. The video implicated
the police in murdering Mario Jose Josino and beating and torturing numerous oth-
ers. Ten police officers charged with the murder were expelled from the force and
were in jail awaiting trial at year's end. The commander of the police battalion,
after initially being relieved of duty, was reinstated; the officer in charge of the
group actually involved in the incident suffered only administrative punishment.
In Rio de Janeiro, police were believed to have been involved in tne fatal kidnap-
ing of the son of the mayor of Teresopolis and several other abductions. In Septem-
ber off-duty Sao Paulo police officers were implicated in the kidnaping and murder
of an 8-year-old boy. On his first day in office, the new Sao Paulo police chief dis-
missed 20 uniformed police officers for abuse of authority and other crimes and
promised to purge future violators from the force.
In January witnesses identified five uniformed police officers as having arrested
four men who were found dead a few hours later. The deaths occurred in May 1996
in Franco da Rocha, one of Sao Paulo state's poorest communities, and location of
a clandestine dumping site for the victims of death squads. Since 1993, at least 212
bodies have been found there, 50 victims killed with bullets to the head, while the
arms and heads of some of the bodies had been removed in an apparent attempt
to conceal the victims' identities.
Policeman Nelson Cunha, who was sentenced in 1996 to 261 years in prison for
his role in the 1993 killing of eight street children near Candelaria church in down-
town Rio de Janeiro, was acquitted on appeal. Cunha remained in prison, serving
432
a sentence of 18 years for the attempted murder of Candelaria survivor and key wit-
ness Wagner dos Santos. Another defendant in the Candelaria case, Marcos Vinicius
Emmanuel, had his prison term reduced from 309 years to 89 years on appeal. Two
other defendants were in jail and awaiting trial at year's end.
Paulo Roberto Alvarega, one of 56 policemen accused of participating in the 1993
killing of 21 Vigario Geral residents in Rio de Janeiro, was sentenced to 449 years
in prison (although, under the law, no prisoner may serve more than 30 years). In
November a judge found one of them, Arlindo Maginario Filho, guilty of 20 counts
of murder and 4 counts of attempted murder and sentenced him to 441 years in
prison. Four years after the massacre, Maginario FiUio was only the second of the
accused police officers to be convicted for the Vigario Geral killings. The trials of
10 other officers named in the first indictment were postponed a number of times.
In the meantime, one of the defendants named in the second indictment, former po-
liceman Sirley Alves Ferreira, escaped from prison on December 29.
There was no progress in the investigation of the 1996 killing of three Belo
Horizonte street children in Taquaril plaza. A group calling itself "Reaction" had
claimed responsibility, writing in a note that the minors had been killed to protest
the low salaries paid to civil police. According to human rights groups in Belo
Horizonte, there is significant evidence that Reaction is composed of active duty and
former police officers. One police officer was charged in the slaying and several oth-
ers were under investigation.
In the April 1996 police killing of 19 landless workers in Eldorado de Carajas,
Para, the authorities decided in November to try before a jury 153 police officers
charged with intentional murder, as well as 3 landless workers charged with bodily
harm. One policeman was dropped from the indictment because of insanity, and an-
other policeman and one gunman were not indicted because they are in hiding. The
authorities finished taking depositions from eyewitnesses and will schedule trials
after the state court reviews appeals filed by the defense. In a related development,
the federal Government assigned a team of police officers to protect journalist
Mariza Romao after she fied Para in December. Romao had received a series of
death threats after testifying against the police officers implicated in the Eldorado
de Carajas killings.
In March a court sentenced Sao Paulo jailkeeper Jose Ribeiro to 45 years in pris-
on and civil police investigator Celso Jose da Cruz to 53 years for their roles in the
1989 killing of 18 prisoners in the "42nd Delegacia." The precinct chief, Carlos
Eduardo de Vasconcelos, was originally found innocent of wrongdoing, but in March
the state attorney general's office convinced the court to reconsider the charges
against him. Cases against another 29 police officers indicted by a military court
for participating in the 42nd Delegacia killings have been transferred to civilian
court. At year's end, the state governor signed a decree authorizing payment of com-
pensation to the victims' families. Each dependent is to receive about $33,000 for
psychological damages, plus a yet-to-be-determined amount for physical damages.
In rural areas, conflicts continued between rural landowners and the landless, in
part due to land invasions organized by the rural Landless Workers' Movement
(MST) to pressure the Federal Government to speed up settlement of landless fami-
lies. The MST illegally occupied hundreds of plots of land identified as unproductive,
blocked highways, and occupied government ouildings, raising tensions and increas-
ing confrontations with landowners, their gunmen, and, in many cases, policemen.
At least 26 persons died in land disputes. Such killings usually go unpunished, be-
cause the landowners thought to be responsible for many of them reportedly control
the police in isolated areas and intimidate local judges and lawyers with violence
and threats of violence. A jury in the small, rural town of Pedro Canario, Espirito
Santo, sentenced MST leader Jose Rainha to 26y2 years for the 1989 murders of
landowner Jose Machado Neto and police officer Sergio Narciso da Silva. The jury
convicted Rainha even though the prosecution presented no material evidence, and
witnesses testified to Rainha's presence 1,500 miles away from the scene of the
crime. Since Rainha's sentence exceeded 20 years, he was entitled to a new trial.
Rainha's lawyers persuaded the judge that Rainha would face a biased jury in a
small, rural town, and the second trial was therefore moved to Vitoria, the state
capital.
The authorities charged the commander and 19 other police officers involved in
the August 1995 massacre of 9 squatters in Corumbiara, Rondonia, with intentional
homicide, meaning that those accused are to be tried in regular courts rather than
a special police tribunal. They also charged four squatter leaders with intentional
homicide for the deaths of two policemen, as well as for the deaths of the nine
squatters. The authorities justified the latter charges by declaring that the leaders
were responsible for the land invasion that sparked the confrontation. The medical
examiner reported that most of the squatters killed had been shot in the back at
433
short range and that many of the bullets had traveled from the top of the body
downward, indicating that the victims had been killed from behind wnile kneeling.
At year's end, the authorities were still taking testimony from witnesses and were
awaiting the judge's decision on which cases would go to a jury.
The cases against the 121 Sao Paulo police ofTicers accused of killing crimes rang-
ing from homicide to use of excessive force (111 inmates died) while quelling a 1992
riot in the Carandiru prison were transferred from military to civilian court, but are
proceeding slowly, witn depositions still being taken.
In September the former mayor of Rio Maria, Para, was charged with the 1985
murder of Joao Canute, the first president of the rural workers union in Rio Maria,
after the case was transferred to Belem, the state capital.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
However, off-duty police reportedly were involved in several abductions for ran-
som, at least one of which resulted in the death of the victim (see Section l.a.). The
Human Rights Division of the Public Prosecutor's Office in Belo Horizonte reported
that, in the last 7 years, it had received nearly 100 complaints of "disappearances"
of persons from Belo Horizonte in which the police allegedly were involved. In the
majority of cases, the alleged victims were criminal suspects.
m 1995 Congress passed legislation recognizing and assuming government re-
sponsibility for the deaths of political activists who "disappeared' during the mili-
tary regime while in the custody of public officials, and ooligating the (jovernment
to pay indemnities of between $100,000 and $150,000 to each of the families. On
September 7, President Cardoso signed a decree awarding reparations to the fami-
lies of 43 such persons. A commission created by the law continued to evaluate re-
quests for, and authorize payment of, indemnities.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and contains severe legal penalties for torture or
acquiescence in it. In April the Government passed a law defining and penalizing
torture. However, there are frequent credible reports that police beat and torture
criminal suspects to extract information, confessions, or money. Such torture has re-
sulted in death (see Section l.a.). No cases of torture were successfully prosecuted
under the new law by year's end.
On November 18, the state of Rio Grande do Sul enacted a law providing com-
pensation for persons tortured in the state during the military regime.
In March and April police officers in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo were caught
on videotape torturing citizens. In Sao Paulo the police were taped on two occasions,
once abusing 15 persons on a single street. For example, at midnight on March 6,
police ordered three persons out of a car. Police officers Octavio Lorenco Gambra
and Nelson Soares de Silva Junior removed the shoes of Jefferson Sanches Caput
and beat him repeatedly on the soles of his feet with a nightstick. The two officers
were taped hitting Sanches 39 times in 8 minutes, at times appearing bored by the
process. After the three men were allowed to leave, Gambra fired through the car's
rear window, killing Mario Jose Josino. The authorities arrested 10 police officers
in Sao Paul in connection with these incidents (see Section l.a.). On March 12, an
amateur video captured 6 uniformed Rio de Janeiro police beating, torturing and ex-
torting 12 residents — including women — of the "(Jidade de Deus" neighborhood.
Originally set for September, their trial was postponed repeatedly. The incident
prompted a state legislature investigation of police violence and the establishment
of a hot line for reporting instances of police violence and impunity.
In the past 7 years, the Human Rights Division of the Public Prosecutor's Office
in Belo Horizonte has indicted more than 500 civil police ofTicers (nearly 15 percent
of the force) for battery or abuse of authority (torture). In the last 3 years, the divi-
sion filed indictments against 439 civil police and 116 uniformed police for these
crimes. A state legislature committee investigating torture in prisons in Minas
Gerais concluded its work in September with a report asking the governor to initiate
reforms at the highest level of the Secretariat for Public Security and Justice. The
committee also recommended the dismissal of the Chief of Special Operations and
various officials, including the director of the Nelson Hungria maximum security
prison, who are accused oi having tortured prisoners.
According to the National Association of Newspapers, police in Teresina, Piaui,
detained and beat a photographer on April 2 after ne photographed policeman Fran-
cisco Soares Rocha torturing 23 youths. In August a member of the Chamber of
Deputies asked state authorities in Goias to investigate a report that the police tor-
tured four persons in Aruana while investigating the disappearance of two police of-
ficers. Police in Pernambuco were accused in February of dumping a 17-year-old into
a vat of chemicals, seriously injuring him.
According to a report by the Sao Paulo ombudsman, 8 percent of all complaints
against the police specifically mentioned torture or beatings, and 40 percent of all
434
complaints involved some form of mistreatment. The Government estimated in its
1994 report on the internal human ri^ts situation that fewer than 10 percent of
cases of mistreatment by police are reported. Victims are generally poor, uneducated
about their rights and — most of all — afraid to come forward for fear of reprisals.
Prison conditions range from poor to harsh. Severe overcrowding is prevalent, es-
Secially in larger cities. According to figures for 1995 released in December by the
ustice Ministry, the inmate population was 149,000, but prison capacity was only
designed for 76,000. During the year, the Federal Government spent about $150
million in the prison system, a major increase over previous years. Because of the
shortfall in prison capacity, police stations were often used as prisons, with con-
victed criminals sharing cells with detainees. In the state of Sao Paulo, which holds
40 percent of the national prison population, 52 percent of inmates are serving their
sentences in police stations or local jails. Most penal authorities do not have the re-
sources to separate minor offenders from adults and petty offenders from violent
criminals.
As a result of overcrowding, prison riots were almost daily occurrences. Sao Paulo
state officials reported a 147 percent increase in prison revolts from 1996 to 1997
(from 72 to 178 incidents). Prison officials and police often react with excessive use
of force. In May the second major rebellion at Sao Paulo's Praia Grande prison left
3 prisoners dead and 17 wounded. In April prisoners in Ribeirao Preto killed three
fellow inmates, allegedly to protest prison conditions. The facility, designed to hold
198 persons, had 625 prisoners. In December inmates at the Sorocaba prison seized
about 650 hostages, mostly inmates' relatives, and took control of the facility after
a failed escape attempt left 1 inmate and a female visitor dead. While the prisoners
dragged out negotiations for the release of the family members, other inmates were
finishing an escape tunnel. After the prisoners reneged on their promise to release
the hostages, the police learned of the tunnel and stormed the prison, regaining con-
trol without firing a single bullet. Some leaders of the revolt were transferred to an-
other facility for their own safety.
In the northeastern state of Ceara, eight inmates were killed and three hostages
wounded when authorities put down a December prison revolt in Fortaleza. One of
the hostages later said she saw police shoot at least two inmates who had already
surrendered and were lying prostrate on the ground.
In November students at the Escola Joao Luiz Alves juvenile penitentiary in Rio
de Janeiro revolted over alleged brutality by institution guards. Of a total of 312
internees, 247 escaped from the institution. One youth died at the hands of school
guards in the melee. Complaints about incidents of torture and violence and the
school's failure to separate youths by age and by crime committed had been filed
in 1996 with the lACHR.
Sao Paulo's prison system, in particular, suffers from chronic overcrowding, cor-
rupt and abusive local prison management, and prisoner access to weapons and
drugs. Discipline is difficult to maintain under sucn conditions, and prison officials
often resort to inhuman treatment to maintain order. In January 14 police officers
put down a riot at the Santa Rosa do Viterbo women's penitentiary by punching,
kicking, and beating 80 inmates with nightsticks; they seriously injured 22 persons
and caused a pregnant inmate to miscarry. According to separate reports by the po-
lice ombudsman and a church-afTiliated group, Santa Rosa police chief Elton Testi
Renz ordered the systematic beating of the 80 women. Renz was transferred to an-
other district; the civil police involved are awaiting trial in civilian court. Sao Paulo
state is building 21 new prisons, which are expected to be completed by the end of
1998.
In January the Legal Medical Institute of Parana state opened an investigation
into allegations of torture at a prison in Foz do Iguacu. Seven prisoners had been
taken to the Institute with serious injuries, including external and internal wounds
allegedly sustained during police beatings. The Carandiru prison in Sao Paulo con-
tinued to be the scene of serious prisoner abuse. In a section of the prison known
as "the dungeon," prisoners are typically kept in isolation for months without any
sunlight. According to a church-affiliated group, approximately 15 prison guards en-
tered the dungeon on February 19 and beat prisoners with wooden clubs and iron
bars.
Prisons do not provide adequate protection against violence inflicted by inmates
on each other. Prisoners are subject to dismal health conditions as well. Scabies and
tuberculosis, diseases not common in the general population, are widespread in Sao
Paulo prisons. Prison officials believe that within 5 years 50 percent of the prison
population could be HIV positive. Denial of first aid and other medical care is some-
times used as a form of punishment.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
435
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest and
detention, and the Government generally observes this prohibition. The Constitution
limits arrests to those caught in the act of committing a crime or those arrested by
order of a judicial authority. The authorities usually respect the constitutional provi-
sion for a judicial determination of the legality of detention, although some con-
victed inmates are held beyond their sentences due to poor record keeping. The law
permits provisional detention for up to 5 days under specified conditions during a
police investigation, but a judge may extend this period. According to groups that
work with street children, however, the police sometimes detain street youths ille-
gally without a judicial order or hold them incommunicado.
The Grovemment does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is an independent branch of govern-
ment, but it is inefficient and subject to political influence. In many instances,
lower-income, less-educated citizens make limited use of the appeals process that
otherwise might ensure the right to fair trial.
At the appellate court level, a large backlog of cases hinders the courts' ability
to ensure fair and expeditious trials. In a press interview, the president of the Fed-
eral Supreme Court complained about the volume of appeals that by law the Su-
preme Court must review. The 11 judges on the court received over 35,000 cases
in 1997. It takes 8 years to reach a definitive decision in the average case, a delay
that the Supreme Court president considered unjust.
The judicial system, with the Federal Supreme Court at its apex, includes courts
of first instance and appeals courts. States organize their own judicial systems but
must adhere to the basic principles in the Constitution. There is also a system of
specialized courts dealing with police, labor, elections, juveniles, and family matters.
Special police courts have jurisdiction over state uniformed police (except when
charged with intentional homicide); the record of these courts shows that conviction
is the exception rather than the rule. A human rights group in the northeast, which
studied police crimes against civilians tried in police courts from 1970 to 1991,
found that only 8 percent of the cases resulted in convictions. In Sao Paulo, another
study found that only 5 percent of cases resulted in convictions. The courts (which
are separate from the courts-martial of the armed forces, except for the final appeals
court) are composed of four ranking state uniformed police ofTicials and one civilian
judge. With too few judges for the caseload, there are backlogs, and human rights
groups note a lack of zeal among police charged with investigating fellow officers.
In 1996 the President signed legislation giving ordinary courts jurisdiction over
cases in which uniformed police officers are accused of intentional homicide against
civilians. However, the internal police investigation determines whether the homi-
cide was intentional or not, and the police tribunal decides whether to forward a
case to a civil court for trial.
A federal law approved in September 1995 created small claims courts to handle,
and resolve quickly, less serious criminal and civil cases. In Sao Paulo, the new
courts resolved 80 percent of their cases within 60 days, and cleared from the state
docket some 45,000 backlogged cases.
Defendants are entitled to counsel and must be made fully aware of the charges
against them. According to the Ministry of Justice, approximately 85 percent of pris-
oners cannot afford an attorney. In such cases, the court must provide one at public
expense; courts are supposed to appoint private attorneys to represent poor defend-
ants when public defenders are unavailable, but often no effective deiense is pro-
vided. Juries decide only cases of willful crimes against life; judges try all others.
The right to a fair public trial as provided by law is generally respected in prac-
tice, although in rural areas the judiciary is generally less capable and more subject
to the influence of local landowners, particularly in cases related to indigenous peo-
ple and rural union activists. Similarly, local police are often less zealous in inves-
tigating, prosecutors are reluctant to initiate proceedings, and judges find reasons
to delay when cases involve gunmen contracted by landowners to eliminate squat-
ters or rural union activists.
The need for judicial reform is widely recognized because the current system is
inefficient, with backlogs of cases and shortages of judges. Lawyers often drag out
cases as long as possible in the hope that an appeals court might render a favorable
opinion and because they are paid according to the amount of time they spend on
a case. According to the Institute of Economic, Social, and Political Studies of Sao
Paulo, however, 90 percent of appeals court decisions confirm decisions made in
lower courts. Low pay, combined with exacting competitive examinations that in
some years eliminate 90 percent of the applicants, make it difTicult to fill vacancies
on the bench. The system requires that a trial be held within a period of time from
the date of the crime (similar to a statute of limitations). Due to the backlog of
436
cases, old cases are frequently dismissed. According to a former judge, this encour-
ages corrupt judges purposely to delay certain cases, so that they can be dismissed.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for freedom from arbitrary intrusion into the home, although
wiretaps authorized by judicial authority are permitted. The law regulating the con-
ditions under which wiretaps may be used appears to strike a fair balance between
giving the police an effective law enforcement tool and protecting the civil liberties
of citizens. There were no reports of illegal entry for political reasons, but illegal
entry into homes without a warrant occurs in searches for criminal suspects. The
inviolability of private correspondence is respected.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The 1988 Constitution abolished all forms of
censorship and provides for freedom of speech and a free press. The authorities re-
spect these rights in practice.
Newspapers and magazines, which are privately owned, vigorously report and
comment on government performance. Both the press and broadcast media routinely
discuss controversial social and political issues and engage in investigative report-
ing. Most radio and television stations are privately owned; however, the Govern-
ment has licensing authority, and politicians frequently obtain the licenses. Many
television and radio stations are owned by current or former congressmen, some of
whom are or were members of the committee overseeing communications. It is dif-
ficult to determine how many media outlets are indirectly controlled by politicians
since concessions are often registered in the names of family members or friends
linked to them. In addition, concessions are regularly transferred to other names,
with little oversight by the Government.
The penalty for libel under the 1967 press law — a prison term — is considered ex-
treme by judges and is rarely imposed. Press criticism has described it as an archaic
and authoritarian law inherited from the military regime.
In November the authorities held six members of the music group "Planet Hemp"
for 5 days under a law forbidding incitement to use drugs. A judge in the Federal
District also prohibited the broadcast of 14 of the group's songs.
There were few reports of harassment of journalists; however, there was a case
of torture involving a photojournalist and death threats were made against a jour-
nalist who testified against the police (see Sections l.a and l.c).
Foreign publications are widely distributed; prior review of films, plays, and radio
and television programming is practiced only to determine a suitable viewing age.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right to assemble peacefully, and the Government respects this right in practice.
Permits are not required for outdoor political or labor meetings, and such meetings
occur frequently. However, in Salvador, the head of the legislative assembly's
Human Rights Commission claimed that the right of assembly in the downtown
area had been denied by state authorities for 9 months, following violent clashes
with police during demonstrations in April.
The Constitution provides for the right of freedom of association, and the Govern-
ment respects this right in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. There is no favored or state religion. All
faiths are free to establish places of worship, train clergy, and proselytize, although
the Government controls entry into Indian lands.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no restrictions on movement, except for the protected Indian
areas, nor are there any restrictions on emigration or return. A parent, however,
is not allowed to leave the country with children without the permission of the other
parent.
In July the Government passed legislation with provisions for asylum and refugee
status intended to conform with the principles of the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating
to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. The Government provides first asy-
lum and cooperates with the office of the U. N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. There were
207 reouests for refugee status covering 277 persons; 68 cases (for 80 persons) were
granted and 176 cases (for 198 persons) were denied. According to the UNHCR,
there were 2,260 refugees in the country at year's end.
There were no reports of forced return oi persons to a country where they feared
persecution.
437
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. Voting is secret and mandatory for
all literate citizens age 18 to 70, except military conscripts who may not vote. It is
voluntary for minors age 16 to 18, for the illiterate, and for those age 70 and over.
Women have full political rights under the Constitution and are becoming active
in politics and government. They comprise 7.6 percent of the national Congress; 39
women serve in the Chamber of Deputies (out of 513 seats), and 6 serve in the Sen-
ate (out of 81 members).
Brazil's diverse ethnic and racial groups are not represented in government and
politics in proportion to their numbers in the general population.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing tneir findings on human rights cases. Federal officials are
generally cooperative and responsive to their views.
The lACHR's December report noted President Cardoso's "obiective treatment" of
human rights problems and the positive thrust of the national human rights Action
Plan. The report also strongly criticized Brazil for violating a broad range of human
rights, including police violence and involvement in extrajudicial killing, violence
against and exploitation of minors, and general impunity for human rights violators.
President Caraoso publicly accepted the conclusions of the lACHR report, acknowl-
edging in a speech that "We cannot, as in the past, pretend these things do not
exist.*^
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Discrimination on the basis of sex, race, religion, and nationality is unconstitu-
tional, yet women, blacks, and indigenous people continued to experience discrimi-
nation. The International Labor Organization (ILO) notes that important differences
in wages continue to exist to the detriment of women and blacks, particularly in
rural areas. The Government passed a law in May with prison penalties and fines
for racism, including promulgation of pejorative terms for ethnic or racial groups,
use of the swastika, or acts of discrimination based on sex, sexual orientation, reli-
gion, age, or ethnic origin.
There continued to be reports of violence against homosexuals, although it was
not always clear that the victims' sexual orientation was the reason. The (jrupo Gay
da Bahia, Brazil's best known homosexual rights organization, compiled media re-
ports indicating that 109 homosexuals were killed in the first 10 months of the year.
While some of^those reports showed clear evidence of a hate crime, most did not
provide evidence that the victims were targeted because of their sexual orientation.
Wom.en. — There is a high incidence of physical abuse of women. Most major cities
and towns have established special police offices to deal with crimes of domestic or
sexual violence against women; such offices total over 200. The special police office
in Brasilia has seen a steady increase in reports of crimes against women during
the last 7 years, but police and social workers attribute the increase in reported
complaints not to a rising level of violence against women, but to greater awareness
by women of their rights and less willingness to tolerate abuse than in the past.
In rural areas, abused women have little recourse since there are no specialized
police offices available to them. Men who commit crimes against women, including
sexual assault and murder, are unlikely to be brought to trial. Although the Su-
preme Court in 1991 struck down the archaic concept of "defense of hono?' as a jus-
tification for murder of a wife, courts are still reluctant to prosecute and convict
men who claim they attack their wives for infidelity.
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on sex in employment or pay and
provides for 120 days of paid maternity leave. However, the provision against wage
discrimination is rarely enforced. According to the most recent official statistics,
women earn, on average, 54 percent of the salaries earned by men. A recent study
by a sociologist showed that women who started working in positions in which they
earned twice the minimum wage advanced in pay after 10 years to a wage of seven
times the minimum wage. Men starting in the same positions earned 2.6 times the
minimum wage and advanced to a wage of 10.9 times the minimum wage after 10
years. A Ministry of Labor survey revealed that the average starting salary for high
school-educated women in Sao raulo was one-third less than the average starting
salary for high school-educated men.
438
In response to the maternity leave law, some employers seek sterilization certifi-
cates from female job applicants or try to avoid hiring women of childbearing age.
Hoping to clamp (iown on such practices, President Cardoso signed a law in April
1995 prohibiting employers from requiring applicants or employees to take preg-
nancy tests or present sterilization certificates. Employers who violate the law are
subject to a jail term ranging from 1 to 2 years, while the company must pay a fine
equal to 10 times the salary of its highest paid employee.
Children. — Despite progressive laws to protect children and a growing awareness
of their plight through media and NGO campaigns, millions of children continue to
fail to get an education, must work to survive, and suffer from the poverty afflicting
their families. A report issued by the Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statis-
tics (IBGE) stated that the number of children between the ages of 10 and 14 who
were employed decreased by 163,000 from 1993 to 1995. However, more than 3.8
million cnildren in the same age range continue to work, many of them together
with their parents, under conditions approximating forced labor or debt bondage
(see Sections 6.c. and 6.d.). Many other cnildren beg on the streets of cities. School-
ing is free and compulsory for tne first six grades and available in all parts of the
country. The education system does not exclude any groups, and most children re-
main in school until age 14.
There are no reliable figures on the number of street children, some of whom are
homeless, but the majority of whom return home at night. In Rio de Janeiro, an
organization aiding street children estimated recently that 30,000 frequent the
streets by day but probably less than 1,000 sleep there. NGO's have made enough
shelters available for homeless children, but some children prefer the freedom and
drugs that street life offers. In Sao Paulo, NGO's aiding street children estimated
that some 12,000 children roam the streets by day and that from 3,000 to 5,000 of
them live permanently on the streets. The NGO s report that extreme poverty at
home or sexual abuse by fathers and stepfathers are tne principal reasons so many
children choose to live on the streets. An IBGE study reported that 47 percent of
Sao Paulo children come from families that earn less than $200 per month. In Sal-
vador, Bahia, the NGO's estimate the number of children who sleep in the streets
to be less than 1,000, although this number fluctuates widely during the weeks be-
tween Christmas and Carnival, when children from the region are attracted to the
city by the large number of tourists and festivals. Nationwide, the Inter-American
Development Bank estimates that some 30 million children live below the poverty
line and increasingly come from households headed by women.
Because street children have a high rate of drug use and have been involved in
assaults and robberies, a significant portion of tne public supports harsh police
measures against them, viewing the issue as one of crime and security, not human
rights. Government and NGO resources for street children have not been able to
keep up with the high demand.
Homicide became the leading cause of death among 15- to 17-year- olds, with its
rate more than tripling since 1980, according to a survey published in November.
The survey, conducted by IGBE and the United Nations Children's Fund, found that
23.5 percent of deaths in that age group were homicides, compared with 7.8 percent
in 1980. Among children between tne ages of 10 and 14, homicide accounted for 5.1
percent of all deaths. In Rio de Janeiro, according to the Division for the Protection
of Children and Adolescents and the Court of Infancy and Youth, approximately 659
minors were shot to death in 1996, up from 596 in 1995.
The Government continued its campaign against sex tourism and child prostitu-
tion, a significant problem throughout the country, but particularly prevalent in the
major tourist cities in the northeast. The Federal District has a 24-hour number for
reporting cases of sexual abuse; a special police unit to investigate sexual crimes
against children; and special teams at all clinics and hospitals to treat child victims
of violence or sexual abuse.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution contains several provisions for the dis-
abled, stipulating a minimum wage, educational opportunities, and access to public
buildings and public transportation. Groups that work with the disabled, however,
report that state governments failed to meet the legally mandated targets for edu-
cational opportunities and work placement. There was little progress in the elimi-
nation of architectural barriers to the disabled.
Indigenous People. — Brazil's approximately 330,000 Indians, who speak 170 dif-
ferent languages, have a constitutional right to their traditional lands. Indigenous
rights groups, however, expressed concern that in practice the authorities allow
most indigenous people only limited participation in decisions affecting their lands,
cultures, traditions, and the allocation of natural resources. The 1988 Constitution
charged the Federal Gk)vernment with demarcating indigenous areas within 5 years,
but the authorities have yet to complete the process.
439
In January 1996, the Government issued decree 1775, altering the demarcation
process to permit challenges to proposed demarcations from nonindigenous inter-
ested parties, despite the fact that the Constitution allows the Federal Government
to expropriate land with just compensation. A total of 419 separate challenges, cov-
ering 34 Indian areas, were filed. FUNAI, the National Indian Foundation, rejected
all of the claims, and forwarded them to Justice Minister Nelson Jobim. Eventually
the Ministry rejected all the challenges. In November President Cardoso signed de-
crees ratifying the 22 indigenous reserves, which encompass 8.4 million hectares
where 9 indigenous groups live. With these new reservations, the Government has
set aside a total of 28.2 million hectares for indigenous reserves, representing about
5 percent of the country's territory.
The Constitution provides Indians with the exclusive use of the soil, waters, and
minerals found on their lands, subject to congressional authorization. The regula-
tions necessary for economic exploitation, however, are still pending before the Con-
gress. Illegal mining, logging, and ranching are a serious problem on Indian lands,
as a majority of these lands also have been occupied by non-Indians. In November
FUNAI, with help from the army and air force, began clearing out an estimated 800
to 1,000 wildcat miners from indigenous lands in Roraima.
Due to the Federal Government's failure to provide adequate medical care, as re-
quired by law, indigenous people have suffered epidemics of malaria, measles, and
tuberculosis. The Catholic Church-affiliated Indigenist Missionary Council (CIMI)
and the coordinator of Brazilian Amazon Indigenous Organizations (COIAB) have
reported on the lack of health care for Indians in the Amazon region. According to
a report by the Manaus-based Institute of Tropical Medicine, the average life expect-
ancy of Brazilian Indians droppied from 48.2 years in 1993 to 42.6 years in 1995.
A federal judge convicted 5 gold miners in December 1996 for killing 17
Yanomami on the Venezuelan border in 1993, but only two of the miners are in cus-
tody. Indigenous rights groups expressed concern that the others may never be
brought to justice.
In August a federal judge dismissed murder charges against four young men ac-
cused of dousing an Indian leader with gasoline and setting him on fire, saying that
they did not realize he was an Indian nor did they intend to kill him. One defendant
was the son of a federal judge. The victim was Galdino Jesus dos Santos, age 44,
of the Pataxo tribe. The judge's decision was widely criticized, and President
Cardoso denounced the murder as unjustifiable.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Although racial discrimination has been ille-
gal since 1951, darker skinned citizens say they frequently encounter discrimina-
tion. Most blacks are found among the poorer sectors of society. Even though nearly
half of the population has some African ancestry, very few senior officials in govern-
ment, the armed forces, or the private sector are black. Black consciousness organi-
zations challenge the view that Brazil is a racial democracy with equality for all re-
gardless of skin color. They assert that racial discrimination becomes most evident
when blacks seek employment, housing, or educational opportunities.
According to government statistics, blacks earn on average 43 percent as much
as whites. The monthly p>er capita income for white males is 6.3 times the minimum
wage; for white women, 3.6 times the minimum wage; for black men, 2.9; and for
black women, 1.7. Illiteracy is also a problem; 32 percent of blacks are illiterate,
compared with 14 percent of whites. Of 30,000 students at the University of Sao
Paulo, there are about 1,000 blacks.
Blacks are oflen the victims of violence at a level disproportionate to their per-
centage in the population. For instance, a we 11 -respected human rights NGO active
in the northeast, the Luiz Freire Cultural Center, reported that, of the 1,378 murder
victims in Recife in 1994, 87 percent were black.
A much higher percentage of blacks are convicted by courts than whites, according
to professor Sergio Adomo, of the University of Sao Paulo's Nucleus for the Study
of Violence. Adomo analyzed 500 criminal cases judged in Sao Paulo courts in 1990
and found that 60 percent of whites able to afford their own lawyers were acquitted,
while only 27 percent of blacks who hired lawyers were found not guilty.
In September a government working group on racism and discrimination issued
29 recommendations, including the creation of affirmative action programs for uni-
versity admissions and government hiring. The group was charged with proposing
public policies to increase the participation and access of Afro- Brazilians in society.
The President's public acknowledgment in November 1995 that racism and discrimi-
nation exist was unprecedented, for presidents had maintained in the past that peo-
ple were discriminated against because they were poor, not because of their skin
color.
440
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Labor Code provides for representation of all
workers (except for members of the military, uniformed police, and firemen) but im-
poses a hierarchical, unitary system, funded by a mandatory union tax on workers
and employers. Under a restriction known as "unicidade" (one per city), the code
prohibits multiple unions of the same professional category in a given geographical
area. The 1988 Constitution freed worlcers to organize new unions out of ola ones
without prior authorization by the Government, but retained other provisions of the
old Labor Code. All elements of the labor movement and the International Confed-
eration of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) criticize the retention of unicidade.
Unicidade has proven less restrictive in recent years, as more liberal interpreta-
tions permitted new unions to form and, in many cases, to compete with unions and
federations that had already enjoyed official recognition. The sole bureaucratic re-
auirement for new unions is to register with the Ministry of Labor which, by court
aecision, must accept and record the registration. In practice, unicidade is enforced
by the system of labor courts, which retain the right to review the registration of
new unions and to adjudicate conflicts over their lormation. This can often result
in complicated jurisdictional quarrels. The power of the labor courts to define juris-
dictions came to the fore when the Workers Unitary Central (CUT — the largest and
most activist of the three labor confederations) ABC metalworkers' federation was
riven by a 1996 attempt by a group of dissidents to establish their own local union
in one of the suburban Sao Paulo municipalities that the federation comprises. Al-
though a majority of federation members clearly appeared to favor the unified struc-
ture, the dissidents were able to seek redress through the labor court, where a suit
still was f>ending at year's end.
Otherwise, unions are independent of the (jovemment and, at least nominally, of
political parties. Approximately 20 to 30 percent of the work force is organized, with
well over half this number affiliated with an independent labor central. Intimidation
of rural labor union organizers by landowners and their agents continues to be a
problem (see Section l.a.).
The Constitution provides workers, including most civil servants, with the right
to strike. Enabling legislation passed in 1989 stipulates that essential services must
remain in operation during a strike and that workers must notify employers at least
48 hours before beginning a walkout. The Constitution prohibits government inter-
ference in labor unions but provides that "abuse" of the right to strike (such as not
maintaining essential services, or failure to end a strike after a labor court decision)
is punishable by law. In the case of public employees, the Constitution specifies
their right to strike, subject to conditions enacted by the Congress. Since the Con-
gress has yet to pass the complementary legislation, labor ana legal experts debate
the limits of the right to strike for public employees. In practice, the Government
has not interfered with their right to strike, although a month-long strike by
Petrobras (the state-controlled oil company) employees in May 1995, which greatly
inconvenienced the public, was judged abusive by the Supreme Labor Court, and
caused many — including some laoor leaders — to call for limits on public employees'
right to strike.
The CUT, the parent central to the petroleum workers, submitted a complaint to
the ILO Committee on Freedom of Association in May 1995 arguing that the firing
of 59 union members for their involvement in the strike violated their right to
strike. In November 1995, the ILO body found that the nature of the labor court's
procedures, which allow either party to submit a dispute for what amounts to bind-
ing arbitration, "may effectively undermine the right of workers to strike and does
not promote effective collective bargaining." The ILO suggested that the legislation
be amended to permit submission of disputes to judicial authorities only with the
permission of both parties or in case of the interruption of essential services. The
ILO also suggested that the 59 workers be rehired and that the high fines levied
on the local unions for defiance of a court order to return to work amounted to a
serious limitation on the right to strike. President Cardoso maintained that since
the fines were levied by the courts, the executive branch should not interfere and
the unions should seek relief in the courts.
Postal workers and teachers, police, train and municipal transit workers, auto-
workers, metalworkers, electrical generating authority employees, and dock workers
all went on strike in 1997. Formerly, the courts almost automatically ruled strikes
abusive. In recent years, however, the courts have applied the law with more discre-
tion. The 1989 strike law prohibits dismissals or tne hiring of substitute workers
during a strike, with certain exceptions, provided the strike is not ruled abusive.
Although the law makes no provision for a central labor organization, three major
groups have emerged: The Workers' Unitary Central, the Workers' General Confed-
eration, and the Forca Sindical. The centrals do not have legal standing to represent
441
professional categories of workers, but all three centrals can effectively acquire such
standing by afllliating with existing statewide federations or nationwide confed-
erations or by forming new federations and confederations.
Unions and centrals freely afTiliate with international trade union organizations.
All three major confederations are affiliated with the ICPTU.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides for
the right to organize. With government assistance, businesses and unions are work-
ing to expand and improve mechanisms of collective bargaining. The scope of issues
legally susceptible to collective bargaining is narrow. The labor court system exer-
cises normative power with regard to the settlement of labor disputes, thus discour-
aging direct negotiation. The Cardoso Government has made expansion of collective
bargaining one of its major objectives in the labor sector. In mid-1995, the Govern-
ment promulgated a provisional measure that simultaneously ended inflation-index- -
ing of^wages, allowea for mediation of wage settlements if the parties involved so
desired, and provided greater latitude for collective bargaining. Unions have wel-
comed these changes, smce labor courts and the Labor Ministry previously had me-
diation responsibility in the preliminary stages of dispute settlement. In many
cases, free negotiations set wages; labor court decisions set them in others. Under
the provisional measure, parties may now freely choose mediation.
The ILO notes that important differences in wages continue to exist to the det-
riment of women and blacks, particularly in the rural sectors (see Section 5).
The Constitution incorporates a provision from the old Labor Code prohibiting dis-
missal of employees who are candidates for or holders of union leadership positions.
Nonetheless, dismissals take place, with those dismissed required to resort to a
lengthy court process for relief! In general, the authorities do not efTectively enforce
laws protecting union members from discrimination. Union ofTicials estimate that
only 5 percent of such cases reaching the labor court system are resolved within
days through a preliminary judicial order. The other 95 percent generally take 5 to
10 years (and sometimes more) to resolve.
Labor law applies equally in the free trade zones. However, unions in the Manaus
free trade zone, like rural unions and many unions in smaller cities, are relatively
weaker vis-a-vis industry than unions in the major industrial centers.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Although the Constitution pro-
hibits forced labor, there were creoible reports of forced labor in manyparts of the
country. The Catholic Church-affiliated Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) continued
to report cases of forced labor in various states. In 1996 the CPT reported 21 cases
of forced labor, involving a total of 26,047 workers in 8 states. The number of work-
ers involved represented a small increase over the 25,193 reported in 1995 and a
large increase over the 19,940 reported in 1994. Forced labor is common on farms
producing charcoal for use in the iron foundries, steel mills, and in the sugar indus-
try (see also Section 6.d.).
Federal authorities admit that enforcement resources are inadequate and, as a re-
sult, state and federal officers have been unable generally to conduct timely inves-
tigations of compulsory labor, although their recora is improving.
Local police acknowledge that overseers or owners of many farms withhold pay
from migrant laborers and use force to retain and intimidate them, but such viola-
tions fall within the jurisdiction of the federal Ministry of Labor, which has 3,000
inspectors for the entire country. Because of its limited resources, the Ministry gen-
erally investigates only those cases for which it has received a complaint. In an ef-
fort to combat forced labor, the CUT initiated a 24-hour hot line with a toll free
number for reporting instances of forced labor.
The law prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but it is not adequately
enforced. Labor organizations allege that in mining and the rural economy thou-
sands of workers, including minors, are hired on the basis of false promises, sub-
jected to debt bondage, with violence used to retain or punish workers who attempt
to escape (also see Section 6.d.). The Government's interagency task force deploys
federal law enforcement officers to combat forced labor. The CPT has noted that the
task force's effectiveness is sometimes hampered by its inability to arrive in an area
without advance warning and by the often spotty collaboration of the federal police.
The people responsible for exploiting forced labor usually go unpunished because
freed workers are often afraid to testify against those who recruited and oversaw
them, and because the authorities have found it difficult to identify and locate the
owners of farms or businesses that exploit forced labor.
The Labor Ministry decreed in 1995 that farms caught a second time using forced
labor would be seized and used to settle landless families as part of the Federal
Government's agrarian reform program. The authority was used when 220 laborers
were freed at the Fazenda Flor da Mata in Para and the farm was turned over to
the land reform agency to resettle landless families.
442
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
Srohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but enTorcement varies considerably
epending on location (see Section 6.c). Schooling is free and compulsory for the first
six grades. Most children remain in school until at least age 14. Tne minimum
working age under the Constitution is 14 years, except for apprentices. The Govern-
ment announced in June that it would raise the minimum working age to 15.
Judges can authorize employment for children under 14 years of age when they feel
it appropriate. The law requires permission of the parents or guardians for minors
to work, and they must attend scnool through the primary grades. The law bars all
minors from night work, work that constitutes a physical strain, and employment
in unhealthful, dangerous, or morally harmful conditions. The Government esti-
mates, however, that 60,000 children work in unhealthful conditions. The authori-
ties rarely enforce legal restrictions intended to protect working minors under the
age of 18, however, and the problem is serious.
Despite these legal restrictions, official figures state that nearly 3.8 million chil-
dren under age 14 were employed, accounting for 4.6 percent of the work force.
Many children work alongside their parents in cane fields, cutting hemp, or feeding
wood into charcoal ovens; frequent accidents, unhealthy working conditions, and
squalor are common in these cases.
Enforcement of restrictions is limited by the small number of inspectors available.
Inspection suffers from a lack of resources and, as with forced labor, inspectors gen-
erally act on the basis of complaints and tips concerning the use of child labor.
When inspections do take place, however, tney are effective. Employers illegally
using child labor have been fined heavily for their offenses.
Sugar cane growers illegally employ children and adolescents ranging in age from
7 to 17 years of age, many cutting cane with machetes. In September 1996, the
Labor Ministry created a special fund supported by a percentage of income from the
production of sugar cane, alcohol, and sugar, which is used to combat child labor
in cane cultivation. The charcoal industry, hemp cultivators in the northeast, and
orange growers have all used illegal child labor. Children also perform various tasks
in the mining and logging industries in the Amazon region. In addition, although
strenuous efforts have been made to eliminate it, there is still some child labor in
the shoe industry.
The private sector, and particularly the Toy Manufacturers Foundation for Chil-
dren's Rights (ABRINQ), have been active in trying to remedy many of these abuses.
The ABRINQ reached an agreement with the Sao Paulo state sugar producers to
cease using child labor. In addition, the ABRINQ persuaded Abecitrus, the citrus
export organization, to agree to remove child labor from its operations. Because of
ABRINQ's efforts, Volkswagen and General Motors, as well as other automakers,
are studying the role of child labor in the production of auto parts. Both Volkswagen
and GM have agreed to remove child labor from their own operations. The govern-
ment is reviewing an ABRINQ proposal to create a quadripartite group coordinated
by the ILO and UNICEF with representatives from government, business, labor and
In go's to investigate and eliminate cases of child labor.
ABRINQ's efforts have been particularly distinguished by the foundation's empha-
sis not just on ending child labor, but in putting the children into good-quality
schools. Shoe manufacturers in the city oi Franca have, with the help of the
ABRINQ, eliminated child labor there and enhanced the educational opportunities
for children who were formerly employed. Following a pilot project in 1996, the state
government of Mato Grosso do Sul instituted an innovative program designed to
eliminate child labor in the charcoal industry and the shoe industry. The state of-
fered scholarships to the families of working children on the condition that they stop
working and attend school. The program is oeing expanded to five other states.
On October 7, the Sao Paulo state government promulgated a law that prohibits
the state from using contractors who exploit child labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The official minimum wage is 120 reals ($110)
per month. It is not sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker
and family. The Interunion Department for Socioeconomic Studies and Statistics es-
timated that the minimum wage is slightly more than one-fourth that necessary to
support a family of four (the standard set by the Constitution). Many workers, par-
ticularly outside the regulated economy and in the northeast, reportedly earn less
than the minimum wage.
The Constitution limits the workweek to 44 hours and specifies a weekly rest pe-
riod of 24 consecutive hours, preferably on Sundays. The Constitution expanded pay
and fringe benefits and estaolished new protection for agricultural and domestic
workers, although not all of these provisions are enforced. All workers in the formal
sector receive overtime pay for work beyond 44 hours, and there are prohibitions
against excessive use of overtime.
443
Unsafe working conditions are prevalent throughout the country. The Ministry of
Labor sets occupational, health, and safety standards, but its resources are
insuflicent for adequate inspection and enforcement of these standards. There were
also credible reports of corruption within the enforcement system. If a worker has
a problem in the workplace and has trouble getting relief directly from his employer,
the worker or union can file a claim with the regional labor court, although in prac-
tice this is frequently a cumbersome, protracted process.
The law requires employers to establish internal committees for accident preven-
tion in workplaces. It also protects employee members of these committees from
being fired for their activities. Such firings, however, do occur, and legal recourse
usumly requires years for resolution. While an individual worker does not have the
legal right to depart a workplace when faced with hazardous conditions, workers
may express such concerns to the internal conunittee, which would conduct an im-
mediate investigation.
CHILE
Chile is a multiparty democracy with a constitution that provides for a strong ex-
ecutive, a bicameral legislature, and an independent judiciary. Approved by referen-
dum in 1980 and amended in 1989, the Constitution was written under the former
military government and establishes institutional limits on popular rule. President
Eduardo Frei, a Christian Democrat, began his 6-year term in 1994. The National
Congress comprises 120 deputies and 47 senators. The government coalition of six
parties holds a majority in the lower house. An opposition coalition, together with
several independent and eight appointed senators, controls the upper chamber.
Under the Constitution, former president General Augusto Pinochet must retire
from the army by March 11, 1998. He may then assume his lifetime seat in the Sen-
ate, which he has announced he would do. General Pinochet's appointees continue
to influence the constitutionally independent judicial branch. However, turnover in
the courts has led to a significant diminution of that influence.
The armed forces are constitutionally subordinate to the President through an ap-
pointed Minister of Defense but enjoy a large degree of legal autonomy. Most nota-
bly, the President must have the concurrence of the National Security Council,
which comprises military and civilian officials, to remove service chiefs. The
Carabineros (the uniformed national police) have primary responsibility for public
order and safety and border security. The civilian Investigations Police are respon-
sible for criminal investigations and immigration controH Both organizations — al-
though formally under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defense, which determines
their budgets — are under operational control of the Ministry of Interior. Some al-
leged perpetrators of human rights abuses during the military regime remain on ac-
tive duty in the army. The security forces committed a number of human rights
abuses.
The export-led, free-market economy exp)erienced its 14th consecutive year of ex-
pansion. The most important export remained copper; salmon, forestry products,
fresh fruit, fish meal, and manufactured goods were also significant sources of for-
eign exchange. Gross domestic product grew at a 7.2 percent rate, unemployment
increased slightly to 6.5 percent, and inflation fell to 6.6 percent. From 1987 to
1997, the percentage of the population living below the poverty line decreased from
45 to 23 percent, according to a government study released in July. Annual per cap-
itagross domestic product rose to $5,000 in 1996.
The Government generally respected its citizens' human rights. However, there
continued to be some problem areas. The most serious cases involved allegations of
torture, brutality, and use of excessive force by the police. There continued to be re-
ports of physical abuse in jails and prisons. Discrimination and violence against
women and violence against children are problems. Many indigenous people remain
marginalized.
Almost all other human rights concerns are related to abuses during the former
military government, primarily between 1973 and 1978. Efforts to bring abusers to
justice in cases dating back to the early years of the military government are lim-
ited by the conflicting demands for ju.stice and for national reconciliation. Military
authorities continued to resist disclosing abuses from the past. In particular, the
courts continued to struggle with the application of the 1978 Amnesty Law to cases
that occurred during the first 5 years of military rule. Over the past 3 years, the
Government and opposition parties debated various proposals that would effectively
close all cases covered by the Amnesty Law that are still under judicial investiga-
444
tion. These efforts have largely stalled, and the judicial system continues to inves-
tigate and close pending human rights cases.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings.
On Chiloe Island, the authorities suspended two Carabineros from duty pending
a determination of their role in the September 14 beating death of Ramon Ruiz
MansiUa.
Pedro Soto Tapia, a 19-year-old military conscript, disappeared from his regiment
at San Felipe on December 15, 1996, after having repeatedly written letters to his
family describing mistreatment at the hands of his superior officers. On March 15,
his remains were found in a cave in San Felipe, accompanied by what was purport-
edly a suicide note. The Valparaiso Court of Appeals closed the case on August 18
without the cause or circumstances of Soto's death having been established. In Sep-
tember Soto's mother succeeded in having the case reopened; the family's attorneys,
assisted by the Committee for the Defense of People's Rights (CODEPU), seek to
prove that Soto's death was a homicide.
The Grovemment is seeking the extradition from Switzerland of a terrorist who
escaped from prison in December 1996; he was convicted of killing a police officer
(see Section I.e.)
In January the family of Carmelo Soria Espinoza, a Spanish employee of the Unit-
ed Nations who was kidnaped and murdered in 1976, announced its intention to
pursue a denial of justice claim before the Inter-American Commission on Human
nights (lACHR). (Other denial of justice claims involving execution cases also are
pending (see Section l.b.) The Chilean Supreme Court nad suspended the Soria
murder case in June 1996 by invoking Chile's amnesty law; subsequent impeach-
ment motions against four Supreme Court justices failed in the lower house of Con-
gress. Proceedings against General Augusto Pinochet continue to move forward in
a Spanish court for nis alleged responsibility in Soria's death as well as those of
the priests Joan Alsina and Antonio Llido. In November President Frei decided not
to approve the promotion to brigadier general of former intelligence ofiicer Jaime
Lepe Orellana, who was reportedly involved in the murder of Soria.
During the year, a Spanish court began collecting witnesses' statements and docu-
mentary evidence attesting to other human rights violations committed by Chilean
officials against Spanish citizens between 1973 and 1990, including crimes allegedly
ordered by then-President Pinochet. Regardless of whether a person benefits from
amnesty provisions in Chile, the court seeks to try in Spain those former officials
who are suspected of having murdered, tortured, or to be responsible for the dis-
appearance of Spanish citizens. However, Chile does not extradite its nationals.
Former Chilean intelligence agent Enrique Arancibia Clavel continued to be de-
tained in Argentina for his alleged involvement in the 1974 assassination in Buenos
Aires of former Chilean army chief Carlos Prats and his wife Sofia Cuthbert. Prats
was the army commander under President Salvador Allende and was succeeded by
General Pinochet in August 1973. Prats left Chile for Argentina several days after
the coup against Allende. The case was reopened in 1992 as a result of a petition
filed by the Prats family containing new evidence. The Government of Chile has
agreed to be a coplaintifi in the Argentine trial of Arancibia.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
The major human rights controversy involved past disappearances and efforts by
political forces and the Government to reinterpret the 1978 Amnesty Law in such
a way as to achieve both justice and national reconciliation. As interpreted under
the so-called Aylwin Doctrine (named after former president Patricio Aylwin), the
courts should not close a case involving a disappearance until either the body is
found or credible evidence is provided to indicate that an individual is dead. This
could affect up to 542 cases, which cover about 1,100 persons still classified as "de-
tained or missing" from the early years of the military regime. However, application
of the Aylwin Doctrine has been uneven, as some courts continue the previous prac-
tice of applying the 1978 amnesty to disappearances without conducting an inves-
tigation to identify the perpetrators. According to an Amnesty International report
released in June, civilian and military courts closed 21 disappearance cases in 1996.
During the first half of 1997, the courts closed 8 cases through application of the
Amnesty Law; kept more than 150 cases active; and temporarily closed approxi-
mately 350 cases, subject to being reopened.
In July Amnesty International reported death threats the previous month against
Mariana Guzman Nunez, Sola Sierra, and Viviana Diaz (Jaro of the nongovem-
445
mental human rights group Association of Relatives of Disappeared Prisoners; Ms.
Sierra is the Association's President.
The Social Aid Foundation of Christian Churches (FASIC), the CODEPU, and
other human ridits organizations have a total of 31 denial of justice cases pending
before the lACKR regarding previously closed disappearance and execution cases.
Eight cases have been filed before the United Nations Committee on Human Rights.
In March the lACHR ruled that four previously closed disappearance cases that had
been appealed to the Commission should be reopened.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids "the use of illegal pressure ' on detainees, but CODEPU
has received reports of instances of mistreatment and abuse by both the
Garabineros and the Investigations Police. When requested by other human rights
organizations or family members, CODEPU lawyers visit detainees during their in-
terrogation (see Section l.d.) and represent many suspected terrorists in court. The
CODEPU continues to investigate alleged use of excessive force against detainees.
The Minister of Interior normally asks the courts to conduct independent investiga-
tions of credible complaints of police abuse, but such investigations rarely result in
arrests, due in part to the reluctance of judges to pursue the issue vigorously. The
courts convictecl and sentenced only four police officials for committing acts of vio-
lence against detainees.
According to a report released by Amnesty International in June, governmental
organizations notified the national police of more than 20 cases of torture and mal-
treatment by the police in 1996.
According to a special 1996 United Nations report, while considerable progress
had been made since the return to civilian rule m 1990, acts of torture still con-
tinue. A 1996 study by Diego Portales University indicated that 71 percent of de-
tainees interrogated had sufTered some form of mistreatment. U.N. Special
Rapporteur on Torture Nigel Rodley concluded that, although abuses are not sys-
temic, the Government has taken insufiicient action to ensure that the activities of
the national police are in accord with the law. He recommended that the national
police be entirely subordinated to the Ministry of Interior.
In August attorneys for Carmen Gloria Quintana appealed efforts by the Govern-
ment to set aside an award of approximately $600,000 in compensation that the
lACHR had recommended for Quintana in 1988. Army Captain Pedro Fernandez
Dittus set fire to Quintana and her companion Rodrigo Rojas Denegri while they
were participating in a protest against tne military regime in 1986. Rojas died 4
days later, while Quintana survived with severe and disfiguring injuries.
Prisons are overcrowded and antiquated, but the conditions are not life threaten-
ing. Food meets minimal nutritional needs, and prisoners may supplement the diet
by buying food. Those with sufficient funds can often rent space in a better wing
of the prison. Prison guards have been accused of using excessive force to stop at-
tempted prison breaJcs. Although most reports state that the guards generally be-
have responsibly and do not mistreat prisoners, several prisoners have complained
of beatings. There are about 300 minors in adult prisons (see Section 5).
The maximum security prison houses approximately 75 prisoners, most of them
charged with or convicted of terrorism. Prisoners continue to complain thai strict
security measures, prohibition of visitors, hidden cameras, and rigid regulations vio-
late their rights. In 1996 the president of the Santiago Court of Appeals confirmed
the existence of listening devices in prison cells. In response, the Minister of Justice
confirmed that microphones were present but said that they were never used.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution allows civilian and mili-
tary courts to order detention for up to 5 days without arraignment and to extend
the detention of suspected terrorists for up to 10 days. The law affords detainees
30 minutes of immediate and subsequent daily access to a lawyer (in the presence
of a prison guard) and to a doctor to verify their physical condition. The law does
not permit a judge to deny such access; police authorities generally observe these
requirements.
As of September, 5 percent of the general prison population of approximately
24,(X)0 were under investigation but not charged with a crime; 44 percent were
charged with an offense and were awaiting trial or had been convicted and were
awaiting sentencing; and 51 percent were serving sentences.
The police have the authority to make arrests based on suspicion, which is applied
particularly to youths in high crime areas late at night. In practice, many detainees
are not promptly advised of charges against them, nor are they granted a speedy
hearing before a judge. The Constitution provides for the right to legal counsel, but
this is a reality only for those who can aftord to pay. The poor, who account for the
majority of cases, may be represented by law students doing practical training (who
446
are often overworked) or on occasion by a court-appointed lawyer. Arrest procedures
do not require police to allow detainees to telephone relatives or a lawyer. The Con-
stitution allows judges to set bail.
Law enforcement authorities more frequently informed foreign embassies when
their nationals were arrested, but occasional lapses still occurred.
There were no cases of forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution calls for a judicial system inde-
f>endent of the other branches of government. Although the judiciary, and particu-
arly the Supreme Court, has been dominated by appointees of the former military
regime, the passage of time is changing this legacy.
Cases decided in the lower courts can be referred to appeals courts and ultimately
to the Supreme Court. Criminal court judges are appointed for life; the President
makes appointments to the Supreme Court and the appeals courts from lists pre-
pared by the Supreme Court. Of the 16 justices on the Supreme Court, 7 have been
appointed since the end of the military regime. The Supreme Court continues to
work with the other branches of government on broad judicial reform.
In September President Frei signed the Judicial Reform Law, creating an Attor-
ney General and related ministry that are expected to be in full operation by 2003.
The new law provides that national and regional prosecutors investigate crimes and
formulate charges, leaving judges and magistrates the narrower function of judging
the merits of evidence presented before them.
The jurisdiction of military tribunals is limited to cases involving military person-
nel. If formal charges are filed in civilian courts against a member of the military,
including the national police, the military prosecutor asks for, and the Supreme
Court normally grants, military jurisdiction. This is of particular consequence in the
human rights cases dating from 1973 to 1978, the period covered by the 1978 Am-
nesty Law. In addition, military courts have the authority to charge and try civil-
ians for defamation of military personnel and for sedition, but their rulings can be
appealed to the Supreme Court.
Based on the Napoleonic Code, the judicial system does not provide for trial by
jury, nor does it assume innocence until proven otherwise. Criminal proceedings are
inquisitorial rather than adversarial. The Constitution provides for the right to legal
counsel, but the poor do not always get effective legal representation (see Section
l.d.).
Four ringleaders of the terrorist Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) broke
out of Santiago's maximum-security prison on December 30, 1996, in an elaborately
orchestrated escape via helicopter. In early September, one of the escapees, Patricio
Ortiz Montenegro, requested political asylum in Switzerland, claiming he could not
obtain justice in Chile. (In June 1995, a military court convicted Ortiz of the 1991
murder of a police officer and sentenced him to a 10-year prison term.) Chilean au-
thorities are seeking Ortiz' extradition from Switzerland, where he was detained at
year's end.
There were no reports of political prisoners, although among the approximately
75 inmates in Santiago's maximum-security prison, those who have been convicted
of terrorist acts routinely claim to be political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanctions. A 1995 pri-
vacy law bars obtaining information by undisclosed taping, telephone intercepts,
and other surreptitious means, as well as the dissemination of such information, ex-
cept by judicial order in narcotics-related cases.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the authorities generally respect these rights in practice. The
press maintains its independence, criticizes the Government, and covers issues sen-
sitive to the military, including human rights.
The print and electronic media are largely independent of government control.
The State is majority owner of La Nacion newspaper, but it is editorially independ-
ent. However, La Nacion's editorial policy rarely disagrees with government policy.
The Television Nacional network is state-owned but not under direct government
control. It receives no government subsidy and is self-financing through conunercial
advertising. It is editorially independent and is governed by a board of directors
that, although politically appointed, encourages the expression of varied opinions
over the network.
It is a criminal offense to besmirch the honor of state institutions and symbols,
such as the Congress, the military services, the Hag, and the President. Military
447
courts have the authority to charge and try civilians for defamation of mihtary per-
sonnel and for sedition, but their rulings can be appealed to the Supreme Court.
In December 1996, Congress passed a privacy law that set penalties for those who
infringe on the private and public life of individuals and their families. At the time
of the law's passage, journalists argued vigorously that applying it to media report-
ing would have a chilling effect on freedom of the press. To date, this privacy law
has not been applied to the media, although there have been unsuccessftil attempts
to incorporate similar language and penalties into a draft press law. The proposed
legislation was first introduced to Congress by the Aylwin government in July 1993.
As introduced, the bill's intent was to codify media rights and to replace the out-
moded 1968 Abuses of Publicity Law still in force.
The 1980 Constitution established a Film Classification Council (CCC), with the
power of prior censorship. The Council has banned 52 films and nearly 700 videos.
In November 1996, the Council lifted its 1989 ban on the film "The Last Temptation
of Christ." However, Chile's Future, a conservative organization supported by the
Catholic Church, challenged the CCC decision in a court of appeals and obtained
a temporary restraining order prohibiting the film's showing. In June the Supreme
Court upheld the ban. The authorities subsequently arrested three people in Punta
Arenas for organizing a public viewing of the film. The Government expressed dis-
appointment at the Supreme Court's ruling and is attempting to abolish the CCC
through constitutional reform.
The National Television Council (CNT), created by legislation in 1989 and sup-
ported with government funding, is charged with assuring that television program-
ming "respects the moral and cultural values of the nation." The CNT's principal
role is to regulate both broadcast and cable television programming content based
on violence and sexual explicitness. Films and other programs judged by the CNT
to be excessively violent or to have obscene language or sexually explicit scenes can
be shown only after 10 p.m. when the "family viewing hours" end. In practice, the
ever-increasing volume of programming makes the CNT's job all but impossible. The
CNT issues occasional warnings to networks and sometimes obliges them to post-
pone the showing of certain films until after 10 p.m. Debate continues over the
CNTs role.
The courts rarely prohibit media coverage of cases in progress. In June lower
court judge Beatriz Pedrals imposed a 3-month restraining order against media re-
porting on the investigation of official protection and money laundering against Car-
los Mario Leiva. However, the Court of Appeals overturned the restraining order,
ruling that the Constitution's protection of freedom of speech superseded the 1968
Abuses of Publicity Law under which the ban was invoked.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. All denominations practice their faiths
without restriction. Although church and State are officially separate, the Roman
Catholic Church receives official preferential treatment. Chile's 1-2 million Protes-
tants assert that the Government discriminates against them, based upon differing
legal status afforded to non-Catholics. They cite the absence of Protestant armed
forces chaplains, difiiculties for pastors to visit military hospitals, and the predomi-
nantly Catholic religious education in public schools. To remedy this situation, the
lower house of Congress unanimously approved a bill to afford greater legal equality
among all churches, but a Senate committee postponed further discussion on it until
the new Congress convenes in March 1998. A 1995 Santiago municipal ordinance
making it illegal to cause disturbances in the streets has been interpreted by some
evangelical groups as designed to prevent them from proselytizing and preaching in
public; however, there were no known cases of the law being enforced in this man-
ner.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government gen-
erally respects them in practice. For minor children to leave the country, either
alone or with only one of their parents, they must have notarized permission from
both parents.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The issue of the
provision of first asylum has not arisen. There were no reports of forced return of
persons to a country where they feared persecution.
448
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Chile is a constitutional democracy, and citizens have the right to change their
government through periodic elections. There is universal suffrage for citizens 18
years of age and over. The Government still operates under some political restraints
that were imposed by the previous regime. Under the 1980 Constitution, various na-
tional institutions — including the President, the Supreme Court, and the armed
forces-dominated National {Security Council — appoint an additional nine senators
(beyond those elected) to 8-year terms. The terms of these Senators, appointed by
then-President Pinochet, expired in 1997. Nine newly appointed institutional sen-
ators are to take their seats in March 1998, as will former President Pinochet. The
legislative branch, with the exception of the institutional senators, is freely elected
and independent from the executive branch.
The former military government wrote the 1980 Constitution and amended it
slightly in 1989 after losing a referendum on whether General Pinochet should stav
in office as president. It provides for a strong presidency and a legislative brancn
with limited powers. In addition, it includes provisions designed to protect the inter-
ests of the military and the rightwing political opposition. These provisions include
limitations on the President's right to remove military service chiefs, including chief
of the army (the position General Pinochet can hold until March 11, 1998); an elec-
toral system that gives the second-place party (or coalition) in each district dis-
proportionate representation in Congress; and the provision for nonelected institu-
tional senators. The Government has pledged to amend these provisions, which it
sees as "authoritarian enclaves" left over from the previous regime; the opposition
has pledged to fight to retain what it views as important checks and balances in
the system of government.
Women have had the right to vote in municipal elections since 1934 and in na-
tional elections since 1949 and are active in political life at the grassroots level.
Women make up a majority of registered voters and of those who actually cast bal-
lots, but few women are in leadership positions. Fourteen women serve among the
120 deputies, 2 women were in the 46-seat Senate (including one of the appointed
Senators) and 3 of 21 cabinet ministers are women. The level of female participation
in government is not increasing markedly.
The over 1 million indigenous people have the legal right to participate freely in
the political process, although relatively few are politically active. Only one member
of Congress is of indigenous descent. The National Corporation for Indigenous De-
velopment was created in 1994, and indigenous people directly elected representa-
tives to this body in 1995. It advises and directs government programs that assist
the economic development of indigenous people.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Chilean Human Rights Commission, a nongovernmental organization (NGO),
is affiliated with the International League of Human Rights and gathers evidence
of police abuses. The CODEPU provides legal counsel to those accused of politically
related crimes and to victims of human rights abuses. Local NGO's say that the
(jovemment cooperates with their efforts to investigate accusations of human rights
violations. Many international NGO's also closely follow human rights issues.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equality before the law, but it does not specifically
ban discrimination based on race, sex, religion, or social status.
Women. — The public is only beginning to appreciate the extent of physical abuse
of women. The National Women's Service (SERNAM), created in 1991 to combat dis-
crimination against women, found in a 1996 study of more than 12,000 reports of
domestic violence that 3 years after the Law on Intra-Family Violence went into ef-
fect, only one in five accusations resulted in judicial action. The study indicated that
spouses or domestic partners were responsible for 88 percent of family violence and
that 63 percent of the reports represented physical attacks. The study showed that
in nearly three-quarters of reported cases of domestic violence, the accusation led
to a positive change in the domestic situation regardless of the judicial outcome.
SERNAM also conducted courses on the legal, medical, and psychological aspects of
domestic violence for police officers and judicial and municipal authorities.
The courts may order counseling for those involve in intrafamily violence. In 1996
there were 57,939 civil court cases of domestic violence. In 1994 (latest data avail-
able) there were 2,281 reported cases of rape. A 100-year-old law states that if a
rapist ask the rape victim to marry him and she accepts, he will not be sentenced
449
for the crime, although it remains on his criminal record. SERNAM is working to
have this law abolished.
Legal distinctions between the sexes still exist, despite a 1989 decision to give
precedence over national laws to treaties to which Chile is a party. The law permits
legal separation but not divorce, so those who wish to remarry must seek annul-
ments. Since annulment implies that a marriage never existed under the law,
former spouses are left with little recourse for financial support. Although a recent
law created conjugal property as an option in a marriage, some women saw this as
a step backward, since the law on separate property (which still exists) gives women
the right to one-half their husbands' assets but gives husbands no right to assets
of a wife. In the face of heavy opposition from the Catholic Church, the Chamber
of Deputies approved a divorce bill in September, the bill was awaiting action in
the Senate atyear's end.
Another SEHINAM study found that the average earnings of female heads of
household are only 71 percent of those of male heads of household. Women with no
schooling averaged a salary that was 87 percent of that of their male counterparts
without schooling, while female heads of household with university training aver-
aged only 57 percent as much as their male contemporaries. The SERNAM has a
pilot program providing occupational training and child care in an efTort to alleviate
this disparity.
Children. — The Government provides free education through high school; edu-
cation is compulsory from first to eighth grade. A 1996 survey by the National Mi-
nors Service indicated that sexual abuse of minors occurs but that few cases are re-
ported. A September 1996 United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) report stated
that 34 percent of children under 12 years of age experience serious physical vio-
lence, although only 3.2 percent of the victims of intra-family violence reported to
the national police family affairs unit were below the age of 18. A 1994 Law on
Intra-Family Violence was designed in part to deal with this problem. According to
UNICEF, some form of corporal punishment is used by one or both parents in 62
percent of households. UNICEF estimates that approximately 107,000 children be-
tween the ages of 12 and 19 are in the work force (see Section 6.d.).
Investigations of child abuse within Colonia Dignidad, a secretive German-speak-
ing settlement 400 kilometers south of Santiago, received widespread publicity
throughout the year. The 34,000-acre enclave inhabited by 350 colonists is domi-
nated by 76-year-old Paul Schafer, who immigrated from Germany in 1961 with 300
followers. After allegations by a number of local teenage boys of sexual abuse at the
hands of Schafer, police armed with a search warrant as well as a warrant for
Schafer's arrest raided the compound in June, but at year's end had not been able
to apprehend him despite continued efforts.
By law juvenile offenders (i.e., those under the age of 18) are segregated from
adult prisoners. The Government has reduced the number of minors in adult prisons
from 6,630 in 1992 to around 300 in 1996.
People With Disabilities. — Congress passed a law in 1994 to promote the integra-
tion of people with disabilities into society, and the National Fund for the Handi-
capped (FONDIS) has a $1.5 million budget. The 1992 census found that 288,000
citizens said that they had some form of oisability, but FONDIS estimates that the
actual number is closer to 1 million. About 400,000 citizens are considered mentally
disabled. The disabled still suffer some forms of legal discrimination; for example,
blind people cannot become teachers or tutors. Although the law requires that new
public buildings provide access for the disabled, the public transportation system
does not make provision for wheelchair access, and a new subway line in the
Santiago metropolitan area provides no facilitated access for the disabled.
Indigenous People. — Less than 10 percent of the population is classified as indige-
nous. The Mapucnes from the south comprise over 90 percent of the indigenous pop-
ulation, but there are small Aimara, Atacameno, Huilliche, Rapa Nui, and
Kawaskhar populations in other parts of the country. A committee composed of rep-
resentatives of^ indigenous groups participated in drafting the 1993 law that recog-
nizes the ethnic diversity oT the indigenous population and gives indigenous people
a voice in decisions affecting their lands, cultures, and traditions. It provides for
eventual bilingual education in schools with indigenous populations, replacing a
statute that emphasized assimilation of indigenous people. However, out of the pop-
ulation that identifies itself as indigenous (nearly 1 million, according to the 1992
census), about half remain separated from the rest of society, largely because of his-
torical, cultural, educational, and geographical factors. In practice, the ability of in-
digenous people to participate in governmental decisions affecting their lands, cul-
tures, traditions, and the allocation of natural resources is marginal. Indigenous
people also experience some societal discrimination.
450
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Chile assimilated a major European migra-
tion in the last century and a major Middle Eastern and Croatian migration in the
early part of this century. Smaller racial and ethnic minority groups (Chileans of
Asian descent and African-Chileans) experience some societal intolerance.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have a right to form unions without prior
authorization and to join existing unions; 13 percent of the employed work force is
organized. A 1995 law provides government-employee associations with the same
ri^ts as trade unions. However, this right is not enjoyed by police or military per-
sonnel, nor by employees of state-owned companies attached to the Ministry of De-
fense. Members of unions are free to withdraw from union membership.
The 1992 Labor Code permits nationwide labor centrals, and the Unified Woricers
Central (CUT), the largest and most representative of these, legalized its status in
April 1992. Labor unions are effectively independent of the Government, but union
leaders are usually elected from lists based on party affiliation and often receive di-
rection from parties' headquarters. There are no restrictions on the political activi-
ties or afflliations of unions or union officials. Registering a union is a simple proc-
ess.
Reforms to the Labor Code in 1990 removed many restrictions on the right to
strike, although some remain. Employees in the private sector have the right to
strike, and the Government regulates this right. However, the law proscribes em-
ployees of some 30 companies — largely providers of essential services (e.g., water
and electricity) — from striking; it stipulates compulsory arbitration to resolve poten-
tial strikes in these companies. Public officials do not enjoy this right, althougn gov-
ernment teachers, municipal and health workers have struck in the recent past.
There is no provision for compulsory arbitration in the public sector.
Employers must pay severance benefits to striking workers and must show cause
to fire workers. Employees who believe that they have been unfairly dismissed or
dismissed because of their trade union activities file complaints with the Ministry
of Labor. If the claim is approved, the employer must make special and additional
compensatory payments. Congress approved legislation that took efTect in March
and places the burden of proof on the employer in cases in which employees allege
illegal antiunion activity.
The CUT and many other labor confederations and federations maintain ties to
international labor organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Despite legal provisions for
collective bargaining, most workers negotiate individual contracts. Employers say
that this is due to the workers' preference, distrust of union leaders, and loyalty to
companies. Union leaders counter that the Labor Code — which among other things
does not allow union shops — prevents successful organization in many sectors. Em-
ployers may also include a clause in individual employment contracts that bars
some classes of employees from collective bargaining, although this applies only to
supervisory personnel. Employees may object to the inclusion of such clauses in
their contracts and mav appeal to the Ministry of Labor for their excision.
The Ministry of Labor arbitrates about one-half of the complaints it receives.
Workers may take unarbitrated cases to the courts. If complainants succeed in prov-
ing they were fired unjustly, the employer must pay discharged employees twice
their normal severance payment. There are no statistics available concerning the
disposition of complaints of antiunion behavior. There are allegations that employ-
ers fire workers for union activity and attempt to avoid a complaint by immediately
paying them some multiple of the normal severance pay.
Temporary workers — defined in the Labor Code as those in agriculture and con-
struction, as well as port workers and entertainers — may form unions, but their
right to collective bargaining remains dependent on employers agreeing to negotiate
with unions of temporary workers. Likewise, inter-company unions enjoy the right
of collective bargaining only if the employer agrees to negotiate with such a union.
Labor Code sanctions against unfair bargaining practices protect workers from dis-
missal only during the bargaining process. Labor leaders complain that companies
invoke the law's needs-of-the-company clause to fire workers after a union has
signed a new contract, particularly when negotiations result in a prolonged strike.
Labor laws apply in the duty-free zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution and the Labor
Code prohibit forced or compulsory labor, and it is not known to occur. While the
Labor Code does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, there
were no reports of such practices.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
allows children between the ages of 15 and 18 to work with the express permission
451
of their parents or guardians. Children 14 years of age may also work legally with
such {jermission, but they must have completed their elementary education, and the
work involved may not be physically strenuous or unhealthy. Additional provisions
in the law protect workers under 18 years of age by restricting the types of work
open to them (for example, they may not work in nightclubs) and by establishing
special conditions of work (they may not work more than 8 hours in one day). Labor
inspectors enforce these regulations and compliance is good in the formal economy.
The Labor Code does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children,
but such practices were not known to occur (see Section 6.c.). Many children are em-
ployed in the informal economy. A government study estimates that there are
15,000 children between the ages of 6 and 11 and 32,000 children between the ages
of 12 and 14 were in the work force. The majority of these were males from single-
parent households headed by women; among these were children who worked more
than 40 hours per week and did not attend school. The Ministry of Labor convenes
regular meetings of a tripartite group (business-labor-government) to monitor
progress in eradicating child labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law sets minimum wages, hours of work,
and occupational safety and health standards. The legal workweek is 48 hours,
which can be worked in either 5 or 6 days. The maximum workday length is 10
hours, but positions such as caretakers and domestic servants are exempted. All
workers enjoy at least one 24-hour rest period during the workweek, except for
workers at high altitudes who voluntarily exchange a work -free day each week for
several consecutive work-free days every 2 weeks.
The minimum wage is adjusted annually. This wage is designed to serve as the
starting wage for an unskilled single worker entering the labor force and does not
provide a family with an acceptable standard of living. Only 11 percent of salaried
workers earn the minimum wage. A tripartite committee comprising government,
employer, and labor representatives normally suggests a minimum wage based on
projected inflation and increases in productivity. In May the Senate approved the
Government's proposal with little dissent, setting the minimum monthly wage at
about $173 (71,400 pesos), effective in July.
Occupational health and safety are protected under the law and administered by
the both the Ministries of Health and of Labor. The Government has increased re-
sources for inspections by over 60 percent since 1990 and targeted industries guilty
of the worst abuses. As a result, enforcement is improving, and voluntary compli-
ance is fairly good. A law that became effective in December 1996 increased the
number of annual occupational health and safety inspections and provided that they
be carried out by an expanded labor inspection service in the Ministry of Labor. In-
surance mutual funds provide workmen's compensation and occupational safety
training for the private and public sectors. They reported a 24-percent decline in oc-
cupational injuries over the past 5 years, although 11 percent of the work force still
submitted claims. Workers who remove themselves from situations that endanger
their health and safety have their employment protected if a real danger to their
health or safety exists. The Ministry of Labor recently promulgated a general stand-
ard for safety in the forestry sector, where accident rates have greatly exceeded the
national average.
COLOMBIA
Colombia is a constitutional, multiparty democracy, in which the Liberal and Con-
servative parties have long dominated politics. The presidency was weakened
throughout the year by continued controversy arising from substantial, credible pub-
lic evidence that President Ernesto Samper personally sought and accepted an ille-
gal $6 million contribution from the Cali-based narcotics trafficking cartel during
his 1994 electoral campaign. This enduring controversy significantly diminished the
President's moral authority and political ability to govern. The civil judiciary is
largely independent of government influence, afthougn the suborning or intimida-
tion of judges, witnesses, and prosecutors by those indicted is common. The separate
military judicial system has been long accountable only to the uniformed military
leadership, but in August the Constitutional Court directed it to relinquish to the
civilian judiciary the investigation and prosecution of allegations of human rights
abuses committed by police and military personnel.
The control of the central (jovemment over the national territory has been in-
creasingly challenged by longstanding and widespread internal armed conflict and
rampant violence — both criminal and political. An estimated 10,000 to 15,000 full-
time guerrillas, belonging to three distinct communist rebel armies operating in
452
more than 100 separate guerrilla fronts spread across the nation, represented a
growing threat to government security forces. The Government has been forced into
an essentially defensive posture and its forces rarely initiate military action. The
guerrillas exercised a significant degree of influence in about 57 percent of the coun-
try's 1,071 municipalities. Some guerrilla groups, especially in rural regions in the
southern and eastern parts of the country, continued to collaborate with narcotic
traffickers. Such criminal activities produced revenues estimated in the hundreds of
millions of dollars annually for the guerrilla groups. A diverse collection of regional-
based paramilitary forces assumed a dominant role in the internal conflict, greatly
expanoing their political and military influence into a number of geographic areas
previously dominated by the guerrillas.
The civilian-led Ministry of Defense is responsible for internal security and over-
sees both the armed forces and the national police, although civilian management
of the security forces is limited. The Department of Administrative Security (DAS),
with broad intelligence gathering, law enforcement, and investigative authority, re-
ports directly to the President. The armed forces and the police committed numer-
ous, serious violations of human rights, although significantly fewer than in 1996.
Colombia has a mixed private and public sector economy. The Government contin-
ued to privatize institutions, although at a slower rate than the peak in 1995. Crude
petroleum replaced coffee as the nation's principal legitimate export in 1996. Narcot-
ics traffickers continued to control large tracts of land and other assets and exerted
undue influence throughout society and political life. The country suffers from a
highly skewed distribution of income, with a per capita gross domestic product of
$2,225.
The Government's human rights record continued to be poor, although there were
some improvements in certain areas. Government forces continued to commit nu-
merous serious abuses, including extrajudicial killings; however, they were respon-
sible for fewer such killings than in the previous year. During the first 9 months
of the year, government forces committed 7.5 percent of all politically motivated
extrajudicial killings. There were targeted killings by elements of the Army, notably
the 20th Intelligence Brigade. Security forces were responsible for several instances
of forced disappearance, and police and soldiers continued to torture and beat some
detainees. At times the security forces collaborated with paramilitary groups that
committed abuses. Conditions in the overcrowded prisons are generally harsh; how-
ever, some inmates use bribes or intimidation to obtain more favorable conditions.
Arbitrary arrest and detention, as well as prolonged pretrial detention, are fun-
damental problems. The judiciary is severely overburdened and has a case backlog
estimated at greater than 1 million cases. Less than 3 percent of all crimes commit-
ted nationwide are successfully prosecuted. The use of "faceless" prosecutors, judges,
and witnesses, under cover of anonymity for security reasons, continued in cases in-
volving kidnaping, extortion, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, and in several hundred
high-profile cases involving human rights violations.
Although the number of human rights violations by government forces declined
somewhat from the previous year, the executive branch and Congress continued to
be unable to eliminate those abuses. At year's end, the military exercised jurisdic-
tion over many cases of military personnel accused of abuses, a system that has es-
tablished an almost unbroken record of impunity.
Inefficiency, intimidation, and impunity in both the civilian and military courts
remain at the core of the country's human rights problems. The Prosecutor Gen-
eral's office, however, increased efforts to prosecute high-profile human rights cases
involving serious violations such as killings, massacres, and kidnapings committed
by government forces, paramilitary gTioups, and guerrillas. The Government per-
mitted the continued existence of special "public order zones" in some locations, in
which military commanders in areas of high conflict directed all government secu-
rity efforts — including the imposition of curfews, check-points, and requirements for
safe conduct passes.
The Government and its backers in Congress increased pressure on the media to
influence reporting. Although the Constitutional Court struck down portions of a
1996 government-backed media law, which permitted censorship, it left intact other
key aspects of the law. This action left the Government in a position to reward its
political backers, punish its opponents, and fundamentally influence the electronic
media. Journalists practiced self-censorship. Violence against women and children
is a serious problem, as is child prostitution. Extensive societal discrimination
against women, minorities, and the indigenous continued. Child labor is a wide-
spread problem. Vigilante and paramilitary groups that engaged in "social cleans-
ing"— the killing of street children, prostitutes, homosexuals, and others deemed so-
cially undesirable — continued to be a serious problem.
453
The many paramilitary groups increasingly took the offensive against the guerril-
las, often by perpetrating targeted killings, massacres, and forced displacements of
the guerrillas perceived or alleged civilian support base. During the first 9 months
of the year, members of paramilitary groups committed 69 percent of all politically
motivated extrajudicial killings. The Government took no significant action to re-
strain these powerful paramilitary groups. The public security forces' relations with
paramilitary groups varied considerably, ranging from noncooperation, to turning a
blind eye to paramilitary activities, to some instances of active collaboration. There
was no credible evidence of any sustained militaiy action to constrain the para-
military groups. While the President announced on December 1 a series of measures
to combat paramilitary forces, including a task force to hunt down their leaders,
these measures had not been implemented by year's end.
The Government's National Human Rights Ombudsman argued that the govern-
ment-sponsored, rural self-defense groups known as "Convivir' directly involved citi-
zens in the armed conflict, converting them into targets of guerrilla attack. It be-
came increasingly clear that paramilitary groups and their leaders were largely be-
yond the control of the State, which had initially promoted the development of such
groups in response to rising guerrilla actions. Many paramilitary groups have far
stronger ties to regional or local political and economic elites — including narcotics
traffickers — than they do to the military. This development significantly heightened
the risks to a society in which fragile national institutions were already reeling from
rebel attacks, narcotics-related corruption, a judicial system crippled by impunity
and inefficiency, a disgraced administration and a disconnected, self-absorbed politi-
cal class.
An active policy of depopulation, pursued by some paramilitary groups against
communities suspected of guerrilla support, was the primary cause of the growing
internal displacement problem. The breakdown of public order in many rural areas,
sparited by the continuing conflicts among paramilitary, guerrilla, and narcotics
trafficking organizations; economic interests; and the police and the armed forces,
has prompteathe internal displacement of more than 525,000 citizens during the
years 1995 to 1997. It remained unclear, however, how many of these were tem-
porary rather than permanent displacements.
Guerrilla forces continued to be responsible for numerous killings; during the first
9 months of the year, they committed 23.5 percent of all politically motivated
extrajudicial killings. Guerrilla forces also were responsible for disappearances, as
well as more than 50 percent (867) of all formally reported kidnapings. As the Octo-
ber 26 gubernatorial and local elections approached, guerrillas targeted political jf-
ficeholders, candidates, and election workers as "military objectives" — part of their
declared campaigns to destabilize the country and delegitimize the Government.
They killed or kidnaped more than 200 candidates and elected officials during the
year and forced more than 2,000 political candidates to withdraw from electoral
campaigns. Despite the widespread violence generated by guerrilla forces, the Gov-
ernment carried out elections in the vast majority of municipalities and citizens
turned out in sizable numbers and voted overwhelmingly in favor of national peace
talks in a nonbinding plebescite.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Political and extrajudicial killings
continued to be a serious problem. More than 3,500 citizens died in such acts, com-
mitted by both state and nonstate agents. Members of the security forces continued
to commit extrajudicial killings, albeit at a reduced rate. According to multiple,
credible reports, the security forces were responsible for approximately 7.5 percent
of political killings during the first 9 months of the year in which the perpetrators
could be identified. This represented a continuation of the steady and sulbstantial
decline since 1993, when the military was deemed responsible for 54 percent of such
killings. The total number of extrajudicial killings directly attributable to the secu-
rity forces continued to decline, from 126 in 1996 to 80 in the first 9 months of 1997.
The police reportedly committed some social cleansing killings. Government and
military officials give credence to reports of isolated killings during the year con-
ducted by members of at least one army unit, the 20th Intelligence Brigade.
The Government's independent National Human Rights Ombudsman (Defensoria
del Pueblo) received 253 complaints in 1996 against the army alleging murder,
forced disappearances, and threats (compared with 219 in 1995). The same report
cited 226 complaints against the police for murder, disappearances, and threats
(compared with 169 in 1995). The Attorney General's office (Procuraduria) reported
that of the 3,000 complaints against public officials received between June 1995 and
454
October 1996, it opened administrative proceedings in 1,338 cases, including 28
massacres and 202 homicides. Some of the other cases did not involve public officials
and were passed on to other government investigative bodies. It is unclear how
many of the cases have since resulted in convictions or have otherwise been closed.
The Institute for Legal Medicine reported a 1997 homicide rate of 66 deaths per
100,000 inhabitants. The police and tne judiciary have insufficient resources to in-
vestigate most killings adeauately. In 1996 the Superior Council of the Judiciary re-
ported that 74 percent of all crimes go unreportea, and between 97 and 98 percent
of all crimes go unpunished. The Government Commission on Public Spending simi-
lariy placed the impunity rate for all crimes at 99.5 percent.
Two intelligence agents, an army private, and several civilians — all associated
with the 20th Intelligence Brigade — were arrested in May and placed in preventive
detention for their presumed involvement in the November 2, 1995, assassination
of opposition Conservative Senator Alvaro Gomez Hurtado and his assistant. A re-
gional court judge ruled in November that there was insufficient evidence to war-
rant the continued detention without bail of two of the detainees, who nonetheless
remain under active investigation. By year's end, civilian prosecutions against four
of the others were complete, awaiting only the judge's ruling and sentencing. Four
field-grade intelligence ofiicers with ties to the brigade were passed over for pro-
motion in November, effectively ending their careers. The autnorities were inves-
tigating one of them, the brigade commander, for the murder of several of the bri-
gade's own informants. The Government also forcibly retired a former commander
of the brigade.
On April 4, the Superior Military Tribunal ordered the arrest in Cartagena of five
members of the National Police for the September 3, 1995, death of Italian tourist
Giacomo Turra from beatings while in detention. The military trial of police Ser-
geant Raymundo Llanos Vasquez and four subordinates on the charge of premedi-
tated homicide began in October.
Army Captain Kodrigo Canas Flores was arrested on May 19, along with a para-
military leader, for the April 22, 1996, massacre of 15 persons in the town of
Segovia, Antioquia department. The Supreme Court upheld in December the convic-
tions of 6 former police officers for conspiracy and aggravated homicide in the 1991
killings of 18 persons in Villas del Rosario, Santander del Norte department. The
court, which sentenced the six former policemen to between 14 and 26 years in pris-
on, determined that they were members of an illegal paramilitary group operating
in that department.
In November 1996, the Superior Council of the Judiciary transferred to the mili-
tary justice system the case of General Farouk Yanine Diaz and three other senior
military codefendants on trial for the 1987 massacre of 19 local merchants. This
transfer directly contravened constitutional requirements that such trials be con-
ducted exclusively by civilian courts. On June 18, then-Commanding General of the
Army Manuel Jose Bonett (who had initially attempted to recuse himself from the
case) personally cleared General Yanine Diaz and his military codefendants of homi-
cide and kidnaping charges. Meanwhile, a civilian regional court tried three civilian
codefendants on the basis of the same evidence, convicted them on June 25, and
sentenced them to 30 years in prison for their roles in the massacre of the 19 mer-
chants. Several human rights groups submitted a complaint against Yanine Diaz to
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (lACHR), which has it under re-
view. General Yanine Diaz and four other retired army generals remain under in-
vestigation by the Prosecutor General's office for their roles in the development of
paramilitary death squads in the Middle Magdalena region.
In October the Prosecuting Attorney's Human Rights Unit formally charged two
army Sergeants, Hernando Medina Camacho and Gusto Gil Zuniga Labrador, and
Earamilitary leader Carlos Castano with the 1994 killing of the leader of Patriotic
^nion (UP) Senator Manuel Vargas Cepeda. The two sergeants remained in preven-
tive detention, while Castano was tried in absentia. UP leader Senator Hernan
Motta, Cepeda's successor, left the country with his family in October, following in-
creasing threats to their safety.
In late June, the Government approved compensation for the relatives of members
of the April 19th Movement (M-19) guerrilla group who died during an army oper-
ation in the southeast area of Bogota on September 30, 1985. This decision followed
a recommendation by the Inter-American (Jommission on Human Rights (LACHR).
In May a regional judge in Medellin sentenced in absentia accused narcotics traf-
ficker Fidel Castano, colounder of the largest paramilitary coalition, to 30 years in
prison for the January 1990 massacre of 43 peasants in Pueblo Viejo, Antioquia, and
for the 1988 kidnaping and killing of Conservative Senator Alfaro Ospina. In Janu-
ary Castano's codefendant and fellow paramilitary leader Jose Anioal Rodriguez
Urquijo was sentenced to 40 years in prison for his role in the two crimes.
455
There continued to be incidents of social cleansing — including attacks and
killings — directed against individuals deemed socially undesirable, such as drug ad-
dicts, prostitutes, transvestites, beggars, and street children. Most of these incidents
were attributed to paramilitary groups and criminal gangs; elements of the police,
however, were believed responsible for a number of such incidents, as well. Criminal
or "antisocial" elements were sometimes similarly "cleansed" from communities
under the sway of the guerrillas.
Killings by paramilitary groups (also known as "self-defense groups ") increased
significantly, many times with the complicity of individual soldiers or military units,
or with the knowledge and tacit approval of senior military officials. The number
of such killings attributed to paramilitary forces increased significantly (from 751
in 1996 to 752 during the first 9 months of 1997). The Ombudsman, the Prosecutor
General's office, and the Presidential Exploratory Peace Commission all agreed that
some cases indicated that members of the armed forces actively collaborated with
paramilitary groups. The September 9 report by the Exploratory Peace Commission
declared that, given the nation's historically ambivalent policy towards such groups,
"the State in its entirety bears an important degree of responsibility for the creation
and expansion of the self-defense groups." The report also noted that there was a
clear relationship between local political and economic elites in some regions of the
country and the self-defense groups, both in the financing of such groups and in the
direction of their activities.
Credible allegations of cooperation with paramilitary groups, including instances
of both silent support and direct collaboration by members of the armed forces, in
particular the army, continued to generate controversy. Military commander Gen-
eral Bonett categorically denied that such cooperation existed, but tacit arrange-
ments between local military commanders and paramilitary groups did occur in
some regions. Government authorities and academic analysts asserted that para-
military groups freely operated in some areas that were under military control. For
example, army commander Major General Mario Hugo Galan denied to the press
in October that the army had institutional or operational contact with paramilitary
groups, but admitted that there had been "individual cases" of army personnel co-
operating with members of such groups. General Yanine Diaz, former commander
of the army's Second Division based in Bucaramanga, was accused of establishing
and expanding paramilitary death squads in the Middle Magdalena region, as well
as ordering dozens of disappearances, multiple large-scale massacres, and the kill-
ing of judges and court personnel sent to investigate previous crimes. Army Colonel
Carlos Alfonso Velasquez, then serving as Deputy (Jommander and Chief of Staff
of the Army's 17th Brigade operating in the Cordoba and Uraba region, was forced
to retire in January after he privately criticized the Brigade's refusal to confront the
paramilitary forces headquartered there.
The statutes of the Self-defense Groups of Cordoba and Uraba (ACCU), the na-
tion's most powerful paramilitary group, explicitly condoned extrajudicial execu-
tions, stating "we respect all persons who are outside the conflict, but we do not
so consider guerrillas camouflaged as peasants engaged in espionage." This attitude
encouraged the widespread and arbitrary use of extrajudicial killing by paramilitary
forces. According to credible sources, during the first 9 months of the year, members
of paramilitary groups committed 69 percent of all politically motivated extrajudicial
kilhngs.
The largest illegal paramilitary groups (centered in Cordoba, Uraba, and the Mid-
dle Magdalena regions, plus the eastern plains) announced on April 19 the estab-
lishment of a national umbrella organization, the AUG (United Self-defense Groups
of Colombia). The growing participation in the conflict by civilians has been prompt-
ed in part by the guerrillas' increasing strength and presence in a growing number
of municipalities (173 in 1985 compared with 622 in 1995) and in part by the Gov-
ernment's failure to ensure security throughout the country.
Overall, paramilitary killings escalated not only in those areas that have long suf-
fered the greatest concentration of violence, such as Meta, Uraba, Cordoba, and
Cesar, but in other regions as well, including parts of Antioquia beyond Uraba, the
Magdalena Medio region, and the departments of Sucre, Guaviare, Caqueta, and
Putumayo. Such killings reflect the intensified competition between paramilitary
and guerrilla organizations for control across a broad sweep of territory (see Section
Ig-)-
Paramilitary groups extended their influence into the historically guerrilla-domi-
nated coca-growing areas of Meta department with their July 15-20 takeover of the
town of Mapiripan. They singled out at least seven townspeople and executed them,
reportedly for supporting the guerrillas. Thousands of townspeople subsequently
fled, claiming that the paramilitary forces had killed as many as two dozen others
and had thrown their bodies into the Guaviare River. In a September interview in
45-909 98 - 1 6
456
El Tiempo newspaper, paramilitary leader Carlos Castano admitted responsibility
for the Mapiripan massacre. The army and the Attorney General opjened separate,
formal administrative investigations into the possible role of four Army officers, in-
cluding the Commander of the 7th Brigade, Brigadier General Jaime Humberto
Uscategui, and five civilian officials, including the mayor of Mapiripan, in the take-
over. The Prosecutor General's office also opened a criminal investigation into the
incident. A similar paramilitary incursion into Mirafiores, Guaviare, on October 18-
20, which left at least five persons dead, also prompted the Prosecutor General to
open a criminal investigation into the role of the security forces in supporting the
attacks.
With few notable exceptions, known paramilitary leaders remained beyond the
reach of the law. The regional court of Medellin sentenced Gerardo Antonio Palacio
to 8V^ years in prison for forming an illegal paramilitary group. The authorities
were also investigating Palacio and others for the group's role in the August 15,
1995, massacre of 18 persons in Chigorodo, Antioquia. On April 26, the police recap-
tured Luis Alfredo Rubio Rojas, former mayor of Puerto Boyaca and leader of a
garamilitan^ group initially founded by Medellin cartel narcotics trafficker Gonzalo
odriguez Gacha, after 7 years in hid.ing. Rubio had previously been sentenced to
12 years in prison for his role in the 1986-87 Honduras and La Negra massacres;
he is also under investigation in the murder of 19 local merchants, the murder of
12 Fiscalia employees sent to investigate those killings, as well as for hiring British
and Israeli mercenaries to train menilbers of paramilitary groups to fight the Colom-
bian Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) and defend narcotics interests.
For the first time since the December 1994 establishment of the government-spon-
sored civilian rural defense cooperatives known as Convivir, a Convivir leader was
found guilty of forming an illegally armed group. A Medellin judge on October 23
sentenced Jose Alirio Arcila Vasquez, director of the "Los Sables" Convivir, and
other Los Sables members to 7 years in prison for the April 1996 murder of three
men in Ciudad Bolivar, Medellin. The case against former army Captain Giro Al-
fonso Vargas Lancheros for his possible role in the incident remained ongoing.
Former guerrillas who have laid down their weapons following previous peace
agreements with the Government were also the targets of attacks — from both para-
military groups and their former comrades-in-arms. Of the 5,897 guerrillas formally
demobilized during 1990—94 from at least 6 rebel armies, 258 had been killed by
the end of 1996. An additional 82 "reinserted" guerrillas had been killed as of Au-
gust 15, 70 percent of them in Antioquia and Sucre departments. At least 19 mem-
bers of the Socialist Renovation Current (CRS), which broke with the National Lib-
eration Army (ELN) and demobilized in 1994, were killed during the year. The July
murders of William Jaraba and Fredy Fuentes Paternidad, Cordoba regional leaders
of the CRS, prompted a rare joint statement by the Ministers of Defense and Inte-
rior. They criticized the attacks by illegal armed groups, noted that the CRS was
a legally constituted political movement committed to the democratic legal order,
and ordered the p)olice and military to provide the CRS "with maximum collabora-
tion and protection of its social and political activities."
The leftist coalition party known as the UP continued to be the target of political
killings. Unknown assailants shot and killed a policeman early on July 26 as he suc-
cessfully prevented the detonation of a 110-pound bomb aimed at the UPs Bogota
headquarters. The UP has lost more than 3,000 members in a campaign of targeted
killings waged against its leadership — a campaign initially precipitated by
Rodriguez Gacha and the Medellin Cartel after the UP was formed as part of a 1985
peace accord that permitted several thousand guerrillas to turn in their weapons in
exchange for participation in a legal political party. There have been 600 reported
murders of UP party members in Meta department alone since the campaign began,
including the head of the Meta Committee for Human Rights, Josue Giraldo, who
was killed in October 1996.
In 1996 the UP brought a complaint before the lACHR that charged the Govern-
ment with "action or omission" in what the UP termed "political genocide" against
the UP and the Communist Party. In its October submission to the lACHR, the Re-
insertion Foundation human rights organization charged that 13 regional UP politi-
cal leaders had been killed and 3 tortured during the first 9 months of the year.
The Government and the UP continued without success in their efforts to reach an
amicable solution under the auspices of the lACHR.
The guerrillas of the FARC, the ELN, and the People's Liberation Army (EPL)
continued to commit extrajudicial executions, often targeting noncombatants in a
manner not unlike the paramilitary groups. Local elected officials or candidates for
oubhc office, teachers, civic leaders, business owners, and peasants opposed to their
1 or military activities were common targets. Police and military personnel
457
were also targeted for killings, both in and out of combat, but to a lesser degree
(see Section l.g.).
On April 21, a FARC guerrilla squad raided the town of Liborina, Antioquia, held
a public "revolutionary trial" of a local municipal official and four peasants accused
of collaborating with the military, and executed them. In September FARC guerril-
las killed more than a dozen persons in the San Luis indigenous reserve. In Decem-
ber FARC forces killed a Catholic priest (see Section l.g.).
b. Disappearance. — 'Torced disappearance", while explicitly prohibited by the
1991 Constitution, remained an act not explicitly outlawed under the Penal Code,
although the law codifies kidnaping for extortion and "simple kidnaping" as crimes.
An estimated 3,000 cases of forced disappearance have been formally repwrted to the
authorities since 1977; very few have ever been resolved. The U.N. Working Group
on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances reported that it received 133 complaints
of forced disappearance in Colombia during the past 4 years.
According to data collected jointly by the Intercongregational Commission for Jus-
tice and Peace and the Center for Investigations and Popular Research (CENEP),
136 persons disappeared during the first 9 months of 1997. The army was deemed
responsible for 6 of the disappearances and 130 were attributed to paramilitary
groups.
On January 29, the Inter-American Human Rights Court found that the Govern-
ment should pay $89,500 to the families of Isidro Caballero Delgado and Maria del
Carmen Santiago, following an earlier Court ruling that the State was responsible
for their forced disappearances.
The Judicial Council of State determined in September that the Government
should compensate the families of M-19 guerrilla Irma Franco Pineda and 11 civil-
ian cafeteria workers, whose disappearance was attributed to the army's 20th Intel-
ligence Brigade after the army retook Bogota's Palace of Justice following the M-
19's November 6, 1985 siege. The Council ordered the Government to pay the equiv-
alent of 2,000 grams of gold to Franco's family.
There has been no progress since the December 1996 decision of the Superior Ju-
dicial Council to transfer the criminal investigation of General Alvaro Velandia
Hurtado, the former commander of the 20th Intelligence Brigade, who was accused
of the 1987 forced disappearance, torture, and murder of M-19 member Nydia Erika
Bautista, to the military judicial system. The Prosecutor General's human rights
unit was forced to terminate its investigation after it lost jurisdiction over the case.
Like many similar cases, this case remained in the military justice system at year's
end, despite the August 5 Constitutional Court decision that all such human rights
cases be conducted by the civilian courts.
The U.N. Committee on Human Rights found that the Government was directly
responsible for the 1990 disappearance and murder of Torres Crespo, Torres Arroyo,
and Chaparo Torres, three indigenous leaders.
On April 23, antikidnap czar Alberto Villamizar called for investigation into alle-
gations of cooperation between the Government's elite antikidnap squads (GAULA)
and illegal paramilitary groups following the April 22 rescue by paramilitary forces
of an oil company employee kidnaped in Bolivar department by the ELN.
Police Major Manuel de Jesus Lozada Plazas, the deputy GAU1j\ commander in
Bogota, was arrested on March 10 and charged with the May 19, 1995 kidnaping
of three former EPL guerrillas in Cali, where he had previously served as head of
the GAULA. In its first such decision following the August 5 Constitutional Court
ruling regarding alleged human rights violations by security forces personnel, the
Superior Judicial Council determined on August 14 that Lozada would be tried in
a civilian court.
On April 18 in Bucaramanga, presumed members of a paramilitary group kid-
naped the sister and brother-in-law of Nicolas Rodriguez, the reputed deputy com-
mander of the ELN. This kidnaping was part of a campaign begun in 1996 by para-
military groups to give guerrillas "a taste of their own medicine." Military courts
opened an investigation into military complicity, however, after army Sergeant
Jesus Antonio Sanchez Morales testified that General Rafael Hernandez, Second Di-
vision commander, ordered him to take part in the kidnaping. Sanchez was placed
in preventive detention; the kidnap victims never reappeared.
Guerrillas were deemed responsible for over 50 percent (involving 867 victims) of
the 1,693 kidnaping cases formally reported to the National Police during 1997, ac-
cording to the Pais Libre foundation. Arrests or prosecutions in any of these cases
were rare. Foreigners accounted for approximately 5 percent of those kidnaped, and
represented attractive targets for both the FARC and the ELN, which generally de-
manded exorbitant ransom payments for their release.
458
The body of Vassily Lojkin, a Russian cyclist endeavoring to circumnavigate the
globe, was found on March 7 in Apartado; he had been kidnaped, then executed,
by the FARC.
From August to October, FARC and ELN guerrillas waged a massive kidnaping
campaign against candidates for the October 26 departmental and local elections.
Hundreds oi persons were kidnaped, held for several days or weeks, lectured, and
subsequently released, typically after promising to withdraw their candidacies.
Some 2,000 candidates nationwide withdrew (see also Section 3). Two Catholic bish-
ops were kidnaped in October and November, one by the FARC and the other by
the ELN (see Section l.g.).
There has been no confirmation for nearly 4 years that three American mission-
aries kidnaped by FARC guerrillas in Panama on January 31, 1993, and imme-
diately moved to Colombia, were still alive. The FARC and other guerrilla groups
regularly kidnaped foreign citizens; some were released after months of captivity,
while others remained in captivity at year's end. The tortured body of American ge-
ologist Frank Thomas Pescatore, kidnaped on December 10, 1996, by FARC guerril-
las, was found on February 23.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution explicitly prohibits torture, as well as cruel, inhuman, or degrad-
ing treatment or punishment. Reports of incidents of police and military torture or
mistreatment of detainees nevertheless continued. The Office of the Attorney Gen-
eral for Human Rights reported investigating 462 cases of torture committed by the
police, DAS, army, prison officials, and other agents of the State during the period
from June 1995 to October 1996. There has been no appreciable subsequent de-
crease in cases of torture committed by various government security agencies. These
abuses often occurred in connection with illegal detentions in the context of counter-
insurgency or counter-narcotics operations.
Paramilitary and guerrilla groups were also responsible for many instances of tor-
ture; the bodies of a great many persons detained and subsequently killed by these
illegal groups showed signs of torture and disfigurement.
Prison conditions are generally harsh, especially for those prisoners without sig-
nificant outside support. Severe overcrowding, and dangerous sanitary and health
conditions remained serious problems. In December a visiting lACHR mission de-
clared that the living conditions in Bogota's La Picota prison constituted "cruel, in-
human, and degrading treatment of the inmates." The nation's 168 prisons and jails
held 43,221 inmates in December, 52 percent more than planned capacity. In a
number of the nation's largest prisons, the overcrowding reached even higher levels.
Medellin's Bellavista prison, the nation's largest, was built to house 1,700 inmates;
in December, it housed some 5,050 inmates — triple its designed capacity. Bogota's
La Modelo and the Palmira prison outside Cali were both at 250 percent of designed
capacity.
Forty-six j)ercent of all prison inmates are pretrial detainees. The remaining 54
percent are roughly split between those appealing their convictions and those who
have exhausted their appeals and are serving out their terms.
Prison conditions prompted an unprecedented total of 50 uprisings and hostage-
takings by inmates in the first 6 months of the year. Three guards and a prisoner
were killed at Valledupar prison in April after common prisoners and detained ELN
members took more tnan 15 hostages. Guards, who typically have no riot control
equipment, training, or capability, also went on strike at several facilities. Instances
of abuse by and corruption among prison staff, as well as ongoing criminal activities
by inmates, were so serious that judicial authorities announced on April 1 the trans-
fer of control of the maximum security wings of La Picota, La Modelo, Palmira, and
Medellin's Itagui prisons from the civilian National Prisons Institute to the National
Police.
Political detainees and prisoners are typically housed with common prisoners.
There are no separate facilities for pretrial detainees and convicted prisoners. Key
narcotics traffickers and some guerrilla leaders, however, get special cells with
many comforts, some of which — such as access to two-way radios, cellular tele-
phones, and computers — allowed them to continue their illegal activities from inside
jail.
Local or regional military and jail commanders did not always prepare mandatory
detention registers or follow notification procedures; as a result, precise accounting
for every detainee was not always possible.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) continued to have routine
access to most prisons and police and military detention centers.
The ICRC began to obtain more frequent access, although still on an ad hoc basis,
to prisoners privately held by paramilitary groups or guerrilla forces.
459
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution includes several provi-
sions designed to prevent illegal detention; however, there continued to be instances
in which tne authorities arrested or detained citizens arbitrarily.
The law prohibits incommunicado detention. Anyone held in preventive detention
must be brought before a iudge within 36 hours to determine the legality of the de-
tention. The judge must tnen act upon that petition within 36 hours of its applica-
tion. Despite these legal protections, instances of arbitrary detention continued; the
Human Rights Ombudsman reported 509 formal complaints of arbitraiy or illegal
detention in 1996, far more than the 374 cases reported in 1995. The CINEP and
Justice and Peace, using different reporting criteria, received 51 reports of arbitrary
detention during the first 9 months of 1997.
An estimated 46 percent of the nation's prison inmates were being held in various
forms of pretrial detention. At the time of the April Valledupar prison uprising, the
facility's population approached five times its ofiicial capacity; 341 of the 578 in-
mates were Deing held in pretrial detention.
Conditional pretrial release is available under certain circumstances, for example,
in connection with minor ofTenses or after unduly lengthy amounts of time in pre-
ventive detention. It is not available in cases oi serious crimes, such as homicide
or terrorism.
Forced exile is not formally practiced, although there were repeated instances of
individuals pressured into self-exile for their personal safety. Such cases included
persons from all walks of life, including politicians, human rights workers, slum-
dwellers, business executives, and rural farmers. The threats came from various
quarters: Elements of the military, paramilitary groups, guerrilla groups, narcotics
traffickers, and other criminal elements.
In more than 150 cases, the Office of the Presidency actively assisted the inter-
national relocation of threatened persons, including the provision of financial sup-
port, when it was decided that the Government was unable to ensure their security
anywhere within the country. Richard Velez, a television cameraman who was beat-
en severely by several army troops while filming a 1996 peasant protest by coca-
leaf pickers in Caqueta department, fied the country along with his family in Octo-
ber. Velez had received a number of threats, culminating in an early October armed
assault (see also Section 2. a.).
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The civilian Judicial system, reorganized under the
1991 Constitution, is largely independent of tne executive and legislative branches,
both in theory and in practice, although the suborning or intimidation of judges,
witnesses, ana prosecutors by those indicted or involved is common.
The judiciary includes the Constitutional Court, Supreme Court of Justice, the
Council of State, the Superior Judicial Council, tribunals, and courts. The Prosecu-
tor General's office is an independent prosecutorial body.
The judiciary has long been subject to threats and intimidation when dealing with
cases involving members of the armed forces or of paramilitary, guerrilla, and nar-
cotics organizations. Although the number of instances of violent attacks against
prosecutors and judges declined with the abatement of drug-related terrorism in the
late 1980's — and as extradition of citizens was halted in 1991 — prosecutors, judges,
and defense attorneys continued to be subjected to threats and acts of violence.
Prosecutors reported, moreover, that potential witnesses in major cases often lacked
faith in the Government's ability to protect their anonymity and were thus unwill-
ing to testify, ruining chances for successful prosecutions.
Corruption and intimidation are believed responsible for the relatively light prison
terms that Gilberto and Miguel Rodriguez Orejuela, longtime leaders of the multi-
billion dollar Cali-based narcotics trafncking cartel, received in January (IOV2 and
9 years, respectively). A court subsequently sentenced Miguel Rodriguez to 23 years
in prison for other crimes. The Rodriguez Orejuelas are credibly believed to continue
to operate their business from Bogota's La Picota prison.
The Constitutional Court struck several blows against impunity during the year.
In August it directed the separate military judicial system, long accountable only
to the uniformed military leadership, to relinquish to the civilian judiciary investiga-
tion and prosecution of human rights violations and other alleged crimes not di-
rectly related to acts of service. On September 23, the Constitutional Court declared
null and void a statute of the Penal Code (dating from the 1930's) that prohibited
punishment of politically motivated rebels for any criminal acts committed in com-
bat, except those that constituted acts of savagery or barbarism.
Prior to the August Constitutional Court decision, most cases involving high-level
military personnel were transferred to the military courts, where convictions in
human rights-related cases were the rare exception (see also Section l.a.). One sig-
nificant exception to the military's routine exertion of exclusive jurisdiction was the
June 12 decision by the Superior Judicial Council to deny the military's request and
460
remand to the civilian courts the criminal case against army Colonel Hernando
Navas Rubio. Navas Rubio, one-time Deputy Commander of the 14th Brigade at
Puerto Berrio, Antioguia, in the Magdalena Medio region, was charged in connection
with the November 11, 1988, massacre at Segovia, Antioquia, which lefl 50 persons
dead and 49 wounded. Most significantly, the military courts had already obtained
jurisdiction for the trials of three of Navas Ruble's own subordinates, who had been
charged earlier in connection with the same crimes.
The Attorney General's office is part of the Public Ministry. It investigates mis-
conduct by public officials and orders administrative sanctions as applicable. The
Attomev General for Human Rights investigates some allegations of human rights
abuses by members of the state security apparatus, drawing upon a nationwide net-
work of hundreds of government human rights investigators covering the nation's
1,071 municipalities.
The Public Ministry's National Ombudsman for Human Rights is elected by the
House of Representatives to a 4-year term and has the constitutional duty to ensure
the promotion and exercise of human rights. In addition to providing public defense
attorneys in criminal cases, the Ombudsman's offices throughout the country pro-
vide a legal channel for thousands of complaints and allegations of human rights
violations. In practice, however, the Ombudsman's operations are severely under-
funded and continued to labor under significant staffing shortages in an efTort to
develop a credible public defender system. The 1996 budget, for example, was suffi-
cient to employ 558 public defenders (compared with the official goal of 2,000), pro-
viding only minimal coverage for just 70 percent of the nation's municipalities. None
of the public defenders were permanent members of the civil service; all were con-
tract employees.
The F*rosecutor General is elected by the Supreme Court of Justice from a list of
three candidates chosen by the President and is tasked with investigating criminal
offenses and presenting evidence against the accused before the various judges and
tribunals.
The October strike by 41,000 judicial branch employees interrupted the prosecu-
tion of hundreds of cases, and led to the release of some criminal detainees whose
habeas corpus rights were violated because they were not brought before a judge
for arraignment during the required period after their initial detention.
The Constitution specifically provides for the right to due process. The outcome
of all trials is determined by judges; there are no jury trials. The accused is pre-
sumed innocent until proven guilty and has the right to representation by counsel,
although representation for the indigenous and the indigent historically has been
inadequate. As in past years, the judiciary remained overburdened and often in a
state of chaos, staggering under a backlog estimated at over 1 million cases. The
new Prosecutor General announced in May the establishment of a commission to
analyze the backlog and make recommendations as to how to reduce the case load
and streamline procedures.
Trials conducted by the regular courts are public. Defendants have the right to
be present and the right to timely consultation with an attorney. Defendants and
their attorneys have the right to question or contradict (although not directly
confront) witnesses against them, to present witnesses on their own behalf, and to
have access to government evidence relevant to the case. Defendants also have the
right to appeal a conviction to a higher court.
The civilian justice system continued to incorporate regional or public order juris-
dictions to prosecute cases involving the crimes of narcotics tramcking, terrorism,
kidnaping, subversion, extortion, and some cases of human rights violations. In
these courts, prosecutors, judges, witnesses, and attorneys act under cover of ano-
nymity for security reasons. Given security concerns, and since testimony and evi-
dence is typically provided to the judge in written form, regional court trials are not
public. While a 1993 reform of the Criminal Procedures Code addressed certain pro-
cedural shortcomings within the system, significant problems remained. It was still
difficult for defense attorneys to impeach or cross-examine anonymous witnesses,
and often the defense attorneys did not have unimpeded access to the State's evi-
dence. As a result of such concerns, judges may no longer base a conviction solely
on the testimony of an anonymous witness.
Prosecutors, judges, and witnesses generally maintained that the protection of an-
onjnmity provided by the faceless system is essential to the successiul investigation
and prosecution of cases in a country where violence is endemic and acts of revenge
against those prosecuting violent crime may be expected. Domestic and inter-
national human rights groups. President Samper, the Prosecutor General, and mili-
tary forces Commanding General Bonett, however, all publicly stated during the
year that the anonymous court system violates basic legal norms and procedural
rights and requires stricter controls and limits. Some of the most vocal congressional
461
critics of the regional courts, however, have themselves been implicated in those
courts' investigations into the purchase of political protection by the Cali narcotics
cartel.
The U.N. Committee on Human Rights and the lACHR urged the Government to
abolish the regional judicial system and ensure that all trials adhere to due process
norms. The Legal Statute of Justice sets a June 1999 deadline to disband the re-
gional court system.
In an attempt to deal with impunity, the Prosecutor General in October 1995 cre-
ated a special Human Rights Unit as part of the regional courts system. The unit
achieved significant results; its group of 25 anonymous prosecutors addressed sev-
eral hundred cases involving massacres, extrajudicial killings, kidnapings, and ter-
rorism. They issued arrest warrants against members of the public security forces,
paramilitary, guerrilla, and drug trafficking organizations and successfully arrested
dozens of those suspects by year's end, including those charged with the May 19
CINEP murders (see Sections l.a. and 4).
Paramilitary groups and guerrillas continued to target and kill judicial and crimi-
nal investigative employees for their efforts to enforce the rule of law. In August
the Bogota regional court indicted in absentia 24 national and regional leaders of
the FARC on charges of rebellion, terrorism, and kidnaping. Although top military
leaders hailed the cases brought against guerrilla leaders, they strongly objected,
and in some cases tried to obstruct, prosecution of cases against members of the
armed forces and of paramilitary organizations.
The Government states that it does not hold political prisoners. The ICRC re-
ported that it monitored approximately 3,000 cases of imprisoned citizens accused
of terrorism, rebellion, or aiding and abetting the insurgency, which are crimes pun-
ishable under law. It is likely, however, that a number of those persons were con-
victed by regional courts without the full due process benefits of a fair public trial.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
generally requires a judicial order for authorities to enter a private home, except
in cases of hot pursuit. The Ministry of Defense continued training public security
forces in legal search procedures that comply with constitutional and human rights.
Defense Ministry officials complained, however, that in the absence of evidentiary
proof collected directly by prosecutors, guerrilla suspects the security forces capture
in or out of battle and turn over to judicial authorities are routinely freed due to
a lack of juridically acceptable evidence.
A judicial order or the approval of a prosecuting attorney is required to authorize
the interception of mail or monitoring of either landline or cellular telephones. This
protection extends to prisoners held in jails. However, various state authorities
sometimes monitor telephones without obtaining prior authorization.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— The internal armed conflict and narcotics trafficking are the central causes
of violations of human rights and humanitarian law. Government security forces
violated international humanitarian law, and paramilitary and guerrilla groups, in
particular, committed numerous abuses. The ICRC reported that the Government,
including military authorities, followed an open- door policy toward the ICRC and
readily incorporated Red Cro.ss curriculums on international humanitarian law in
standard military training. A persistent emphasis by the army on body counts as
a means of assessing field performance is a main contributing cause of government
violations of international humanitarian law. With rare exceptions, according to
military sources, local commanders typically preferred to transfer or discharge sol-
diers accused of serious human rights violations, rather than initiate court martial
proceedings.
The U.N. Committee on Human Rights noted in May that, although the decree
authorizing "public order zones" had expired in November 1996, the public security
forces in some cases continued to exercise special powers over the civilian population
and authorities, including judicial authorities. The Committee expressed particular
concern for "the fact that the military exercise the functions of investigation, arrest,
detention and interrogation."
In zones where the guerrillas were active, such as the Sierra Nevada and Valle
de Cauca, the public security forces often suspected the indigenous population of
complicity with narcotics traffickers and guerrillas. In September and October, the
military conducted a sustained joint air-land operation against the FARC, primarily
in the Yari region of Meta, Guaviare, and Caqueta departments. On September 5,
Escolastico Ducuara, the indigenous governor of the Pijao ethnic community, criti-
cized the aerial bombardment of an indigenous community near San Vicente del
Chagran, Caqueta department. Although General Gabriel Eduardo Contreras pub-
licly rejected the reports as rumors, a subsequent field investigation by the National
462
Human Rights Ombudsman confirmed that there had been indiscriminate bombings
by the militaiy in the indigenous communities of Pijao, Piratapuyo, and Tucano.
Data compiled by the System of Information on Households Displaced by Violence
(SISDES) snowed that in 1996 the public security forces were responsible for 16 per-
cent of forced displacements.
The Government initiated a program in December 1994 to organize and register
civilian rural defense cooperatives, known collectively as Convivir, which were to
provide counter- insurgency intelligence to local police and military commanders.
The Government acknowledged approximately 440 such groups in 21 of the nation's
32 departments by mid-year. Credible outside observers, however, placed the num-
ber at more than 700. Although the authorities originally intended these groups to
be unarmed, they subsequently authorized an undetermined number to carry small
arms in self-defense. Other Convivir groups were clearly operating outside the terms
of the law, as they were armed with rifles, shotguns, machine guns, and other weap-
onry, much of it authorized, sold, or otherwise provided to them by the military.
Antioquia's governor testified before the U.N. Human Rights Commission in July
in support of the Convivir groups as a legal manifestation of the civilian popu-
lations legitimate right to self-defense in the face of rising guerrilla violence. A
number oi observers and ofTicials also argued that the Government's efforts to com-
bat the guerrillas would inevitably be less discriminate, and result in greater
human rights abuses, without the active participation of members of the public, es-
pecially in providing intelligence information to the police and military.
The Ombudsman s 1997 report to Congress, however, reiterated his ofTice's opposi-
tion to the Convivir program, on the grounds that it involved citizens in the armed
conflict, stripped them of their protected status, and converted them into legitimate
targets of attack. Both President Samper and the official in charge of registering
and overseeing the Convivir conceded in August that state oversight of the Convivir
was both necessary and lacking. In a 4-to-5 ruling on November 7, the Constitu-
tional Court determined that the Convivir were a constitutional means for combat-
ing guerrillas, but that the Convivir must relinquish rifles, machine guns, and other
restricted weaponry in their possession.
The many paramilitary groups are diverse in their motivations, structure, leader-
ship, and ideology, although the April establishment of the United Self-defense
Groups of Colombia (AUC) as a national umbrella organization was clearly designed
both to provide a national structure and to develop a more coherent political culture
for the nation's local and regional paramilitary groups. The victims of paramilitary
killings were typically unarmed, noncombatant civilians. Paramilitary groups sought
the death or displacement of civilians as punishment for perceived ties to the guer-
rillas. The paramilitary groups centered tneir actions in selective killings, intimida-
tion, and the forced displacement of persons not directly involved in the hostilities.
They targeted teachers, labor leaders, community activists, mayors of towns and vil-
lages, town council members, and, above all, peasants whom they accused of sup-
porting the leftist guerrillas. A number of these victims included members of indige-
nous communities, and paramilitary forces were responsible for the July massacre
of 15 indigenous persons. Despite the continuing, alarming rise in paramilitary ac-
tivity since 1992, the military has failed to give priority to confronting these illegal
groups.
According to the independent Advisory Committee for Human Rights and Dis-
f)lacements, some 257,000 persons were forcibly displaced from their nomes by vio-
ence during 1997; the total number of internally displaced citizens during 1995-
97 exceeds 525,000. It remains unclear, however, how many displacements become
permanent. Some people return home within a few days or weeks, while an undeter-
mined number are permanently displaced and forced to resettle in other regions of
the country. Forced displacement of civilian populations has become an integral part
of the strategy employed by some paramilitary forces. They employed terror cam-
paigns in some cases to depopulate communities believed to be loyal to leflist guer-
rillas; in other cases, the paramilitary groups loyal to large economic interests (often
including narcotics traffickers) displaced populations so that valuable land and eco-
nomic assets could then be purchased very cneaply.
Data compiled by the SISDES showed that in 1996 paramilitary organizations
were responsible for 32 percent of forced displacements. According to the Colombian
Red Cross, some 75 percent of the urban population of Riosucio, Choco department,
and various nearby hamlets — some 15,000 persons in all — were forcibly displaced
during March and April. The Uraba region ol Antioquia and Choco departments suf-
fered the greatest displacements on a per capita basis. According to the Advisory
Committee for Human Rights and Displacement, mass displacements occurred in
208 municipalities in 27 departments, with residents of Antioquia constituting 31
percent of all displaced persons. More than 120,000 citizens were internally dis-
463
§ laced during the first 7 months of 1997. On July 2, the Archbishop of Santa Fe
e Antioquia criticized the paramilitary order not to sell foodstuffs to the residents
of Frontino, Dabeiba, and Canas Gordas, declaring that 12,000 persons were being
put at risk of having to relocate in order to obtain food — the clear intent of the para-
military edict.
Paramilitary groups and guerrilla organizations continued to pursue strategies
that routinely violated citizens' rights. Their tactics consistently included
extrajudicial killings, kidnaping, torture, targeting of civilian populations and instal-
lations, and the forced recruitment of children under the age oi 15. Once recruited,
child guerrillas are virtual prisoners of their commanders and subject to various
forms of abuse. Sexual abuse of young girls is a particular problem. Guerrillas also
were responsible for the continuing indiscriminate deployment of landmines, often
resulting in the killing or maiming of civilian noncombatants.
SISDES data showed that in 1996 guerrilla organizations were responsible for 26
percent of forced displacement of civilians. Three main communist guerrilla ar-
mies— the FARC, the ELN, and EPL — commanded an estimated total of 10,000 to
15,000 full-time guerrillas operating in more than 100 fronts in an estimated 30 of
the nation's 32 departments. Tied loosely into the Simon Bolivar Coordinating
Group, these groups exercised a degree of influence in 57 percent of the nation's
1,071 municipalities.
On Septeniber 3, FARC forces attacked the Guatape hydroelectric facility, one of
the nation's largest power plants. The attackers included a large number of child
guerrillas; according to plant employees and other witnesses, some were as young
as 8 years of age. As part of their attempts to disrupt the October 26 elections, ELN
guerrillas attempted to use a 9-year-old child to deliver a 33-pound bomb to a poll-
ing place in Cucuta on election day (see also Section 3).
A FARC car bomb placed in front of the El Pescador Hotel in Apartado, Antioquia,
on February 27 killed 11 persons and wounded 53. Two ELN car bombs on March
16 in Cucuta killed an 18-monih-old child and injured four other persons. Another
ELN car bomb the same day in Saravena, Arauca, killed four persons and wounded
five.
A FARC letter bomb sent on April 14 to former EPL leader Mario Agudelo
Vasquez in Antioquia killed his son when the youth opened the package. A second
letter bomb, sent the next day to a former EPL member since elected to the
Apartado city council, was defused by police. The bombings were part of the FARC's
continuing revenge campaign against former guerrillas who had signed peace ac-
cords with the Government.
The Caoueta departmental ombudsman announced on September 12 that the
FARC haa killed nine members of the Koreguaie tribe from the San Jose del
Cuerazo indigenous reserve, including Alejandro Piranga, governor of the reserve.
The southern bloc of the FARC had previously threatened 64 Koreguaje with death
for their supposed support for the army. In August the FARC killed 13 Koreguaje
leaders from the nearby San Luis and. Aguas Negras reserves. Ombudsman Jose
Fernando Castro, who noted that the remaining survivors of the San Luis reserve
consisted only of 2 adult men, 19 women, and some 100 children, reiterated his ap-
peal to the guerrillas that they respect the neutrality of the indigenous communities
and not involve them in the armed conflict.
Both paramilitary and guerrilla groups were responsible for multiple violations of
the protected status of religious and medical personnel, of the wounded, and of the
emblem of the Red Cross. On several occasions during the year, paramilitary forces
in Putumayo forcibly entered ambulances and hospitals in order to kill wounded
persons receiving medical care. Several ambulances were fired upon, stolen, and
subsequently used to transport armed paramilitary members or guerrillas. On Octo-
ber 30, the police deactivated an ambulance filled with 220 pounds of explosives.
The FARC, which had stolen the vehicle earlier in Colon, Putumayo, had rigged the
explosives to detonate when the ignition key was turned. On October 25, Catholic
priest Antonio Bedoya was killed in the doorway to his church in San Francisco,
Antioquia, after ELN guerrillas opened fire on the departing helicopter of the de-
partment's governor. That same day, FARC guerrillas in Meta department an-
nounced the kidnaping of Hector Julio Lopez, the Catholic Bishop of Ariari.
ELN guerrillas kidnaped the Bishop oi Tibu, Norte de Santandcr (along with the
mayor and mayor-elect) in November, releasing all three in December. On December
9, the FARC killed Catholic priest Damuel Calderon in El Calvario, Meta.
According to statistics compiled by CINEP and Justice and Peace, guerrillas were
responsible for killing at least 256 civilians outside of combat during the first 9
months of the year. In the continuing struggle for control of the narcotics and arms
smuggling Uraba corridor, the guerrillas' retaliation for paramilitary successes in
driving them from a longtime position of unrivaled dominance involved the regular
464
victimization of innocent civilians, although some direct clashes with paramilitary
units did occur. To justify summary executions of civilians, guerrillas typically
claimed that their victims either were military informants or that they simply re-
fused to support the guerrillas' operations.
The FARC released 70 soldiers and marines on June 15 through the good offices
of the ICRC and the Catholic Church-backed National Conciliation Commission. The
60 soldiers had been held since August 31, 1996, when the guerrillas overran the
military base at Las Delicias, Putumayo department. The 10 marines were captured
on January 17 in Choco department. The release of the military personnel came
about only after the President yielded to the guerrillas' demand to "demilitarize" for
1 month an estimated 5,000 square miles oi Putumayo and Caqueta departments
dominated by the guerrillas and the production of coca.
After months of oeing in the crossfire between the army, paramilitary forces, and
FARC, ELN, and EPL guerrillas, the inhabitants of San Jose de Apartado, Uraba,
and 22 outlying hamlets, with the support of the Catholic Church, declared them-
selves on March 23 to be a neutral "peace community" — off-limits to all participants
in the armed conflict. The threats from the army, paramilitary groups, and guerril-
las came almost immediately; by March 31, 10 inhabitants had been killed. On July
4, citizens identified several persons debarking from army helicopters as frequent
watchstanders at the paramilitary roadblock on the edge of town, including the man
responsible for the May 17 detention (and subsequent execution) of Francisco
Tabarquino, a member oi the peace community's organizing committee.
On October 6, armed members of the FARC's 58th front confronted some 20 resi-
dents of San Jose de Apartado and verbally abused them for refusing to provide the
FARC with food, lodging, equipment, or intelligence. The guerrillas then ordered the
group to depart, but detained Ramiro Correa, a member of the community council,
as well as Luis Fernando Espinoza and Fernando Aguirre. The ICRC recovered the
bodies of the three local leaders the next morning, bringing the total number killed
in San Jose de Apartado to 41 since March 23.
The FARC continued its campaign of killings against the legal Hope, Peace, and
Freedom Movement, whose members had left the EPL following the 1991 peace ac-
cord signed with the Government.
Guerrillas killed more than 24 mayors or mayoral candidates during the year,
compared with 14 in 1996, according to the Colombian Federation of Municipalities.
More than 200 incumbents or candidates for public office, of all political orienta-
tions, were killed in political violence during the year, as the FARC, ELN, and EPL
guerrilla groups all publicly declared their armed opposition to electioneering in
areas they controlled — or attempted to control. Guerrillas kidnaped at least 60 may-
ors or mayoral candidates; many scores of candidates for lesser local ofilces were
also abducted. The FARC, in particular, orchestrated a massive military and terror-
ist campaign against political candidates and the electoral process. In addition to
its traditional objective to undermine the State's presence and authority in con-
tested areas, the FARC in some cases also sought to win control of a number of
mayoralties (and municipal coffers) by eliminating competition to candidates who
were actually members of the FARC's clandestine political party, the Bolivarian
Movement for a New Colombia, which was formed in 1993.
The guerrilla groups launched armed strikes, burned public transport vehicles,
and targeted political candidates, incumbents, party headquarters, electoral work-
ers, and institutions. On September 8, guerrillas bombed various party head-
quarters in the cities of Bogota, Medellin, Cucuta, and Puerto Lleras. Guerrillas also
attacked or bombed more than 25 offices of the National Electoral Council during
August, September, and October, and targeted civilians who had been assigned to
serve as officials at voting stations.
Guerrilla threats forced more than 2,000 of the 42,500 candidates nationwide to
withdraw, including all 4 candidates for the governorship of Putumayo. The Govern-
ment refused to accept most of the resignations, however, saying that they came
after the August 24 deadline for withdrawing candidacies. According to the Federa-
tion of Municipalities, at least 75 municipalities were left without any candidates
for mayor. At least 20 municipalities were left without candidates for town council;
18 of these were also without mayoral candidates.
On August 15, the ELN kidnaped the mayor of San Pablo, Bolivar department,
along with three mayoral candidates and eight city council members. The same day
in Simiti, Bolivar, the FARC and ELN jointly kidnaped eight of nine city council
members, a mayoral candidate, a candiaate for city council, and the town's treas-
urer. The Simiti council members plus 23 candidates were freed on August 26 after
being offered a choice: withdraw from politics or die. They withdrew.
The mayor of Simiti, Ubaldo de Jesus Lopez, had Hed the town in July, following
the June 30 joint assault on the town by FARC and ELN guerrillas, which resulted
465
in the deaths of three policemen and the abandonment of the town by the police
and the army. Lopez, as well as the mayors of Tiquisito, Rio Viejo, and Morales,
all relocated to Cartagena, following threats from paramilitary groups and from
guerrillas. Paramilitary representatives threatened to depopulate the towns, which
they considered guerrilla support bases. At least 10 mayoral candidates and 68
council candidates withdrew in Bolivar, primarily in the southern part of the de-
partment.
Following similar FARC kidnapings and threats, candidates for mayor and coun-
cils in 10 of Caqueta's 16 municipalities withdrew on August 29, and appealed for
the national Government to postpone the elections until security could be ensured.
A total of 298 council members in Cesar department withdrew their candidacies the
same week.
In a move opposed by military commander General Bonett, Antioquia's governor
temporarily appointed lour military officers as mayors on September 2, following the
FARC kidnaping of the elected mayors, who were released several days later. East-
em Antioquia was particularly affected. The Roman Catholic Diocese of Sonson-Rio
Negro announced in September that of the 21 municipalities in the diocese, guerrilla
threats forced all the candidates to withdraw in 13 municipalities.
ELN guerrillas killed Liberal Party Senator Jorge Cristo and his bodyguard in
Cucuta, Norte de Santander, on August 8. Following the paramilitary takeover of
Mapiripan, Meta department, in July, all candidates for local elections withdrew
their names.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of the
press; although the Government generally respected this right in practice, there
were significant exceptions. Journalists practiced self-censorship. However, the pri-
vately owned print media published a wide spectrum of political viewpoints and
often voiced harsh antigovernment opinions without administrative reprisals. The
media continued to operate under a government ban against publication of the text
of guerrilla communiques.
The Samper administration was quick to apply pressure on the media when its
core interests were threatened. Self-censorship was common, either to curry favor
with the Government or to avoid political or economic retaliation. The Ministers of
Communications and Mining were forced to resign on August 19, after a leaked tape
recording revealed that they had conspired to reward 40 of 80 FM radio licenses to
political supporters of the President. In October the Directorate of Prisons (a direct
dependency of the Ofiice of the Presidency) forcibly obstructed a television interview
with a recently released prisoner, Santiago Medina, President Samper's former cam-
peiign treasurer, who accused Samper of having sought and accepted $6 million from
the Call drug cartel. (The interview was subsequently conducted from the open win-
dow of an apartment building adjacent to Medina's apartment.)
In a 5-to-4 decision on July 29, the Constitutional Court gave its approval to most
of the December 1996 law that granted the Government and Congress unprece-
dented powers over national television programming. Although the Court struck
down the most restrictive provision of the Taw — which directed the Government's
National Television Commission (CNTV) to evaluate the license holders of television
news programs on the three national (government-owned) channels and sanction
those that did not meet the Government's vaguely defined standards of "objectiv-
ity"— it upheld the rest of the law. Senator Martha Catalina Daniels, leader of
Samper's supporters in Congress, publicly boasted that "the newscasts and other tel-
evision contractors are not free . . . Thus the intervention of the State in this field
ensures truthful and impartial news reporting."
The 1996 television law includes a number of elements clearly designed to elimi-
nate troubling news coverage of a scandal-ridden administration, to reward the ad-
ministration's powerful backers for remaining loyal, and to infiuence news coverage
during the 1997-98 electoral season. The law also terminated the contracts for 10
private news programs before the end of 1997 and required them to bid again for
the right to continue broadcasting. It opened the door to the creation of two new
private television channels, which are expected to fall under the ownership of eco-
nomic conglomerates that have historically paid for a privileged relationship with
whatever government is in power.
The dissenting judges noted that the abrupt termination of the existing contracts
for news programs, which had been established with the assumption of their even-
tual extension for up to 12 years, would discourage private investment in television
and punish those who had already made substantial investments on the basis of
their renewable — now abrogated — contract. This sudden change of rules, they ar-
466
gued, violated the fundamental principle of good faith between the State and the
citizenry.
The new television law — originally launched by Samper supporters in Congress
widely believed to be in the pay of the Cali Cartel — is regarded as political retalia-
tion tor media investigations into narcotics corruption in the Samper administra-
tion, particularly President Samper's ties to the Cali Cartel. The co-owner of QAP
News, Nobel laureate Gabriel Garcia Marquez, called the television law fundamen-
tally a smokescreen to destroy or expropriate QAP. In the wake of the FM radio
licensing scandal, QAP News announcea its intention to refuse to pursue its pro-
posal to renew its television broadcast license, convinced that the Samper adminis-
tration would never authorize it.
On October 27, the CNTV fmed QAP $80,000 (100 million pesos) for having with-
drawn its application. That same day CNTV not only awarded 5 of the 10 news li-
censes— including the most lucrative slots — to families of former presidents, but also
gave 3 of the licenses to close personal friends of President Samper.
Other government efforts to influence the media included occasional calls on patri-
otic grounds to limit negative reporting that might hurt the country's image in the
world. The Government imposed some restrictions on electronic media coverage of
incidents of public disorder and of drug-related or terrorist activity and reserved the
right to prohibit coverage of certain news events that could afTect state security.
All citizens have the right to seek a judicial injunction or motion ("tutela ") in
cases involving violations of constitutional rights. This provides all persons and or-
ganizations, including the media, with a mechanism to denounce botn governmental
or private violations of fundamental rights.
Both Colombian and international journalists typically work in an atmosphere of
threats and intimidation. The body of Freddy Elles, a photographer for Bogota's El
Espectador newspaper, was found on March 19 in Cartagena; he had been hand-
cufied, tortured, and stabbed to death. Gerardo Bedoya Borrero, editorial director
of Call's El Pais newspaper, was shot and killed on March 20. Bedoya, a former con-
gressman and the cousin of General Harold Bedoya, then Acting Defense Minister,
had criticized President Samper for accepting Cali drug cartel money and was a
vocal critic of the corrosive influence of tne drug trade on all facets of Colombian
life. That same day, an anonymous caller threatened to kill Francisco Santos, an
editor of Bogota's El Tiempo newspaper, and blow up the newspaper's ofiice. Santos,
who had been kidnaped and held for several months in 1990 ty the Medellin drug
cartel, attributed the threats to drug tralTickers angry with the paper's coverage. A
car bomb containing approximately 550 pounds of dynamite was deactivated on Sep-
tember 3 in front of the ofTices of Medellin's El Mundo newspaper. The narcotics
traffickers collectively known as 'The Extraditables" claimed responsibility and
threatened to conduct more such attacks if extradition — then under consideration by
the Congress — were reinstated. Seven journalists were killed in separate attacks
during the year.
The Jaime Bateman Cayon movement, a small splinter group of the long-demobi-
lized M-19 movement, claimed responsibility for the kidnaping on December 4 in
Bogota of William Parra, the President's press spokseman, and Luis Eduardo
Maldonado, a prominent radio journalist. The FARC kidnaped four other journalists
on December 13, the same day that the Jaime Bateman Cayon group released Parra
and Maldonado.
The Government generally respected academic freedom, and there exists a wide
spectrum of political activity throughout the country's universities. Paramilitary
groups and guerrillas, however, often targeted teachers at the elementary and sec-
ondary levels in areas of conflict. The National Federation of Educators reported
that 23 teachers had been killed and another 6 disappeared in the first half oi 1997,
primarily in Antioquia and Cordoba departments. University-level academics en-
gaged in study of either the internal conflict or human rights were also similarly
targeted.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly, and the Government respects these rights in practice.
The authorities do not normally interfere with public meetings and demonstrations
and usually grant the required permission except when they determine that there
is imminent danger to public order.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government re-
spects this right in practice. Any legal organization is free to associate with inter-
national groups in its field. Membership in proscribed organizations, such as the
FARC, ELN, and EPL, is a crime.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for complete religious freedom,
and the Government respects this right in practice. There is little reHgious discrimi-
nation. Roman Catholic religious instruction is no longer mandatory in state schools.
467
and a 1994 Constitutional Court decision declared unconstitutional any ofTicial gov-
ernment reference to religious characterisations of the country. The Government
permits proselytizing among the indigenous population, provided that it is welcome
and does not induce members of indigenous communities to adopt changes that en-
danger their survival on traditional lands. The law on the freedom of cults provides
a mechanism for religions to obtain the status of recognized legal entities.
Both Jehovah's Witnesses and the Mennonite Church encountered problems be-
cause of the pacifist nature of their churches. Jehovah's Witnesses complained of in-
ability to perform alternative service to military conscription, despite the military's
own legal procedures providing for it. In April the Ministry of Education temporarily
suspended a December 1996 order to close the Mennonite biblical seminary and
Justapaz, a church-sponsored human rights group. By year's end, however, Mennon-
ite seminarians still were being forced into military conscription.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides citizens with the right to travel domestically
and abroad. Outsiders who wish to enter Indian tribes' reserves must be invited.
In areas where counter- insurgency operations were underway, police or military of-
ficials occasionally required civilians to obtain safe-conduct passes; guerrillas and
paramilitary forces often used similar means to restrict travel in areas under their
control. Guerrilla incursions, military counter-insurgency operations, forced con-
scription by paramihtary and guerrilla organizations, and land seizures instigated
by wealthy individuals or narcotics traffickers often forced peasants to flee their
homes and farms.
Colombia has had a tradition of providing asylum since the 1920's. During the
1970's, Colombia granted asylum to Argentine, Chilean, Uruguayan, and Para-
guayan citizens seeking refuge from dictatorial regimes in their own countries. The
right to asylum, under terms established by law, is provided for in the 1991 Con-
stitution.
The Government cooperates with the Office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and
internally displaced persons. In June the Government formally invited the UNHCR
to establish an ongoing presence in the country. The Government reserves the right
to determine eligibility lor asylum, based upon its own assessment of the nature of
the persecution an applicant may have suuered. Some 58 individuals from 13 na-
tions applied for refugee status during the first half of the year. The issue of the
provision of first asylum did not arise. There were no reports of the forced expulsion
of persons having a valid claim to refugee status to a country where they feared
persecution.
With the assistance of the Colombian Government, some 325 Colombians were
forcibly returned in April from Panama, where they had fled to escape paramilitary
and guerrilla activities in the neighboring Colombian departments of Choco and
Antioquia.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for the right of citizens to change their government,
and citizens exercise this right in regularly scheduled elections by secret ballot.
However, critics question if elections have been fair, point out that vote buying has
been a regular feature of elections in some regions, and that President Samper's
1994 election campaign solicited and received contributions from drug traffickers.
Presidential elections are held every 4 years, with the incumbent barred for life
from reelection. The Liberal and Conservative parties have long monopolized the
formal political process with one or the other customarily winning the presidency.
Public employees are not p>ermitted to participate in partisan campaigns. Ofiicially,
all political parties operate freely without government interference. Those that fail
to gamer 50,000 votes in a general election lose the right to present candidates and
may not receive funds from the Government. They may reincorporate at any time,
however, by presenting 50,000 signatures to the National Electoral Board. Voting
is voluntary and universal for citizens aged 18 and older, except for active-duty
members of the police and armed forces.
Two of the Senate's 102 seats are reserved for representatives of the nation's in-
digenous communities, while the 100 other senators are elected on the basis of na-
tional "at large" balloting. Two seats in the 165-member House of Representatives
are reserved for each department and the capital district; additional representation
is apportioned through the use of a complex population-based formula.
On October 26, citizens voted for departmental governors and deputies, municipal
mayors, and members of town councils and local administrative boards. Due to secu-
rity constraints, however, elections could not be held in at least 33 of the nation's
468
1,071 municipalities, including the rural Sumapaz zone of the capital district, Santa
Fe de Bogota. Electoral results were distorted in at least 15 percent of the nation's
municipalities, as the guerrillas' campaign of threats, kidnapings, and murders
forced the withdrawal of" some 2,000 candidates for public ofTice (see Section l.g.).
The campaign period was marred by a high level of paramilitary violence, and an
even higher level of guerrilla violence, designed to intimidate both voters and can-
didates, despite the Government's efforts to provide electoral security. Vote-buying
and ballot-box stuffing, common features of elections in some regions, continued. On
October 1, National Elections Registrar Orlando Abello publicly criticized the fact
that vote "manipulation," in and of itself, was not punishable as a crime. The AUG
paramilitary movement declared a ban on electioneering by those candidates it de-
termined were in league with the guerrillas, but urged the citizenry to vote. The
AUG said that it interpreted abstention as a vote for the guerrillas and threatened
reprisals.
The demobilized guerrillas of the Revolutionary Workers Party were unable to file
a formal list of candidates in Sucre department, as seven of the party's candidates
had been killed. Despite a revenge campaign waged by the FARC against their
former revolutionary allies, demobilized EPL guerrillas won the mayoralties of
Apartado, Garepa, and Turbo — the three key municipalities of Uraba's banana-grow-
ing region, an area considered forcibly "cleaned" of the FARC's long-time presence
by a sustained offensive by paramilitary forces.
The Government invited the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Eu-
ropean Union to send international observers to monitor the elections. ELN guerril-
las, however, kidnaped two of the OAS observers and a Colombian colleague on Oc-
tober 23 in Antioquia, only releasing them on November 1. Despite the security limi-
tations, the results were widely accepted by most citizens and international observ-
ers. The electorate also voted overwhelmingly in favor of a "mandate for peace," a
nonbinding plebescite calling for national peace talks and strict adherence to human
rights norms in the nation's armed confiict. The relatively high voter participation
(about 55 percent) was, given the violence and intimidation from both right and left,
seen as a manifestation of the public's ability and willingness to exercise their politi-
cal rights.
There are no legal restrictions, and few practical ones, on the participation of
women or minorities in the political process, although they are uhderrepresented in
official and party positions. Seven female senators and 19 female representatives
served among the 267 members of the 2 chambers of Congress, including the second
vice president of the Senate. Women served in a number of key cabinet posts during
the year, including Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Justice, Agriculture, Education, and
Health. The President's advisers for human rights, for juridical afTairs, for Bogota,
for Antioquia department, and for public administration affairs were also women,
as was the director of the National Prisons Institute.
Indigenous people are underrepresented in government and politics; 2 of 102 Sen-
ate seats are reserved for indigenous representatives. Blacks also are underrep-
resented in government and politics. A 1993 law that set aside two House seats for
citizens of African heritage was declared unconstitutional in September 1996 by the
Constitutional Court, which nonetheless allowed the incumbents to complete their
term in office.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A large and varied nongovernmental human rights community is active, providing
a wide range of views. Among the many groups are: the Catholic Bishops Con-
ference, the Colombian Commission of Jurists; the Intercongregational Commission
for Justice and Peace; the Permanent Committee for the Defense of Human Rights;
the Center for Investigations and Popular Research; the Advisory Committee for
Human Rights and Displacements; tne Latin American Institute for Alternative
Legal Services; the Committee in Solidarity with Political Prisoners; the Association
of Families of Detained and Disappeared Persons; the Reinsercion Foundation (fo-
cused on demobilized guerrillas); the Pais Libre Foundation (focused on the rights
of kidnap victims); and the VIDA Foundation (focused on the rights of victims of
guerrilla violence). International human rights organizations in the country include
the Peace Brigades International and the U.N. High Commissioner for Human
Rights.
Nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) investigated and reported on human
rights abuses committed by government forces, various paramilitary groups, and the
guerrilla armies. Many NGO's expressed serious concern over the growing para-
military and guerrilla violence — and the Government's increasingly apparent inabil-
ity to stop either of them. In particular, a number of NGO, as well as governmental,
469
human rights officials were alarmed by the rapid growth of paramilitary groups,
both in terms of their responsibility for a significant proportion of human rights vio-
lations and their growing political and military power.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights opened a field oflice
in Bogota in April to operate through April 1998. The ofiice is tasked with monitor-
ing and analyzing the numan rights situation throughout the country and with the
provision of assistance to the Government, civil society, and NGO's in the field of
human rights protection. It submitted private repwrts to the Government and to the
U.N. and occasionally spoke out publicly on particularly egregious abuses conunitted
by government, paramilitary, or guerrilla forces.
'Hie human rights conmiunity came under intense pressure during the year. Al-
though the Samper administration generally did not interfere directly with the work
of human rights NGO's, many prominent human rights monitors worked under con-
stant fear for their physical safety. Human rights groups were subjected to surveil-
lance, harassing phone calls, grafilti carnpaigns, and threats by military, intel-
ligence, police, paramilitary, and guerrilla forces. Senior military officials, including
General Harold Bedoya, then-Commanding General of the military forces, some-
times publicly voiced feelings of frustration and outright hostility toward the NGO
community, or publicly accused particular groups or individuals of working on be-
half of the guerrillas.
At least 10 governmental and NGO human rights workers were killed during the
year, over a dozen others were forced to relocate within the country, or Hee abroad,
following threats. Many others were forced to restrict their travel sharply, particu-
larly in the countryside. The Bogota-based representative of the U.N. High Commis-
sioner for Human Rights requested special protection for nongovernmental human
rights workers and organizations.
Two CINEP workers. Mario Calderon and Elsa Alvarado, along with Elsa's father
Carlos Alvarado, were killed in their Bogota home during the predawn hours of May
19. Five armed individuals, dressed in uniforms of the F'iscalia's Criminal Investiga-
tive Team, stormed their apartment and shot them. Elsa's mother, who was seri-
ously wounded, survived the attack, as did the couple's 18-month-old child. No
group claimed responsibility for the killings. Army commander General Bonett
strenuously denied public suggestions that the army might have been involved. The
Prosecutor General's Human Rights Unit arrested five Medellin-based hired killers
and charged them with the crimes. The authorities dropped charges against one of
the detainees in October and held the other four for trial. The investigation into who
ordered the killings continued.
There was no progress in investigating the October 1996 murder of the head of
the Meta Committee for Human Rights, Josue Giraldo, who was then under the
"protection" of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The Court asked the
Government in February to prosecute anyone targeting human rights advocates for
murder and emphasized the special importance of effectively investigating Giraldo's
murder as a means of protection for others so targeted.
Paramilitary groups stormed or otherwise attacked the ofTices of some human
rights groups. Two presumed paramilitary members killed Victor Julio Garzon,
founder of the Meta Department Civic Committee for Human Rights, and an active
defender of Meta coca-growing peasants, on March 7 in the Bogota ofTices of the
Federation of Agricultural Workers. A small bomb exploded on June 4 at the
Medellin office oi the Colombian Red Cross when the ICRC was in the final stages
of coordinating the June 15 release of 70 government troops held by the FARC. The
Medellin offices of the ASFADDES were the target of a June 24 dynamite attack.
Following increasing threats, Yanette Bautista, judicial coordinator of ASFADDES,
fled the country with her family on September 9. Bautista is the sister of missing
M— 19 guerrilla Nydia Erika Bautista; the prosecution of those responsible for her
1987 disappearance, torture, and murder has been stymied by the military courts
(see Section l.b.). At least one human rights group was forced to close its Bogota
office after receiving direct threats from presumed paramilitary groups.
The Government made a strong formal response to the September Amnesty Inter-
national report on the crisis caused by the forced internal displacement of civilian
populations. The Government claimed the AI report "lacked complete and current
iniormation", lamented the presentation of what it termed "inexact information," in-
vited AI to visit, and recounted steps it said had been taken to deal with the situa-
tion, including a national fund for populations at risk and a national information
network.
The Government has an extensive human rights apparatus, which includes the
office of the President's Adviser for Human Rights, the National Human Rights Om-
budsman and its regional representatives, the Attorney General's office for human
rights and its regional representatives, and a human rights unit within the Prosecu-
470
tor General's office. Nevertheless, the corps of government human rights advisers
and monitors was often unsuccessful in getting its recommendations adopted on gov-
ernment policy issues.
According to September congressional testimony by the Minister of Defense, dur-
ing the first 8 months of the year, the Attorney General's Office of Human Rights
filed only one human rights case against a member of the military services, down
from 34 cases in all of 1996, and the 1993 peak of 138 cases. Of the 15 cases closed
by the military justice system or the Attorney General's office between January and
August, 8 of the accused were absolved, 4 received temporary suspensions, 2 were
fined, and 1 case was closed due to the death of the accused. None were perma-
nently separated from service, compared with 12 in 1996. The director of the Attor-
ney General's human rights ofiice reported in mid-November that the office had re-
ceived only 463 formal human rights complaints against members of the military
forces, compared with 2,000 such complaints in 1996. The Attorney General has ju-
risdiction to carry out disciplinary investigations and administratively punish mili-
tary officials who improperly conduct criminal proceedings; it is not known, how-
ever, if this power has ever been successfully employed.
As part of the Defense Ministry's efforts to protect the rights of citizens, the mili-
tary services and police have established 225 human rights offices throughout the
nation since 1994. These offices accept and investigate public complaints of abuse
and coordinate human rights training programs for public security personnel.
An lACHR delegation visited in Feoruary to study the status of friendly settle-
ment proceedings in a number of other cases brought before the Commission. On
September 9, President Samper announced that the Government had compensated
the families of 89 victims of human rights violations, under the terms of the com-
pensation law approved in 1996. The lACHR acknowledged such steps but called on
the Government to "create effective mechanisms for ensuring compliance with all
the recommendations of the Commission and other international human rights bod-
ies, not only those which recommend financial compensation."
Several international human rights organizations conducted official trips to Co-
lombia in December. For the second time in 5 years, the lACHR commissioners car-
ried out an intensive on-site analysis of the human rights situation. Both Amnesty
International and Human Rights Watch/Americas also visited, conducting investiga-
tions and meeting with government, military, and NGO representatives, as well as
with other independent observers.
The ICRC continued to expand operations, with an office in Bogota plus 11 offices
in various confiict zones. The ICRC, working with the presidential human rights ad-
viser and the public security forces, helped provide training programs in inter-
national humanitarian law. These programs were directed not only at affected civil-
ian populations but were also integrated into the military training curriculum.
Many observers credited these programs with having done much to foster a climate
of increased respect for human rights and international humanitarian law within
the military forces in recent years.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution specifically prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, religion,
disability, language, or social status. In practice, however, many of these provisions
are not enforced. In May the U.N. Committee on Human Rights criticized the con-
tinuing practice of social cleansing, directed against street children, homosexuals,
prostitutes, and criminals, noting that the Government had "still not instituted ade-
quate and effective measures to guarantee the full protection of the rights of these
groups, above all the right to life.
Women. — Rape and other acts of violence against women are pervasive in society,
and like other crimes, are seldom prosecuted successfully. The auasi-govemmental
Institute for Family Welfare (ICBF) and the Presidential Advisers Office for Youth,
Women, and Family Affairs continued to report high levels of spouse and partner
abuse throughout the country. The ICBF conducted programs and provided refuge
and counseling for victims of spousal abuse, but the level and amount of these serv-
ices were dwarfed by the magnitude of the problem.
The Institute for Legal Medicine estimated that 239,400 persons are victims of
sexual abuse annually, 88 percent of them women. The Institute also estimated that
95 percent of all abuse cases are never reported to authorities.
The 1996 Law on Family Violence criminalized violent acts committed within fam-
ilies, including spousal rape. The law also provides legal recourse for victims of fam-
ily violence, immediate protection from physical or psychological abuse, and judicial
authority to remove the abuser from the nousehola. It allows a judge to oblige an
abuser to seek therapy or reeducation. For acts of spousal sexual violence, the law
471
mandates sentences of 6 months to 2 years and denies probation or bail to offenders
who disobey court restraining orders. A 1997 law also made additional, substantial
modifications to the Penal Code and introduced sentences of between 4 and 40 years
for crimes against sexual freedom or human dignity, including: rape, sex with a
minor, sexual abuse, induction into prostitution, and child pornography. The law
also repealed an old law that fully exonerated a rapist if he subsequently offered
to marry the victim and she accepted.
The Constitution prohibits any form of discrimination against women and specifi-
cally requires the authorities to ensure "adequate and effective participation by
women at decisionmaking levels of public administration." Even prior to implemen-
tation of the 1991 Constitution, the law had provided women with extensive civil
rights. Despite these constitutional provisions, however, discrimination against
women persists. According to figures published by the United Nations, women's
earnings for formal sector, nonagricultural work correspond to approximately 85
percent of men's earnings for comparable work, and women must demonstrate high-
er qualifications than men when applying for jobs. Moreover, women constitute a
disproportionately high percentage of the subsistence labor work force, especially in
rural areas.
ICBF data indicated that although working women suffered from a higher rate
of unemployment than men, the economically active female population had a higher
level of education than did men. Some 39 percent of working women were employed
in minimum wage jobs, however, compared with 31 percent of men.
Despite an explicit constitutional provision promising additional resources for sin-
gle mothers and government efforts to provide them with training in parenting
skills, women's groups reported that the social and economic problems of single
mothers remained great. The Constitutional Court ruled on September 25 that preg-
nant women and mothers of new-born children under 3 months of age could not be
fired from their jobs without "just cause." Bearing children, the Court ruled, was
not iust cause.
Children. — The Constitution formally provides for free public education, which is
compulsory between the ages of 6 and 14, inclusive. Nevertheless, an estimated 25
percent of children in this age group do not attend school, due to lax enforcement
of truancy laws, inadequate classroom space, and economic pressures to provide in-
come for the family.
Despite significant constitutional and legislative commitments to theprotection of
children's rights, these were implemented only to a minimal degree. Tne Constitu-
tion imposes the obligation on family, society, and the State to assist and protect
children, to foster their development, and to assure the full exercise of these rights.
A special Children's Code sets forth many of these rights and establishes services
and programs designed to enforce the protection of minors. Children's advocates re-
ported the need to educate citizens witn regard to the code as well as the 1996 and
1997 laws on Family Violence, which had been drafted particularly to increase legal
protection for women and children.
According to the Institute for Legal Medicine, 82 percent of sexual abuse victims
were minors. An estimated 25,000 boys and girls under age 18 work in the sex
trade. In 1996 legislators passed a law prohibiting sex with minors or the employ-
ment of minors for prostitution, and in 1997 that Taw was amended to provide that
conviction for nonviolent sexual abuse of a child under 14 carries a prison sentence
of 4 to 10 years. Conviction for rape of anyone under the age of 12 carries a manda-
tory sentence of 20 to 40 years in prison. Although enforcement of such laws is lax,
crimes against children are being dealt with more severely than in the past. The
ICBF oversees all government child protection and welfare programs and funds non-
governmental and church programs for children. In confiict zones, children were
also often caught in the crossfire between the public security forces, paramilitary
groups, and guerrilla organizations.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution enumerates the fundamental social,
economic, and cultural rights of the physically disabled, but serious practical im-
pediments exist that prevent disabled persons' full participation in society. There is
no legislation that specifically mandates access for people with disabilities. Accord-
ing to the Constitutional Court, physically disabled individuals must have access to,
or if they so request, receive assistance at, voting stations. The Court has also ruled
that the social security fund for public employees cannot refuse to provide services
for the disabled children of its members, regardless of the cost involved.
Indigenous People. — There are approximately 82 distinct ethnic groups among the
800,000 indigenous inhabitants. The Constitution gives special recognition to the
fundamental rights of indigenous people. It provides for a special criminal and civil
jurisdiction, based upon traditional community laws, within Indian territories. The
Ministry of Interior, through the Office of Indigenous Afi'airs, is responsible for pro-
472
tecting the territorial, cultural, and self-determination rights of Indians. Ministry
representatives are located in all regions of the country with indigenous populations
and work with other governmental human rights organizations, as well as with
NGO human rights groups and civil rights organizations, to promote Indian inter-
ests and investigate violations of indigenous rights. Nonetheless, members of indige-
nous groups sufier discrimination in the sense that they have traditionally been rel-
egated to the margins of society. Few opportunities exist for those who might wish
to participate more fully in modem life. In addition, indigenous communities suffer
disproportionately from the internal armed conflict (see Section l.g.).
Traaitional Inoian authority boards operate some 334 designated Indian reserves;
the boards handle national or local funds and are subject to fiscal oversight by the
national Comptroller General. These boards administer their territories as munici-
fial entities, with officials elected or otherwise chosen according to Indian tradition,
ndigenous communities are free to educate their children in traditional dialects and
in the observance of cultural and religious customs. Indigenous men are not subject
to the national military draft.
Most threats or attacks on members of indigenous communities stemmed from
land ownership disputes concerning the designated Indian reserves. The National
Land Reform Institute estimated that some 40 indigenous communities had no legal
title to land they claimed as their own, and that an estimated 100 additional groups
had title claims that were not recognized or reconciled.
In October the National Public Order Tribunal overruled the October 1995 deci-
sion of an Antioquia regional judge and found William Alberto Tulena Tulena guilty
of ordering the May 27, 1994, killing of three Zenu Indian leaders and their driver,
after they nad filed a lawsuit regarding a land dispute in San Andres de Sotavento,
Cordoba. The Tribunal found that Tulena had the men killed to prevent the valid
fiursuit of Zenu claims to the lands, which dated back more than two centuries in
avor of the Zenus. The Tribunal ordered Tulena to serve 55 years in prison and
f)ay 2,000 grams of gold to the family of each of his victims. Tulena owns extensive
and holdings in Cordoba, was implicated in the activities of some local paramilitary
forces, and is the nephew of a former president of the Senate.
A contract that Ecopetrol, the national oil company, awarded to Occidental Petro-
leum in 1995 continued to cause confiict with tne 5,000-member U'wa indigenous
community. After a Bogota superior court issued an injunction against further ex-
ploration oy Occidental and Ecopetrol on lands claimed by the Uwa, the Supreme
Court and the Council of State issued separate, contradictory decrees in the matter.
In May the U'wa filed a complaint before the lACHR. The community claimed that
there was insufficient prior consultation, and that the person, cultural, economic,
and environmental rights of the community's members had not oeen respected. That
same month, the Government requested that the OAS sponsor a joint investigation
with a university of the dispute. That study subsequently recommended the imme-
diate and unconditional suspension of oil exploration or exploitation activities; clari-
fication of the status of U'wa territories and protected reserves; and the develop-
ment of a formal process of consultation under auspices of the Government.
National/ Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Approximately 2 million citizens of African
heritage live primarily in the Pacific departments of Choco, Valle del Cauca, and
Narino, and along the Caribbean coast. They represent roughly 5 percent of the
total population, while the figures of the National Administrative Department of
Statistics place the national black population at 16 percent of the total, or 6.4 mil-
lion.
Blacks are entitled to all constitutional rights and protections but have tradition-
ally suffered from economic discrimination. Despite the passage of the African-Co-
lombian Law in 1993, little concrete progress was made in expanding public services
and private investment in the Choco or other predominantly black regions. Unem-
ployment, for instance, among African-Colombians ran as high as 76 percent in
some communities. Choco department remains the department with the lowest per
capita level of social investment and is last in terms of education, health, and infra-
structure. It also has been the scene of some of the nation's most unremitting politi-
cal violence, as guerrillas and paramilitary forces struggled for control of the Uraba
region.
Allegations of discrimination and hazing by the military against African-Colom-
bians continued. The navy makes little effort to recruit African-Colombians, despite
their traditional ties to the sea and maritime commerce. The U.N. Special
Rapporteur on Racial Discrimination noted in a 1996 report that "The responses re-
ceived were confused or an uncomfortable silence when one asked questions regard-
ing the number or percentage of African-Colombians who serve in the army, the
navy, the diplomatic corps, or in the Catholic Church hierarchy, as if these were
unusual or inappropriate questions."
473
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1991 Constitution recognizes the rights of work-
ers to organize unions and strike, except for members of the armed forces and po-
lice, and those "essential public services" as defined by law. However, legislation
that prohibits public employees from striking is still in effect, even if often over-
looked. The Labor Code provides for automatic recognition of unions that obtain at
least 25 signatures from potential members and comply with a simple registration
process at the Labor Ministry. The law penalizes interference with freedom of asso-
ciation. It allows unions to determine freely internal rules, elect officials, and man-
age activities, and forbids the dissolution of trade unions by administrative fiat. Ac-
cording to Labor Ministry estimates, approximately 7 percent of the work force is
organized in about 4,900 labor organizations.
Before staging a legal strike, unions must negotiate directly with management
and, if no agreement results, accept mediation. By law, public employees must ac-
cept binding arbitration if mediation fails; in practice, public service unions decide
by membersnip vote whether or not to seek arbitration.
In 1993 the International Labor Organization (ILO) criticized 10 provisions of the
law, including: The supervision of the internal management and meetings of unions
by government officials; the presence of officials at assemblies convened to vote on
a strike call; the legality of firing union organizers from jobs in their trades once
6 months have passed following a strike or dispute; the requirement that contenders
for trade union office must belong to the occupation their union represents; the pro-
hibition of strikes in a wide range of public services that are not necessarily essen-
tial; various restrictions on the right to strike; the power of the Minister of Labor
and the President to intervene in disputes through compulsory arbitration when a
strike is declared illegal; and the power to dismiss trade union officers involved in
an unlawful strike.
Labor leaders throughout the country continued to be the target of attacks by the
military, police, paramilitary groups, guerrillas, narcotics traffickers, and their own
union rivals. In June the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions an-
nounced in Geneva that 98 union members had been killed because of their union
activities in 1996, many of them employed in the banana industry of the Uraba re-
gion. Members of paramilitary groups and the FARC guerrillas both carried out a
number of massacres in Uraba during the year, often targeting the same groups of
organized workers. Many of the victims of the FARC massacres were former EPL
guerrillas, targeted for tneir participation in, or sympathy with, the National Syn-
dicate of Agro-Industry Workers, a labor union closely associated v/ith the Hope,
Peace, and Freedom Movement made up of demobilized EPL guerrillas.
A collective work convention signed in 1995 between Ecopetrol and the Union of
Syndicated Labor (USO) remained in effect. That accord was the result of the Gov-
ernment's restructuring, rather than privatizing, Ecopetrol to avoid massive layoffs.
The USO leadership remained in open confiict with the Government on many is-
sues. USO leaders reported furtner that its members in the oil-producing
Magdalena Medio region continued to receive death threats from presumed para-
military groups, who nave accused USO officials of working with the EIJV guerrillas
waging a sabotage campaign against the nation's oil pipelines. In November the
Prosecutor General charged 20 USO members — including the union's former presi-
dent— with conspiracy to perpetrate dynamite attacks on the Cano Limon oil pipe-
line.
Unions are free to join international confederations without government restric-
tions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution protects the
right of workers to organize and engage in collective bargaining. Workers in larger
firms and public services have been most successful in organizing, but these union-
ized workers represent only a small portion of the economically active population.
High unemployment (about 14 percent), traditional antiunion attitudes, and weak
union organization and leadership limit workers' bargaining power in all sectors.
The law forbids antiunion discrimination and the obstruction of free association.
Government labor inspectors theoretically enforce these provisions, but because of
the small number of inspectors and workers' fears of losing their jobs, the inspection
apparatus is weak. The Labor Code calls for fines to be levied for restricting free-
dom of association and prohibits the use of strike breakers.
Collective pacts — agreements between individual workers and their employers —
are not subject to collective bargaining and are typically used by employers to ob-
struct labor organization. Although employers must register collective pacts with the
Ministiy of Labor, the Ministry does not exercise any oversight or control over them.
The Labor Code also eliminates mandatory mediation in private labor-manage-
ment disputes and extends the grace period before the Government can intervene
474
in a conflict. Federations and confederations may assist affiliate unions in collective
bargaining.
Labor law applies to the country's seven free trade zones (FTZ's), but its stand-
ards are difficult to enforce. Public employee unions have won collective bargaining
agreements in the FTZ's of Barranquilla, Buenaventura, Cartagena, and Santa
Marta, but the garment manufacturing enterprises in Medellin and Risaralda,
which have the largest number of employees, are not organized. National labor lead-
ers claim that in these FTZ's the provisions of the Labor Code dealing with wages,
hours, health, and safety are not honored.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution forbids slavery
and any form of forced or compulsory labor, and this prohibition is generally re-
spected in practice. The law prohibits forced or bonded labor by children but the
Government does not have the resources to effectively enforce this prohibition (see
Section 6.d.)
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded labor by children but is unable to enforce this
prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
The Constitution bans the employment of children under the age of 14 in most
jobs, and the Labor Code prohibits the granting of work permits to youths under
the age of 18. A 1989 decree establishing the Minors Code prohibits the employment
of children under age 12 and demands exceptional conditions and the express au-
thorization of Labor Ministry inspectors for the employment of children between the
ages of 12 and 17 (inclusive). These requirements are largely ignored in practice,
however, and only 5 percent of those working have filed for the required work per-
mits.
A 1996 Labor Ministry study determined that 28 percent of all children between
the ages of 12 and 17 worked. Some 15 percent of urban 12- to 17-year-olds worked,
as did fully one-third of those in rural areas. More than 50 percent of all child work-
ers did not attend school at all. The study also determined that child workers aver-
aged 50 hours of work per week, double the legal limit of 26 hours per week. In
rural areas, the study determined that 75 percent of child workers received, on aver-
age, one-fourth of the minimum wage, while 25 percent received no pay at all. Only
10 percent of child laborers were found to be covered by the health services of the
social security system. A 1996 study by the National Human Rights Ombudsman
of child labor in Putumayo department found that 22 percent of the children be-
tween the ages of 5 and 18 were full-time coca-pickers. In the municipality of Orito,
the figure reached 70 percent.
Child workers are exposed to the same risks that afiect adult workers, including
exposure to toxic substances and accidental injuries, all of which contribute to im-
paired physical development. The ICBF continued its outreach campaign to inform
child laborers of their rights and where to turn for help. No statistics were available
to measure the impact of this effort.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government sets a uniform minimum
wage for workers every January to serve as a benchmark for wage bargaining. The
monthly minimum wage was $139.25 (172,682 pesos) throughout 1997. The mini-
mum wage does not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.
Because the minimum wage is based on the Government's target inflation rate, the
minimum wage has not kept up with inflation in recent years. By government esti-
mates, the price of the family shopping basket is 2.4 times the minimum wage.
However, 77 percent of all workers earn no more than, and often much less than,
twice the minimum wage.
The law provides for a standard workday of 8 hours and a 48-hour workweek, but
it does not specifically require a weekly rest period of at least 24 hours, a failing
criticized by the ILO. Legislation provides comprehensive protection for workers' oc-
cupational safety and health, but these standards are difficult to enforce, in part
due to the small number of Labor Ministry inspectors. In addition, unorganized
workers in the informal sector fear the loss of their jobs if they exercise their right
to denounce abuses, particularly in the agricultural sector. According to the Labor
Code, workers have the right to withdraw from a hazardous work situation without
jeopardizing continued employment. In general, a lack of public safety awareness,
inadequate attention by unions, and lax enforcement bv the Labor Ministry result
in an a very high level of industrial accidents and unhealthy working conditions.
Over 80 percent of industries lack industrial security plans. The Social Security In-
stitute reported 115,000 work-related accidents for 1995, 17,000 of which resulted
in deaths. Informed observers reported that the level of work-related accidents was
expected to remain at comparably high levels in 1997.
475
COSTA RICA
Costa Rica is a longstanding, stable, constitutional democracy with a unicameral
Legislative Assembly directly elected in free multiparty elections every 4 years. Jose
Mairia Figueres of the National Liberation Party won the presidency in the February
1994 elections, in which approximately 80 percent of eligiole voters cast ballots. 'Hie
Government respects constitutional provisions for an independent judiciary.
The 1949 Constitution abolished tne military forces. The Ministry of Public Secu-
rity— which includes specialized units such as the antidrug police — and the Ministry
of the Presidency share responsibility for law enforcement and national security. In
1996 the Government combined several police units within the Ministry of Public
Security, including the Border Guard, the Rural Guard, and the Civil Guard, into
a single "public lorce." Public security forces generally observe procedural safe-
guards established by law and the Constitution.
The market economy is based primarily on agriculture, light industry, and tour-
ism. After a 1 percent decline in 1996, economic growth was projected at 1.5-2 per-
cent. Government fiscal difTiculties continued, with the public sector deficit projected
to amount to 4 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). The Constitution protects
the right to private property; however, domestic and foreign property owners en-
counter considerable difficulty gaining adequate, timely compensation for lands ex-
propriated for national parks and other purposes. The law grants considerable
rights to squatters who invade uncultivatea land, regardless of who may hold title
to the property.
Citizens enjoy a wide range of individual rights and freedoms. The Government
generally respects the human rights of its citizens, and the law and judiciary pro-
vide effective means of dealing with individual instances of abuse. Nonetheless, the
judicial system moves very slowly in processing criminal cases, resulting in lengthy
pretrial aetention for some suspects. Citizens reported 11 instances oi physical or
verbal abuse by police to the Ombudsman of the Republic. The Government has
identified domestic violence as a serious problem and sponsored a public awareness
program to deter such abuse. Abuse of children also remains a problem. Traditional
patterns of unequal opportunity for women and racial minorities remain, in spite
of continuing government and media efforts to advocate change.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no repmrts of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
The judicial system resolved the 1993 Malcolm case, in which seven judicial police
ofllcers allegedly beat a presumed street gang member, William Lee Malcolm, who
died shortly thereafter wnile in custody. In July a San Jose court found insuHlcient
evidence to convict the seven former officers on charges of murder and aggravated
deprivation of liberty. The same court, however, convicted all seven defendants of
abuse of authority. Each former officer received a 4-year suspended sentence and
was barred from public sector employment for 1 to 2 years.
In September a criminal court found two of three former judicial police officers
guilty of the 1994 murder of farmer Giro Monge; the third officer awaited trial at
year's end. The court sentenced the two men to 12 years in prison and $200,000
in fines and costs.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits cruel or degrading treatment and holds invalid any state-
ment obtained through violence. The authorities generally abide by these prohibi-
tions. An effective mechanism for lodging and recording complaints of police mis-
conduct exists. As of August, the Ombudsman's office had received 122 reports of
police abuse of authority or misconduct. The Ombudsman's office investigates com-
plaints and, where appropriate, initiates suits against officials. In June a man ac-
cused judicial police onicers of beating and illegally detaining him while the officers
were pursuing alleged bank robbers. At year's end, the authorities were investigat-
ing the case.
A large percentage of police personnel owe their appointments to political patron-
age. The Figueres administration continued implementation of the 1994 Police Code
designed to depoliticize and professionalize the police force. The Government's long-
term plan is to establish permanent, professional cadres, eventually resulting in a
nonpolitically appointed career force. The basic course for new police recruits in-
cludes training using a human rights manual developed by the Ministry of I^blic
Security.
476
Prisoners generally receive humane treatment. Prisoners are separated by gender
and by level of security, minimum, medium, and maximum. There are separate ju-
venile detention centers. Illegal narcotics are readily available in the prisons, and
drug use is common. While guards rarely abuse prisoners physically, there are cred-
ible reports that prisoners are sometimes subjected to other forms of abuse such as
extortion. The F*rison Rights Ombudsman investigates complaints and refers serious
cases of abuse to the Public Prosecutor.
Penitentiary overcrowding remained a problem, with the prison population about
50 percent above planned capacity. The Government is expanding five prisons to ad-
dress this problem. In March 1996, the Supreme Court's Constitutional Chamber is-
sued an order to the San Sebastian prison in San Jose, giving the institution 1 year
to achieve minimally acceptable conditions for the prisoners. As of August, that pris-
on was still 121 percent above capacity, a slight decline reflecting the transfer of
many long-term prisoners to other institutions.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution and law prohibit arbi-
trary arrest, detention, or exile, and the Government generally respects these prohi-
bitions.
The law requires issuance of judicial warrants before making arrests. The Con-
stitution entitles a detainee to a judicial determination of the legality of the deten-
tion during arraignment before a court officer within 24 hours of arrest. The au-
thorities generally respect these rights.
The law provides for the right to release on bail, and the authorities observe it
in practice. Generally, the authorities do not hold detainees incommunicado. With
judicial authorization, the authorities may hold suspects for 48 hours after arrest
or, under special circumstances, for up to 10 days.
The Constitution bars exile as punishment.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution and law provide for an independ-
ent judiciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The Constitu-
tion provides for the right to a fair trial, and an independent judiciary vigorously
enforces this right.
The Supreme Court supervises the work of the lower courts, known as tribunals.
The Legislative Assembly elects the 22 Supreme Court magistrates to 8-year terms,
subject to automatic renewal unless the Assembly decides otherwise by a two-thirds
majority. Accused persons may select attorneys to represent them, and the law pro-
vides for access to counsel at state expense for the indigent.
Persons accused of serious ofTenses and held without bail, however, sometimes re-
main in pretrial custody for long periods. Lengthy legal procedures, numerous ap-
peals, and large numbers of detainees cause delays and case backlogs. There were
933 accused persons, representing 19 percent of the prison population, jailed await-
ing trial as of August.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy. Family, Home, or Correspondence. — TTie
Constitution prohibits such practices. Government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to efTective legal sanction. The law re-
quires judicial warrants to search private homes. Judges may approve use of wire-
taps in limited circumstances, primarily to combat narcotics trafTicking.
The law grants considerable rights to squatters who invade uncultivated land, re-
gardless of who may hold title to the property. Landowners in Pavones, Golfito, have
a 10-year history of conflict with squatters, which includes frequent violent inva-
sions. In November squatter Alvaro Aguilar and Max Dalton, a U.S. citizen land-
owner, were killed during a confrontation with squatters who had invaded Dalton's
property. Although the authorities charged a suspect in the case, he remains free
at tne judge's discretion. President Figueres appointed First Vice President Rodrigo
Oreamuno to head a cabinet-level commission to investigate the case.
Municipal officials in Pavones, including the municipal president, encouraged
squatter invasions of private property. In October a municipal order allowed squat-
ters to enter Dalton's property. After the November conl^rontation during wnich
Aguilar and Dalton were shot and killed, the municipal council revoked the order,
saying that it had been improperly issued. There is evidence of complicity between
the squatters and the authorities, which apparently gave tacit approval to the type
of violent tactics that resulted in these deaths. The initial police investigation into
these shooting deaths was not thorough and raised questions about the integrity of
law enforcement in the Golfito region.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An independ-
477
ent press, a generally effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political sys-
tem combine to ensure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic free-
dom.
There are 9 major privately owned newspapers, several pxjriodicals, 6 privately
owned television stations, and over 70 privately owned radio stations, all of which
pursue independent editorial policies. While the media generally criticize the Gov-
ernment freely, there were unconfinmed allegations that the Government withheld
advertising from some publications in order to influence or limit reporting. In 1996
the Legislative Assembly passed a "right of response" law that provides persons
criticized in the media with an opportunity to reply with equal attention and at
equal length. While the print and electronic media continued to criticize public fig-
ures, the law has proven difficult for media managers to administer. On occasion,
some media outlets delayed printing responses because submissions were not clearly
identified as replies to previously published items. In one case, a judge temporarily
impounded the assets of the daily newspaper Diario Extra because the newspaper
allegedly did not publish a response withm the stipulated time frame.
The (Jffice of Control of Public Spectacles rates films and has the authority to re-
strict or prohibit their showing; it has similar powers over television programs and
stage plays. Nonetheless, foreign and particularly American films spanning the U.S.
rating system are offered to the public. A tribunal reviews appeals of the office's ac-
tions.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for fi-eedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. While the Constitution establishes
Roman Catholicism as the state religion, people of all denominations freely practice
their religion without government interference. Religious education teachers, includ-
ing those in public schools, must be certified by the Roman Catholic episcopal con-
ference. Foreign missionaries and clergy of all denominations work and proselytize
freely.
d. Freedom, of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice. There are no restrictions on travel within the country, on
emigration, or the right of return.
There is a long tradition of providing refuge to people from other Latin American
countries. In July the Government declined to grant asylum to 16 indigenous
Hondurans who had peacefully occupied the Costa Rican embassy in Tegucigalpa,
saying that the Hondurans had not demonstrated credible fears of persecution. The
Government granted asylum to Venezuelan Luis Escobar Ugaz. Ugaz, a member of
the Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement, entered Costa Rica in June 1996, after
seeking refuge in the Costa Rican embassy in Caracas.
The Government cooperates with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The Govern-
ment makes a distinction between political asylum and refugee status; the issue of
the provision of first asylum did not arise. The Constitution specifically prohibits re-
patriation of anyone subject to potential persecution, and there were no reports of
forced expulsion of persons to a country where they feared persecution. The authori-
ties regularly repatriated undocumented Nicaraguans, most of whom entered the
country primarily for economic reasons.
Allegations of abuse by Border Police periodically arise. Although instances of
physical abuse apfiear to have declined, there were credible reports of extortion of
migrants by border ofTicials. In May President Figueres signed an accord with Nica-
raguan President Miguel Aleman to normalize the status of some of the approxi-
mately 400,000 Nicaraguans residing illegally in Costa Rica. The agreement permits
Nicaraguans to obtain residency with a special worker passport and a valid employ-
ment contract.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through free and fair elections
neld on the basis of universal suffrage and by secret ballot every 4 years. The inde-
pendent Supreme Electoral Tribunal ensures the integrity of elections, and the au-
thorities and citizens respect election results. The Constitution bars the President
from seeking reelection, and Assembly members may seek reelection only after at
least one term out of office. In the 1994 elections. President Figueres' National Lib-
eration Party (PLN) gained a plurality in the Legislative Assembly, winning 28 of
57 seats. The Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC) won 25 seats, the Democratic
478
Force won 2 seats, and 2 provincial parties each garnered 1 seat. After an
intraparty dispute, one of the Democratic Force legislators formed a new party in
1966. As a result, the new party — the New Democratic Party — has one seat.
Women encounter no legal impediments to their participation in politics. While
they are underrepresented in leadership positions oi the Government and political
parties, this situation has begun to change. The Minister of Public Security, eight
legislative assembly deputies, and five directors of autonomous institutions are
women. In February the Legislative Assembly selected assembly Deputy Sandra
Piszk as Ombudsman, a key autonomous post created in 1993 to protect the rights
and interests of citizens in their dealings with the Government. In May the Su-
preme Court appointed Linette Saborio as the Director General of the judicial inves-
tigative organization. The opposition PUSC mandates that a minimum of 40 percent
of posts in party councils be occupied by women. The ruling PLN adopted this same
40 percent goal in May. In October the PUSC selected two women as its nominees
for first and second vice president, marking the first time that a major political
party nominated women for both vice presidencies. The PLN also chose two women
as its vice presidential candidates for the February 1998 national elections.
Indigenous people may participate freely in politics and government. In practice,
they have not played significant roles in these areas, except on issues directly aflect-
ing their welfare, largely because of their relatively small numbers and physical iso-
lation. One of 57 members of the National Assembly identifies himself as part indig-
enous. The country's 30,000 blacks, largely resident on the Caribbean coast, enjoy
full rights of citizenship, including the protection of laws against racial discrimina-
tion. The Legislative Assembly includes one black member; one vice minister is
black.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongouernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Various human rights groups operate without government restriction, investigat-
ing and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials are
cooperative and responsive to their views. The Costa Rican Commission for Human
Rights, the Commission for the Defense of Human Rights in Central America, and
the Family and Friends of Political Prisoners of Costa Rica monitor and report on
human rights.
Several international organizations concerned with human rights, including the
Inter-American Institute for Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human
Rights, are located in San Jose.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution pronounces all persons equal before the law, and the Govern-
ment generally respects these provisions.
Women. — The Government nas identified domestic violence against women and
children as a serious societal problem. The authorities have incorporated training
on handling domestic violence cases in the basic training course for new police per-
sonnel. The Law Against Domestic Violence classifies certain acts of domestic vio-
lence as crimes and mandates their prosecution. An old law permits a judge to par-
don a man accused of statutory rape if the perpetrator intends to marry the victim,
she and her family accmiesce, and the National Institute for Children does not ob-
ject. This law has not been applied in recent years, and it is expected to be over-
turned by pending legislation. The domestic violence law requires public hospitals
to report cases of female victims of domestic violence. It also denies the perpetrator
possession of the family home in favor of the victim. Television coverage of this issue
has increased in news reporting, public service announcements, and feature pro-
grams. Reports of violence against women have increased, likely reflecting a greater
willingness of victims to report abuses rather than an actual increase in instances
of violence against women. The law against sexual harassment in the work place
and educational institutions seeks to prevent and punish sexual harassment in
those environments.
Women constitute 49.5 percent of the population. The 1990 Law for the Promotion
of the Social Equality of Women not only prohibits discrimination against women
but obligates the Government to promote political, economic, social, and cultural
equality. In March 1996, the Government's National Center for the Development of
Women and the Family presented its 3-year National Plan for Equality of Oppor-
tunity between Women and Men. The plan is based in great measure on the Plat-
form for Action adopted at the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing.
According to the 1995 census, women represent 30 percent of the labor force. Most
women work in he services sector, with others working in industry and agriculture.
479
While laws require that women and men receive equal pay for equal work, average
salaries for women remain somewhat below those of male counterparts. According
to United Nations Development Program, women occupy 21 percent of executive ana
management positions and nearly 45 percent of professional and technical positions.
The average hfe expectancy for women increased by 12 years since the early 1970's
to 77 years, higher than the 72-year average for men.
Children. — Tne Gk)vemment is committed to children's rights and welfare through
well-funded systems of public education and medical care. The Government spends
over 5 percent of GDP on medical care. In June the Legislative Assembly passed
a constitutional amendment increasing spending on education from 4 percent to 6
percent of GDP. The country has a high rate of literacy (95 percent) and a low rate
of infant mortality (13 persons per 1,000). The law requires 6 years of primary and
3 years of secondary education for all children. There is no difference in the treat-
ment of girls and boys in education or in health care services. The autonomous Na-
tional Institute for Children (PANI) oversees implementation of the Government's
programs for children. In December 1996, the Assembly passed a law strengthening
PANI's role in protecting and promoting the rights of children; in accordance with
the precepts of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.
In recent years, the PANI has increased public awareness of crimes against chil-
dren. In 1996, the most recent year for which statistics are available, the Institute
intervened in 3,161 cases of abandonment, 1,030 cases of physical abuse, 1,195 cases
of sexual abuse, and 98 cases of psychological abuse of children. Abuses appear to
be more prevalent among impoverished, less-educated families. Traditional attitudes
and the inclination to treat such crimes as misdemeanors sometimes hamper legal
proceedings against those who commit crimes against children.
In February 1996, the PANI announced a comprehensive plan to improve the con-
ditions of the poorest children. According to Institute estimates, 17 percent of chil-
dren between the ages of 5 and 17 are involved in income-producing activities, and
25,000 children work rather than attend school. The (}overnment, police sources,
and representatives of the United Nations Children's Fund acknowledge that child
prostitution is a growing problem. Although no official statistics exist, the PANI has
identified street children in the urban areas of San Jose, Limon, and Puntarenas
as being at the greatest risk. The PANI estimates that as many as 3,000 children
in metropolitan San Jose are involved in prostitution. In April the Institute
launched a campaign against child prostitution in cooperation with police, airport
immigration authorities, and hotel operators.
People With Disabilities. — The Equal Opportunity for Persons with Disabilities
Law prohibits discrimination, provides for health care services, and mandates provi-
sion of access to buildings for persons with disabilities. This law is not widely en-
forced and many buildings remain inaccessible to persons with disabilities. Nonethe-
less, a number of public and private institutions have made individual efforts to im-
prove access. In March the Ministry of Public Education announced that students
with disabilities may enroll in the school of their choice without impediment. The
PANI and the Ministry published specific classroom guidelines for assisting children
with hearing loss, motor difficulties, attention deficit, and mental retardation.
Indigenous People. — The population of about 3.3 million includes nearly 29,(X)0 in-
digenous people among 8 ethnic groups. Most live in traditional communities on 22
reserves which, because of their remote location, often lack access to schools, health
care, electricity, and potable water. The (Government, through the National Indige-
nous Commission, completed distribution of identification cards to facilitate access
to public medical facilities. The Government also built a medical clinic and several
community health centers in indigenous areas. The Ombudsman has established an
office to investigate violations of the rights of indigenous people.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law specifies the right of workers to join unions
of their choosing without prior authorization, although barriers exist in practice.
About 15 percent of the work force is unionized, almost entirely in the public sector.
Unions operate independently of government control.
Some trade union leaders contend that "solidarity" associations, in which employ-
ers provide access to credit unions and savings plans in return for agreement to
avoid strikes and other types of confrontation, infringe upon the right oi association.
After the International Labor Organization (ILO) Committee on Freedom of Associa-
tion ruled that solidarity associations and their involvement in trade union activi-
ties violated freedom of*^ association, the Government amended the Labor Code in
1993. The following year, the ILO Committee of Experts (COE) ruled that these and
other planned changes fostered greater freedom of association. In 1995 the COE en-
couraged the Government to approve legislation to allow unions to administer com-
480
pensation funds for dismissed workers and to repeal labor code provisions restrict-
ing the right to strike in certain nonessential public, agricultural, and forestry sec-
tors. This recommendation remained under government consideration at year's end.
There are no restrictions on the right of private sector workers to strike, but very
few workers in this sector belong to unions. Accordingly, private sector strikes rare-
ly occur. The Constitution and Labor Code restrict the rignt of public sector workers
to strike. In May workers from the state-owned electric and telecommunications
utility staged a brief work stoppage to call attention to proposals for restructuring
the utility. Although workers demonstrated in several cities, the protests failed to
attract significant worker support. Utility operations were not disrupted and the
work stoppage concluded peacefully.
Unions may form federations and confederations and affiliate internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution protects the
right to organize. Specific provisions of the 1993 labor code reforms provide protec-
tion from dismissal for union organizers and members during union formation. The
revised provisions require employers found guilty of discrimination to reinstate
workers fired for union activities.
Public sector workers cannot engage in collective bargaining because the Public
Administration Act of 1978 makes labor law inapplicable in relations between the
Government and its employees. Private sector unions have the legal right to engage
in collective bargaining.
All labor regulations apply fully to the country's nine export processing zones
(EPZ's). The Labor Ministry oversees labor regulations within the EPZ's, but ac-
knowledged that it has only 1 inspector for every 30,000 workers.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Tlie Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, and there were no known instances of such practices. Laws
prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, and the Government enforces this pro-
hibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution provides special employment protection for women and children and estab-
lishes the minimum working age at 12 years, with special regulations in force for
workers under the age of 15. Laws prohibit forced and bonded labor by children,
and the Government enforces this prohibition effectively. Children between 15 and
18 years of age can work a maximum of 7 hours daily and 42 hours weekly, while
children between the ages of 12 and 15 can work a maximum of 5 hours daily and
30 hours weekly. The PANl, in cooperation with the Labor Ministry, generally en-
forces these regulations in the formal sector. Due to limited government resources
for enforcement, some children work on the fringes of the formal economy in excess
of these limits. After two adolescents died from chemical poisoning while working
on banana plantations in 1993, the authorities prohibited employment of youths
under the age of 18 in the banana industry. Nonetheless, child labor remains an
integral part of the large informal economy. According to a PANI survey, about
152,000 children worked during 1995, of whom nearly 93,000 had prior PANI ap-
proval.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Constitution provides for a minimum
wage. A National Wage Council, composed of three members each from government,
business, and labor, sets minimum wage and salary levels for all sectors. Monthly
minimum wages, last adjusted in July for the private sector, range from $128
(30,179 colones) for domestic employees to $622 (146,274 colones) for some profes-
sionals. Public sector negotiations, based on private sector minimum wages, nor-
mally follow the settlement of private sector negotiations. The Ministry of Labor ef-
fectively enforces minimum wages in the San Jose area, but less effectively in rural
areas. Especially at the lower end of the wage scale, the minimum wage is insuffi-
cient to provide a worker and family a decent standard of living.
The (Constitution sets workday hours, overtime remuneration, days of rest, and
annual vacation rights. Although often circumvented in practice, it also requires
compensation for discharge without due cause. Generally, workers may work a max-
imum of 8 hours during the day and 6 at night, up to weekly totals of 48 and 36
hours, respectively. Nonagricultural workers receive an overtime premium of 50 per-
cent of regular wages for work in excess of the daily work shift. Agricultural work-
ers do not receive overtime, however, if they voluntarily work beyond their normal
hours. Little evidence exists that employers coerce employees to perform such over-
time.
For several years, the ILO COE asked the Government to enact provisions regard-
ing accident prevention for seafarers, as required by ILO Convention 134 on the
"TPrevention of Accidents (Seafarers)." The COE had not yet received the requested
regulations at year's end.
481
A 1967 law on health and safety in the workplace requires industrial, agricul-
tural, and commercial firms with 10 or more workers to establish a joint manage-
ment-labor committee on workplace conditions and allows the Government to in-
spect workplaces and to fine employers for violations. Most firms subject to the law
establish such committees but either do not use the committees or neglect to turn
them into effective instruments for improving workplace conditions. WTiile workers
have the right to leave work if conditions become dangerous, workers who do so may
find their jobs in jeopardy unless they file written complaints with the Labor Min-
istry. Due partly to budgetary constraints, the Ministry has not fielded enough labor
inspectors to ensure consistent maintenance of minimum conditions of safety and
sanitation, especially outside San Jose.
CUBA
Cuba is a totalitarian state controlled by President Fidel Castro, who is Chief of
State, Head of Government, First Secretary of the Communist Party, and com-
mander in chief of the armed forces. President Castro exercises control over all as-
pects of Cuban life through the Communist Party and its affiliated mass organiza-
tions, the government bureaucracy, and the state security apparatus. The Com-
munist Party is the only legal political entity, and President Castro personally ap-
proves the membership of the Politburo, the select group that heads the party. The
party controls all government positions, including judicial offices.
The Ministry of Interior is the principal organ of state security and totalitarian
control. Officers of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), which are led by Presi-
dent Castro's brother Raul, have been assigned to the majority of key positions in
the Ministry of Interior in recent years. In addition to the routine law enforcement
functions of regulating migration, controlling the Border Guard and the regular po-
lice forces, the Interior Ministry's Department of State Security investigates and ac-
tively suppresses organized opposition and dissent. It maintains a pervasive system
of vigilance through undercover agents, informers, the rapid response brigades, and
the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR's). While the Government
traditionally used the CDR's to mobilize citizens against dissenters, impose ideologi-
cal conformity, and root out "counter- revolutionary" behavior, severe economic prob-
lems have reduced the willingness of citizens to participate in the CDR's and there-
by lessened their efiiectiveness. Other mass organizations also inject government
and Communist Party control into citizens' daily activities at home, work, and
school.
The Government continued to control all significant means of production and re-
mained the predominant employer, despite permitting some carefully controlled for-
eign investment. Foreign employers continue to contract workers through state
agencies, which pay the workers extremely low wages while receiving large hard
currency payments. The Government has also legalized some minor categories of
self-employment. Although the Government forecast a modest economic growth rate
of some 2.5 percent (down from a claimed 7.8 pjercent in 1996), the economy re-
mained depressed due to the inefilciencies of the centrally controlled economic sys-
tem; the deterioration of plant, equipment, and the transportation system; the col-
lapse of trade relations with the former Soviet bloc; the loss of billions of dollars
of annual Soviet subsidies; and the poor performance of the important sugar har-
vest. For the seventh straight year, the Government continued its austerity meas-
ures known euphemistically as the "special period in peacetime." Agricultural mar-
kets, legalized in 1994, gave consumers wider access to meat and produce, although
at prices beyond the reach of most Cubans living on peso-only incomes. The system
of tourist apartheid" continued, with foreign visitors who pay in hard currency re-
ceiving preference over citizens for food, consumer products, and medical services.
Citizens remain barred from access to the tourism industry's hotels, beaches, and
resorts.
The Government's human rights record remained poor. It continued systemati-
cally to violate fundamental civil and political rights of its citizens. Citizens do not
have the right to change their government. There were several credible reports of
death due to excessive use of force by the police. Members of the security forces and
prison ofiicials continued to beat and otherwise abuse detainees and prisoners. Pris-
on conditions remained harsh. The authorities routinely continued to narass, threat-
en, arbitrarily arrest, detain, imprison, and defame human rights advocates and
members of independent professional associations, including journalists, economists,
and lawyers, often with the goal of goading them into leaving the country. The Gov-
ernment used internal and external exile against such persons, and political pris-
482
oners were ofTered the choice of exile or continued imprisonment. The Government
denied political dissidents and human rights advocates due process and subjected
them to unfair trials. The judiciary is completely subordinate to the Government
and to the Communist Party. The Government infringed upon citizens' right to pri-
vacy. The Government denied citizens the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and
association. It limited the distribution of foreign publications and news to selected
party faithful. The Government kept tight restrictions on freedom of movement, and
some religious activities were restricted. The Government was sharply and publicly
antagonistic to all criticism of its human rights practices and sought to thwart for-
eign contacts with human rights activists. Discrimination against women and racial
discrimination often occur. The Government severely restricted worker rights, in-
cluding the right to form independent unions.
In April the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) again passed
a resolution endorsing the report of the UNHRC Special Rapporteur, which detailed
Cuba's human rights violations. For the fifth consecutive year, the Government re-
fused the Special Rapporteur permission to visit Cuba.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated killings by government ofTicials. However, there were several credible re-
ports of death due to the excessive use of force by the national police; government
sanctions against the perpetrators were typically light.
On May 21, Guantanamo policeman Marcos Moran Peregrin reportedly shot 27-
year-old Caspar Torres Vegne. Three policemen apparently stopped Torres while he
was riding home on his bicycle. The ensuing police search turned violent; Torres was
struck and fell to the ground, where Moran shot him. Torres died in the hospital
on June 3. The Guantanamo provincial court held a closed-door trial and sentenced
Moran to 3 years in prison, one-half the sentence the prosecutors requested. Subse-
quent to the trial, a human rights group protested tne harassment by the police
against Torres's nephew. Penis Fornier Torres, as an apparent reprisal for Fournier
having pressed changes against Moran.
During the year, at least seven explosive devices detonated in hotels and a res-
taurant in Havana. One of the explosions killed an Italian tourist on September 4.
On September 10, the Government announced the arrest of El Salvador citizen Raul
Ernesto Cruz Leon and charged him with being the "material author" of the killings.
At year's end, Cruz Leon remained in detention and had not been tried.
In October 1996, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (lACHR) is-
sued its final report on the Government's July 13, 1994, sinking of the "13th of
March" tugboat which killed 41 persons, including women and children. The lACHR
concluded that the Government violated the American Declaration on the Rights
and Duties of Man and found the Government legally obligated to indemnify the
survivors and the relatives of the victims for the damages caused; at year's end, the
Government had not yet done so.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits abusive treatment of detainees and prisoners, but there
were instances in which members of the security forces and prison officials beat and
otherwise abused human rights advocates, detainees, and prisoners. For example,
human rights groups in Pinar del Rio province reported that on March 21, p)olice
officer Luis Montano and another policeman beat Luis Reyes Ijcdesma and then
forced him into a crypt at the Arroyo Mantua cemetery for 3 hours because Reyes
refused to answer the policemen's questions.
Individuals linked to state security forces subjected human rights advocates to
physical aggression and threats. On May 1, state security officers punched, kicked,
and dragged human rights activist Ana Maria Agramonte from her home after she
decUned to restrict her movements during the May Day Communist Party celebra-
tions. Agramonte was subsequently charged with disrespect and sentenced to 18
months in prison on May 16, without the benefit of defense counsel.
In June state security police in Cienfuegos detained human rights activists Miguel
Angel Hernandez and Benito Fojaco. During the interrogations, they were put in a
small storage cabinet and exposed to noxious fumes for over an hour before being
released. In October state security police detained Fojaco and five other human
rights activists in Cienfuegos. At year's end, they remained in detention and under
investigation on charges of distributing enemy propaganda.
In July state security officers conducted a search of the home of human rights ac-
tivist Jesus Yanez Pelletier. The ofTicers threatened Yanez Pelletier and his partner.
483
warning that her children would be taken away should they continue their activi-
ties. An officer pointed to one of her children's drawings that depicted a human
rights theme and said that it showed that they were not raising the children prop-
eny, that is, "within the revolution." The officer threatened to bring a government
chUd specialist to "evaluate" the children and the adults' "fitness" to continue rais-
ing them.
Similarly, in August state security officers repeatedly threatened human rights
activist Leonel Morejon Almagro (see Section l.d.) and his wife Zoiris Aguilar
Callejas with the loss of their child. The officers warned that both parents might
be sent to jail and the child might be taken from them to be raised by the State,
unless they ceased their activities in opposition to the State.
The Government continued to subject those who disagree with it to "acts of repu-
diation." At state security instigation, members of state-controlled mass organiza-
tions, workmates, or neighbors are obliged to stage public protests against those
who dissent from the Government's policies, shouting obscenities and often causing
damage to the homes and property of those targeted; physical attacks on the victims
are not uncommon. Police and state security agents are often present but take no
action to prevent or end the attacks. On May 31, four men attacked independent
journalist Joaquin Torres at his home in Havana; the men then led an act of repudi-
ation against him as police stood by without intervening. In June human rights ac-
tivists in Pinar del Rio were subjected to acts of repudiation at their work places
by fellow workers coerced into participating by government union foremen; police or
local authorities ordered other activists to go to government facilities where they
were also subjected to these acts.
Prison conditions continued to be harsh. The Government claims that prisoners
have rights, such as family visitation, adequate nutrition, pay for work, the right
to request parole, and the right to petition the prison director. However, police and
prison officials often denied these rights and used beatings, neglect, isolation, denial
of medical attention, and other forms of abuse against detainees and prisoners, in-
cluding those convicted of political crimes or who persisted in expressing their
views. There are separate prison facilities for women and for minors.
The lACHR reported that prison authorities subjected prisoners who protested
their conditions or treatment to reprisals such as beatings, transfer to punishment
cells, transfer to prisons far from their families, suspension of family visits, or de-
nial of medical treatment. A member of the France-Liberte delegation that visited
Cuba in May 1995 interviewed political prisoners and stated that lengthy and often
incommunicado pretrial detention constitutes a form of psychological torture. State
security officials also subjected dissidents to threats of pnysical violence, as well as
to systematic psychological intimidation, sleep deprivation, imprisonment in cells
with common criminals, aggressive homosexuals, or state security agents posing as
prisoners, in an attempt to coerce them to sign incriminating documents or to be-
come state security collaborators. Prison authorities often placed political prisoners
in cells with common and sometimes violent criminals and required that tney com-
ply with the rules for common criminals.
In December Amnesty International (AI) called on the Government to stop abu-
sive treatment of Jorge Luis Garcia Perez, Nestor Rodriguez Lobaina, and Francisco
Herodes Diaz Echemendia, held in Combinado de Guantanamo prison. In September
over 30 guards reportedly beat and badly injured the three prisoners while they
were handcuffed. In October they were being held naked, in punishment cells with-
out bedding, and being denied medical treatment. AI asked the Government to stop
holding the prisoners in conditions it termed "cruel, inhuman, and degrading," to
undertake an impartial investigation, and to punish those responsible for the
abuses.
Jesus Chamber Ramirez, sentenced to 10 years in prison for enemy propaganda
and disrespect against government authority, was regularly denied family visits for
insisting that he be treated as a political rather than a common prisoner. Chamber
was transferred in July from Kilo 8 prison in Camaguey to Bayamo prison, closer
to his family in Santiago de Cuba, but prison guards continued to bait him and
order him to shout slogans favorable to the President. Chamber responded with con-
trary slogans; as a result, he was charged and sentenced twice to additional 2-year
terms for disrespect, with a possible third charge pending. In September, Chamber,
whose prison term stands at 14 years, was again placed in solitary confinement for
having shouted "down with Fidel." Chamber has neld numerous hunger strikes of
short duration to protest poor prison conditions; he and another inmate, Julio
Moralez Gonzalez, reported that they have been beaten and punished for demanding
better treatment. At year's end. Chamber's third trial for disrespect was still pencf-
ing.
484
The rights to adequate nutrition and medical attention also were violated regu-
lariy. The lACHR described the nutritional and hygienic situation in the prisons,
together with the deficiencies in medical care, as "alarming." Both the lACHR and
the U.N. Special Rapporteur, as well as other human rights monitoring organiza-
tions, reported the widespread incidence in prisons of tuberculosis, scabies, hepa-
titis, parasitic infections, and malnutrition.
Prison officials regularly denied prisoners other rights, such as the right of cor-
respondence, and continued to confiscate medications and food brought by family
members for political prisoners. State security officials in Havana's Villa Marista fa-
cility took medications brought by family members for detainees and then refused
to give the detainees the medicine, despite repeated assurances that they would.
Ci January prison guards placed Leonel Morejon Almagro in solitary confinement
for 4 days for trying to send a letter to Cardinal Ortega requesting his intercession
for a pastoral visit, which authorities had denied to Morejon since his detention 10
months earlier. On May 7, officials in Pinar del Rio's Kilometer SVz prison denied
pastoral visits to Rosa Maria Pujol Llanes. Pujol's family had requested the visits
because of Pujol's poor health and concern for her state of mind. Pujol reportedly
lost over 50 pounds since entering prison; she is serving a 10-year sentence for "pi-
racy."
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of prison conditions by
international or national human rights monitoring groups. Human rights activists
continued to seek information on conditions inside jails despite the risks to them-
selves and to their prison sources. On September 5, a military tribunal sentenced
human rights activist Maritza Lugo to 2 years of house arrest for 'Taribery," for hav-
ing attempted to smuggle a tape recorder into a prison in order to obtain direct tes-
timony from inmates.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Law of Penal Procedures requires
police to file formal charges and either release a detainee or bring the case before
a prosecutor within 96 hours of arrest. It also requires the authorities to provide
suspects with access to a lawyer within 7 days of arrest. However, the Constitution
states that all legally recognized civil liberties can be denied to anyone who actively
opposes the "decision of the Cuban people to build socialism." The authorities rou-
tinely invoke this sweeping authority to deny due process to those detained on pur-
ported state security grounds.
The authorities routinely engage in arbitrary arrest and detention of human
rights advocates, subjecting them to interrogations, threats, and degrading treat-
ment and conditions for hours or days at a time.
On July 16, the Government arrested the four members of the "internal dissident
working group" (economist Martha Beatriz Roque, professor Felix Bonne Carcasses,
lawyer Rene Gromez Manzano, and Vladimiro Roca Antunes), because of their peace-
ful activities in expressing their disagreement with the Government. In May and
June, the group sought international support for its political positions and non-
violent dissent from the Government's policies. The working group also made a pub-
lic appeal to citizens to exercise their legal right to abstain from participating in
upcoming national elections. It held two well-attended press conferences with for-
eign journalists. During the second press conference, the group presented "The
Homeland Belongs to All," a paper that outlined a moderate response to the plat-
form document of the Cuban Communist Party's fifth party congress. On July 16,
state security agents launched coordinated raids against the working group mem-
bers' homes and took the four members to police stations. State security officers
searched their homes and seized books, papers, correspondence, and personal arti-
cles such as typewriters and computers. In November the authorities transferred
the four from Havana's Villa Marista state security facility to separate prisons: Roca
to Ariza prison in Cienfuegos province; Gomez Manzano to Aguija prison in
Matanzas province, Bonne to Guanajay prison in Havana province, and Roque to
Manto Negro women's prison, also in Havana province. At year's end, there were
still no indications whetner the Government would put the group on trial on charges
of disseminating enemy propaganda.
On June 25, the Government arrested medical doctor and human rights activist
Dessy Mendoza at his home in Santiago de Cuba. Dr. Mendoza was detained be-
cause of his efforts in February to alert the public, through the international media,
about an outbreak of hemorrhagic dengue fever in Santiago de Cuba, which resulted
in the death of about 30 persons. In June the Government finally acknowledged the
outbreak and began a belated fumigation effort in Santiago de Cuba, Havana, and
elsewhere. In December the Government tried, convicted, and sentenced Dr. Men-
doza to 8 years in prison for disseminating false information. The unhealthful condi-
tions of his detention required his hospitalization.
485
On October 9, 10 human rights activists in Santa Clara initiated a prolonged fast
to protest the incarceration of Daula Carpio Matas, who had originally been sen-
tenced to house arrest for a previous incident. At 4:00 a.m. on October 14, police
raided the home where the fast was taking place and detained the occupants. On
October 23, a court convicted the fasting dissidents of association to commit crimes
and disobedience, and sentenced them to a variety of terms ranging from 18 months
in jail to 18 months' probation. At year's end, six of the dissidents were continuing
the fast, four of them in a hospital.
The Penal Code also includes the concept of "dangerousness," defined as the "spe-
cial proclivity of a person to commit crimes, demonstrated by his conduct in mani-
fest contradiction oi socialist norms." If the police decide that a person exhibits signs
of dangerousness, they may detain the offender, bring him before a court, or subject
him to "therapy" or "political reeducation." Government authorities regularly threat-
en citizens with prosecution under this article. Both the UNHRC and the lACHR
condemned this concept for its subjectivity, the summary nature of the judicial pro-
ceedings employed, the lack of legal safeguards for the accused, and the political
considerations behind its application. According to the LACHR, "the special inclina-
tion to commit crimes referred to in the Cuban criminal code amounts to a subjec-
tive criterion used by the Government to justify violations of the rights to indiviclual
freedom and due process ofpersons whose sole crime has been an inclination to hold
a view different from the ofiicial view."
The Government also used exile as a tool for controlling and eliminating the inter-
nal opposition. Amnesty International noted that the Government had changed its
tactics in dealing with human rights advocates, and "rather than arresting them
and bringing them to trial, the tendency was to repeatedly detain them for short
periods and threaten them with imprisonment unless they gave up their activities
or left the country." In August the Government used these incremental, aggressive
tactics to compel Diosmel Rodriguez, an activist from Santiago de Cuba, ancfOlance
Nogueras, an independent journalist already under state-imposed internal exile in
Cienfuegos, to leave the country.
The Government has also pressured imprisoned human rights activists to apply
for emigration and regularly conditioned their release on acceptance of exile. On
several occasions, state security ofiicers facilitated passes to prisoners to come to the
capital for the express purpose of initiating exit procedures with foreign diplomatic
missions.
Amnesty International expressed "particular concern" about the Government's
practice of threatening to charge, try, and imprison human rights advocates and
independent journalists prior to arrest or sentencing if they did not leave the coun-
try, which it said "effectively prevents those concerned from being able to act in pub-
lic life in their own country."
In August the Government began a campaign of intense harassment against
Leonel Morejon Almagro, one of the founders of the ConciHo Cubano, in an attempt
to force him into exile. Morejon had been released from Ariza prison on May 9 after
serving a 15-month sentence, ostensibly for disrespect. Upon his release, the au-
thorities warned Morejon not to attempt to restart the Concilio, which in February
1996 attempted to bring together over 130 prodemocracy groups for a meeting in
Havana. The Government's state security apparatus prevented the meeting by
launching a campaign of mass detentions and intimidation against more than 200
would-be participants. State security officers repeatedly harassed Morejon's spouse
and his close relatives, subjected them to numerous arbitrary house searches, and
threatened them with possible detention if they did not disassociate themselves
from him. Morejon was subjected to intense surveillance, and the authorities
videotaped private, nonpolitical activities in an attempt to increase their pressure
on him by obliging him to restrict his personal life. Since May, Morejon had been
briefly detained two times and visited or called in for questioning by state security
agents on more than a dozen occasions.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution provides for independ-
ent courts, it explicitly subordinates them to the National Assembly (ANPP) and the
Council of State, which is headed by F'idel Castro. The ANPP and its lower level
counterparts elect all judges. The subordination of the courts to the Communist
Party — which is designated in the Constitution as "the superior directive force of the
society and the state — further compromises the judiciary's independence.
Civil courts exist at municipal, provincial, and Supreme Court levels. Panels com-
posed of a mix of professionally certified and lay juages preside over them. Military
tribunals assume jurisdiction for certain "counterrevolutionary" cases.
The law and trial practices do not meet international standards for fair public
trials. Almost all cases are tried in less than a day. There are no jury trials. While
most trials are public, trials are closed when state security is allegedly involved.
486
Prosecutors may introduce testimony from a CDR member as to the revolutionary
background of a defendant, which may contribute to either a longer or shorter sen-
tence. The law recognizes the right of appeal in municipal courts but limits it in
provincial courts to cases such as those involving maximum prison terms or the
death penalty. Appeals in death penalty cases are automatic. The death penalty
must ultimately be affirmed by the Council of State.
Criteria for presenting evidence, especially in cases of human rights advocates,
are arbitrary and discriminatory. Often the sole evidence provided, particularly in
political cases, is the defendant's confession, usually obtained under duress and
without the legal advice or knowledge of a defense lawyer. The authorities regularly
deny defendants access to their lawyers until the day of the trial. Several dissidents
who have served prison terms report that they were tried and sentenced without
counsel and were not allowed to speak on their own behalf. Amnesty International
has stated that "trials in all cases fall far short of international standards for a fair
trial."
The law provides the accused with the right to an attorney, but the control that
the Government exerts over the livelihood of members of the state-controlled law-
yers' collectives — especially when they defend persons accused of state security
crimes — compromises their ability to represent clients. Attorneys have reported re-
luctance to defend those charged in political cases out of fear of jeopardizing their
own careers.
On July 8, a court sentenced Radames Garcia de la Vega, founder of the "Cuban
Youths for Democracy Movement," to 18 months at a correctional work center for
having shown disrespect to Fidel Castro. Garcia de la Vega's prodemocracy group
has called for reestablishment of political autonomy for the universities and an end
to the practice of admitting students to university based on their identification with
the revolution. After the sentencing, ^up member Nestor Rodriguez Robaina re-
gortedly shouted "Liberty" and "Long live democracy." On July 25, a court sentenced
odriguez to 18 months' imprisonment in Guantanamo for "contempt against the
dignity of the court." The State deployed uniformed and plainclothes security agents
around and inside the courthouse to preclude protests that had taken place at Gar-
cia de la Vega's trial from recurring. Other members of the group were prosecuted
shortly thereafter. Heriberto Fuste was given a 2-year sentence for disrespect to
Fidel Castro, while due to ill health, Heriberto Leyva was given only a fine of about
$50 (1,000 pesos — the equivalent of 6 months' median salary) and warned by state
security officers to leave the country. In September the authorities transferred
Rodriguez to a hospital following his 14-day hunger strike to protest the Govern-
ment's crackdown on prodemocracy youths while it simultaneously hosted an Inter-
national Youth and Student Festival (see Section 2.b.).
According to Amnesty International, some 600 persons were imprisoned for var-
ious political crimes. Other human rights monitoring groups estimate that 800 indi-
viduals— not including those held for dangerousness — were imprisoned on such
charges as disseminating enemy propaganda, illicit association, contempt for au-
thorities (usually for criticizing Fidel Castro), clandestine printing, or the broad
charge of rebellion, often brought against advocates of peaceful democratic change.
In an October 1995 television interview. President Castro acknowledged and at-
tempted to justify the existence of political prisoners in Cuba by stating that this
was a normal practice in many other countries.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Al-
though the Constitution provides for the inviolability of one's home and correspond-
ence, official surveillance of private and family affairs by government-controlled
mass organizations, such as the CDR's, remains one of the most pervasive and re-
f)ressive features of Cuban life. The State has assumed the right to interfere in the
ives of all citizens, even those who do not actively oppose the Government and its
practices. The mass organizations' ostensible purpose is to "improve" the citizenry,
but in fact their goal is to seek out and discourage nonconformity. Citizen participa-
tion in these mass organizations has declined; the economic crisis has both reduced
the Government's ability to provide material incentives for their participation and
forced many people to engage in black market activities, which the mass organiza-
tions are supposed to report to the authorities.
The authorities utilize a wide range of social controls. The Interior Ministry em-
ploys an intricate system of informants and block committees (the CDR's) to monitor
and control public opinion. While less capable than in the past, CDR's continue to
report on suspicious activity, including conspicuous consumption; unauthorized
meetings, including those with foreigners; and defiant attitudes toward the Govern-
ment and the revolution.
The Department of State Security often reads international correspondence and
monitors overseas telephone calls and conversations with foreigners. The Govern-
487
ment controls all access to the Internet, and all electronic mail messages are subject
to censorship. Citizens do not have the right to receive publications from abroad,
although newsstands in foreigners-only hotels and outside certain hard currency
stores do sell foreign newspapers and magazines. The Government continued to jam
U.S.-operated Radio Marti and Television Marti, although Radio Marti broadcasts
regularly overcame the jamming attempts. Security agents subject dissidents, for-
eign diplomats, and journalists to harassment and surveillance, including electronic
surveillance.
The authorities regularly search people and their homes, without probable cause,
to intimidate and harass them. State security agents searched the homes of hun-
dreds of political dissidents, human rights advocates, and independent journalists,
seizing typewriters, personal and org£nizational documents, books, and foreign
newspapers.
The authorities regularly detained human rights advocates after they visited for-
eign diplomatic missions, confiscated their written reports of human rights abuses,
and seized copies of foreign newspapers and other informational material.
There were numerous credible reports of forced evictions of squatters and resi-
dents who lacked official permission to reside in Havana (see Section 5).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government does not allow criticism of the
revolution or its leaders. Laws against antigovernment propaganda, graffiti, and in-
sults against officials carry penalties of from 3 months to 1 year in prison. If Presi-
dent Castro or members of the National Assembly or Council of State are the object
of criticism, the sentence can be extended to 3 years. Charges of disseminating
enemy propaganda (which includes merely expressing opinions at odds with those
of the Government) can bring sentences of up to 14 years. Local CDR's inhibit free-
dom of speech by monitoring and reporting aissent or criticism. Police and state se-
curity omcials regularly harassed, tnreatenod, and otherwise abused human rights
advocates in public and private as a means of intimidation and control.
The Constitution states that electronic and print media are state property and
"cannot become in any case private property." The Communist Party controls all
media as a means to indoctrinate the citizenry. All media must operate under party
guidelines and reflect government views.
In February government officials telephoned foreign correspondents to warn them
against attending a seminar to which both official and independent journalists were
invited. A state security crew videotaped the arrival and departure of all individuals
attending the event. In April a state security crew videotaped the arrival and depar-
ture of foreign diplomats who visited the home of independent journalist Olance
Nogueras in Cienfuegos, and attempted to ask them questions as they departed.
The International Youth and Student Festival took place from July 28 Lo August
6 in Havana. The official, independent, and foreign media were all objects of intense
scrutiny during this period. Government press ofiicials publicly chastised the foreign
correspondents corps on several occasions for not devoting more coverage to the fes-
tival, and accused it of showing political bias by not doing so. Several independent
journalists, including Raul Rivero, Mercedes Moreno, Luis Lopez Prendes, Ramon
Alberto Cruz Lima, and Nicolas Rosario Rosabal, were warned by state security
agents to stay away from the festival sites and its participants, and not to report
on any aspect of the festival. Following the festival's closing ceremonies, the authori-
ties punisned three employees of the Cuban Radio and Television Institute (ICRT)
for allowing the broadcast of a festival performance by the Charanga Habanera mu-
sical group that was considered "obscene and antirevolutionary." Beatriz Ruiz, the
musical director of the ICRT, was fired; assistant director Rene Arencibia was sus-
pended for 3 months; and Jose Pulido, the producer of official government entertain-
ment shows, was required to denounce his mistakes publicly before ICRT employees.
The (jovemment has since reinstated the three journalists but to different assign-
ments. The Charanga Habanera group was prohibited from all performances or mu-
sical activities and from traveling outside tne country for 6 months. State security
agents detained independent journalist Raul Rivero from August 12 to 15, after he
spoke about the festival on Radio Marti, and strongly warned him to give up report-
ingor leave the country.
The temporary suspensions of official media representatives highlighted the dif-
ficult ideological tightrope government reporters and editors must walk. The in-
creased pressure on foreign and independent journalists to follow the party line also
indicates the degree to which the Government continues to attempt to shape media
coverage, even among groups nominally outside the official realm of control.
The Government continues to subject independent journalists to internal travel
bans, arbitrary and periodic (overnight or longer) detention, harassment of friends
45-909 98-17
488
and relatives, seizures of written manuals and computer and office equipment, and
repeated threats of prolonged imprisonment. In July the authorities arrested inde-
pendent journalist Lorenzo Paez Nunes and subsequently sentenced him to 18
months in prison. According to his family. Hector Peraza was arrested in July and
detained for 2 months the day after he received a visit from a "foreigner who gave
him a computer." State security agents harassed family members when pressure on
independent journalists was not successful in forcing them to abandon their woric
or their country. The daughters of independent journalists Ana Luisa Lopez Baeza
and Maria de Los Angeles Gonzalez Amaro were publicly insulted and lost their jobs
because of their mothers' work. Raul Rivero's octogenarian mother's poor health was
aggravated by two visits from state security oflicials who claimed tnat they would
detain Rivero for alleged "subversive activities" and urged her to make Rivero leave
the country. In August independent journalists Olance Nogueras and Lazaro Laso
went into exile following months of continued harassment. The Government had
specifically banned Nogueras from entering Havana; in July the authorities de-
tained him while traveling to the capital and forcibly returned him to Cienfuegos.
Many other journalists were subjected to detention and seizure of personal prop-
erty. On May 31, four members of a neighborhood CDR assaulted independent jour-
nalist Joaquin Torres Alvarez. They knocked to the ground Torres's mother, who
needs a cane to walk, when she tried to come to her son's defense. Two policemen
present during the assault prevented neighbors from assisting Torres.
Amnesty International, tne Inter-American Press Society, Reporters without Bor-
ders, and the Committee to Protect Journalists repeatedly called international at-
tention to the Government's continued practice of detaining independent journalists
and others simply for peacefully exercising their right to free speech.
The Government rigorously monitored other forms of expression and often ar-
rested persons for the crimes of disseminating enemy propaganda and clandestine
printing. In the Government's view, enemy propaganda includes materials such as
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international reports of human rights
violations, and mainstream foreign newspapers and magazines.
The Government prohibits all diplomatic missions in Havana from printing or dis-
tributing publications, particularly newspapers and newspaper clippings, unless
those publications deal exclusively with conditions in the mission's home country
and receive prior government approval. It also infringed on diplomatic pouch privi-
leges to seize allegedly subversive materials.
In December 1996, the Government passed the Cuban Dignity and Sovereignty
Law, which proscribes citizens from providing any information to, or seeking any
information from, any representatives of the U.S. Government, which might be used
directly or indirectly in the application of U.S. legislation. This includes accepting
or distributing any publications, documents, or other material that the authorities
might interpret as facilitating implementation of such legislation. Although no one
has been charged with violating this law, it has raised concerns among many inde-
pendent journalists.
The Government circumscribes artistic, literary, and academic freedoms. The edu-
cational system teaches that the State's interests have precedence over all other
commitments. Academics and other government ofTicials are prohibited from meet-
ing with some diplomats in Havana without prior approval from the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs. The Government criticized a foreign mission's gift of books, which in-
cluded works of fiction and a volume of sports nistory, to a provincial library. The
Ministry of Education requires teachers to evaluate students' ideological character
and note it in records that students carry throughout their schooling, which affect
their future educational and career prospects. As a matter of educational policy, the
Government often demands that teaching materials for courses such as mathematics
or literature have an ideological content.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Although the Constitution
grants limited rights of assembly and association, these rights are subject to the re-
quirement that they may not be "exercised against . . . the existence and objectives
of the socialist State." The law punishes any unauthorized assembly of more than
three persons, including for private religious services, even in a private home, by
up to 3 months in prison and a fine. The authorities selectively enforce this prohibi-
tion and often use it as a legal pretext to harass and imprison human rights advo-
cates.
In the weeks leading up to the International Youth and Student Festival, state
security agents harassed aozens of human rights activists and independent journal-
ists to warn them against approaching and interacting with any of the 10,000 for-
eign participants whom it claimed would attend the event. Prodemocracy youth ac-
tivists in Santiago de Cuba were imprisoned (see Section I.e.), and independent jour-
nalist Raul Rivero was briefiy detained for reporting on the event. State security
489
agents withheld the identity cards of some activists to prevent them from legally
leaving their homes during the festival. State security agents warned other activists
that festival delegates, public festival activities, hotels, restaurants, and other tour-
ist-related facilities were off-limits to them on penalty of incarceration.
The Government denies citizens the freedom of association. The Penal Code spe-
cifically outlaws "illegal or unrecognized groups." The Ministry of Justice, in con-
sultation with the Interior Ministry, decides whether to give organizations legal rec-
ognition. The authorities have never approved the existence or a public meeting of
a numan rights group.
Along with recognized churches, the Roman Catholic humanitarian organization
Caritas, small human rights groups, and several nascent fraternal or professional
organizations are the only associations outside the control of the State, the Com-
munist Party, and their mass organizations. The authorities continue to ignore
these groups' applications for legal recognition, thereby subjecting members to po-
tential charges of illegal association. All other legally recognized "nongovernmental"
groups are affiliated with or controlled by the Government.
c. Freedom of Religion. — In recent years, the Government has eased the harsher
aspects of its repression of religious freedom. In 1991 it allowed religious adherents
to join the Communist Party. In 1992 it amended the Constitution to prohibit reli-
gious discrimination and removed references to "scientific materialism," i.e., athe-
ism, as the basis for the Cuban State. Nevertheless, the State prohibits members
of the armed forces from allowing anyone in their household to observe religious
firactices, except elderly relatives if their religious beliefs do not influence other
amily members and are not "damaging to the revolution."
With the advent of the scheduled visit to Cuba by Pope John Paul II in January
1998, on November 1 the Catholic bishops issued a public statement that appealed
to the Government to recognize the Church's role in civil society. The document stat-
ed that "freedom to hold mass must not be confused with freedom of religion," and
asserted that the Church has a role to play in the creation of civil society, the fam-
ily, as well as the temporal areas of work, the economy, the arts, sports, and the
scientific and technical worlds. The bishops stated that the Church must open doors,
prepare for a transformation, and help bring about reconciliation between all Cu-
bans.
In preparing for the Pope's visit, the Government further relaxed its restrictions
on religion, especially towards the Roman Catholic Church. In June the Government
granted the Church p)ermission to hold its first outdoor mass since 1961. The Gov-
ernment permitted a limited number of public masses since then. The Church also
was allowed to conduct door-to-door visits to inform parishioners of the papal visit.
On January 13, 1998, the Government allowed Carainal Ortega a live, 30-minute
appearance on national television to speak about the papal visit. However, the Gov-
ernment continued to limit strictly the Church's access to the media and refused to
allow the Church to have an independent printing capability. It maintained its pro-
hibition against the establishment of religious scnools. The Government agreed to
increase sRghtly the number of foreign priests and nuns allowed in the country.
The Government continued to enforce a resolution preventing any Cuban or joint
enterprise from selling computers, fax machines, photocopiers, or other equipment
to any church. It also maintained a December 1995 decree completely prohibiting
nativity scenes and prohibiting Christmas trees and decorations in public buildings,
except those related to the tourist or foreign commercial sector. In 1996 the Govern-
ment had held the semi-annual ANPP session on Christmas eve and Christmas day
to manifest its nonacceptance of religious holidays. (Official recognition of all reli-
gious holidays ended in 1961.) However, in December President Castro allowed
Christmas to be recognized as a holiday as a one-time exception, as a special good
will gesture in honor of the Pope's scheduled visit.
Students who profess a belief in religion continue to be stigmatized by other stu-
dents and teachers and have been formally disciplined for bringing Bibles or other
religious materials to school.
The Government requires churches and other religious groups to register with the
provincial Registry of Associations to obtain official recognition. The Government
prohibits, with occasional exceptions, the construction of new churches, forcing
many growing congregations to violate the law and meet in people's homes. Govern-
ment harassment of private houses of worship continued, with evangelical denomi-
nations reporting evictions from houses used for these purposes. In April govern-
ment authorities in Holguin province detained Pentecostal pastors Emilio Morales
and Roberto Rubio and ordered their informal chapels closed. The authorities have
also threatened to close informal Protestant churches in the western towns of Moa
and San German and evict the congregations from their premises. In September
local government authorities allowed the Catholic Church to hold outdoor masses
490
in the towns of Guines and Jaruco, but scheduled town "parties" to coincide with
these services so that music and other distractions competed with the masses.
The Government, however, relaxed restrictions on members of Jehovah's Wit-
nesses, whom it had considered "active religious enemies of the revolution" for their
refusal to accept obligatory military service or participate in state organizations.
The Government authorized small assemblies of Jehovah's Witnesses, the opening
of a Havana central office, and the publishing of the group's magazine ana other
religious tracts.
State security officials regularly harassed human rights advocates prior to reli-
gious services commemorating special feast days or before significant national days.
State security agents in Havana and Pinar del Rio went to the homes of activists
only hours before the September 8 feast day and warned the activists to stay away
from any church or face detention. State security officers retained activists' identity
cards to prevent them from legally leaving their homes. Similar government harass-
ment of human rights and opposition activists occurred during other anniversaries,
religious commemorations, or other events, particularly on July 13, the third anni-
versary of the Coast Guard's sinking of the "13th of March" tugboat which killed
41 people. Nevertheless, church attendance in all denominations has grown in re-
cent years.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Prior to 1997, the Government generally had not imposed legal restric-
tions on domestic travel, except for persons found to be HFV positive, whom it ini-
tially restricts to sanitoriums for treatment and therapy before conditionally releas-
ing them to the community. However, state security officials forbade some human
rights advocates and independent journalists from traveling outside their home
provinces, and the Government began to sentence others to internal exile.
In April the Council of Ministers approved Decree 271, aimed at stemming migra-
tion from the provinces to the capital city. Human rights observers noted that while
the decree affected migration countrywide, the decree was targeted at individuals
and families from the poorer, predominantly black and mulatto eastern provinces.
The Government imposed some restrictions on both emigration and temporary for-
eign travel. It allows the majority of persons who qualify for immigrant or refugee
status in other countries to leave Cuba. In certain cases, however, the authorities
delay or deny exit permits, usually without explanation. Some of the denials involve
f»rofessionals who tried to emigrate and who the Government subsequently banned
rom working in their occupation. The Government refused permission to others be-
cause it considers their cases sensitive for political or state security reasons. The
Government also routinely denies exit permits to young men approaching the age
of military service until the age of 27, even when it has authorized the rest of the
family to leave. The Government also has a policy of denying exit permission for
several years to relatives of individuals who have successfully migrated illegally
(e.g., merchant seamen who have jumped ship overseas; sports figures who "de-
fected" while on tour abroad). However, in most of those cases approved for migra-
tion to the United States under the September 9, 1994, U.S. -Cuban migration agree-
ment, the applicants eventually receive exemption from obligatory service and re-
ceive exit permits.
Migrants who travel to the United States must pay fees of $550 per adult, $350
per child, and airfare. These fees — which must be paid in dollars — are equivalent
to 2V2 years of a professional person's salary. In April 1996, a ministerial decree
reduced the fee by one-half for needy individuals. However, by year's end, 490 of
the individuals initially approved still could not pay the travel amount.
The Penal Code provides for imprisonment from 1 to 3 years or a fine of $15 to
$50 (300 to 1,000 pesos) for unauthorized departures by boat or raft. The office of
the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has stated that it regards any
sentence for simple illegal exit of over 1 year as harsh and excessive. Under the
terms of the May 2, 1995, U.S. -Cuba migration accord, the Government agreed not
to prosecute or retaliate against migrants returned to Cuba from international or
U.S. waters, or from the U.S. naval base at Guantanamo, as a consequence of their
attempt to emigrate illegally.
In August 1994, the CJovernment eased restrictions on visits by, and repatriation
of, Cuban emigrants. Cubans who establish residency abroad and who are in posses-
sion of government-issued "permits to reside abroad" may travel to Cuba without
visas. The (jovernment reduced the age of citizens eligible to travel abroad from 20
to 18 years and extended the period for temporary stay abroad from 6 to 1 1 months.
In November 1995, the Government announced that emigrants who are considered
not to have engaged in "hostile actions" against the Government and who are not
subject to criminal proceedings in their country of residence may apply at Cuban
consulates for renewable, 2-year multiple-entry travel authorizations.
491
The Constitution provides for the granting of asylum to individuals persecuted
"for their ideals or struggles for democratic rights against imjierialism, fascism, colo-
nialism, and neocolonialism; against discrimination and racism; for national libera-
tion; for the rights of workers, peasants, and students; for their progressive political,
scientific, artistic, and literary activities, for socialism and peace." The Government
honors the principle of first asylum and provided it to a small number of p)ersons
in 1996. According to the UNHCR, five foreign nationals sought asylum or refugee
status from the Gk)vemment in 1996. There were no reports of the forced return of
persons to countries where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the legal right to change their government or to advocate
change. The Constitution proscribes any political organization other than the Com-
munist Party. While the Constitution provides for direct election of provincial, mu-
nicipal, and National Assembly members, the candidates must be approved in ad-
vance by mass organizations controlled by the regime. In practice, a small group of
leaders, under the direction of President Fidel Castro, select the members of the
highest policymaking bodies of the Communist Party — the Politburo and the Central
Committee.
The authorities tightly control the selection of candidates and all elections for gov-
ernment and party positions. At least 10 election petitions filed with candidacy com-
mittees in Havana and Cienfuegos provinces were ignored, even though they carried
the requisite number of signatures, according to Oswaldo Paya Sardinas, president
of the Christian Liberation Movement, a dissident group. The candidacy committees
are composed of members of mass organizations such as the CTC and the CDR and
are responsible for selecting candidates, whose names are then sent to municipal
assemblies which select a single candidate for each regional seat in the ANPP. A
dissident or opposition candidate has never been allowed to run for office.
The Government has ignored calls for democratic change. Although President Cas-
tro signed the Declaration of Vina del Mar at the VI Ibero-American summit in No-
vember 1996, in which government leaders reafTirmed their commitment to democ-
racy and political pluralism, the Government continued to oppose independent polit-
ical activity. In February 1996, the European Union suspended negotiations toward
a cooperation agreement because of lack of progress toward political or economic re-
form and in December of that year adopted the Common Position on Cuba, which
is binding on all member states. It directly links improvement of European Union
relations with Cuba to progress toward a democratic transition and an improvement
in the human rights situation. The Government rejects any change judged incompat-
ible with the revolution. The Government has systematically retaliated against
those who peacefully sought political change.
Although not a formal requirement, Communist Party membership is in fact a
prerequisite for high-level official positions and professional advancement.
Government leadership positions continue to be dominated by men. There are
very few women or minorities in policymaking positions in the Government or the
party. There are two women in the 24-member Politburo and 18 in the 150-member
Central Committee. The head of the Union of Communist Youth is a woman. Al-
though blacks and mulattos make up over half the population, they hold only 5
seats in the Politburo.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not recognize any domestic human rights groups, or permit
them to function legally. The Government subjects domestic human rights advocates
to intense intimidation, harassment, and repression. In violation of its own statutes,
the Government refuses to consider applications for legal recognition submitted by
human rights monitoring groups.
In its annual report the lAHRC examined recent measures taken by the Govern-
ment and found that they "do not comprise the bedrock of a substantive reform in
the present political system . . . that will permit the ideological and partisan plu-
ralism implicit in the wellspring from which a democratic system of government de-
velops." The lAHRC recommended that the Government provide reasonable safe-
guards to prevent violations of human rights, unconditionally release political pris-
oners and those jailed for trying to leave the country, abolish the concept of dan-
gerousness in the penal code and eliminate other legal restrictions on basic free-
doms, cease harassing human rights groups, and establish a separation of powers
so that the judiciary would no longer be "subordinate to political power."
492
The Government has steadfastly rejected international human rights monitoring.
In 1992 Cuba's U.N. representative stated that Cuba would not recognize the
UNHRC mandate on Cuba and would not cooperate with the Special Rapporteur.
This policy remains unchanged. The Government consistently refused even to ac-
knowledge requests by the Special Rapporteur to visit Cuba.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Cuba is a multiracial society with a black and mixed-race majority. The Constitu-
tion forbids discrimination based on race, sex, or national origin, although evidence
suggests that racial and sexual discrimination occur often.
Women. — Violent crime is rarely reported in the press, and there are no publicly
available data regarding the incidence of domestic violence. The law establishes
strict penalties for rape, and the Government appears to enforce this law. Prostitu-
tion has increased greatly in the last few years; press reports indicate that tourists
from various countries visit specifically to patronize inexpensive prostitutes. Despite
the Government's tight control over society in general, episodic government state-
ments and efforts to crack down on prostitution appear to have little lasting effect.
Most observers believe that the regime tolerates or tacitly encourages prostitution
in order to boost its tourist industry, and the police appear to make arrangements
with the prostitutes that allow them to function largely without interference. In No-
vember tne Dutch NGO Pax Christi released in book form a 1996 report on the
human rights situation in the country. It noted that sex tourism was thriving and
that it was tolerated by the Government as yet another way to attract hard cur-
rency to the island. NGO representatives interviewed Cubans who described their
country as "a brothel more than ever, only now it's for tourists from other coun-
tries."
The Family Code states that women and men have equal rights and responsibil-
ities regarding marriage, divorce, raising children, maintaining the home, and pur-
suing a career. Women are subject to the same restrictions on property ownership
as men. The maternity law provides 18 weeks of maternity leave and grants work-
ing women preferential access to goods and services. About 40 percent of all women
work, and they are well represented in the professions.
Children. — The Constitution calls on the Government to protect "family, mater-
nity, and matrimony." It also states that children, legitimate or not, have the same
rights under the law and notes the duties of parents to protect them. Education is
free and is grounded in Marxist ideology. State organizations and schools are
charged with the "integral formation of children and youth." The national health
care system covers all citizens. There is no societal pattern of abuse of children,
other than in the area of prostitution where young girls (between the ages of 13 and
20) form the bulk of the large number of prostitutes who cater to foreign sex-tour-
ists.
People With Disabilities. — The law prohibits discrimination based on disability,
and there have been few complaints of such discrimination. There are no laws that
mandate accessibility to buildings for people with disabilities.
In March police forcibly removed visually-impaired and other disabled street-
hawkers from the front of Havana's railway station. The disabled vendors attempted
to hold a protest outside the capitol building, but police prevented the demonstra-
tion and briefly detained some oi the disabled protesters.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Many blacks have benefited from the social
changes of the revolution, and much of the police force and army enlisted personnel
is black. Nevertheless, there have been numerous reports of disproportionate police
harassment of black youths. During the year, there were numerous credible reports
of forced evictions of squatters and residents lacking official permission to reside in
Havana. The evictions, exacerbated by Decree 217 (see Section 2.d.), primarily tar-
geted individuals and families from the eastern provinces, which are traditionally
areas of poor, black, or mixed-race populations.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution gives priority to state or collective
needs over individual choices regarding free association or provision of employment.
The "demands of the economy and society" take precedence over an individual work-
er's preferences. The law prohibits strikes; none are known to have occurred. Official
labor organizations have a mobilization function and do not act as trade unions, pro-
mote worker rights, or protect the right to strike. Such organizations are under the
control of the State and the party.
The Communist Party selects the leaders of the sole legal labor confederation, the
Confederation of Cuban Workers (CTC), whose principal responsibility is to ensure
493
that government production goals are met. Despite disclaimers in international fo-
rums, the Government explicitly prohibits independent unions and none are recog-
nized. There has been no change since the 1992 International Labor Organization
(ILfO) finding that independent unions "do not appear to exist" and its ruling that
Cuba violated ILO norms on freedom of association and the right to organize. Those
who attempt to engage in union activities face government persecution. Workers can
and have lost their jobs for their political beliefs, including their refusal to join the
official union. Several small labor organizations have been created, but function
without government recognition and are unable to represent workers and work on
their behalf. The Government actively harasses these organizations.
The CTC is a member of the Communist, formerly Soviet-dominated, World Fed-
eration of Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining does not
exist. The State Committee for Work and Social Security (CETSS) sets wages and
salaries for the state sector. Since all legal unions are government entities,
antiunion discrimination by definition does not exist.
In July the Government passed Decree Law 171, which imposed severe restric-
tions on the right of private citizens to rent their homes, rooms in their homes, or
motor vehicles, along with a new punitive tax. This decree law signaled an economic
policy reversal by the Government. In 1993 the Government had removed some re-
strictions on self-employment imposed in 1968 and allowed people to apply for li-
censes to work in over 125 different occupations, expanded to over 160 in 1994. Be-
sides adding another 20 occupational categories, in 1995 the Government removed
its previous ban on self-employment licenses for university graduates. However, uni-
versity graduates cannot get self-employment licenses in their professions and must
remain employed in their state job to qualify for a self-employment license.
There are no functioning export processing zones, although the 1995 Forei^ In-
vestment Law (Law 77), authorized the establishment of free trade zones and indus-
trial parks. Law 77 continued to deny workers the right to contract directly with
foreign companies investing in Cuba without special government permission. Only
one loreign company has secured permission to employ workers directly. The Gov-
ernment recfuires foreign investors to contract workers through state employment
agencies, which are paid in hard currency and, in turn, pay workers very low wages
in pesos. Workers subcontracted by state employment agencies must meet certain
political qualifications. According to Marcos Portal, Minister of Basic Industry, the
state employment agencies consult with the party, the CTC, and the Union of Com-
munist Youth to ensure that the workers chosen deserve to work in a joint enter-
prise.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Neither the Constitution nor the
Labor Code prohibit forced labor. The Government maintains correctional centers
where it sends people for crimes such as dangerousness. They are forced to work
on farms or building sites, usually with no pay and inadequate food. The authorities
often imprison internees who do not cooperate. The Government employs special
groups of workers, known as "microbrigades," on loan from other jobs, on special
building projects. Microbrigades have become more important in the Government's
efforts to complete tourist and other priority projects. Workers who refuse to volun-
teer for these jobs often risk discrimination or job loss. However, microbrigade work-
ers reportedly receive priority consideration for apartments. The military channels
some conscripts to the Youth Labor Army, where they perform their 2-year military
service working on farms that supply both the armed forces and the civilian popu-
lation. The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and enforces
this prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum working age is 17 years. The Labor Code permits employment of 15- and
16-year-olds to obtain training or fill labor shortages. All students over age 11 are
expected to devote 30 to 45 days of their summer vacation to farm work, laboring
up to 8 hours f>er day. The Ministry of Agriculture uses "voluntary labor" by student
work brigades extensively in the farming sector. The law requires school attendance
until the ninth grade, and this law is generally respected. The Government prohibits
forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition effectively (see Section
B.C.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage varies by occupation and
is set by the CETSS. The minimum monthly wage for a maid, for example, is $8.25
(165 pesos); for a bilingual office clerk, $9.50 (190 pesos); and for a gardener $10.75
(215 pesos). The Government supplements the minimum wage with free medical
care and education, and subsidized housing and food. Even with these subsidies,
however, a worker must earn far more than the average monthly wage to support
a family. Corruption and black market activity are rampant. The Government ra-
494
tions most basic necessities such as food, medicine, clothing, and cooking gas, which
are in very short supply.
The standard worlcweek is 44 hours, with shorter workdays in hazardous occupa-
tions, such as mining. The Government also reduced the workday in some govern-
mental oflices and state enterprises to save energy. Workplace environmental and
safety controls are usually inadequate, and the Government lacks effective enforce-
ment mechanisms. The Labor Code establishes that a worker who considers his life
in danger because of hazardous conditions has the right not to work in his position
or not to engage in specific activities until such risks are eliminated. According to
the Labor Code, the worker remains obligated to work temporarily in whatever
other position may be assigned to him at a salary prescribed by law. Industrial acci-
dents apparently are frequent, but the Government suppresses such reports.
DOMINICA
Dominica is a multiparty, parliamentary democracy and a member of the Com-
monwealth of Nations. A Prime Minister, a Cabinet and a unicameral Legislative
Assembly compose the Government. A President, nominated by the Prime Minister
in consultation with the leader of the opposition party, elected for a 5-year term by
the Parliament, is head of state. The United Workers Party (UWP), led by Prime
Minister Edison James, won 11 of 21 seats in Parliament in free and fair elections
in June 1995 and gained an additional seat in 1996. The Constitution calls for elec-
tions at least every 5 years. The judiciary is independent.
The Dominica Police is the only security force. It is controlled by and responsive
to the democratically elected Government.
Dominica's primarily agrarian economy depends on earnings from banana exports.
The Government is also developing the tourist industry, diversifying agricultural
production, and promoting the export of fresh fruits, vegetables, and coconut prod-
ucts, both within and outside the region. Per capita gross domestic product was
about $2,900 in 1996.
Human rights are generally well respected. The principal human rights problems
continued to be occasional instances of use of excessive force by police, poor prison
conditions, societal violence against women and children, and instances of discrimi-
nation against indigenous Carib Indians.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices. There were again allegations of occasional
use of excessive force by the police. In one case, a prisoner on remand claimed to
have been beaten repeatedly over the course of 2 weeks, a charge supported by sub-
sequent medical examination. The police and the Director of I^blic Prosecutions
have been criticized for failing to investigate fully and prosecute these cases.
Prison conditions are poor. Overcrowding and unsanitary conditions continue to
be problems in Dominica's only prison facility. The prison provides work therapy,
sports programs, educational opportunities, and counseling for inmates.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law requires that police charge per-
sons with a crime within 24 hours after arrest or detention or release them from
custody. This is generally honored in practice, although often those arrested on Fri-
days remain the weekend in jail and are not charged until the following Monday.
"The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and it is independent in practice.
The judicial system is composed of three magistrate's courts and a high court. Ap-
peals can be made to the Eastern Caribbean Supreme Court and to the Privy Coun-
cil in the United Kingdom.
The law provides lor public trial before an independent, impartial court. Criminal
defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty, are allowed legal counsel,
and have the right to appeal. Courts provide free legal counsel to the indigent only
in capital cases.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
495
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices. Government authorities generally respject
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for the right of free
expression, and the Government respects this in practice. The political opposition
openly criticizes the Government.
The principal main radio station is state-owned and has a government-appointed
board. There is also an independent radio station owned by the Catholic Church.
The print media consist of two private newspapers and political party journals; all
publish without censorship or government interference. Citizens also enjoy good ac-
cess to independent news sources through cable television and radio reception from
neighboring islands.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the authorities respect them in
practice. The Government may revoke passports if subversion is suspected but has
not done so in recent times.
The Government has not formulated a policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first
asylum. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise. There were no re-
ports of forced expulsion of anyone having a valid claim to refugee status; however,
government practice remains undefined.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
In the last national elections in June 1995, the United Workers Party defeated
the incumbent Dominica Freedom Party, taking 11 of 21 seats in Parliament. In a
by-election in August 1996, the UWP gained an additional seat when il won a seat
vacated by a member of the Dominica Freedom Party, giving the UWP a total of
12 seats. The Dominica Freedom Party currently holds four seats, and the Dominica
Labour Party holds five seats.
There are no impediments in law or in fact to the participation of women in lead-
ership roles in government or political parties. Voters elected two women to Par-
liament in the June 1995 elections. Indigenous Carib Indians participate in national
political life.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no government restrictions on the formation of local human rights orga-
nizations, although no such groups exist. Several advocacy groups, such as the Asso-
ciation of Disabled People and a women's and children's selT-help organization, opjer-
ate freely and without government interference. There were no requests for inves-
tigations of human rights abuses from international or regional human rights
groups.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution includes provisions against racial, sexual, and religious discrimi-
nation, which the authorities respect in practice.
Women. — Beyond the general protection of the Constitution, women do not benefit
from any specific civil rights legislation. There is little open discrimination against
women, yet sexual harassment and domestic violence cases are common, and there
is no family court to deal specifically with domestic violence issues. Women can
bring charges against husbands for battery, and both the police and the courts pros-
ecute cases of rape and sexual assault, but there are no specific spousal abuse laws.
The Department of Labor recruited a permanent counselor and established a crisis
response mechanism to assist women who are victims of domestic violence. The Wel-
fare Department assists victims of abuse by finding temporary shelter, providing
counseling to both parties, or recommending police action. The Welfare Department
reports all cases of abuse to the police. The courts may issue protective orders, but
the police do not consistently enforce them.
496
Property ownership continues to be deeded to "heads of households," who are usu-
ally males. When the husband head of household dies without a will, the wife can-
not inherit the property or sell it, although she can live in it and pass it to her chil-
dren. In the civil service, the law establishes fixed pay rates for specific jobs, what-
ever the gender of the incumbent. There is no law requiring equal pay for equal
work for private sector workers.
The Dominica National Council of Women, a nongovernmental organization
(NGO), has developed local adult education and small business training programs
for women. According to the Labor Department, many women in rural areas find
it difiicult to meet basic needs, at least in part owing to the decline in the banana
export industry.
Children. — The law stipulates that the Government should protect the rights of
children to education and health care. Education is compulsory through age 16, and
primary health care is available islandwide.
Various laws enumerate children's rights, but their enforcement is hampered by
lack of staffing in government agencies. I^nown cases of child abuse have more than
doubled since 1993, when 253 were recorded. According to the Welfare Department,
reports of sexual abuse tripled since 1993, with over 350 cases in 1996. The Govern-
ment has not responded with any increase in the number of social workers assigned
to handle such cases. The social welfare office, which has only six staff mernbers
to deal with all welfare problems, handles complaints of child abuse. In one particu-
larly disturbing case that highlighted the acute need for organized care for un-
wanted or disabled children, a 15-year-old epileptic was caged and tied in a cellar
by her mother for extended periods without food or care.
Although the maximum sentence for sexual molestation (rape, incest) is life im-
prisonment, the normal sentence given is 15 years except in the case of murder. The
age of consent to sexual relations is 16 years.
People With Disabilities. — Beyond the general protection of the Constitution, there
is no specific legislation dealing with the disabled. However, the labor laws permit
authorization oi employment oia disabled person for less than the minimum wage,
in order to increase opportunities for employment of the disabled (see Section 6.e.).
There is no requirement mandating access for those with disabilities.
Indigenous People. — There is a significant Carib Indian population, estimated at
3,0(X), of a total population of 72,000. Most live on a 3,700-acre reservation created
in 1903. School, water, and health facilities available on the Carib reservation are
rudimentary but similar to those available to other rural Dominicans. Indigenous
Carib Indians enjoy the same civil rights accorded other Dominican nationals.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — All workers have the legal right to organize, to
choose their representatives, and to strike, but unions represent less than 10 per-
cent of the work force. All unions are independent of the Government. While there
are no direct ties, members of certain political parties dominate some unions. There
is no restriction on forming labor federations, and unions are afilliated with various
international labor bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Unions have legally defined
rights to organize workers and to bargain with employers. Collective bargaining is
widespread in the nonagricultural sectors of the economy, including the government
service, and there is also recourse to mediation and arbitration by the Government.
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers, and judicial and police au-
thorities enforce union rights. In addition, employers must reinstate workers fired
for union activities. It is compulsory by law for employers to recognize unions as
bargaining agents once both parties have followed appropriate procedures. Depart-
ment of Labor inspectors under the supervision of the Labor Commissioner enforce
labor legislation, but the small Labor Inspection Office lacks qualified personnel to
carry out its duties.
Labor regulations and practices governing Dominica's industrial areas and export
firms do not differ from those prevailing in the rest of the economy.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, and such labor is not known to exist.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced or bonded child labor, and the Government enforces this prohibition
efTectively. The minimum legal age for employment is 15 years. Employers generally
observe tnis law without government enforcement.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law sets minimum wages for various cat-
egories of workers. These were last revised in November 1989. The minimum wage
rate for most categories of workers is $0.56 (EC$1.50) per hour, but for domestic
servants it is $0.37 (EC$1.00) per hour if meals are included, and $0.46 (EC$1.25)
497
per hour if meals are not included. The minimum wage is not sufficient to provide
a decent standard of living for a worker and family. However, most workers (includ-
ing domestics) earn more than the legislated minimum wage.
The labor standard laws state that no employer shall establish or maintain dif-
ferences in wages between male and female employees performing the same or simi-
lar work with parallel responsibilities under similar conditions. The law fiarther
states that no eniployer may reduce the wages of an employee to comply with equal
wage standards. The labor laws also provide that the Labor Commissioner may au-
thorize the employment of a handicapped person at a wage lower than the minimum
rate in order to enable a handicapped person to be gainfully employed.
The standard legal workweek is 40 nours in 5 days. The law provides for a mini-
mum of 2 weeks' paid vacation per year. The Employment Safety Act provides occu-
pational health and safety regulation. Local NGO's and one major union consider
it to be consistent with international standards. The Advisory Committee on Safety
and Health is an established body but has never met. The rarely used enforcement
mechanism consists of inspections by the Department of Labor, which can and does
prescribe specific compliance measures, impose fines, and prosecute offenders. Work-
ers have the right to remove themselves from unsafe work environments without
jeopardy to continued employment.
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
The Constitution provides for a popularly elected president and a bicameral con-
gress. President Leonel Fernandez ot the Dominican Liberation Party took office in
August 1996 after a free and fair election. The Social Christian Reformist and Do-
minican Revolutionary parties dominate the two legislative chambers. The Govern-
ment continued an overhaul of the nominally independent judiciary, which had been
highly politicized, by overseeing the selection of a new 16-member Supreme Court
through a transparent and highly participatory process.
The National Police (PN), the National Department of Investigations (DNI), the
National Drug Control Directorate (DNCD), and the military (army, air force, and
navy) form the security forces. The PN is under the Secretary of the Interior and
Police; the military is under the Secretary of the Armed Forces; and the DNI and
the DNCD, which have personnel from both the police and the military, report di-
rectly to the President. The security forces are generally responsive to civilian exec-
utive branch authority. However, some members of the security forces continued to
commit human rights abuses, sometimes with the tacit acquiescence of the civil au-
thorities.
The economy, once heavily dependent on sugar and other agricultural exports, has
diversified; tourism and free trade zones (FT^'s) are now major sources of income
and employment. Remittances from abroad provide an estimated 10 percent of the
$1,600 per capita gross domestic product. State-owned firms such as the State Sugar
Council, the Corporation for State Enterprises, and the Dominican Electricity Cor-
poration have impeded economic growth because of inept financial and administra-
tive practices.
The Government's human rights record improved slightly, although serious
abuses remain. Principal human rights problems include continuing instances of
extrajudicial killings by police, beatings and arbitrary detention of suspects, deten-
tion of suspects' relatives, the security services' refusal to obey judicial orders, and
poor prison conditions. Most reports of human rights abuses involved the police and
the DNCD, rather than the military. Human rignts training for new police officers
became more extensive, and 2,000 military personnel transferred to the National
Police in September underwent several weeks of human rights courses. Other seri-
ous problems include interference with the judiciary, lengthy pretrial detention, ju-
dicial corruption, maladministration of the courts, discrimination and violence
against women, prostitution, abuse of children, discrimination against the disabled,
abuse of Haitian migrants and their descendants, compulsory and child labor, and
impediments to free association. Workers in the state-owned sugar plantations and
mills continued to work under unfair and unsafe conditions.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings, but there were reports of about 50 extrajudicial killings by the DNCD and
the police. Human rights observers agree that such abuses occurred less frequently
498
than in 1996, but that serious problems remain. In January the police beat a man
to death while he was painting nis house near a political demonstration in the cap-
ital; the police took the corpse to the hospital and state physicians removed the cor-
neas from its eyes without legal consent. In February in Santo Domingo, police fa-
tally shot a Haitian woodworker in his workshop after he declined to pay a weekly
bribe demanded by the officers. When the police came to remove squatters from a
plot of land in Herrera, Santo Domingo, in April, they slapped, kicked, and beat one
squatter while forcing him to pick up trash, with many witnesses and reporters
present. He later died of the beatings. In May the press and human rights groups
reported that DNCD officers in Nagua shot to deatn a suspect while trying to ex-
tract testimony from him about alleged drug offenses. Although the Government es-
tablished a procedure for trying and dismissing officials who commit extrajudicial
killings, the authorities were not able to provide an accounting of disciplinary ac-
tions taken against DNCD and police officers during the year.
About 10 civilians and police officers were killed in clashes in October and Novem-
ber. Some of the civilian deaths were caused by other protesters, but the police were
responsible for most of them. During the November 11-12 general strike, the police,
reinforced by the military, demonstrated considerable restraint and killed no one
while detaining persons suspected of vandalism and violence.
The authorities made some progress in an investigation of the 1975 murder of
journalist Orlando Martinez. Prosecutors indicted five individuals — including three
former generals — who await trial.
Military courts try military personnel charged with extrajudicial killings. Police
tribunals have on occasion tried, convicted, and sentenced personnel charged with
extrajudicial killings. Police officers may be tried by police courts or remanded to
civilian court jurisdiction. From January through November, police courts tried 6 po-
lice officers for murder and 216 for felonies, while the authorities dismissed 560
other police officers and remanded their cases to the civilian court system.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
The Fernandez Government made little progress in the reopened case of Narciso
Gonzalez, a university professor and critic of the Government who disappeared in
May 1994. The Santo Domingo district attorney's ofTice filed the case with a civilian
court system investigative judge who followed up several leads — including one pro-
vided by a convict who claimecf in August that he had participated in the disappear-
ance— and questioned several military officers. However, the Government was unre-
sponsive to the judge's efTorts to extract information from the military hierarchy and
omcials of the former government. The Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights (lACHR) has the case under consideration. At the lACHR's request, the Gov-
ernment and the nongovernmental Truth Commission each named three persons to
a new commission tasked with providing guidance to the investigative judge and re-
porting back to the lACHR in February 1998. The new commission had met twice
by the end of the year.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.—
Torture and other forms of physical abuse are illegal, but instances of security serv-
ice personnel physically abusing detainees continued. Lack of supervision, training,
and accountability throughout the law enforcement and corrections systems exacer-
bate the problem of physical abuse. Human rights groups and the press reported
numerous incidents of physical abuse of detainees while in custody. Examples of
such incidents included the brutalizing of an inmate and his wife at Najayo prison
while the police tried to learn of an alleged plan to help another prisoner escape,
and the 8-dav detention and torture of a truck driver, never formally accused of a
crime, by police in Santo Domingo. There were multiple press reports and allega-
tions from several human rights groups that the DNCD leadership was present dur-
ing the torture of prisoners. Although the authorities were not able to furnish evi-
dence that the perpetrators of these abuses had been punished. President
Fernandez dismissed the DNCD director in September. Following his departure,
there were no further reports of DNCD torture.
DNCD and some mid- and lower-level police authorities resisted efforts of civilian
authorities to provide adequate supervision of the investigation process as required
by law. The prosecutor's office placed lawyers in 12 high-volume police stations and
several DNCD offices to monitor the investigative process. In September, however,
the prosecutor's ofiice in Santo Domingo withdrew five of these lawyers from the
DNCD. The chief prosecutor claimed that DNCD officials had not permitted these
lawyers to observe criminal interrogations. After the removal of the DNCD director,
the Government immediately returned prosecutors to DNCD offices. The DNCD
added new human rights training courses for its officers in September.
Civilian prosecutors sometimes file felony charges against police and military offi-
cials related to physical abuse, torture, and related crimes. Although punishment
499
may range up to 5 years' incarceration for serious cases of abuse, as a rule judges
have sentenced convicted officials to sentences ranging from a 1-month suspension
to 6 months' incarceration.
Prison conditions are poor. The prisons are grossly overcrowded, and health and
sanitary conditions are poor. Conditions at La Victoria prison pose a serious threat
to life and health; as many as 3,500 inmates were held there at one point during
the year, althou^ it was originally designed for 800. By year's end, the Government
had reduced La Victoria's population to 2,100. Najayo prison was built for 700, yet
contained 2,400 prisoners for most of the year. Medical care suffers from a lack of
supplies and available physicians. Prisoners immobilized by and dying of AIDS are
not transferred to a hospital.
The Government has begun a prison renovation program and in April opened the
"Alaska" wing at La Victoria prison with improved sanitation and more comfortable
facilities. It also renovated large portions of the San Pedro de Macoris and San
Francisco de Marcoris prisons. The Government began to deploy a new prison police
force in September, which, through an integration of soldiers, lawyers, social work-
ers, and psychologists, offered increased opportunities for rehabilitation. It also
opened the first prison school at Najayo prison in September, where 200 prisoners
signed up for classes in 7 subjects.
Females are separated from male inmates. In general, conditions in the female
{)rison wings are superior to those found in male prison wings, and there have been
iew reports of serious abuse by guards.
The Government made some progress separating juvenile from adult ofienders,
and removed all minors from La Victoria. In August 10 juvenile prisoners success-
fully protested a transfer to the Monte Plata facility, where many violent ofTenders
are housed and several prison riots occurred during the year. In other prisons, the
authorities still hold juveniles with adult inmates.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution stipulates that the au-
thorities may detain suspects for a maximum of 48 hours before arraignment, after
which they must charge or release them. However, in special circumstances, sus-
pects may be detained for longer periods with the approval of the prosecutor's ofTice.
The security forces continued to violate constitutional provisions by detaining sus-
pects for investigation or interrogation beyond the prescribed 48-hour limit. Tne se-
curity forces traditionally detain all suspects and witnesses in a crime and use the
investigative process to determine which ones are innocent and merit release and
which ones they should continue to hold. After the prosecutor's office placed its law-
yers in several police stations, the police curtailed the practice of arbitrary detention
in those precincts.
The DNCD and National Police continued to engage in indiscriminate roundups
of people in poorer neighborhoods. The security forces also continued to detain rel-
atives and friends of suspected criminals with the aim of forcing the surrender of
suspects. The prosecutor's office challenged the DNCD and the National Police to
curb these abuses, but human rights groups contend that minimal progress was
achieved.
On October 26, Police Chief Sanz Jiminian announced that the Special Operations
Unit had taken more than 500 persons from neighborhoods around Santo Domingo
into custody. The Government stated that it detained these persons because it be-
lieved that they might incite violence at the general strike planned for November
11-12. The Government did not charge these detainees with specific crimes and held
them until after the strike.
Many suspects suffer long pretrial detention; during the year, the Government re-
ducing the proportion of the prison population awaiting trial from 88 to around 70
percent. Pretrial detention averages 29 months in the instructional phase and an-
other 9 months in the trial phase.
Due to the inefficiency of the courts (see Section I.e.), the granting of bail has
become the de facto criminal justice system. As a rule, defendants awarded bail
rarely face an actual trial; those denied bail may serve their entire sentences while
awaiting trial. The Dominican Association of Lawyers estimated in August that 60
percent of untried inmates had already sej-ved more time in prison than they would
have if tried and convicted. Even after being acquitted of crimes, persons sometimes
remain incarcerated for several months.
In January the Government passed a law pardoning the fines of insolvent pris-
oners. Many prisoners were released who haa served more time in prison than re-
quired, but lacked the funds to pay the monetary px)rtion of their sentence. On De-
cember 22, President Fernandez pardoned by decree 70 more prisoners. According
to government statistics, another 600 prisoners could be immediately released if a
500
decree were issued pardoning inmates who had not been tried but had already
served the maximum possible sentence for the accused crime.
The law prohibits forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution stipulates an independ-
ent judiciary, interference from other public and private entities, including the exec-
utive branch, has substantially undermined judicial independence. In August for the
first time, the National Council of the Judiciary chose members of the Supreme
Court, underscoring a new independence from the executive and legislative
branches.
The judiciary, based primarily on the French judicial system, includes a 16-mem-
ber Supreme Court, appeals courts, courts of first instance, and justice of the peace
courts. There are also specialized courts that handle administrative, labor, traffic,
and land registration matters.
The new Supreme Court began to combat judicial corruption by organizing an in-
spections and investigations unit. After the new court was installed in August, it
also dismissed 27 judges for corruption or ineptitude.
Judges, rather than juries, render all verdicts and are appointed by the National
Council of Magistrates. Under the 1994 constitutional amendments, the Supreme
Court is responsible for naming all lower-court judges in accordance with a judicial
career law, which was still pending in Congress at year's end.
The Constitution provides for public trial. However, during the closed pretrial in-
structional or investigative phase of the criminal justice process, the State tradition-
ally provided no counsel to imprisoned indigents. President Fernandez approved
funding for a new public defender program, which is expected to be implemented
in 1998. Through 1997, the State contracted private practice lawyers to perform
public defender services in felony cases. The courts rarely appoint defense lawyers
in misdemeanor cases.
The judicial system is plagued by chronic delays, and many suspects suffer
lengthy pretrial detention (see Section l.d.). In September the Government began
a 5-year program to modernize courts in Santo Domingo, but the program has not
yet made an impact on the judicial backlog.
Military or police courts have jurisdiction over members of the security forces.
With increasing frequency, however, military or police boards remanded cases in-
volving capital crimes (murder, rape, etc.) to civilian courts for review after dishon-
orably discharging the perpetrators.
There were no reports oi political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution contains provisions against invasion of the home. Although the Govern-
ment does not arbitrarily use wiretapping or other surreptitious methods to inter-
fere with the private lives of persons or families, it tolerates an active private wire-
tapping industry. The authorities may only search a residence in the presence of a
prosecutor or an assistant prosecutor, in cases of "^ot pursuit," or where there is
reason to believe that a crime is in progress.
The security forces continued to detain relatives and friends of suspects to try to
compel suspects to surrender (see Section l.d.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for these freedoms, and the
Government respects them in practice.
Citizens of all political persuasions exercise freedom of speech. Newspapers and
magazines freely present a diversity of opinion and criticism. Self-censorship is prac-
ticed, particularly when coverage could adversely afi'ect the economic or political in-
terests of media owners.
The numerous privately owned radio and television stations broadcast all political
points of view. A 1971 law prohibits foreign-language broadcasts. The Government
controls one television station but no major newspapers.
Public and private universities enjoy broad academic freedom. The main public
university, the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo, with approximately
35,000 students, has no restrictions on enrollment and maintains a policy of non-
intervention (other than curriculum development) in classroom afi'airs. The Govern-
ment exerts no control over private universities, except for the preservation of
standards, and teachers are free to espouse their own theories without government
oversight.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, which the Government commonly respects in practice. Outdoor
public marches and meetings require permits, which the Government usually
grants. There were a number of clashes between police and protesters in October
and November in Santo Domingo and other towns such as narahona, Bani, and
501
Bonao (see Section l.a.)- These protests were largely prompted by electricity short-
ages and rising prices.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, which the Government gen-
erally respects in practice. Political parties freely affiliate with their foreign counter-
part organizations. Professional organizations of lawyers, doctors, teachers, and oth-
ers function freely and can maintain relations with counterpart international bodies
of diverse political philosophies.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution prohibits discrimination on religious
grounds, and the Government does not interfere with the practice of religion.
The Catholic Church, which signed a concordat with the Government in 1954, en-
joys special privileges not extended to other religions. These include the use of pub-
lic funds to underwrite some church expenses, such as rehabilitation of church facili-
ties.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens face no unusual legal restrictions on travel within or outside
the country.
Haitians continue to come in great numbers to the Dominican Republic, some le-
gally but most undocumented, in search of economic opportunity. Throughout the
year, the security forces, particularly the army, deported undocumented Haitian na-
tionals believed to be in the country illegally. In January and February, inter-
national observers estimated that the Government deported between 15,000 and
25,000 Haitians. Deportations continued on a daily basis through the rest of the
year, but in more modest numbers. In many cases, the Government denied those
deported the opportunity to demonstrate that they legally resided in the Dominican
Republic. Haitian Government officials complained that Haitians were often de-
tained up to 3 days and held with little or no food and then deported without notice
to Haitian authorities.
Representatives of nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) working in rural areas
reported that decisions to deport were often made by lower ranking members of the
security forces, sometimes based upon the racial characteristics of the deportees.
Haitian sugar cane workers face restrictions on their freedom of movement (see Sec-
tion 6.C.).
According to a 1984 law, an applicant for refugee status must be referred to the
National Committee for Refugees by the National Office of Refugee Affairs, which
has not been established. Instead, the Department of Immigration issues docu-
mentation to refugees certified as such by the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR). While these documents are accepted by the police and immi-
gration officials, the process by which they are issued does not comply with the law.
There were 637 such refugees living in the country in September.
The Government cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organiza-
tions in assisting refugees. The (}overnment provides first asylum and resettlement.
One person was granted asylum in 1997. On October 31, the Government returned
two Cuban refugees to Cuba, according to the UNHCR. The two refugees were part
of a group of 23 Cubans returned after the Government obtained assurances from
the Cuban CJovemment that they would not be treated unfairly.
There were no other reports of the forced return of persons to a country where
they feared p)ersecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Dominican Republic is a constitutional democracy, and its citizens last exer-
cised this right in general elections in 1996. The President and all 150 members of
the Senate and Chamber of Deputies are freely elected every 4 years by secret bal-
lot. There is universal adult suffrage, except that active duty police and military
personnel may not vote. The President appoints the governors of the 29 provinces.
Opposition groups of the left, right, and center operate openly. The Government
began planning for congressional and municipal elections in 1998, the first time
since 1968 that such elections would not coincide with a presidential election.
The nation has a functioning multiparty system. In practice the President can
dominate public policy formulation and implementation. He can exercise his author-
ity through the use of the veto, discretion to act by decree, and influence as the
leader of his party. Traditionally, the President has predominant power in the Gov-
ernment, effectively making many important decisions by decree. However, Presi-
dent Fernandez encouraged the legislature to play a greater role, and has reduced
reliance on rule by decree.
Congress provides an open forum for the free exchange of views and debate. The
two main opposition parties and their allies combined hold 88 and 96 percent of the
502
lower and upper houses, respectively, leaving President Fernandez's party with a
limited congressional presence.
Women and minorities confront no serious legal impediments to political partici-
Bation, but they are underrepresented. Women hold 14 seats in the 120-member
[ouse of Deputies and 1 seat in the 30-member Senate. Women continue to have
representation in appointed positions, albeit to a limited degree. Two of the 15 cabi-
net secretaries are women, and women hold 3 of 29 provincial governorships. Five
of 16 justices chosen for the new Supreme Court are women, the first females ever
to serve on the high court.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Nongovernmental human rights organizations operate freely without govern-
mental interference. In addition to the Dominican Human Rights Committee and
the nongovernmental Truth Commission dealing with the Narciso case, several
other Haitian, church, and labor groups exist. There is no ombudsman's office.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination based on race and sex. Such discrimination ex-
ists in society, but the Government has seldom acknowledged its existence or made
efforts to combat it.
Women. — Domestic violence and sexual harassment are widespread. The law ex-
onerates a rapist if the rape victim does not file charges. A rape victim cannot file
charges against her husband unless the marriage is annulled. In January President
Fernandez signed a law which, for the first time, protects women against domestic
and workplace abuse. The Government undertook a public information campaign,
informing the population of the law through television advertising, distribution of
flyers, and orientation in schools. The courts jailed several men for violation of this
law, and in a highly publicized case, a judge was indicted for the sexual abuse of
one of his employees.
The Government does not vigorously enforce prostitution laws. Sex tourism is a
growing industry throughout the country as international visitors continue to in-
crease. NGO's have ongoing HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted disease prevention
programs for male and female prostitutes, as well as hotel and industrial zone work-
ers. Dominican women are also victims of rings trafficking in women and girls to
Europe to work as prostitutes in conditions rife with exploitation and mistreatment.
One NGO counsels women planning to accept job offers in Europe and the eastern
Caribbean about immigration, health, and other issues. The program also provides
services to returning women. The new law against domestic violence prohibits acting
as an intermediary in a transaction of prostitution, but the Government has not
used the law to prosecute third parties who derive profit from prostitution.
Divorce is easily obtainable by either spouse, and women can hold property in
their own names apart from their husbands. Traditionally, women have not shared
equal social and economic status or opportunity with men, and men hold the over-
wnelming majority of leadership positions in all sectors. In many instances women
are paid less than men in jobs of equal content and equal skill level. Some employ-
ers in industry reportedly give pregnancy tests to women before hiring them, as part
of a medical examination. Some employers have stated, and workers confirm, that
pregnant women are not hired.
Children. — Despite the existence of government institutions dedicated to child
welfare, private social and religious organizations carry the principal burden. The
private institutions receive no government financing. The 1994 Minor's Code re-
quires only 6 years of formal education.
The most serious abuse involving children is the failure of the judicial system to
protect the status of minors in criminal cases. The authorities sometimes treated
minors as adults and incarcerated them in prison rather than juvenile detention
centers. Although the Minor's Code became law in 1994, the Government did not
begin to implement it until 1997 by laying the groundwork for the juvenile court
system mandated by the code. Legal defenders for juveniles began work in two
cities, Santo Domingo and La Vega.
The Minor's Code contains provisions against child abuse, including physical and
emotional mistreatment, sexual exploitation, and child labor. It also provides for re-
moval of a mistreated or delinquent child to a protective environment. However, ac-
cording to local monitors, instances of child abuse were underreported because of
traditional beliefs that family problems should be dealt with inside the family. Some
in the tourist industry have provided or facilitated sexual exploitation of children.
Tours are marketed overseas with the understanding that boys and girls can be
503
found as sex partners. There are no shelters providing refuge to children who break
free from the prostitution trade. In October the Government began to arrest, jail,
and deport foreigners involved in child prostitution in the town of Eoca Chica.
People With Disabilities. — Disabled persons encounter discrimination in employ-
ment and provision of other services. Although the law contains provisions for phys-
ical access for the disabled to all new public and private buildings, the authorities
have not uniformly enforced this law. To improve opportunities for disabled citizens,
the Government created a Subsecretariat for Rehabilitation under the Secretariat
of Public Health, established a new recreation center for the disabled in Las Caobas,
founded a new department in the Sports Secretariat to facilitate athletic competi-
tions for the disabled, and instructed the Secretariat of Education to begin a pilot
project integrating mentally retarded children into the public school system.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — A strong prejudice against Haitians runs
through society, disadvantaging many Haitians ana Dominicans of Haitian ancestry.
The Government has not acknowledged the existence of this discrimination nor
made any efforts to combat it. Darker-skinned Dominicans also face informal bar-
riers to social and economic advancement.
Credible sources charge that the Government at times, in violation of the Con-
stitution, refuses to recognize and document as Dominican citizens individuals of
Haitian ancestry born in the country. Children born to Haitian parents are caught
in a bureaucratic dilemma: Since many Haitian parents have never processed docu-
mentation for their own birth, they are unable to demonstrate their own citizenship.
As a result, they cannot declare their children's births at the civil registry and
thereby establish Dominican citizenship for their offspring. Some civil registry of-
fices do not accept late declarations of birth for children of Haitian inunigrants, al-
though they routinely accept late declarations for children of Dominican parents.
Lack of documentation also sometimes hinders the ability of children of Haitian de-
scent to attend school where there is one available. Some parents fail to seek docu-
mentation for fear of being deported.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the freedom to orga-
nize labor unions and for the right of workers to strike (and for private sector em-
ployers to lock out workers). All workers, except the military and police, are free
to organize, and workers in all sectors exercise this right.
Requirements for calling a strike include the support of an absolute majority of
all company workers whether unionized or not, a prior attempt to resolve the con-
flict through arbitration, written notification to the Labor Secretariat, and a 10-day
waiting period following notification before proceeding with a strike. The Govern-
ment respects association rights and places no obstacles to union registration, affili-
ation, or the ability to engage in legal strikes.
The 1992 Labor Code provides extensive protection for worker rights and specifies
the steps legally required to establish a union, federation, and confederation. The
code calls for automatic recognition of a union if the Government has not acted on
its application within a specific time. In practice, the Government has readily facili-
tated recognition of labor organizations. Organized labor represents little more than
10 percent of the work force and is divided among three major confederations, four
minor confederations, and a number of independent unions. Unions are independent
of the Government and political parties. However, there were reports of widespread
discreet intimidation by employers of union activity. For example, union members
in free trade zones (FTZ's) report that they hesitate to discuss union activity at
work, even during break time, for fear of losing their jobs.
Labor unions can and do freely affiliate regionally and internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is law-
ful and may take place in firms in wnich a union has gained the support of an abso-
lute majority of the workers. Only a minority of companies has collective bargaining
pacts. The Labor Code stipulates that workers cannot be dismissed because of their
trade union membership or activities.
The Labor Code establishes a system of labor courts for dealing with disputes, but
these courts have proven ineffective at enforcing the law. There were many reports
of bribes solicited by labor judges from companies during the deliberation process.
The new Supreme Court began an overhaul of the labor courts, dismissing the presi-
dent of the labor court in Santo Domingo.
The State Sugar Council (CEA) employs workers from more than 100 unions. Do-
minican workers predominate in most of the unions, although two unions are Hai-
tian-dominated. Tne CEA has long maintained a negative attitude toward additional
organizing efforts.
504
The Labor Code applies in the 36 estabHshed FTZ's, which employ approximately
182,000 workers, mostly women. Workplace regulations and their enforcement in
the FTZ's do not differ from those in the country at large, although working condi-
tions are sometimes better. Some FTZ companies have a history of discharging
workers who attempt to organize unions. Although there are approximately 70
unions in the FTZ's, many exist only on paper. The majority are amliated with the
National Federation of Free Trade Zone Workers.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
Bulsory labor, including that performed by children, and it is not known to occur,
[owever, there were numerous credible reports of forced or coerced overtime in fac-
tories. There have been reports of workers being fired for refusing to work overtime,
and both employers and workers state that newly hired workers are not informed
that overtime is optional.
Haitian sugar cane workers continued to encounter restrictions on their freedom
of movement. These include armed guards on the plantations who try to discourage
the movement of departing workers before they leave company lands. Experts from
NGO's and union ofTicials agree that working and living conditions among Haitian
cane woricers have improved in the past 5 years. Plantations have improved sani-
tary facilities and sometimes provide one meal per day to workers.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment.— The
Labor Code prohibits employment of children under 14 years of age and places re-
strictions on the employment of children under the age of 16. These restrictions in-
clude a limitation of no more than 6 hours of daily work, no employment in dan-
gerous occupations or establishments serving alcohol, and limitations on nighttime
work. The law requires 6 years of formal education. The law prohibits forced or
bonded labor by children, and it is not known to occur (see Section 6.c.).
The high level of unemployment and lack of a social safety net create pressures
on families to allow children to earn supplemental income. The International Labor
Organization estimated in August that 169,000 children between the ages of 7 and
14 nold jobs. The Government did not sanction the parents of these children. When
a fireworks factory sufiered an explosion in Santo Domingo in September, all five
workers killed were children, four of them 12 years old or younger.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Constitution provides the Government
with legal authority to set minimum wage levels and the Labor Code assigns this
task to a national salary conmiittee. Congress may also enact minimum wage legis-
lation. The minimum monthly salary is $138 (1,932 pesos) in the free trade zones
and ranges from $111 (1,555 pesos) to $172 (2,412 pesos) outside the FTZ's depend-
ing upon the size of the company. This covers only a fraction of the living costs of
a family in Santo Domingo, but many workers receive only the minimum wage. For
example, 60 percent of government employees earn only the minimum wage.
The Labor Code establishes a standard work period of 8 hours per day and 44
hours per week. The code also stipulates that all workers are entitled to 36 hours
of uninterrupted rest each week. In practice, a typical workweek is Monday through
Friday plus a half day on Saturday, but longer hours are not unusual. The code
grants workers a 35 percent differential for work from 44 hours to 68 hours per
week and double time for any hours above 68 hours per week.
The Dominican Social Security Institute (IDSS) sets workplace safety and health
conditions. The existing social security system does not apply to all workers and is
underfunded. In September the Government denounced the fact that many employ-
ers withhold social security payments from employee paychecks, but do not transfer
the funds to the IDSS. The Government estimated that the IDSS lost $11 milUon
(160 million pesos) each month through such tax evasion schemes, paying out a
third less to retirement funds than it had planned.
Both the IDSS and the Labor Secretariat have small corps of inspectors charged
with enforcing standards. Inspector positions are customarily filled through political
patronage. In practice, workers cannot remove themselves from hazardous work-
place situations without jeopardy to continued employment. In many companies, the
restroom facilities are unsanitary and emergency exits remain locked at all times.
Conditions for agricultural workers are in general much worse, especially in the
sugar industry. On many sugar plantations, cane cutters are paid by the weight of
cane cut rather than hours worked. Sometimes employers do not provide trucks to
transport the newly cut cane at the conclusion of the workday, causing workers to
receive lower compensation after the cane has dried out and become lighter. Many
cane cutters earn approximately $4.50 (60 pesos) per day. Many worker villages
have high rates of disease and lack schools, medical facilities, running water, and
sewage systems. Workers on sugar plantations sometimes receive coupons as part
of their wages, which can only be redeemed at a company store with inOated prices.
505
ECUADOR
Ecuador is a constitutional republic with a president and an 82-member unicam-
eral legislature chosen in free elections. Interim President Fabian Alarcon was elect-
ed by Congress to an 18-month term in February aft-er Congress voted to dismiss
his predecessor on the g7-ounds of "mental incompetence." Congress also has sweep-
ing powers to question and censure cabinet ministers; such censure results in auto-
matic dismissal of the minister in question and often is used as a political tool by
opposition party congressmen. Members of the Supreme Court preside over a judici-
ary that is constitutionally independent, but in practice susceptible to outside pres-
sure.
The military enjoys substantial autonomy, reinforced by guaranteed revenues
from the nation's oil exports, as well as from civil aviation, snipping, and other com-
mercial sectors. The military has maintained a low profile in domestic politics since
the return to constitutional rule in 1979. The National Police, responsible for domes-
tic law enforcement and maintenance of internal order, falls under the civilian Min-
istry of Government and Police. There continued to be credible allegations of human
rights abuses by the police and, in some isolated cases, members of the military.
The economy is based on private enterprise, although there continued to be heavy
fovemment involvement in key sectors such as petroleum, utilities, and aviation.
he per capita gross domestic product of $1,669 provides most of the population
with a low standard of living. The inflation rate for the year was 30 percent. The
principal exports are oil, bananas, and shrimp, which are the country's leading
sources of foreign exchange. Manufacturing for regional export markets is of grow-
ing importance. Most citizens are employed in the urban informal sector or as rural
agricultural workers; rural poverty is extensive, and underemployment is high.
The most fundamental human rights abuse stems from shortcomings in the politi-
cized, inefficient, and corrupt legal and judicial system. People are subject to arbi-
trary arrest; once incarcerated, they may wait years before being convicted or ac-
quitted unless they pay bribes. More than one-half the prisoners in iail have not
been formally sentenced. Other human rights abuses included isolated instances of
extrajudicial killings; torture and other mistreatment of prisoners and detainees by
the police; poor prison conditions; and violence and pervasive discrimination against
women, Afro-Ecuadorians, and indigenous people. The Government failed to pros-
ecute and punish human rights abusers. Following a referendum in May that called
for the Supreme Court to be depoliticized, and in response to continued public de-
mands for profound reform of the justice system, Congress replaced the entire
Court, selecting the justices from a list of candidates nominated by designated civic
groups and chosen by a panel of civic leaders. The Truth and Justice Commission
was no longer active; an Ombudsman was chosen, but had not yet begun work by
year's end.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated killings. There continued to be credible reports of police involvement in
extrajudicial killings. Through late September, the Ecumenical Committee for
Human Rights (CLDHU) reported a total of nine extrajudicial killings. Seven of
these involved individuals killed by police in pursuit of criminals; two involved sus-
pects who died of injuries after being arrested by police.
In January three prisoners charged with killing policemen "escaped" from the
penitentiary in Guayaquil. A television news team filmed police recapturing all
three alive and then showed one of them, who had been wounded by a gunshot to
the leg, being beaten by police as he was put into a police truck while the other
two were shown in handcufTs in police custody. The wounded prisoner was declared
dead on arrival at a local hospital. Later television footage showed the dead bodies
of the other two prisoners being loaded into a police vehicle. Despite video evidence
that all three were recaptured alive, the police claimed that they were all shot while
escaping. Police ofiicials promised an internal investigation of the killings, but did
not report publicly the results of the police inquiry. At year's end, no one had been
charged with wrongdoing.
In March police in the town of Machala, responding to a disturbance call at a bar,
arrested an inebriated patron, Anibal Aguas. Aguas was beaten and taken into cus-
tody. Later that night his wife was notified that he had died of a cerebral injury
that an autopsy showed was caused by trauma. The authorities later detained one
of two police sergeants involved in Aguas' arrest and remanded him to a police court
506
for a disciplinary investigation. The other failed to answer a summons and was a
fugitive at year's end.
In Chimborazo province, the police stopped Mario Garcia in March and, after a
verbal exchange, severely boat him, accordmg to several witnesses. Garcia died sev-
eral days later from trauma-induced brain damage. The authorities detained three
police officers, and the case was before a civilian judge in Chimborazo at year's end.
In August Guayaquil police shot and killed three men after mistaking them for
wanted criminals. Police officials first claimed that the suspects had died in a fire-
fight; then, after days of public protests led by the victims' families, the National
Police Inspector General disclosed that police had planted evidence on the three
men to cover up the mistake. As a result, the police commander in Guayas province
was relieved oi his duties and the policemen involved were suspended from duty
pending disciplinary action.
In October 1996, a Quito court ordered the arrest of police sergeant Ulvio Munoz
in the killing of a 16-year-old in the La Toja neighborhood during a drug raid in
September oi that year. Charges against him were still under consideration at year's
end.
Investigation by judicial officials and human rights monitors of sites identified in
1996 by a former policeman as clandestine graves did not reveal any human re-
mains.
There were also instances in which citizens took the law into their own hands,
leading to mob violence that resulted in deaths (see Section I.e.). Despite a police
program launched in 1996 to crack down on such violence, there were continued re-
ports of vigilante justice, often involving indigenous communities acting against pre-
sumed criminals in their own community. In one particularly egregious case, on Au-
gust 10 approximately 200 indigenous villagers in the province of Cotopaxi watched
as some of their neighbors burned a 17-year-old boy caught stealing cattle. After he
was set afire, someone in the crowd killed him with a pistol shot.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
In January Angel Heriberto Hinojoza was stopped in richincha province by three
men, one in a police uniform; he attomuted to lice, but was shot in the leg and
taken away in tne trunk of an unmarkca car. l*resented with a writ of habeas cor-
pus, the police told family members that they had no information on Hinojoza's
whereabouts. The family continued to press without success for news about
Hinojoza.
c. Torture and Other Cruel. Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the law prohibits torture and similar forms of intimidation and punish-
ment, police continued to physically mistreat suspects and prisoners, usually with
impunity. The CEDHU re>gularly published detailed re^ports on suspects who
charged the police with torture. In these reports the CEDHLT frequently named po-
lice officials alleged to be responsible and often included photographs of the victims
with their wounds. In most cases, the police appeared to have abused such persons
during investigations of ordinary street crime. According to the CEDHU and other
human rights organizations, the victims reported that the police beat them, burned
them with cigarettes, applied electric shocks, or threatened them psychologically.
The law permits police or military courts to try police officers and military defend-
ants in closed sessions, in accordance with the re-spective militar>' and police court
martial manuals. Only the Supreme Court may try cases involving fiag-rank offi-
cers. The police couri does not announce verdicts or punishments, creating the
strong impression that the police are immune from prosecution.
Conditions in detention centers generally continued to be poor. Prisons in the
tropical coastal areas tend to be worse than those in the temperate highlands. Over-
crowding is a chronic problem, although conditions are notaoly better in the wom-
en's prison in Quito than in other facilities. As of September, about 9,850 male pris-
oners were crowded into prisons designed to hold 5,049. The Government announced
a major campaign to reduce prison crowding by building more prisons, ensuring that
prisoners eligible for release were released, and by pardoning prisoners over the age
of 65 or who have terminal disorders. There are no separate facilities for hard-core
or dangerous criminals, nor are- there effective rehabilitation programs.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest. Detention, or K.xile. — The Constitution and the Penal Code
provide that no one may be deprived of liberty without a written order from a gov-
ernmental authority, but the authorities often violated these legal protections
against arbitrary arrest or detention. By law, the authorities must issue specific
written orders within 24 hours of detention— even in cases in which a suspect is
caught in the act of committing a crimc^ — and must charge the suspect with a spe-
cific criminal offense within 48 hours of arrest. All detained pt»rsons may challenge
the legality of their detention within 48 hours of their arrest, but in practice few
507
such petitions are broudit. This review is conducted by the senior elected official
(usually the mayor) of tne locality in which the suspect is held. Regardless of the
legality of a detention, a prisoner may be released only by court order. In some
cases, detainees who are unaware of this, or who do not have the funds to hire a
lawyer, may remain in prison for an extended period before being released. Bail is
not generally available, and the law prohibits it in narcotics cases. Families of de-
tainees sometimes intervene in an attempt to secure the prisoners' freedom through
illegal means.
Human rights organizations reported occasional cases of incommunicado deten-
tion, althoum the law prohibits this practice. Despite provisions of the Penal Code,
the police often detained suspects without the required written order. Even when
an order was obtained, those charged with determining the validity of detention
often allowed frivolous charges to be brought, either because they were overworked
or because the accuser bribed them. In many instances, the system was used as a
means of harassment in civil cases in which one party sought to have the other ar-
rested on criminal charges. The authorities frequently detamed suspects longer than
24 hours before court orders were signed and often failed to bring charees against
suspects within 48 hours of arrest. Preventive detention up to and including trial
is legal under certain circumstances.
The Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled unanimously on November 12
that the Government had violated due process provisions under the American Con-
vention on Human Rights and Ecuadorian law m connection with the arrest, inves-
tigation, and pretrial detention of Ivan Suarez Rosero. Without considering the mer-
its of the drug charge against Suarez, the Court found unlawful Suarez's 4-year pre-
ventive detention without a finding of guilt. The Court also held that a section of
the Penal Code, which exempts those charged with drug violations from protection
of a law that mandates other prisoners' release from excessive detention, violated
the Convention. The Court called on the Government to pay Suarez compensation
and to prosecute those responsible for violating his rights.
The Government does not use exile as a method of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. In practice, however, the judiciary is susceptible to outside pressure.
The regular court system tries most nonmilitary defendants, although some indig-
enous groups try members independently for violations of tribal rules. Despite ei-
forts begun in 1992 to depoliticize and modernize the court system, the judiciary
continues to operate slowly and inconsistently. Judges reportedly rendered decisions
more quickly or more slowly depending on political pressure or the payment of
bribes. However, the norm is for lengthy delays before cases come to the courts.
The May referendum approved by citizens included a call to depoUticize the judi-
cial system and, in particular, the Supreme Court. In September Cfongress dismissed
all 31 justices (many of them chosen during ousted president Bucaram's incum-
bency), and elected new ones in early October. The 31 new justices were chosen from
a group of 54 candidates compiled by an independent panel in a complex process
intended to balance political and social interests.
TTie failure of the justice system led to a growing number of cases of communities
taking the law into their own hands. Tnere continued to be reports of fatal
lynchings and burnings of suspected criminals by enraged citizens (see Section l.a.).
These occurred particularly in indigenous communities and poor neighborhoods of
the major cities where there is little police presence. One of the most dramatic cases
occurred in July in the town of Mana, Cotopaxi province, when an angry crowd
stopped a police vehicle transporting a group of five alleged car thieves and, after
wresting them from police custody, beat them to death and burned their bodies. The
thieves reportedly had killed an individual in the course of stealing his car only
days earlier, and the family of the victim and other townspeople ambushed the po-
lice escort to exact their own justice.
The law provides for internationally accepted due process rights for criminal de-
fendants, but the authorities often did not observe these rights in practice. By law,
the accused is presumed innocent until proven guilty, and defendants have the right
to a public trial, defense attorneys, ana appeaL They may present evidence, refuse
to testify against themselves, and may confront and cross-examine witnesses. Al-
though a piibUc defender system exists, in practice there are relatively few attorneys
avaimble to defend the large number of indigent suspects.
Tlie legislature amended the Constitution in 1995 to stipulate that no testimony
taken from a prisoner may be used as evidence in court unless the individual's law-
yer was present at the taking of testimony. Implementing legislation, however, re-
mains to be passed.
Trial is supposed to begin within 15 to 60 days of the initial arrest, but in prac-
tice, initiation of the trial phase can take years. Less than 40 percent of all pris-
508
oners have been convicted and sentenced. In narcotics cases, unlike other crimes,
the law prohibits bail and stipulates that a police report and the defendant's pretrial
statement constitute "a grave presumption of guilt if supported by the facts of the
case. The effect is to increase the number of defendants detained on such charges
pending final resolution of their cases. In December the Constitutional Court ruled
l>oth provisions unconstitutional, but the impact on narcotics cases (40 percent of
prisoners are detained on narcotics charges) was not clear at year's end. Indigenous
people and other minorities are disproportionately afiected by these delays as they
are more likely to be poor and unable to buy their way out of pretrial detention.
A foreign assistance program begun in 1994 has enabled the courts to computerize
the National Register of Prisoners. Use of this system made it possible for the courts
to track prisoners' status more easily. Since its inception, the courts released over
1,000 prisoners, who had either completed their sentences or who had never been
tried but had served the maximum sentence for the alleged crime.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect these prohibi-
tions, and violations are suoject to effective legal sanctions.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech,
and the authorities generally respected this provision in practice, but with some no-
table exceptions. There are frequent charges of slander and libel brought by and
against puolic figures, but few result in final decisions or judicial relief. One former
independent congressman was accused of treason and brought before a military
court because of his criticism of the military. He successfully appealed to the Su-
preme Court for relief, winning a decision that he could not be tried in a military
court.
AU of the major media organs — television, newspapers, and radio — are in local,
private hands except for two government-owned radio stations. The law limits for-
eign investment in broadcast media. Using a law (promulgated by the last military
regime) that requires the media to give the Government free space or air time, the
Government can and does require television and radio to broadcast government-pro-
duced programs featuring the President and other top administration officials.
There is a free and vigorous press. Ownership of the media is broad based, and
editorials represent a wide range of political views and often criticize the Govern-
ment. However, some degree oi self-censorship in the print media occurs, particu-
larly with respect to politically sensitive issues or stories about the military and its
related industries.
The Government does not interfere in issues involving academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the rights of free assembly and association for peaceful purposes, and the Govern-
ment generally respected these rights in practice. Public rallies require prior govern-
ment permits, which are generally granted, although exceptions occur. Numerous
labor and student demonstrations took place without incident in the capital and the
outlying regions. In general the security forces intervened in demonstrations only
when there was violence against bystanders or property. During 2 days of wide-
spread road blockages by groups demanding that the National Assembly to consider
constitutional amendments be elected and begin work in 1997, there were no reports
of serious injuries resulting from confrontations between protesters, the military,
and the police.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. Numerous foreign religious orders and
missionary groups are active.
d. Freeaom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Gk)vemment re-
spects them in practice. The Government cooperates with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting reru-
ffees. The issue of provision of first asylum did not arise. There were no reports of
orced return of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. Since the return to civilian rule
in 1979, citizens have actively exercised their right to change their national and
local governments. In February following widespread peaceful protests against the
509
Government, Congress voted to remove former President Bucaram on grounds of
mental incompetence and to replace him with interim President Alarcon. Voters
overwhelmingly ratified this peaceful transition in a May referendum that also
called for a National Assembly to reform the Constitution prior to new presidential
and congressional elections in May 1998.
Voting is mandatory for literate citizens over 18 years of age and voluntary for
illiterate citizens. The law does not permit active duty members of the military to
vote. The Constitution bars members of the clergy and active duty military person-
nel from election to Congress, the presidency, or vice presidency.
On November 30, voters elected the 70 members of the new National Assembly,
which is charged with a broad mandate to undertake political reforms. The makeup
of the Assembly is similar to that of the Congress; the established parties won 54
seats, and coalitions will be necessary in order to reach decisions. The Assembly
convened on December 20 and elected former president Osvaldo Hurtado as its
president. He said that the Assembly would tackle electoral reform first, and then
turn to other issues such as modernization of the state, social security reform, and
the promotion of foreign investment.
Traditional elites tend to be self-perpetuating. Consequently, very few women,
Afro-Ecuadorians, and indigenous people are found in high positions in government,
although no specific laws prevent women or minorities from attaining leadership po-
sitions. Women hold 5 of 82 seats in Congress. In August Congress elected Alexan-
dra Vela as the first female vice president of Congress in the country's history; how-
ever, she resigned soon thereafter in order to run successfully for the National As-
sembly, to which eight women were elected. One Afro-Ecuadorian serves as an alter-
nate member of Congress and one was elected to the National Assembly, but there
are no other Afro-Ecuadorians in any senior level government jobs.
The indigenous movement, which long shunned traditional politics, formed an
electoral movement called Pachakutik (which means "cataclysmic change" in
Quichua) and ran candidates for national, provincial, and local office in the 1996
elections. Pachakutik succeeded in electing a member of congress, seven provincial
deputies, and mayors of several cities, including Cuenca — the third largest city. Al-
though Pachakutik received onlv about 8 percent of the vote nationwide, its rep-
resentation in Congress and at the provincial and municipal level assures the indig-
enous community a greater voice in government. It won seven seats in the new Na-
tional Assembly, three of which are held by indigenous leaders, including one
woman. Pachakutik's success also forced traditional political parties to focus atten-
tion on issues of importance to the indigenous population — long neglected by the po-
litical process.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups, both domestic and international, operate with-
out restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases.
Domestic human rights groups, such as the CEDHU and the Regional Latin Amer-
ican Human Rights Association (ALDHU), were outspoken in their criticism of the
Government's record on specific cases. Nevertheless, the Government contracted
with the ALDHU to provide human rights training to the military and the police.
The Truth and Justice Commission, established in 1996 to investigate reports of
past ri^ts abuse, is no longer active. The office of Ombudsman was created to en-
sure ongoing attention to human rights issues. The elected Ombudsman resigned
following a dispute with Congress over his term of office. By year's end, Congress
had not accepted his resignation, nor had he begun to work.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, religion, sex, or social
status. However, women, Afro-Ecuadorians, and indigenous f>eople face significant
discrimination.
Women. — Although the law prohibits violence against women, including within
marriage, it is a widespread practice. Many rapes go unreported because of the vic-
tims' reluctance to confront the perpetrators. Women may only file complaints
against a rapist or an abusive spouse or companion if thev produce a witness. If
a victim later marries her rapist, the victim often drops her complaint, and the
State's case against the rapist continues slowly, if at all. While some communities
have established their own centers for counseling and legal support of abused
women, the Government only began to address this question seriously with the for-
mation of the "Comisaria de la Mujer," or Women's Bureau, in 1994. Although this
510
office can accept complaints about abuse of women, it has no authority to act on
them.
A 1995 Law Against Violence Affecting Women and Children, drafted by a coali-
tion of women's organizations, criminalizes spousal abuse for the first time, includ-
ing physical, sexu^, and psychological abuse. It also creates family courts and re-
forms the Penal Code to give courts the power to separate an abusive spouse from
the home.
Discrimination against women is pervasive in society, particularly with respect to
educational and economic opportunities for those in the lower economic strata. The
increasingly active women's movement blames culture and tradition for inhibiting
achievement of full equality for women. There are fewer women in the professions
and skilled trades than men, and pay discrimination against women is common.
Children. — ^The Government is committed in principle to the welfare of children
but has not taken effective steps to promote it. The Government rarely enforces the
constitutional requirement of education through the age of 14.
There is no societal pattern of abuse against children. Government resources to
assist children have traditionally been limited, although it instituted a program to
care for the children of the working poor called "Operation Child Rescue." Several
Erivate organizations are very active in programs to assist street children, and the
NN. Children's Fund also runs a program in conjunction with the Central Bank.
Especially in urban areas, the children of the poor often experience severe hard-
ships. It is common to see children as young as 5 or 6 years of age selling news-
papers or candy on the street to support themselves or to augment the family in-
come. Also, there are instances of prostitution by girls under 18 years of age in
urban areas. In rural areas, young children often must leave school at an early age
to help out on the family's plot of land.
People With Disabilities. — ^There is no official discrimination against disabled per-
sons in employment, education, or the provision of other state services. However,
there are no laws to guarantee disabled people access to public buildings or services,
nor are they provided any other special government assistance.
Indigenous People. — While at least 85 percent of all citizens claim some indige-
nous heritage, culturally indigenous people make up about 15 to 20 percent of the
total population. The vast majority of these people live in rural areas, and most live
in varying degrees of poverty. Land is scarce in the more heavily populated highland
areas where high infant mortality, malnutrition, and epidemic disease are also com-
mon. In addition, electricity and potable water are often unavailable. Although the
rural education system is seriously deficient, many indigenous groups participated
actively with the Ministry of Education in the development of the bilingual edu-
cation program used in rural public schools.
Indigenous people enjoy the same civil and political rights as other citizens and
also have several special privileges designed to allow them to manage their own af-
fairs within their own communities. This is particularly true in the Amazon area
where indigenous groups have claim to specific tracts of land. These groups also
have begun to play an active role in decisionmaking with respect to the use of their
lands for oil exploration and production, by lobbying the Government and enlisting
the help of foreign nongovernmental organizations. Environmental groups and in-
digenous organizations continued to blame oil companies for causing major environ-
mental damage and to criticize their damage control efforts as insufficient.
Despite their growing political influence (see Section 3) and the efforts of grass-
roots community groups, which were increasingly successful in pressuring the
central Government to assist them, Indians continue to suffer discrimination at
many levels of society. In an August beauty pageant in the predominantly Indian
town of Otavalo, young women of indigenous background were denied participation
in the contest based on their Indian neritage. Even after this discrimination re-
ceived national attention in the press (and a court had ruled the practice illegal the
year before), organizers of the event refused to admit contestants of Indian back-
ground.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The population of the rural, northern coastal
area includes large numbers of Afro-Ecuadorian citizens. They suffer widespread
poverty and pervasive discrimination, particularly with regard to educational and
economic opportunity. There were no special government efforts to address these
problems.
There are five major Afro-Ecuadorian organizations active in the country; they es-
timate that Afro-Ecuadorians account for 700,000 people, or about 6 percent of the
total population. While the presence of Afro-Ecuadorians has grown in the fields of
sports and culture (the country's most prominent soccer stars and 1996 Miss Ecua-
dor were Afro-Ecuadorian), educational opportunities continue to be limited.
511
The press has focused on lingering racism among all strata of society. Afro-Ecua-
dorian organizations note that despite the absence of official discrimination, societal
discrimination continues to affect them. For example, they assert that the police
stop Afro-Ecuadorians for document checks with greater frequency than other citi-
zens.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and Labor Code provide most
woricers with the right to form trade unions. Members of the police and the military,
and public sector employees in nonrevenue producing entities are not free to form
trade unions. The 1991 Labor Code reforms raised the number of workers required
for an establishment to be unionized from 15 to 30, which the International Labor
Organization's Committee on Freedom of Association considered too stringent a limi-
tation at the plant workers' council level.
While employees of state-owned organizations enjoy rights similar to those in the
firivate sector, the law technically prevents the majority of public sector employees
rom joining unions or exercising collective bargaining rights. Nevertheless, most
fmblic empfcyees maintain membership in some labor organization, and there are
requent 'illegal" strikes. Despite official threats, the Government rarely takes ac-
tion against striking public workers. In November Congress approved constitutional
reforms that outlaw strikes that paralyze key public services, including schools. Al-
though the five umbrella organizations are politically independent, the two largest
single labor unions, the Teachers' Union and the Union of Social Security Workers,
are allied with the Democratic Political Movement, a far-lefl socialist party.
Approximately 12 percent of the work force is organized. There are four large
labor centrals or confederations, three of which maintain international affiliations.
None of the main labor centrals is firmly connected to any one political party, and
there are no ties between the Government and any labor union.
There are few restrictions on the right of workers to strike, although a 10-day
cooling-off period is required before a strike is declared. The Labor Code revisions
limit solidarity strikes or boycotts to 3 days, provided that they are approved by the
Labor Ministry. In a legal strike, workers may take possession of tne factory or
workplace, thus ending production at the site, and receive police protection during
the takeover. The employer must pay all salaries and benefits during a legal strike;
the Labor Code protects strikers and their leaders from retaliation. The only signifi-
cant strikes were by public sector employees such as teachers, social security, and
medical workers. None of the strikes resulted in violence.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The labor market is highly
segmented, with a minority of workers in skilled, usually unionized, positions in
state-run enterprises or in medium to large industries. Most of the economically ac-
tive population is employed in the agricultural sector or the urban informal sector;
the vast majority of these workers are not organized. The Labor Code requires that
all private employers with 30 or more workers belonging to a union must negotiate
collectively when the union so requests. Although approximately 12 percent of the
work force is organized, collective bargaining agreements cover only one-quarter of
these workers.
The Labor Code streamlined the bargaining process in state enterprises by requir-
ing workers to be represented by one labor union only. It prohibits discrimination
against unions and requires that employers provide space for union activities upon
the union's request. The law does not permit employers to dismiss a worker without
the express permission of the Ministry of Labor, whose rulings are not subject to
judicial review. If the Ministry of Labor rules that a dismissal is unjustified, it can
require the employer to pay large indemnities or separation payments to the work-
er, although the reforms set a cap on such payments. The Labor Code provides for
resolution of labor conflicts through an arbitration and conciliation board comprising
one representative of the Ministry of Labor, two from the union, and two represent-
atives of maneigement.
The Maquila (in bond) Law passed in 1990 permits the hiring of temporary work-
ers for the maquila industries only. While there is no express prohibition on associa-
tion rights in the Maquila Law, in practice it is difficult to organize temporary em-
Eloyees on short-term contracts. Since temporary workers are not recognized by the
abor Code, they do not enjoy the same level oi protection offered to other workers.
The maquila system allows a conipany and its property to become an export process-
ing zone wherever it is located. Many such "zones have thus been established; most
are dedicated to textiles and fish processing.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution and the Labor
Code prohibit compulsory labor, and there were no reports of it in general, nor of
forced or bonded labor by children.
512
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution establishes that children must attend school until 14 years of age. How-
ever, because of the lack of schools in many rural communities and the needfor chil-
dren to work, this provision is rarely enforced. The law prohibits forced or bonded
labor by children, and there were no reports of such practices (see Section 6.c.). The
law prohibits persons younger than 14 years old from working, except in special cir-
cumstances such as apprenticeships. It requires those between the ages of 14 and
18 years to have the permission of their parent or guardian to work. The law pro-
hibits children between the ages of 15 and 18 years from working more than 7 hours
per day or 35 hours per week, and it restricts children below the age of 15 years
to a maximum of 6 hours per day and 30 hours per week. In practice, the Ministry
of Labor fails to enforce child labor laws. In rural areas many children attend school
only sporadically after about 10 years of age in order to contribute to household in-
come as farm laborers. In the city many children under 14 years of age work in fam-
ily-owned "businesses" in the inlormal sector, shining shoes, collecting and recycling
garbage, or as street peddlers.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Ministry of Labor has the principal role
in enforcing labor laws and carries this out through a corps of labor inspectors who
are active in all 21 provinces. The Labor Code provides for a 40-hour workweek, a
15-day annual vacation, a minimum wage, and other employer-provided benefits,
such as uniforms and training opportunities.
Hie Ministry of Labor sets the minimum wage every 6 months in consultation
with the Commission on Salaries, but Congress may also adjust it. The statutory
minimum wage is not adequate to provide a decent standard of living for a worker
and family. As of September, the minimum wage plus mandated bonuses provided
a gross monthly compensation of approximately $160 (S/646,167). Most organized
workers in state industries and formal sector private enterprises earned substan-
tially more than the minimum wage and also received significant other benefits
through collective bargaining agreements. The majority of workers, however, work
in the lai^e informal and rural sector without recourse to the minimum wage or le-
gaUy mandated benefits.
The Labor Code also provides general protection for workers' health and safety
on the job. A worker may not leave the workplace of his own volition, even if there
is a hazardous situation. The worker is allowed to request that an inspector from
the Ministry of Labor come to the workplace and confirm the hazard; that inspector
may then close down the workplace.
tlie Government enforces health and safety standards and regulations through
the Social Security Institute. In the formal sector, occupational health and safety
is not a major problem. However, there are no specific regulations governing health
and safety standards in the agricultural sector and, in practice, there is no enforce-
ment of safety rules in the small mines that make up tne vast majority of the min-
ing sector.
EL SALVADOR
El Salvador is a constitutional, multiparty democracy with an executive branch
headed by a president and a unicameral legislature. Armando Calderon Sol of the
Nationalist Republican Alliance Party (ARENA) was inaugurated President for a 5-
year term in June 1994. In free and fair legislative elections in March, the former
guerrilla organization Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) won a
third of the Legislative Assembly seats, leaving the ARENA party with a one-vote
Plurality. Seven other parties also hold seats, including the conservative National
Conciliation Party (PCN) and the centrist Christian Democratic Party (PDC). The
Constitution provides for a separate, politically appointed, independent judiciary.
Since the Peace Accords ended the 12-year civil war in 1992, the Government has
reduced the armed forces (including civilian employees) by 70 percent; redefined the
role of the military, placing it under civilian control; created a new Civilian National
Police (PNC); and integrated the former guerrillas into political life. Although its in-
ternal policing mission has been eliminated, the military continues to provide sup-
{)ort for some PNC patrols in rural areas, a measure begun in 1995 to contain vio-
ence by well-armed criminal bands. The professionalism of the PNC generally im-
proved, but the 4-year-old force continues to be understaffed, only minimally
trained, and short on practical experience. Members of the police committed human
rights abuses.
El Salvador has a market-based, mixed economy largely based upon agriculture
and light manufacturing. Some 40 percent of the workforce is in tne agricultural
513
sector; coffee and sugar are the principal export crops and major sources of foreign
exchange. The growing light manufacturing sector (export processing zones) is domi-
nated by apparel manufacturing and represents the main source of new jobs. The
Government is committed to privatization and free maricet reforms. The economy is
open, and private property is respected. The rate of real economic growth was about
4 percent, and per capita gross domestic product was estimated to be $1,930. About
52 percent of the population lives below the poverty level.
Tne Government's human rights record improved somewhat; however, there were
problems in some areas. In one new case, two police agents face charges of
extrajudicial killings. The police sometimes use excessive force and mistreat, arbi-
trarily arrest, and detain persons, although the PNC sought to identify and to pun-
ish those within its ranks who committed criminal acts or violated established pro-
cedures. Prison conditions remained poor and overcrowding worsened. The judi-
ciary's ineflficiency resulted in lengthy pretrial detention and long delays in trials.
The Supreme Court made some progress in cleaning up the judiciary but did not
move quickly to discipline or dismiss corrupt or incompetent judges. Impunity for
the rich and poweriui remained a problem; however, tne Government took action
to investigate, prosecute, and, in some cases, jail prominent citizens for crimes. Dis-
crimination against women, the disabled, and indigenous people, violence against
women, and abuse of children are also problems.
The United Nations General Assembly eliminated the position of Special Rep-
resentative of the Secretary General, resident in El Salvador, reducing the U.N.'s
on-site monitoring role in recognition of the progress made in implementation of the
Peace Accords. The Human Rights Ombudsman, a position created by the Peace Ac-
cords and the Constitution, continued to speak out on controversial issues. However,
the investigative capacity of her agency, the office of the Counsel for the Defense
of Human Ri^ts (PUDH), remained limited and was hindered further by a shrink-
ing budget.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no confirmed pxplitical
killings. The FMLN charged that the February murder of two of its activists in
Nejapa during the election campaign was politically motivated. In contrast, police
authorities linked the killings to a criminal gang known to be operating in the area.
The case remained under investigation at year's end.
In October 1996, a PNC agent shot and killed Francisco Manzanares in what the
police said was an investigation of an extortion case. Although not active in politics
at the time of his death, Manzanares' past as an FMLN combatant and party mem-
ber raised the issue of political killing. PNC agent Guillermo Linares was originally
held for wrongful death, but in October, the court charged PNC agent Jose Santo
Arevalo with tne shooting. At that time, three PNC agents, including Linares, were
charged as accessories to the crime. The judge stated that the kilfing could have
been a premeditated act and noted that the PNC had persecuted Manzanares prior
to his murder. At year's end, the four police officers were detained, and the case
was under active investigation in preparation for trial.
The authorities in June charged two PNC officers with the March 1996
extrajudicial killings of four gang members in Santa Ana. Witnesses reported that
the police apprehended the four persons for robbing sf>ectators at a morning sport-
ing event and placed them in a PNC vehicle. The four were found 3 hours later,
murdered; the oodles were dumped at a local farm. On December 2, a Santa Ana
court found that there was insuificient evidence to tie the PNC agents to the mur-
ders, dropped the charges, and released the two policemen. The Attorney General's
office has the option to appeal this decision to a higher court.
There was mixed progress in cases from previous years. In April a court exoner-
ated and released the last three suspects in the "Sombra Negra" case. The Sombra
Negra was a vigilante group that operated in San Miguel in 1994; it allegedly killed
20 people it claimed were criminals. Four of the nine original suspects arrested in
July 1995 were police officers.
In February a court found two PNC agents guilty of killing four people in San
Pedro Masahuat, Zacatecoluca in March 1996, and found six other police guilty of
complicity in the murders. The two murderers were sentenced to the maximum 30-
year prison term, five other police officers received 12-year terms, and one a term
of 10 years. In July an appeals court confirmed the guilty verdicts and sentences,
and in October the Supreme Court refused to review the cases. In a related case,
the authorities brought charges against two PNC officers for allowing six of the
eight guilty police to escape detention in February.
514
In February the authorities brought charges against seven police ofTicers and ar-
rested six 01 them for the Deceinber 1995 murder of medical student Adriano
Vilanova (the seventh suspect was still at large at year's end). It took an investiga-
tion by the PDDH, a series of investigative reporting articles, and a full reexamina-
tion of the case by the Attorney General's omce to reopen the case. At yeai^s end,
the six police were in custody, and their trial was under way.
In April a court found PNC officer Tomas Coronado Valdes guilty of manslaughter
and sentenced him to 1 year in prison for killing a demonstrator with a rubber bul-
let in November 1995. It later suspended his sentence, placed him on 2 years' proba-
tion, and ordered him to pay the victim's family an indemnification of $2,860 (25,000
colones). Coronado was oismissed from the PNC and is not allowed to hold public
office or work for a government institution.
Following a high speed chase in January 1996, police shot and killed 16-year-old
William Antonio Gajrtan, a passenger in a stolen car. Based on testimony by one
of the other persons in the stolen car, in Januaryr the PNC arrested police agents
Miguel Palacios Contreras and Narcisco Escamilla Acosta and charged them with
involuntary manslaughter. In September the authorities raised the chaises to inten-
tional homicide when they concluded that these police officers had continued firing
after the car chase ended and that the youths in the stolen vehicle never fired at
the pursuing police. In December a court found Escamilla guilty and sentenced him
to 11 years m prison. It found Contreras not guilty, and he was released.
Although a court found Jose Argueta Rivas guilty in October 1996 and sentenced
him to 30 years in prison for the 1994 murder of Kamon Garcia Prieto, the Garcia
Prieto family has charged before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
that the Government failed to investigate properly the crime to determine the intel-
lectual authors. The (jovemment stated that it is continuing the investigation into
the murder.
In the 1993 murder of FMLN leader Darol Francisco Velis Castellanos, the CJov-
emment extradited a former police detective, Carlos Romero Alfaro, from the United
States in March 1996. Following this extradition, the PNC arrested another former
police agent in connection with the murder and was investigating two other suspects
at year^ end. In May the Attorney General sought preventive arrest decrees for
these two suspects. The case remained active at year's end.
b. Disappearance. — There were no confirmed politically motivated disappearances.
From January to July, of the 3,179 cases the PDDH accepted for investigation,
there were 8 cases involving forced or involuntary disappearances, none of which in-
volved serious allegations o? political motivation. Kidnaping for profit affects aU lev-
els of society and has become a common occurrence throughout tne country.
There were allegations of political motivation behind several high-profile
kidnapings, including one of a U.S. citizen, which took place in the early 1990 s. Ru-
mors of political motivation surrounded the 1995 kidnaping of Andres Suster, the
15-year-old son of the former president of the state telephone company (ANTED
and close associate of former President Alfredo Cristiani. Suster was kidnaped in
September 1995 and released 1 year later. In July police arrested several people in
connection with the Suster kidnaping. In addition, one individual associated with
the disbanded Communist Party has been jailed, and an important leader of the
Communist Party fled the country, both in connection to tne Suster and other
kidnapings. At year's end, the Suster case remained active and police were continu-
ing to investigate links between it and other kidnapings.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, but the PNC continued to be charged
with the use of excessive force and other mistreatment of detainees. In late Decem-
ber, the PDDH charged two PNC officers with burning detainee Ambrosio Perez
over 30 percent of his body, during a January confrontation in a land dispute at
the El Espino plantation on the outskirts of San Salvador, in an effort to obtain in-
formation on the location of an alleged hidden cache of arms.
In the first 9 months of 1997, the PDDH accepted 993 (a monthly average of 110)
complaints of violation of the right of personal integrity (a category covering torture;
inhuman or degrading treatment; mistreatment; disproportionate use of force; and
improper treatment of detainees). The PDDH received a total of 1,295 such com-
plaints (or 108 per month) from June 1996 through May 1997; and 861 (or 72 per
month) from June 1995 through May 1996. The PDDH reported that the vast major-
ity of these complaints were directed against the PNC and resulted from improper
arrest procedures. During this period, the PDDH determined that an average of 12.4
percent of the complaints it accepted in 1997 (for all human rights categories) were
actual violations of^ rights.
The PNC Inspector (Jeneral's office (IG, an entity separate from the PNC, which
answers directly to the Minister of Public Security) investigated 73 cases of violation
515
of the right of personal integrity through June, compared with 44 cases for the last
8 months of 1996.
TTie PNC continued to be the subject of more complaints of human rights viola-
tions received by the PDDH than any other government institution. Covering aU
human rights (affecting 16 major PDDH categories ranging from due process and
personal integrity to property and personal documents ri^ts to the right to a clean
environment ana personal health), for the first 9 months of 1997, out of a total of
3,987 complaints accepted by the PDDH, 1,894 pertained to the PNC, or 47.5 per-
cent of the total. By comparison, 2,503 (51.2 percent) of the 4,882 complaints reg-
istered by the PDDH for its June 1996 through May 1997 reporting period involved
the PNC, as did 57.3 percent of the complaints in tne June 1995 through May 1996
reporting period. The PDDH also received human rights complaints involving other
e)vemment offices, including the Ministry of Education, the courts, the Ministry of
ealth, the Ministry of Labor, and local governments.
The IG also noted an increase in complaints against the PNC.
In the first 6 months, the IG investigated 229 cases, compared with 208 cases for
the last 8 months of 1996. The concentration of complaints involving the PNC re-
flected several factors: The PNC's authority to use force in carrying out arrests; its
inexperience (the 1992 Peace Accords created the PNC as a replacement for the old,
discredited security forces, and the first PNC deployment occurred in March 1993);
the difficulty of its work in the face of critical, often violent crime levels; and a con-
tinuing need for training in human rights. From January through September, the
PNC internal affairs division processed 925 complaints against police for adminis-
trative violations (such as drinking on duty, improper use of police equipment and
vehicles, stealing from police funds, etc.) and criminal abuses. The division found
police at fault in 368 cases and administratively disciplined (with temporary suspen-
sion or fines) 212 police officers for violation of PNC regulations; fired agents in 92
cases for serious violations or minor criminal abuses; and jaUed 64 agents for seri-
ous criminal acts.
Working together to improve PNC human ri^ts training, the PDDH and the Na-
tional Public Security Academy incorporated additional human rights courses into
the curriculum for the academy^s police officer training program.
Despite the volume of human rights complaints, public opinion polls gave the
PNC relatively higrih marks amidst general dissatisfaction with government institu-
tions as a whole. The IG conducted a nationwide poll in March in which 63 percent
of the respondents gave the PNC good to excellent marks for its respect of human
rights, and 68 percent gave good to excellent marics for the PNC's everyday treat-
ment of citizens. A July poll taken by the Catholic University found that 40 percent
of respondents had "some" or "a lot" of confidence in the PNC.
In tne only terrorism-related case, in June a court found innocent three university
students arrested in June 1996 in connection with two bombings in April and May
1996. No one was iiyured in either incident, and the motives remain unclear. Four
students allegedly belonging to a left-wing terrorist group had been arrested ini-
tially; one of the four was released soon after the arrest due to lack of evidence.
Prison conditions remained poor, and overcrowding in prisons worsened. High
crime rates, the increased numoer of arrests, and a slow judicial process kept the
flow of new prisoners higher than the release rates. The prisons are filled with vio-
lent inmates, and guards exercise little control. Responding to a highly critical 1996
report on prisons by the PDDH, the Government sought to improve prison condi-
tions through efforts to provide better food, medical care, and rehabilitation facilities
in the prison system. Prison authorities report that from January to September
there were 6 violent deaths in the prison system, compared with 24 violent deaths
in all of 1996.
Both female and juvenile prisoners have separate facilities. The new Juvenile
Code expands the use of hallway houses and other nonpenal facilities for minors.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors,
representatives of nongovernmental organizations (NGO's), and the media.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, but there were cases of arbitrary arrests and detentions by the PNC.
During the first 9 months of 1997, the PDDH accepted a total of 583 cases (or
an average of 65 per month) for violations of personal liberty. Of these complaints,
76 percent were lodged against the PNC for alleged arbitrary arrest and 20 percent
against the PNC for alleged improper arrest procedures. In comparison, the PDDH
accepted 745 cases (62 per month) in this same category from June 1996 to May
1997 and 901 (75 per month) for the same period in 1995-96. The IG investigated
48 cases of violation of p)ersonal liberty and due process from January to June. The
courts generally enforced a ruling that interrogation without the presence of a pub-
lic defender amounts to coercion, and that any evidence so obtained is inadmissible.
516
As a result, police authorities generally delayed questioning until a public defender
arrived. Low salaries and insuflicient supervision contribute to {xx)r handling of
public defender caseloads.
By law, the police may hold a person for 72 hours before delivering the suspect
to court, after which time the jud^e may order detention for an additional 72 hours
to determine if an investigation is warranted. Because of a lack of holding cells,
such detainees are often sent to the already overcrowded prisons where they may
be mixed with violent criminals. The law allows 120 days to investigate serious
crimes and 45 days for lesser offenses before a judge must bring the accused to trial
or dismiss the case. Few cases, however, are completed within the legally prescribed
time periods.
The law permitted the release of detainees on baU only for crimes where the maxi-
mum penalty was under 3 years. Many crimes, including homicide, manslaughter,
rape, and cnmes against property, carry penalties in excess of 3 years, thereby pre-
cluding release pending trial. The new Penitentiary Code, passed in April, permits
bail for crimes with a minimum penalty of over 3 years, ii the suspect is unlikely
to flee or his release would not impede the investigation. This law, set to take eflect
in 1998, is expected to reduce pretrial detention.
Because it may take several years for a case to come to trial, some prisoners have
been incarcerated longer than the maximum legal sentence for their crimes. Any de-
tainee may request a review (habeas corpus) by the Supreme Court, but the Court
denies the overwhelming majority of sucn reauests. At the beginning of December,
74 percent of all inmates were awaiting trial or sentencing. The iJniversity of El
Salvador and the F*ublic Defender's office continued a program to investigate the
cases of 500 to 600 prisoners who did not have effective representation. The pro-
gram helped to move these cases forward and, where appropriate, to seek habeas
corpus, wnich resulted in a large number of prisoners being released.
The Constitution prohibits compulsory exile, and it is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The court structure has four levels: justices of the peace, trial courts, appellate
courts, and the Supreme Court.
Judges, not juries, decide most cases. A jury verdict cannot be overruled by a
judge nor appealed by the defendant; however, defendants may appeal the sentence
to tne Supreme Court. The new Criminal Procedures Code (to take effect in 1998)
provides for fuU appeal of jury verdicts if there is evidence of corruption or vested
interest by members of the jury.
In fulfillment of commitments under the Peace Accords, the Assembly continued
to enact wide-ranging reforms of the criminal justice system. Following tne Criminal
Procedures Code passed in December 1996, the Assembly passed the Penal Code
and Penitentiary (Sentencing) Code in April. Both codes are expected to speed up
the trial process and reduce the number of detainees; these measures were sched-
uled to enter into effect in 1998. There are two new court systems, for family and
for juvenile offenders. Both systems stress conciliation as an alternative to adjudica-
tion. The Juvenile Legal Code, which went into effect in March 1995, included great-
er provisions for due process, raised the age of majority from 16 to 18 years, limited
sentences to a maximum of 7 years, and introduced alternatives to incarceration.
The new Juvenile Code continues to suffer from the weaknesses of the institutions
involved in its execution.
Under the Constitution, defendants have the right to a presumption of innocence,
protection from self-incrimination, legal counsel, freedom from coercion, and com-
pensation for damages due to judicial error. They also have the right to be present
in court. While defendants oflien are not assured of these rights, compliance with
these provisions improved, in part due to judicial training programs and to evalua-
tions of judges conducted by the National Council of the Judiciary (an independent
body provided for in the Constitution to nominate, train, and evaluate judges) and
the Supreme Court. Although legal counsel is supposed to be available at govern-
ment expense for the indigent, there were too few public defenders to make this a
reality.
The new Penitentiary (Sentencing) Code, called for in the Truth Commission re-
port, lays the foundation for extensive reform in the penitentiary system and adopts
an approach stressing rehabilitation of the criminal and prevention of future crimes,
rather than retribution, and stipulates the provision of humane conditions in the
prisons as well as the separation of violent offenders and pretrial detainees. It also
establishes a new institution, the Criminal Sentencing Court, with responsibility for
executing and monitoring the sentences imposed by the trial courts. Heretofore, the
same juoge that investigated, judged, and sentenced the accused was also respon-
sible u)r tne imposition, monitoring, and suspension of the sentence. The new code
517
also provides for alternatives to imprisonment for nonviolent offenders, which is ex-
pected to reduce prison overcrowding.
Rx)blems of corruption and incompetence in the judicial system remain. The Su-
preme Court disciplined judges for corruption, but it moved slowly. Judicial salaries
are high enough to attract qualified judges, but salaries are still considered insuffi-
cient to attract competent prosecutors or public defenders. Training progr£mis are
insufficient to compensate for inadequate university training, low pay, and poor su-
pervision. This deficiency is expected to be further complicated by the implementa-
tion of the new iudicial codes. While they represent a marked improvement, the new
codes also entail a massive reeducation effort for professionals in the judicial sector.
TTie general public does not place much confidence in the judicial system, with
over 70 percent of those polled saying that thev had little or no confidence in it.
Fifty-six percent of the respondents in a July Catholic University poll stated that
they had little or no confidence in the Supreme Court.
Impunity, especially of the politically, economically, or institutionally well-con-
nected, remained a problem. The systemic weaknesses in the criminal justice system
contribute to this impunity. Such impunity might take the form of a reluctance on
the part of authorities to pursue aggressively allegations involving acts of violence
or other major crimes. There is a clear perception among the public that those who
are weU-connected, especially the rich and powerful, often have impunity with re-
spect to the country's civil and criminal laws. Public suspicion that special px)ups
receive special treatment under the law clearly diminishes confidence in the justice
system. However, the Government took action during the year to prosecute and jail
prominent citizens involved in financial scandals and theft, which represented a
step forward in combating impunity and altering the public's perception.
"There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Accord-
ing to the Constitution, the police must have the resident's consent, a warrant, or
a reasonable belief that a crime is under way or is about to be committed, before
entering a private dwelling. Government authorities generally respected these
rights.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of the
press, and the Government respects this right in practice. There are 4 daily news-
papers, 10 television stations, approximately 100 licensed radio stations, and 2
major cable television systems. Print and broadcast journalists regularly criticize
the Government and report opposition views. Opposition figures are regularly inter-
viewed on television and radio. According to major media associations, the Govern-
ment did not use direct or indirect means to control the media.
The new Assembly abrogated the 1996 telecommunications law, approved a re-
vised law in August, and made final amendments to the new law in October. How-
ever, the issue of providing free or low cost frequencies to "community radio" sta-
tions was not resolved. The Supreme Court ruled that the Government had acted
improperly in 1995 when it confiscated the equipment of 11 unlicensed, low-powered
stations, operating in small rural communities, temporarily closing them down. The
Court ordered the return of the equipment and overturned a fine, but found that
the stations must get permits before broadcasting. Ten stations are broadcasting
again, all without licenses. In practice, it takes years to get licenses, and the sta-
tions argue that they cannot afford them. The final law maintained the existing sep-
aration Dandwith (the broadcast spectrum is already over subscribed) and gave no
special status to the community stations (requiring them to seek commercial li-
censes to broadcast). The community stations and several NGO's charged that this
law supported a monopolization of the airwaves and effectively violated the right of
free expression.
On August 25, Lorena Saravia, a news reader employed by a commercial radio
station, was shot and killed. The PNC reacted quickly, mounting a major investiga-
tion, which was stiU under way at year's end. Although the Inter-American Press
Society cited this murder as an example of violence directed against the media,
there was no indication that the murder had any direct connection to Saravia's pro-
fession or that it had any relationship to the media.
In Julypolice using nightsticks struck media reporters covering a maior financial
scandal. There were no serious injuries. The chiei of police apologized tne following
day and instituted an internal investigation. The President recognized publicly that
the police had overreacted. After meeting with the El Salvador Association of Re-
porters, the PNC formally and publicly promised that such action would not be re-
peated.
518
The Constitution provides for academic freedom, and the Government respects
this right in practice.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
peaceful assembly for any lawful purpose, and the Government respects this right
in practice. There is no requirement for permits to hold public meetings, and public
demonstrations are common.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Govenmient re-
spects this right in practice. The Ministry of Interior began implementing the 1996
law that gives it the authority to register, regulate, and financially oversee domestic
and international NGO's and non-Catholic religious groups working in the country.
The law exempts organizations such as unions, cooperatives, and the Catholic
Church, and the Interior Minister stated it will not affect other churches.
Some leaders of the NGO community complained that the Ministry had not yet
published implementing regulations defining procedures for reviewing applications.
These NGO's also complained that the Government did not ftilfiU its promise of an
"ojpen dialogue" prior to the implementation of the law. Although the law went into
eftect December 1996, the Ministry of Interior extended the deadline for NGO reg-
istration to the end of September and made eflbrts to allow all operating NGO's to
present their documents. The law requires the Ministry to respond to applications
within 15 days; if the Ministry fails to do so, the NGO receives automatic registra-
tion. In June some 200 NGO's presented a constitutional challenge to the law oased
on the right of free assembly. The Supreme Court accepted the challenge for consid-
eration in September, but at year's end had not issued a judgment.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
In August the Ministry of Interior denied temporary resident status for some 100
Japanese members of the Sun Myung Moon church. The Ministry determined that
the members had violated their status as tourists by actively proselytizing. How-
ever, none of the group were punished, and, while requiring the group to leave, the
Government allowed tiie same members to reenter the country as tourists, but not
for religious purposes. The Government noted that under the law, visitors must seek
immigrant status in order to practice religious proselytism.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The Constitution provides for tnese rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The
issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise in 1997 and has not arisen in
recent years. There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where
they feared jjersecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. The President and Vice President
are elected every 5 years; legislative and municipal officials are elected every 3
years. The Constitution bars the President from election to consecutive terms. Vot-
ing is by secret ballot.
In March there were elections for all 84 national Legislative Assembly seats and
all 262 municipal governments. Ten political parties and thousands of candidates,
representing the full political spectrum, campaigned freely. The Government did not
restrict opposition participation. The voting procedure was without major flaws and
proceeded peacefully with fair access to polls for all voters. The election resulted in
significant gains for the FMLN (the principal opposition party) in the legislature
and victories in many of the largest municipalities (including San Salvador, in
which a FMLN coalition candidate was elected mayor). The governing ARENA party
lost its legislative working majority and important mayoral races. The next two
largest opposition legislative parties won a significant bloc of seats, leading to a true
multiparty Assembly.
There are no laws or overt practices that prevent women or minorities from voting
or participating in the political and governmental systems. Women represented 50.6
percent of the registered voters for the March election, and party campaigns and
slates reflected a strong attention to this vote. Voters elected 14 women to the legis-
lature (representing about 17 percent of the total seats), an increase from the pre-
vious Assembly's 9. However, women held fewer positions on the Assembly's govern-
ing board than in the previous legislature. One cabinet minister was a woman, a
woman served as the (jovemments highly visible Human Rights Ombudsman, and
519
a woman was the President's cabinet-level adviser for modernization. Women served
on tJie Supreme Court, as head of the Social Security Institute, and in a substantial
number of subministerial positions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government demonstrated a willingness to discuss human rights issues and
{>roblem8 with international, local, and nongovernmental organizations. Numerous
ocal NGO's operated freely as did various international human rights groups, in-
cluding migration and other humanitarian and technical assistance groups. Inter-
national and domestic NGO's were required to register with the Government under
the terms of the 1996 NGO Registration Law (see Section 2.b.).
The Peace Accords specificauy created the PDDH, which was formally established
by a constitutional amendment that defined its role. The PDDH's investigative ca-
pacity remains limited due to resource constraints. Moreover, the PDDH is spread
increasingly thin as the organization sought to expand its scope of attention, extend
its presence throughout the countrv, and meet increased public demand. In Decem-
ber 1996, the Assembly reduced the PDDH's budget allocation by 10 percent, but
the Ombudsman and the PDDH continued to be active on all human rights issues.
In July a University of Central America poll indicated that the PDDH retained the
highest level of public trust of any government institution, with 55 percent of the
piiblic reporting confidence in the PDDH.
In November Human Rights Ombudsman Victoria de Aviles revealed that she had
received death threats through her private cellular telephone. Police Chief Rodrigo
Avila promised to enhance existing police protection and begin an investigation to
find out who was making the calls.
In December 1996, the U.N. General Assembly eliminated the position of Special
Representative of the Secretary General resident in El Salvador and further reduced
the U.N.'s presence to a small support unit. In late July, the General Assembly
closed this support unit, while confirming that the U.N.'s verification responsibilities
would be earned out from its headquarters. These resolutions reflected international
acknowledgment of the continued progress in implementing the Peace Accords. The
U.N. Development Program office continued assistance programs with the police,
the judiciary, and the PDDH.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that all people are equal before the law and prohibits dis-
crimination based on nationality, race, sex, or religion. In practice, discrimination
against women, indigenous people, and the disabled occurs in salaries, in hiring,
and in access to credit and education.
Women. — Violence against women, including domestic violence, is a widespread
and serious problem. Once a taboo social subject, it is being increasingly recognized
publicly and has become a topic for national debate. Government institutions such
as the PDDH, the Attorney General's office, the Supreme Court, and the PNC co-
ordinate efforts to combat family violence. The National Secretariat for the Family
maintains a hot line for victims to report domestic abuse. From March 1996 to
March 1997, there were 3,033 reported cases of domestic violence, mostly against
women, according to the Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women
(ISDEMU). The Institute of Legal Medicine, using different criteria, reported 545
cases from January to August. From January to September, the Attorney General's
office received 208 cases of mistreatment of women, 144 cases of threats against
women, and 31 cases of wounding of women.
The authorities believe that cases of domestic violence and rape are underreported
for several reasons: Societal and cultural pressures against the victim, a fear of re-
Erisal, poor handling of victims' feelings by the authorities, fear of publicity, and the
elief that cases are unlikely to be resolved. The PDDH noted that hundreds of do-
mestic abuse victims who underwent psychotherapy refused to report their cases
formally. Reports of sexual abuse of women continued to rise. The authorities at-
tribute some of this statistical increase to a growing willingness of victims to bring
formal charges.
The Attorney General's office reported 221 cases of rape and 18 cases of attempted
rape from January through September. Under the new Criminad Procedures Code
(to take effect in 1998), victim testimony will be admissible evidence. The current
codes do not allow victim testimony. As the victim of rape is often the only witness,
this resulted in little chance for conviction in rape cases. In 1996 the Assembly re-
pealed an old law that exonerated a rapist if he ofTered to marry the victim, and
she accepted.
45-909 98-18
520
The Constitution grants women and men the same legal rights, but women suffer
discrimination. The 1994 Family Legal Code amended laws that discriminated
against women, especially affecting the large number of women in common law mar-
nafes. The law also established special courts to resolve family disputes. Several
N(K)'s are engaged in promoting women's rights and have conducted several rights
awareness campaigns.
Women suffered from economic discrimination and in practice did not have equal
access to credit and land ownership. Women were often paid less than men for equal
work. Of the economically active female population, 65 percent woriced in the infor-
mal economy. However, women made up 90 percent of the work force in the export
processing zone companies, which are the lai^est source of new jobs (see Section
6.b.). Traming for women was generally confined to low-wage occupational areas
where women already hold most positions, such as teaching, nursing, home indus-
tries, or small businesses.
Children. — Government concern for children's rights and welfare was reflected
more in its efforts to reduce poverty and promote family stability through economic
growth than in direct expenditure on children. The law requires education through
uie ninth grade, and while there was progress in increasing the availability of
schooling throughout the country, compliance with legal requirements was only fea-
sible in the country's urban centers.
The Government worked closely through state institutions and with the United
Nations Children's Fund to promote protection and general awareness of children's
rights. However, children continued to fall victim to physical and sexual abuse,
abandonment, exploitation, and neglect. The Salvadoran Institute for the Protection
of Children (ISPM), an autonomous entity, is responsible for protecting and promot-
ing children's rights. The ISPM estimated that as of August it had 2,577 children
in its shelters, some abandoned and others victims of mistreatment. Through Au-
gust, it had received a total of 1,101 formal complaints, of which 178 were for phys-
ical mistreatment, 133 for negligence, and 123 for abandonment. Using different cri-
teria, the ISDEMU reported 959 cases of child abuse for the period March 1996
through March 1997. between Januaiy and September, the Attorney General's of-
fice reported 54 formal cases of child abuse, and it brought 61 cases against parents
for throwing minors out of the house.
There were no reliable estimates of the number of children living on their own
in the streets, but children's advocates agree that there is a sizable number. Many
of these were involved in substance abuse (glue and paint sniffing). There are alle-
gations from children rights advocates that street children suffer from poUce brutal-
ity. The PNC denies these charges but has accepted PDDH human rights training
for those police units that have the most contact with juveniles. The PDDH has also
called for the creation of drug treatment centers for minors. The Supreme Court
found unconstitutional key provisions of the 1996 Emergency Law against Common
and Organized Crime, which negated parts of the 1995 Juvenile Code by lowering
the age of majority for juvenile oiienders to 14 years.
The Institute of" Legal Medicine recorded a reduction in reports of sexual abuse
of children under 15 years of age, with 235 reports from January through August,
compared with 301 for the same period in 1996 and a total of 454 for all of 1996.
The Attorney General's office registered 26 cases of child rape for January through
September. The ISPM reported 57 cases of sexual abuse for January through Au-
gust. According to the PDDH, over 85 percent of all abuse occurs in schools and at
home, and only a small percentage of these cases were reported to the authorities.
The PDDH estimated that 270,000 minors work, mostly as street vendors. Besides
losing their opportunity for an education, these children often fell victim to sexual
abuse and are exploited as prostitutes. The PDDH, NGO's, and the media mounted
throughout the year a publicity and investigative campaign to highlight the plight
of children.
Infant malnutrition continued to be a problem. Ministry of Health figures indi-
cated that 50 percent of infants under the age of 5 had some nutritional deficiency,
and 11 percent suffered from serious malnutrition. The Government has a national
plan for infants designed to increase access to potable water, iodized salt, and vita-
mins, and to encourage breast feeding, but all of these remain problem areas, espe-
cially among the rural poor.
People With Disabilities. — Except for the war wounded, who have secured both
government and international funding for rehabilitation and retraining programs,
the Government has no program to combat discrimination against the disabled.
There are no laws mandating provision of access to public or private buildings for
people with disabilities. The (Government has not enforced a 1984 decree stating
that 1 of every 500 employees must be a person with disabilities. Access by the dis-
abled to basic education was limited due to lack of facilities and appropriate trans-
521
portation. There was no provision of state services for the physically disabled. Only
a few of the Government s community-based health promoters have been trained to
treat the disabled, and they rarely provided such service, tending rather to focus
on life-threatening conditions and preventive care for mothers and children. The
Ministry of Health estimated that oetween 7 £ind 10 percent of the population is
afilicted by some form of disability. In December the National Council of Disabled
People estimated that there were 500,000 persons with disabilities, of which 12,500
were directly attributed to the civil war. Other factors contributing to the large
number of disabled were lack of prenatal care, misuse of pesticides in food produc-
tion, malnutrition, auto accidents, and criminal violence.
There were few organizations dedicated to protecting and promoting the rights of
people with disabilities. Foreign funds for badly needed rehabilitation services chan-
neled through the Telethon Foundation Pro-Rehabilitation, a local private voluntary
organization, help address numerous rehabilitation issues and provided alternatives
for the education and rehabilitation of the disabled population. A semiautonomous
institute, the Salvadoran Rehabilitation Institute for the Disabled (ISRI), also pro-
vided assistance to the disabled. The ISRI offered medical treatment, counseling,
special education programs, and professional training courses. Founded in 1957, the
ISRI has 10 centers throughout the country and received assistance from the Gov-
ernment and national and international private and nongovernmental organizations.
Indigenous People. — El Salvador is an ethnically homogeneous country, although
a very small segment of the population still claims indigenous status. The Constitu-
tion makes no specific provisions for the rights of indigenous people.
Esu"ly in the century, facing active repression, most indigenous people adopted
local customs and successfully assimilated into the general population, from wnich
they are generally indistinguishable. There are a few very small communities whose
members still wear traditional dress and maintain traditional customs without re-
pression or interference. These small indigenous groups exist in the poorest parts
of the rural countryside where employment opportunities are few and domestic vio-
lence is a problem. Indigenous people reportedly earned less than other agricultural
laborers, and indigenous women in particular had little access to educational and
work opportunities. As with the poor rural sector in general, access to land was a
growing problem confronting indigenous people. Few possessed titles to land, and
bank loans and other forms of credit were extremely limited.
There are a few small indigenous associations. One, the National Association of
Indigenous Salvadorans (ANIS), continues to be involved in a long-running land dis-
pute with a neighboring cooperative. The dispute has caused division within the or-
ganization, evictions of ANIS members from land, and exchanges of threats with the
neighboring group and among rival camps within ANIS. The ANIS charged that the
Government was targeting indigenous leaders with legal harassment and threats.
There has been little evidence to support these allegations.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution prohibits the Government from
using nationality, race, sex, creed, or political philosophy as a means to prevent
workers or employers from organizing themselves into unions or associations. The
military, police, and government workers may not form unions (but are allowed pro-
fessional and employee organizations) and may not strike. The 1994 Labor Code
streamlined the process required to form a union in the private sector, extending
union rights to agricultural, independent, and small-business workers, and extencf-
ing the ri^t to strike to union federations. The Labor Code prohibits partisan politi-
cal activity by unions, but they routinely ignored this prohibition.
There were approximately 150 active unions, public employee associations, and
peasant organizations, which represent over 300,000 citizens, approximately 20 per-
cent of the total work force. Only private sector workers have the right to form
unions and strike; employees of autonomous public agencies may form unions but
not strike. Nevertheless, many workers including those in the public sector form em-
ployee associations that frequently carried out strikes that, while technically illegal,
were treated as legitimate.
Some of the most powerful labor groups are public employee associations, which
take on the same responsibilities as unions — including calling strikes and collective
bai^aining. Negotiations between public employee associations and the Government
generally settled public sector strikes, although the Labor Code provides for manda-
tor/ arbitration of public sector disputes.
The law prohibits antiunion actions before a union is legally registered. The Labor
Code forbids foreigners from holding positions in unions.
Unions and other labor organizations freely affiliated with international labor or-
ganizations.
522
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution and the
Labor Code provide for collective bargaining rights but only to employees in the pri-
vate sector and in autonomous government agencies, such as utilities (currently un-
dergoing privatization) and the port authority. However, both private sector unions
(by law) and public sector employee associations (in practice) used collective bar-
gaining.
The Ministry of Labor oversees implementation of collective bargaining agree-
ments and acts as conciliator in labor disputes in the private sector and autonomous
government institutions. In practice, ministers and the heads of autonomous govern-
ment institutions often negotiate with labor organizations directly, relying on the
Labor Ministry only for such functions as ofUciaUy certifying unions. Trie Ministry
often seeks to conciliate labor disputes throu^ informal channels rather than at-
tempting to enforce regulations strictly, leading to charges that the Ministry is bi-
ased against labor. Corruption continued to affect labor inspectors and courts, but
improvements in training and Ministry of Labor pay scales began to address this
problem.
The Constitution prohibits discrimination against unions. It provides that union
officials at the time of their election, throughout their term, and for 1 year following
their term may not be fired, suspended for disciplinary reasons, removed, or de-
moted except wr legal cause. Employers generally observed this provision in prac-
tice, but credible reports continued of employers using illegal pressures, including
dismissing labor activists, to discourage organizing. The law requires employers to
rehire employees fired for any type of union activity, and the Labor Ministry has
increased efforts to enforce this requirement. In many cases, employees chose to
take a cash payment in lieu of returning to work.
There are six export processing zones (EPZ's) and several in-bond plants operating
outside of these zones. There are no special labor regulations for the EPZ's. During
the last few years, most EPZ companies and a large portion of the in-bond plants
have accepted the provisions of voluntary codes oi conduct from their parent cor-
porations or foreign purchasers. These codes included worker rights protection
clauses. In April the Salvadoran Apparel Industry Association announced implemen-
tation of an industrywide code of conduct with worker ri^ts protection. The great
majority of companies in the EPZ's provided much better salaries and working con-
ditions than those offered elsewhere in the private sector. There were credible re-
eorts that some factories dismissed union organizers, and only one EPZ company
ad an active plant union. Credible accusations jjersisted that some maquila fac-
tories abused their workers, as well as reports that some women were not hired be-
cause they were pregnant. Although the L^bor Ministry made measurable improve-
ments in its efforts to increase inspection and follow up on such complaints, it still
had insufficient resources to properly cover all the EPZ's, much less the much larger
national private sector.
The Labor Ministry made significant progress in modernizing its facilities and
professionalizing its staff. Although under 1996 legislation the (jovemment author-
ized the Ministry of Economy to withdraw away free zone privileges from companies
that violated labor regulations, there have been no public cases where this has been
threatened. There is also a tripartite (government, business, and labor) commission,
established in 1996, to help resolve conflicts in EPZ and other bonded companies.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, except in the case of calamity and other instances specified by
law. This provision is followed in practice. Although not specifically prol;iibited by
law, forced and bonded labor by children are covered by the general prohibition, and
there were no reports of its use in the formal sector. However, there was strong evi-
dence that children and minors have been forced into prostitution.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution prohibits the employment of children under the age of 14. The law does
not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor of children, but both activities are
forbidden in general (see Section 6.c.). Minors may receive special Labor Ministry
permission to work, but only where such employment is absolutely indispensable to
the sustenance of the minor and his family. This is most often the case with chil-
dren of peasant famihes who traditionally work during planting and harvesting sea-
sons. Those legal workers under the age of 18 have special additional rules govern-
ing conditions of work (see Section 6.e.).
Orphans and children from poor families fre(]|uently work for their own or family
survival as street vendors and general laborers in small businesses, especially in the
informal sector. Children in these circumstances often do not complete compulsory
schooling through the ninth grade (up to the age of 14) as the law requires. Child
labor is not usually found in tne industrial sector and has disappeared in the EPZ's.
523
The Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcing child labor laws and made an
effort to do so. However, scarce resources and the alniculty of monitoring the large
informal sector limited its effectiveness outside of the urban formal sector. In Au-
gust the Government participated in the establishment of the National Committee
for the Eradication of Child Labor (CNETI). The CNETI is a coordinating body with
govemnMnt, NGO, and private sector (labor and business) representatives that
works to combat child labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Effective July 1995, the minimum wage was
$4.40 (38.50 colones) per day for commercial, industrial, and service employees; and
$3.30 (28.60 colones), plus a food allowance, f)er day for agroindustrial workers.
However, fbll-time minimum wage employees are paid by law a full 7 days (56
hours) for the 44 hour week and receive an average of 1 month's wage a year in
required bonuses plus 2 weeks of paid vacation. The minimum wage with benefits
was insufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. For
the third year in a row, minimum wages did not keep up with the Ministry of
Economy's estimate of the increase in the cost of living. The Labor Ministry is re-
sponsible for enforcing minimum wage laws and does so effectively in the formal
sector.
The law limits the workday to 6 hours for youths between 14 and 18 years of age
and 8 hours for adults, and it mandates premium pay for longer hours. The Labor
Code sets a maximum normal workweek of 36 hours for youths and 44 hours for
adults. It requires bonus pay for overtime and limits the workweek to no more than
6 days for all workers.
The Constitution and the Labor Code require employers, including the Govern-
ment, to take steps to ensure that employees are not placed at risk in their work-
places. These laws prohibit the employment of persons under 18 years of age, and
all women, in occupations considered hazardous. Nevertheless, health and safety
regulations are outaated, and enforcement, while improved, was inadequate. Work-
ers can remove themselves from dangerous work situations without jeopardizing
their employment only in situations where they can present a medical certificate is-
sued by a doctor or the Social Security Institute indicating that their health is at
risk while using certain equipment or substances. The Ministry of Labor attempts
to enforce the applicable regulations and has devoted resources to improving the
professional training of its staff and inspectors. Increasingly, its investigations lead
to fines or other findings favoring workers. The Ministry has restricted powers and
only limited, but growing, resources to enforce compliance.
GRENADA
Grenada is a parliamentary democracy, with a (Jovemor General as titular Head
of State. In June 1995 parliamentary elections. Prime Minister Dr. Keith Mitchell's
New National Party (NNP) won 8 of 15 seats and formed a majority government.
The elections were openly and fairly contested, and were free of violence. The judici-
ary is independent.
The 750-member Royal Grenada Police Force is responsible for maintaining law
and order. It is controlled by and responsive to civilian authorities.
Grenada has a free market economy based upon agriculture and tourism. The real
economic growth rate was 3 percent for 1996, and the projected annual growth for
1997 was 4 percent.
Citizens enjoy a wide range of civil and political rights. Human rights problems
included allegations of police brutality in the course of criminal investigations, but
there were no judicially confirmed cases. The Commissioner of Police has spoken out
strongly against police use of unlawful force. Violence against women is common.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, and there were no reported incidents of
torture. Flogging, a legal form of punishment, is rare but has been used in sex crime
and theft cases.
The press occasionally reported claims of police brutality, some of which arose fol-
lowing the complainants' alleged attempts to resist arrest. Allegations of police bru-
524
tality are investigated internally by the police, with no disciplinary actions reported
for 1997. No one Drought a case of police brutsdity before the courts during the year.
The Police Commissioner can discipline officers in valid cases of brutality with pen-
alties that may include dismissal from the force. The Police Commissioner has spo-
ken out strongly against police use of unlawful force.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Grovemment
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law provides the police with the
right to detain persons on suspicion without a warrant, but they must bring formal
charges within 48 hours. The police adhered to this time limit in practice. If the
police do not charge a detainee within 48 hours, they must release the person.
The law provides for a judicial determination of the legality of detention within
15 days after arrest on a criminal charge. The police must formally arraign or re-
lease a detained person within 60 days, and the authorities generally followed these
procedures. There is a functioning system of bail, although persons charged with
capital offenses are not eligible. Persons charged with treason may be accorded bail
only upon recommendation of the Governor General.
Exile is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary, a part of the Eastern Caribbean
legal system, is highly regarded and independent. Final appeal may be made to the
Privy Council in the United Kingdom. There are no military or political courts.
Those arrested on criminal charges are brought before a judge to determine whether
there is sufficient evidence to substantiate the charges; if there is, the judge re-
mands the defendant for trial.
The law provides for the right to a fair public trial, and the authorities observe
it in practice. There is a presumption of innocence, and the law protects persons
against self-incrimination and requires the police to explain a person's rights upon
arrest. The accused has the right to remain silent and to seek the advice of legal
counsel. A defense lawyer has the right to be present during interrogation and may
advise the accused how to respond or not to respond to questions. The accused has
the right to confront his accuser.
The court appoints attorneys for indigents only in cases of murder or other capital
crimes. In other criminal cases that reach the appellate stage, the court will simi-
larly appoint a lawyer to represent the accused if the defendant was not previously
represented or reappoint earlier counsel if the appellant can no longer afford that
lawyer's services. Due to the backlog of cases caused by a shortage of judges and
facilities, up to 6 months can pass before those charged with serious offenses face
trial in the high court. With the exception of persons charged with murder and for-
eign-bom drug suspects, the courts grant most defendants oail while awaiting trial.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for protection from these abuses, and there were no reports
of such actions. The law generally requires judicially issued warrants for searching
homes, except in cases of hot pursuit. The Firearms Act of 1968 and the Drug Abuse
Prevention Act Number 7 of 1992 contain other exceptions that ^ve the pouce and
security units legal authority to search persons and property without warrants in
certain circumstances. In practice, police obtain warrants in the majority of cases
before conducting any search.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government does not restrict these rights. There are four
weekly newspapers and several newspapers which publish irregularly. One of the
weeklies is affiliated with an opposition political party, but the three most widely
circulated newspapers are independent and often critical of the Government. The
newspapers routinely carry press releases by the opposition parties, including regu-
lar weekly columns expressing the opposition parties' views.
Grenada has four radio stations. The main station is part of the Grenadian Broad-
casting Corporation (GBC), a statutory body not under direct government control.
The principal television station is also part of the GBC. A privately owned television
station began broadcasting in 1992, when a cable company began operating in the
capital area with plans to expand eventually throughout the country. Throughout
the year, the television news often carried reports on opposition activities, including
coverage of political rallies held by various political parties and candidates, public
forums featuring political leaders of each of tne major parties, and other public serv-
ice broadcasts. The Government granted several new licenses for radio stations dur-
ing the year. A direct satellite broadcast subscription television service was to be
introduced at the end of the year.
525
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right to assemble for any peaceful purpose. Supporters of political parties meet
frequently and hold public rallies; the authorities require permits for the use of a
public address system but not for public meetings themselves.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The Constitution provides for freedom of movement within the country,
and all citizens have the right to enter and leave the country, except in special cir-
cumstances as outlined in and limited by the 1986 Act to Restrict the Freedom of
Movement of Certain Persons. This law allows the Minister for National Security
to restrict travel out of the country by any person whose aims, tendencies, or objec-
tives include the overthrow of the democratic and parliamentary system of govern-
ment; it has not been invoked in the past few years. Anyone so restricted may ap-
peal after 3 months to an independent and impartial tribunal. The Chief Justice ap-
points an accredited lawyer to preside over such a tribunal.
No formal government policy toward refugee or asylum requests exists. The issue
of provision of first asylum did not arise. There were no reports of forced expulsion
of anyone having a valid claim to refugee status; however, government practice re-
mains undefined!
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. The next parliamentary elections
must be held by October 2000.
There are no restrictions in law or practice on participation by women in govern-
ment and politics. Three of the 15 elected members of Parliament are women, as
well as 1 of the 13 appointed Senators (who also serves as Deputy President of the
Senate). Women account for 6 of the 12 permanent secretaries, the highest civil
service position in each ministry; in addition, a woman is the Cabinet Secretary, the
highest civil service position in the Government.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Local human rights groups operate without government restriction, and the Gov-
ernment cooperates with visits from international human rights organizations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based upon race, place of origin, politi-
cal opinions, color, creed, or sex, and the Government generally adheres to these
provisions.
Women. — Knowledgeable women's rights monitors report that violence against
women is conumon and that most cases of spousal abuse go unreported. The police
confirm that most cases of alleged abuse are not reported and others are settled out
of court. The law stipulates a sentence of 15 years' imprisonment for a conviction
of rape. Sentences for assault against a spouse vary according to the severity of the
incident. There is no evidence of official discrimination in health care, employment,
or education. Women frequently earn less than men performing the same work; such
wage differences are less marked for the more highly paid jobs.
Children. — The Social Welfare Division within the Ministry of Labor provides pro-
bationary and rehabiHtative services to youths, day care services and social work
firograms to families, assistance to families wishing to adopt or foster children, and
inancial assistance to the three children's homes run by private organizations.
Government social service agencies reported an increase in the number of child
abuse cases, including sexual abuse. The law provides for harsh penalties against
those convicted of child abuse and disallows the victim's alleged "consent" as a de-
fense in cases of incest. Women's organizations and and other nongovernmental or-
ganizations increased their public awareness efforts to recognize and combat sexual
abuse of women and children.
People With Disabilities. — The law does not protect job seekers with disabilities
from discrimination in employment, nor does it mandate provision of accessibility
for public buildings or services. The National Council for the Disabled, which re-
ceives a small amount of financial assistance from the Government, was instrumen-
tal in placing visually impaired students into community schools, which were pre-
viously reluctant to accept them in some cases. The Council also approached archi-
526
tects to assist in construction of ramps at various hotels and public buildings, and
ramps have already been installed at some hotels.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. TVic Right of Association. — All workers are free to organize independent labor
unions. Later Rlinistry ofilcials estimate that the share of the work force that is
unionized is between 20 and 25 percent. Union leaders play a significant role in the
Political process, and one labor leader serves in the Senate on behalf of the Grenada
rades Union Council (GTUC).
Workers in the private and public sectors are free to strike, once legal and proce-
dural requirements are met. There were several incidents of industrial action, in-
cluding strikes, but all were short-lived and settled with the intervention of the
Labor Commission, the Minister of Labor or the Industrial Court. All unions are
technically free of government control, and none receive government financial sup-
port. However, all the major unions belong to one umbrella labor federation, the
GTUC, which is subsidized by the Government. The GTUC holds annual conven-
tions and determines some policies for member unions.
The GTUC and its unions freely affiliate with regional and international trade
union groups.
b. The Ri^ht to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers are free to organize
and to participate in collective bargaining. Legislation requires employers to recog-
nize a union that represents the majority of workers in a particular business. The
law prohibits discrimination by employers against union members and organizers.
If a complaint of discrimination arises, mechanisms exist to resolve it. After all ave-
nues for resolving a complaint have been exhausted between union representatives
and employers, both sides may agree to ask for the assistance of the Labor Commis-
sioner. If the Labor Commissioner is unable to find a resolution to the impasse, the
Minister of Labor intervenes and, if unable to reach an agreement, may appoint an
arbitration tribunal if both parties agree to abide by its ruling. The law requires
employers found guilty of antiunion discrimination to rehire dismissed employees,
but in most cases the employee accepts the option of compensation. There were no
cases of antiunion discrimination reported to the Ministry in 1997.
Unions may organize and bargain anywhere in the country, including, in theory,
export processing zones (EPZ's), which are not exempted from labor legislation.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution specifically pro-
hibits forced labor, including that of children, and there were no reports of it.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Child
labor, including forced or bonded labor, is illegal and does not occur (see Section
6.C.). The statutory minimum age for employment of children is 18 years. Inspectors
from the Ministry of Labor enforce this provision in the formal sector by periodic
checks. Enforcement efibrts in the informal sector are lax.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Legislation sets minimum daily wage rates for
the agricultural, industrial, and commercial sectors. Most recently revised in 1994,
minimum wages for farm laborers are $5.73 (EC$15.48) per day for men and $5.33
(EC$14.40) for women. Most workers, including nonunionized ones, receive other
benefits from their employers throu^ the collective bargaining agreements reached
with that firm's unionized workers. Even when these benefits are added to wages
from a fiill-time minimum wage job, it is insufficient to provide a decent standard
of living for a worker and family.
The law does not prescribe a set number of hours as the standard workweek, ex-
cept for the public sector which is expected to work a 40-hour week Monday through
Friday. The normal workweek in all sectors seldom exceeds 40 hours, although in
the commercial sector this includes Saturday morning work.
The Government sets health and safety standards, but they are minimal, and the
authorities do not effectively enforce them. Workers can remove themselves from
dangerous workplace situations without jeopardy to continued employment.
GUATEMALA
Guatemala is a democratic republic with separation of government powers and a
centralized national administration. The 1985 Constitution provides for election by
universal suffrage of a one-term president and a unicameral congi^ess. It also man-
dates a Human Rights Ombudsman (PDH), who is elected by and reports to the
Congress. In the November 1995 elections for president, vice president, congress,
and municipal offices, the National Advancement Party (PAN) won 42 of the 80 con-
gressional seats; however, no presidential candidate received an absolute majority
527
of the votes. Alvaro Arzu Irigoyen of the PAN won the runoff presidential election
and took office in January 1996. Reflecting a greater opening for political activity,
24 parties, including a broad front coalition composed of civic, human rights, and
labor leaders, campaigned in the free and fair elections. The judiciary is independ-
ent, but suffers from inefficiency and corruption.
The Arzu administration ended 36 years of internal conflict by siting a com-
prehensive peace agreement with the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unity
(URNG) guerrillas on December 29, 1996. Implementation of the Peace Accords
began almost immediately: Demobilization of the URNG guerrillas was completed
in May, the Mobile Military Police (PMA) were disbandea ahead of schedule, and
the Government reduced the size of the military forces. As called for in the accords,
the Government proposed and Congress enacted a wide-ranging series of legal re-
forms to protect numan rights, strengthen civiUan control of the military, address
discrimination against the indigenous population, and lay the groundwork for fur-
ther pohtical and socioeconomic reforms. In the wtike of the final Peace Accords, the
manoate of the U.N. Human Rights Verification Mission (MINUGUA), estabUshed
in November 1994 to monitor compliance with the Government-URNG human rights
accord, was expanded to include peace implementation issues. The December 1996
National Reconciliation Law, which provided amnesty for some acts related to the
internal conflict, has been narrowly interpreted by the courts and its constitutional-
ity was upheld on October 8.
The Minister of Government oversees the National CiviUan Police (PNC) created
in January under the terms of the Peace Accords, which has sole responsibility for
internal security. There are no active members of the military in the police com-
mand structure, but President Arzu ordered the army to support the police in re-
sponse to public concern about a nationwide wave of violent crime. The Presidential
Military Staff (EMP) continued to exercise a law-enforcement role. Some members
of the police and security forces committed human rights violations.
TTie agricultural-based, private sector-oriented economy grew by approximately
5.0 percent in real terms. Coffee, sugar, and bananas are the leading exports, and
more than half the work force is engaged in agriculture. Inflation was about 9 per-
cent in 1996. There is a marked disparity in income distribution, and poverty is per-
vasive, particularly in the large indigenous community. According to U.N. statistics,
approximately 80 percent of the citizens live in poverty, with 59 percent in extreme
poverty. Per capita gross national product was approximately $1,450 in 1996.
The significant improvement in the overall human rights situation under the Arzu
administration continued. In contrast to past years, there was a marked decline in
new cases of human rights abuses, but problems remain in some areas. Positive po-
litical developments and the reduction of the size of the security forces, stemming
from successful implementation of the Peace Accords, were major factors in these
changes. Nevertheless, members of the security forces were irnplicated in some
extrajudicial killings and mistreated suspects and detainees. MINUGUA and other
human rights monitors accused the EMP of serious human rights abuses, including
at least one forced disappearance. Prison conditions remain harsh. Arbitrary arrest
and detention, and lengthy pretrial detention, remain problems. Efforts to reform
the police and judicieiry continued in an attempt to eliminate the climate of inipu-
nity, and the Government initiated some prosecutions of human rights abusers. The
failure to resolve past serious human rights abuses remains a major problem. With
judges and other law enforcement officials subject to intimidation and corruption,
the inefficient judicial system is often unable to ensure fair trials and due process.
Elements of the security forces infringed on citizens' privacy rights. Discrimination
and violence against women persisted, as did societal abuse of children and discrimi-
nation against the disabled and indigenous people. Lynchings and mob attacks con-
tinued, and the Government was unable to prosecute the perpetrators.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were isolated allegations of
politically motivated killings during the year; however, none of these were con-
urmed.
The number of extrajudicial killings continued to decline and the nature of viola-
tions changed. In contrast with the past, government security forces no longer car-
ried out campaigns that resulted in numerous extrajudicial killings. Nevertheless,
members of the security forces were implicated in some extrajudicial killings and
other abuses. Victims and their families no longer feared to speak out, and the Gov-
ernment demonstrated a willingness to arrest and prosecute those responsible. How-
ever, the scarcity of law enforcement resources and a weak prosecutorial and judi-
528
cial system prevented the Government from adequately investigating many killings
or other crimes or arresting and prosecuting perpetrators.
The PDH's office, which generally compiles data based on personal interviews
with victims and their families, listed 66 cases of possible extrajudicial killings in
the first 6 months of the year, compared with 173 in all of 1996, and 216 in 1995.
Using media reports and interviews with victims and their relatives, the Arch-
bishop's Human Rights ORice (ODHAG) compiled 118 reports of extrajudicial
killings during the year, only 9 of which were confirmed, compared with 120 in all
of 1996. MINUGUA listed 40 complaints of extrajudicial killings during the year
and confirmed 40 cases, but many of those confirmed were from 1996.
The final p>eace accord signed in December 1996 codified a cease-fire in effect since
March of that year. By March the URNG guerrillas had peacefully assembled in de-
mobilization camps, and by May they had relinquished their weapons. The military
undertook a thorough restructuring and closed a number of military bases in the
interior of the country. It had ceased counter-insurgency operations early in 1996.
The signing of the Peace Accords and the Government's success in disbanding the
PMA and disarming and disbanding the Civilian Defense Patrols (PAC's), which
supported and supplemented the army during the years of conflict, helped create a
more favorable human rights climate.
The Government and human rights groups pressed charges against a number of
former PAG members and military commissioners for crimes committed during the
internal conflict. In a significant departure from past practice, a court convicted a
military commissioner of murder in September for a 1994 killing. (Military Commis-
sioners, formally decommissioned on September 15, 1995, were generally local civil-
ian leaders who represented the army, serving as intermediaries with PAC mem-
bers.) In a sign of changing public attitudes, the outcry following the acquittal of
former military commissioner Candido Noriega of 158 criminal charges — mostly for
crimes committed in the early 1980's — led to the suspension of the presiding judge
and a successful motion for a new trial.
Nonetheless, intimidation of witnesses continued to be a problem. For example,
the chief prosecutor announced in September that he had received death threats
similar to those directed against the prosecutor and the investigative team in the
case of Alfredo Moreno, accused head of a customs fraud network. The team in
charge of the investigation kept the witness list confidential, provided protection for
witnesses since the investigation began, and arranged possible future asylum for
some of them who are expected to provide sensitive testimony. Nonetheless, family
members assert that a murdered customs agent, as well as four other persons, were
killed to prevent their testimony. It is not clear, however, that any of those were
planned witnesses. In another instance, on October 8, unknown assailants shot and
killed Edgar Estuardo Motta Gonzalez in front of his house. Motta had testified that
three policemen had kidnaped and shot him and a friend and left them for dead
in February 1995. The friend died; the court found the police officers guilty and sen-
tenced them to death. Motta had been provided witness protection Tor some time,
but it was dropped after the conviction when threats appeared to have passed.
Popular frustration with the inability of the Government to control crime, and of
the courts to assure speedy justice, contributed to lynchings and mob attacks
throughout the year. Statistics are not available, but reliable sources estimate that
about 90 people were lynched during the year, about 45 of whom were killed by
mobs, for alleged crimes ranging from murder to petty theft. There was no evidence
that these mobs were incited for political reasons. Most of the attacks took place
in rural areas. The police, sometimes with the assistance of the militarv or volun-
teer firemen, were often successful in rescuing victims of mob attacks. The Govern-
ment opened prosecutions against the instigators of a few of these attacks.
On October 28, former Minister of Government Danilo Parrinello Blanco, former
Vice-Minister of Government Mario Alfredo Merida Gonzalez, and former police
chief Salvador Figueroa, who were sentenced in July to 10 years in prison for the
1994 death of Umversity of San Carlos student demonstrator Mario Alioto Sanchez,
were absolved of homicide charges on appeal. In a controversial ruling, a lower court
had found the three guilty, given their places in the chain of command, of issuing
orders to the police to use force if necessary to maintain order. The appeals court
found that the verdict violated the Constitution and cited laws granting protection
to government officials taking measures to preserve public order. The appeals court
also absolved a policeman sentenced to 10 years in the July verdict and reduced
charges against Carlos Venancio Escobar Fernandez, the policeman who shot
Sanchez, from first degree murder to unintentional homicide; nis sentence was cut
from 30 years to 10. Police officers accused of lesser charges against other students
were also absolved.
529
On November 21, former PAC member Juan Acabal Pazan was convicted and sen-
tenced to 30 years in prison for his role in the 1993 murder of newspaper publisher
and former presidential candidate Jorge Carpio and three others. The court also
convicted Acabal of two other 1993 murders unrelated to the Carpio case. (The 30-
year sentence is for all six murders for which Acabal was found guilty.) Charges in
the Carpio case remain pending against six other former PAC members, all of whom
were allegedly part of a gang; all remained at large at year's end.
There have been about 100 cemeteries exhumed in the past 5 years. Most of the
bodies recovered have been those of victims of military or paramilitsiry killings in
areas like Rabinal, Las Dos Erres, and Panzos. Forensics groups are using the infor-
mation obtained from the exhumations to verify eyewitness rejjorts of massacres
and to determine at least in general who might have been responsible. The evidence
may be used in some criminal cases and in the report of the recently formed Histori-
cal Clarification Commission (CEH — see Section 4). The ODHAG's Forensic Anthro-
pology Unit exhumed a burial site at Chacalte at the CEITs request. The unit found
almost 200 victims of a guerrilla massacre, most of them women and children, and
most decapitated. A few survivors reported that the guerrillas took several hours
to kill the populace of Chacalte and didn't want the noise of bullets to scare others
away before the patrol could finish. No case based on evidence from an exhumation
has yet been brought to court. The 1982 military massacre at Las Dos Erres is ex-
pected to be the first case; it was still under investigation at year's end.
Judicial proceedings continued in the case of the October 1995 killing of 11 re-
turned refugees at the Xaman ranch in Alta Verapaz by an army patrol. In January
1996, the Constitutional Court upheld the constitutionality of a statute defining
extrajudicial killing. Hearings on procedural questions have been exhausted and the
trial was expected to proceed in early 1998. The 24 soldiers accused in the case re-
mained in jail pending trial.
In September a court sentenced former military commissioner Armando Tucubal
to 20 years in prison with no parole for the 1994 murder of evangelical minister
Pascual Serech in Chimaltenango. It acquitted Paula Car Tibio, also accused in the
Serech killing. Victor Roman, an alleged collaborator with Tucubal and also the ac-
cused perpetrator of the 1995 murder of evangelical pastor Manuel Saquic, re-
mained at large despite an order for his capture and an offer of a reward.
In August tne authorities reactivated the case of the 1994 murder of Constitu-
tional Court president Epaminondas Gonzalez Dubon. A lower court raised the
charges against Marlon Oliver Salazar Lopez and Roberto Antonio Trabanino
Vargas from homicide to first degree murder, a third person accused in the case,
Mano Rene Salazar Lopez, brother of Marlon, remained at large.
The August 1994 killing of three workers at the La Exacta farm remained under
investigation at year's end. Although the criminal case has stalled, negotiations are
continuing with the Center for Legal Assistance in Human Rights acting as the
community's representative in discussions with the Government, through the Presi-
dent's Human Rights Commission (COPREDEH). The parties are in the process of
amicable settlement procedures under the auspices of the Inter-American Commis-
sion on Human Rights (lACHR). Charges are still pending in the labor court, and
a criminal case is still possible.
A trial was expected to begin in early 1998 in the case against three miHtary offi-
cers accused of ordering the 1990 murder of anthropologist Myma Mack. In October
1996, the Supreme Court had ruled that the three officers would face trial under
the previous Criminal Procedures Code, which severely limited the evidence against
them, and that an earlier investigation of their complicity conducted by the prosecu-
tion was inadmissable. The Constitutional Court overturned that decision in August;
the trial is to proceed under the new Criminal Procedures Code, which allows oral
testimony, and with new evidence from the prosecution's investigation.
The Government announced in February that it had reached a settlement with
the plaintiffs before the lACHR in the case of the murder of anti-PAC demonstrator
Juan Chanay Pablo. The criminal case against the PAC members accused of killing
Chanay in Colotenango during a demonstration in August 1993 remained before the
courts, having been remanded for a retrial by an appellate court.
The authorities arrested a former PAC member in March for the 1985 killings of
American journalists Nicholas Blake and Griffith Davis. The investigation of other
former PAC members for complicity in this crime is continuing.
The December 1996 National Reconciliation Law, which provided amnesty for
some acts related to the internal conflict, was narrowly interpreted by the courts.
The courts denied amnesty to several high profile defendants, including the con-
victed murderers of U.S. citizen Michael Devine and the army officers accused of
ordering the murder of Myma Mack. The only amnesties granted were to six URNG
530
members accused of transporting weapons and using false documents. On October
8, the Constitutional Court upheld the constitutionality of the reconciliation law.
There was no progress in resolving other past extrajudicial killings: The "white
van case;" the 1989 disappearances of 10 university students, 5 of whom were later
found dead; the 1990 kilUngs of Salvadorans Hector Oaueli Colindres and Gilda Flo-
res; the 1990 disappearance of Maria Tiu Tojin and ner daughter; the murder of
Miguel Us Mejia, a member of CERJ (an indigenous human rights organization),
and his wife, Lucia Tiu Tum; the 1991 killing of Jose Luis Merida Escobar; the 1991
disappearance of Diego Domingo Martin; the 1992 kidnaping, torture, and murder
of Huehuetenango peasant Lucas Perez Tadeo; the 1993 snooting of street child
Francisco Tziac; the 1993 shooting of student protester Abner Abdiel Hernandez
Orellana; and the 1996 killing of Narciso Alcor.
b. Disappearance. — ^There were no credible reports of disappearances attributed to
official forces.
The PDffs office investigated 17 complaints of forced disappearance in the first
half of 1997, compared with 47 for all of 1996. While motives in the incidents re-
ported by the PDH are difficult to determine, the victims were not, in general, politi-
cally active. Using a more restrictive definition than the PDH, the ODHAG reported
no forced disappearances during the year. MINUGUA reported three complaints of
forced disappearance. MINUGUA and the PDH confirmed only one disappearance,
the "^incho case from 1996.
In May MINUGUA reported that Juan Jose Cabrera, a guerrilla commander also
known as Mincho, had been captured in October 1996, together with Rafael
Valdizon Nunez, also known as "Isaias." The two were involved in the kidnaping
of 85-year-old Olga Novella, the matriarch of a prominent Guatemalan family.
Isaias was released in a negotiated exchange for Novella, but MINUGUA could not
determine the whereabouts of Cabrera. MINUGUA concluded that the Presidential
Military Staff was responsible for the capture of the two and criticized the Govern-
ment for failing to cooperate with its investigation by denying MINUGUA represent-
atives access to those it believes are responsiole for the capture.
Disappearances in high-profile cases from recent years remained unresolved at
year's end. Amoldo Xi, a community leader in Tbdla, Purulha, Baja Verapaz and
a member of CONIC (an indigenous and peasant rights group) remained missing.
Armed men reportedly wounded him with gunfire and abducted him in March 1995,
while he was taking part in a land invasion. The whereabouts are unknown of Sal-
vador de la Rosa, a member of a military patrol who disappeared in March 1995,
and of Lorenzo Quiej Pu, a member of CONDEG (an organization dedicated to help-
ing Guatemalans internally displaced due to the armed conflict), who disappeared
in January 1994. The disappearances of San Marcos PAC members Margarito Lopez
and Obdulio Zapeta, army enlisted man Diego Chel Matom, and farmers Ramona
Munoz and Maritza Gil, who were allegedly kidnaped in 1993 by guerrillas, also re-
mained unresolved at year's end.
Legal developments in court cases failed to shed any light on the fate of guerrilla
leader Efrain Bamaca Velasquez, who disapp)eared following a March 1992 clash be-
tween army and URNG forces. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has not
yet ruled on a case it accepted in 1996 against the Government regarding Bamaca's
disappearance.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution provides for the integrity and security of the person and prohibits
physical or psychological torture of prisoners. However, there were credible reports
of mistreatment by members of the security forces.
The PDH's office listed only 1 potential case of torture in 1997, compared with
12 in 1996. The ODHAG listed no cases of torture, compared with four cases in 1996
and five cases in 1995.
Casa Alianza and the COPREDEH reported no instances in which the National
Police abused street children. Other groups cite abuses of street children, cases that
Casa Alianza and the PDH attribute to lamily members, gangs, and in some cases
private security guards. Since November 1996, the courts have convicted five people,
including two police officers and one military officer, of abusing street children. The
criminal case against the five policemen charged in the March 1994 baton beating
of Luis Antonio Koldan Izeppi remained pending.
Reports of police use oi excessive force in evictions tangibly declined. Landless
peasants occupied a number of farms throughout the year in attempts to gain land.
Although some of the invaders were armed, the occupations were generally peaceful.
Because of violent confrontations in the past, the Government's policy was to secure
an eviction order from an appropriate court, inform the occupiers of the coming evic-
tion, and send in a lightly armed contingent of police to end the occupation. The
531
Ministry of Government carried out numerous evictions without incident during the
year using this policy.
Corruption continued to be a problem with the old police force, and there were
credible allegations of involvement by some individual police in criminal activity, in-
cluding kidnaping. The Government is in the process of training and flelding a new
National Civiuan Police. All PNC members must meet minimum education require-
ments and pass an entrtmce examination. All members of the old force were to un-
dergo significant retraining before incorporation into the new force. New recruits
m^ust complete a 6-month training course before entering on duty. The training
course, developed with the assistance of MINUGUA and other countries and inter-
national oi^anizations, includes extensive human ri^ts components. A total of
1,200 PNC oflicers entered on duty in Guatemala City in July. Government plans
call for 20,000 PNC officers to be on duty around the country oy 2000, up from the
current force of 12,000.
In May the lACHR found that the Cerezo government had violated the human
rights of U.S. citizen nun Dianna Ortiz in 1989. Following this decision, at the re-
quest of the Public Ministry, the presiding judge ordered the case reopened. Pros-
ecutors were studying how to take a written deposition from Sister Dianna in the
United States that would be admissible in a Guatemalan court.
Prison conditions are harsh but not life threatening. The prison system sufTers
from a serious lack of resoui'ces, particularly in the areas of prison security and
medical faciUties. The Government reports that prison capacity is 7,100 persons.
Prisoners frequently complain of overcrowding, although there were approximately
6,850 inmates at mid-year. Prisoners also complain of inadequate food. Cforruption —
especially drug-related — is widespread. Prison officials report increasing incidents of
escapes and other manifestations of prisoner unrest. Female prisoners are held in
facilities separate from men, and minor children are held in other detention facili-
ties.
The Government permits access to prisons by family members and independent
international monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Despite legal safeguards, there were fre-
?[uent credible reports of arrests without judicial warrants, illegal detention, and
ailure to adhere to prescribed time limits in legal proceedings. The Constitution re-
quires that a court-issued arrest warrant be presented to a suspect prior to arrest
unless he is caught in the act of committing a crime. Police may not detain a sus-
pect for over 6 hours without bringing the case before a judge. The law also provides
for bail and access to lawyers.
There are no reliable data on the number of arbitrary detentions, althou^ most
accounts agree that the security forces routinely ignore writs of habeas corpus in
cases of illegal detention. There were approximately 6,400 men and 450 women im-
prisoned at mid-year. Reliable estimates suggest that about 70 percent have been
sentenced, and 30 percent are awaiting sentencing. Prisoners are often detained
past their legal trial or release dates. Prisoners are sometimes not released in a
timely fashion after completing their sentences due to the failure of judges to issue
the necessary court order.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and it is not practiced. There are instances of
threatened individuals fleeing the country.
e. Denial of Fair Public TYial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. Although independent, the judicial system often fails to provide fair trials due
to inefficiency, corruption, and intimidation of judges and prosecutors. The courts'
response to human rights violations, as well as to general criminal activity, has
been inadequate. Members of the judiciary and prosecutors continued to receive
threats aimed at influencing current decisions or as reprisals for past decisions. On
September 29, the judge m a court responsible for investigating and bringing
chaives against a drug trafficking ring announced his resignation on account of
death threats. Jud^e Victor Hugo Salguero complained that he was not even allowed
time off to move his family to a safer location. The Supreme Court asked President
Arzu to provide increased security for judicial personnel assigned to sensitive cases
or to areas of conflict. The Court stated that justice suffers when judges are pres-
sured to free prisoners, disallow evidence, or delay trials on technicalities, all of
which contribute to public dissatisfaction with the legal system. Public prosecutors
and private plaintiffs also received threats.
The judiciary is composed of a Constitutional Court, a Supreme Court, appellate
courts, lower courts, and courts of special jurisdiction (e.g., labor courts). The Con-
stitution provides that the Congress elect Supreme Court and appellate court mag-
istrates from lists prepared by panels comprised of active magistrates, representa-
tives of the bar association, and law school aeans.
532
The Criminal Procedures Code, which came into effect in mid- 1994, provides for
the presumption of innocence, the right to be present at trial, the right to counsel,
and the possibility of release on bail. Trials are public and verdicts are rendered
by three-judge panels. The Code also provides for lan^age interpretation for those
who require it (see Section 5). The State's Public Mmistry, which is independent
from the executive branch, may initiate criminal proceedings on its own or in re-
sponse to a complaint. IVivate parties may participate in the prosecution of criminal
cases as co-complainants. Lengthy investigations and frequent procedural motions
by both defense and prosecution often lead to excessively long pretrial detention.
Inefficiency and corruption in the courts. Public Ministry, and police continue to
impede the proper functioning of the judicial system and undermine the right to due
process. In a departure from past years, the Supreme Court suspended several
judges for irregularities in cases under their jurisdiction. A modernization plan for
the judiciary (frafted by the Supreme Court identified the following problem areas:
Inaaequacy in carrying out court functions, limited access to administration of jus-
tice, corruption, deficient institutional management, and lack of confidence in the
court system by the public. A peace accord-mandated commission including promi-
nent jurists, scholars, and a human rights activist issued recommendations for con-
stitutional reforms intended to improve the functioning of the judicial system. In Oc-
tober Congress passed a bill implementing these recommendations, one of which cre-
ates a pUot program of five community courts in an effort to decentralize justice and
incorporate customary law for minor offenses.
The Public Ministry has been hampered in its efforts to investigate crimes and
prosecute offenders by inadequate training and equipment and insufncient numbers
of investigators. In addition, prosecutors are susceptible to intimidation and corrup-
tion. One key reform during the year was standardization of procedures to govern
criminal investigations. Coordination of investigations between the Public Ministry
and the PNC is improving, due to a new coorcunating committee composed of rep-
resentatives from the Supreme Court, the Ministry of Government, and the PubUc
Ministry.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of home, correspondence, and private doc-
uments, but accusations persist that the authorities sometimes disregard these pro-
visions. Elements of the security forces reportedly continue to monitor private com-
munications. Press reports repeatedly accused the Presidential Military Staff of tele-
phone tapping.
The military has honored the June 1994 presidential order to suspend all con-
scription, including forced recruitment.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of expres-
sion, and the Government generally respected this right in practice.
In addition to regular and open criticism of government policies, the media pub-
licizes communiques from human rights organizations, unions, and others opposed
to the Government or its policies. The press criticizes the military and other power-
ful sectors. For example, press reports of the disappearance of Juan Jose Cabrera
(see Section l.b.) and the EMPs role in antikidnaping operations preceded the
MINUGUA investigation. The press also ran stories on reputed drug traffickers and
on official corruption.
Some journalists claim, however, that in a few particularly sensitive cases govern-
ment pressure and fears of reprisal result in self-censorship and limits on investiga-
tive reporting. There were allegations throughout the year that the CJovernment or
those purporting to speak on its behalf sou^t to discourage advertisers from buying
space or time in media outlets deemed hostile to the (jovemment.
The Government prepares public information programs, which the radio and tele-
vision stations are required to broadcast. Opposition parties have no such access to
the media, but can purchase air time.
In early December, the (Jovemment's official news organ attacked the leading
daily newspaper for publishing an article perceived as harming the CJrovemment's
efforts to attract greater tourism. In response to the incident, the Human Rights
Ombudsman declared that the (jovemment's criticism, as well as other direct and
indirect intimidation, constituted violations of the right to freedom of expression.
One section of the 1996 Telecommunications Law sou^t to rationalize the licens-
ing of radio frequencies. An unintended effect left a number of tiny local and com-
munity-owned stations operating without legal authority. These stations broadcast
cultural, educational, and religious programming to rural communities with large
indigenous populations. Althou^ the authorities have the right to close stations
533
that have not complied with the new requirements, none have been shut down.
Some station owners believe that these requirements restrict their right to free ex-
pression.
The PDH reported two coniplaints of threats against journalists, only one of which
merited investigation. The ODHAG reported no incidents of violence or threats
against the media. However, some journalists reported threats of vaiying degrees
of credibilitv; it is not clear whether the threats were related to their work. One
journalist, Jorge Luis Marroquin Sagastume, was killed in Jocotan, Chiquimula, in
June. By year's end, the investigation had not yet revealed a motive, although some
press reports implicated the mayor of Jocotan.
The Constitution provides for academic freedom. There were no reports of profes-
sors or students being subjected to violence or intinddation for their academic work.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly, and the Government respects this right in practice.
Peaceml demonstrations were common, and demonstrators sometimes occupied gov-
ernment institutions, including Congress. In all these cases, the police acted with
restraint, and the authorities negotiated a peaceful departure of the demonstrators.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government re-
spects this right in practice. The Government did not interfere with political associa-
tions. The law requires organizations to obtain legal status, a cumbersome and ex-
pensive procedure.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for religious freedom, and the
authorities respect it in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government does not restrict foreign travel, nor does it revoke citi-
zenship for political reasons. The Government did not restrict travel within the
country during the year.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees from other countries. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise.
There were no reports of forced expulsion of persons to countries where they feared
persecution. Voluntary repatriation of refugees from Mexico continued. The UNHCR
reported that approximately 2,500 refugees returned, bringing the total to over
35,000 since initiation of the program in 1993.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government by peaceful and democratic
means, through secret ballot and universal suffrage for those 18 years of age and
older. Members of the armed forces and police may not vote. Since the return to
democracy and civilian rule in 1985, there have been seven free elections. Inter-
national observers concluded that both the 1995 general elections and the 1996 run-
off presidential election were free and fair. At year's end, the former URNG guerril-
las were forming a political party and planned to compete in the 1999 general elec-
tions.
Voters elect the 80-member Congress using a system of proportional representa-
tion based on population, with deputies elected both from districts and from a na-
tionwide list. CongTCss has 64 deputies from districts and 16 from the national list.
The last elections involved 24 political parties; 6 won seats in the legislature. Con-
gress can and does act independently of the executive, but fragmentation along
party lines and a weak support structure result in a legislature that is relatively
weaK.
There are no legal impediments to women's participation in politics, but women
are underrepresented in the political arena. Nevertheless, women do hold some
prominent political positions, including the presidency of Congress. In the 1995 elec-
tions, voters elected 11 women to the 80-member Congress. Women hold two seats
on the Supreme Court and one on the Constitutional Court.
Indigenous people are entitled to equal rights under the Constitution. Some have
attained high positions as judges and government officials, including eight members
of Congiiess. In the 1995 elections, 40 indigenous candidates won mayoral positions
(out of 300 municipalities), including the mayor of Quetzaltenango, the second larg-
est citv. Nonetheless, they are still heavily underrepresented in politics due to lim-
ited educational opportunity and pervasive discrimination (see Section 5).
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government permits local human rights groups to operate freely. Numerous
domestic and international groups investigate and freely report on human rights is-
534
sues. MINUGUA maintains a stafTof 300 with regional offices to monitor implemen-
tation of the human rights provisions of the Peace Accords and to strengthen demo-
cratic institutions. MINUGUA states that the Government generally cooperated
with its investigations but cited isolated incidents in which the Government had ob-
structed its efforts (see Section l.b.). The President's Commission on Human Rights
actively sought to forge a more cooperative relationship with both domestic and
international human rights monitors, often acting as a liaison between such groups
and other branches of the Government.
The Human Rights Ombudsman is elected by and reports to Congress and often
rules on controversial issues not normally considered human rights topics, such as
gasoline prices and electricity rates. Relations between the Ombudsman's office and
le executive branch were strained. Ombudsman Jorge Mario Garcia Laguardia
complained that the Congress was neither funding his office adequately nor imple-
menting his recommendations on human rights, ^though the office was hampered
by internal administrative problems. Garcia's term as Ombudsman expired in Au-
gust; Julio Arango Escobar replaced him.
Several members of Congress, who are also leaders of human rights groups, re-
ported receiving threatening letters at various times during the year. Other high-
ranking officials working in the fields of human rights and jurisprudence com-
plained publicly and privately of receiving threats stemming from their interest in
resolving cases related to human rights violations, official corruption, and drug traf-
ficking.
The Historical Clarification Commission, created by the Peace Accords in an efibrt
to shed light on human rights abuses during past decades began work on September
1. Various human rights groups gave the CE5H voluminous documentation of viola-
tions, and the CEH is seeking additional information on its own. Human rights
groups expect the CEH to provide concrete answers on specific cases, even though
the CEH has no mandate to bring to justice those responsible for abuses; only to
provide an accounting of what happened. The CEH has one year in which to com-
plete its work.
MINUGUA, the PDH's office, and the ODHAG continued to enjoy widespread pub-
lic support and respect. Senior government officials also met with numerous foreign
government officials and international human rights monitors. While many inter-
national human rights organizations and their workers do not enjoy formal legal
status, they continue to operate freely and openly.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that all human beings are free and equal in dignity and
ri^ts, and that the State must protect the life, liberty, justice, security, peace, and
development of all citizens. In practice, however, the Government is frequently un-
able to enforce these provisions, due to inadequate resources, corruption, and a dys-
functional judicial system.
Women.-— CONAvIGUA and the PDH reported that violence against women, in-
cluding domestic violence, remains common among all social classes. There is no
specific law against domestic violence, although it is considered to fall under other
statutes. Victims rarely report criminal sexual violence, and relatively few rape
cases go to court. The law allows a rapist to be exonerated by an offer of marriage
in certain circumstances. If the girl is between the ages of 12 and 16, if she con-
sented to sex, and if she agrees to marry the man, then rape charges can be
dropped.
TTie PDH reported that complaints of spousal abuse committed by husbands have
continued to rise due to increased nationwide educational programs, which have en-
couraged women to seek assistance. There are family courts, and judges may issue
an iiy'unction against an abusive spouse or companion. The police are charged with
enforcing such injunctions. There is also a Women's Rights Department of the PDH,
and various nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) provide medical and legal as-
sistance and information on family planning. In September a Mixco man was sen-
tenced to 6 months in iail for beating his wile, the first time that a criminal penalty
has been applied in a domestic dispute.
The Constitution asserts the principle of equality between the sexes. Nonetheless,
women face job discrimination and on average receive significantly lower pay than
men. They are primarily employed in low-wage jobs in the textile industry, agri-
culture, retail businesses, and the public sector. More working women than men are
employed in the informal sector of the economy, where pay and benefits are gen-
erally lower. Women may own, manage, and inherit property on an equal basis with
men.
535
The National Women's Forum, the last of the commitments to create new civil so-
ciety bodies under the 1996 Peace Accords, was formally inaugurated on November
12. The general purpose of the forum is to broaden the participation of women in
the economic ana social development of the country. Local women's groups elected
representatives to the departmental and national levels. In addition to representa-
tives from the departments, the national assembly includes women elected to rep-
resent linguistic communities. In line with the broad goals of the forum in promot-
ing women's participation, improved access to education, health care, and credit
were among tne key topics for discussion. In effect, the forum serves as a channel
for women to make their opinions known and to effect changes in law and adminis-
tration to overcome discrimination and promote a more active role for women in so-
ciety. The forum was scheduled to meet again 6 months later.
Children. — ^The Constitution charges the Government with protecting the physical
and mental health, as well as the moral well-being, of minors. These provisions not-
withstanding, the Government in the past has not devoted sufficient resources to
ensure adequate educational and healtn services for children. Under the terms of
the Peace Accords, the Government has budgeted substantially more funding for
health tmd education in 1998, almost double the 1995 spending level.
The abuse of street children (see Section I.e.) is a serious problem in major cities.
Estimates of the number of street children range between 1,500 and 5,000, with the
majority of these youths concentrated in Guatemala City. Criminals — reported to in-
clude private security ^ards and corrupt police or military personnel — often recruit
these children into thievery or prostitution rings. The Government and a number
of NGO's operate youth centers, but the funds devoted to them are not sufficient
to alleviate the problem. The Government created a Permanent Commission for
Children and Youth in 1996 to investigate cases of mistreatment. The new Minors'
Code, which offers greater protection lor children, is scheduled to be implemented
in 1998, in order to allow the Supreme Court time to prepare its staff to apply the
new provisions.
The Presidential Human Rights Commission continued weekly meetings of the
Permanent Commission for Children, composed of representatives from Casa
AUanza and from the judicial and executive branches, with the aim of addressing
the problems of street children. The regular meetings continue, despite still tense
relations between Casa Alianza and the police, principally due to old cases which
the NGO believes the police investigated insufficiently.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution provides that the State should protect
disabled persons. Nonetheless, physically disabled persons are discriminated against
in employment practices, and few resources are devoted to combat this problem or
otherwise to assist people with disabilities. In November 1996, however. Congress
passed a law mandating equal access to public facilities, prohibiting discrimination
Dased on disability, and providing other protection.
The new law defines a disabled person as one whose physical, mental, and emo-
tional deficiencies limit performance of normal activities. It stipulates equal oppor-
tunity for disabled persons in health, education, work, recreation, sports, and cul-
tural activities and provides that all disabled persons receive the benefits of labor
laws, social security, and the right to work. The new law also establishes equal edu-
cation opfwrtunities, the requirement that buildings meet access codes, and the
right to equal pay. A National Council for the Disabled is to outline the oolitical
and internal needs of the disabled; however, implementation of the new law has
been slow.
Indigenous People. — The Constitution states that Guatemala is composed of di-
verse ethnic groups and obliges the Government to recognize, respect, and promote
the lifestyles, customs, traditions, forms of social organization, and manner of dress
of indigenous people. Indigenous people constitute over one-half the pxjpulation but
remain largely outside of tne countrys political, economic, social, and cultural main-
stream. Indigenous people were the most common victims of extrajudicial killings
and other serious human rights abuses during the internal conflict. In an effort to
implement relevant constitutional provisions, the Government established a series
of commissions, as mandated by the Peace Accords. The commissions are to present
recommendations to Confess regarding protection of indigenous culture, traditions,
lands, and sacred sites. Indigenous people are organizing into interest groups, as
well, to promote bilingual education, women's rights, and community development.
The Government is also devoting increased resources to bilingual education.
Rural indigenous people have limited educational opportunities and thus have
fewer employment opportunities. Many indigenous people are illiterate and do not
speak Spanish. Linguistic barriers hinder interaction with the Government and
limit access to public services, including the judiciary, since few ofiicials speak any
of the 21 indigenous languages. Indigenous persons arrested for crimes are often at
536
a disadvantage due to their limited comprehension of Spanish. The Criminal Proce-
dures Code states that the courts must provide interpretation for anyone requiring
such services during criminal proceedings. Ninety legal interpreters were working
at all levels of the legal system, from the police to the formal courts, to assure non-
Spanish speakers the means to bring complaints, resolve conflicts, and provide testi-
mony. Interpreters are concentrated in former conflict areas of the country; more
interpreters were in training.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the Labor Code provide work-
ers with complete freedom of association and the right to form and join trade
unions. The Grovemment does not control unions. Major reforms to the Liabor Code
in 1992 mandated steps to improve worker rights by facilitating freedom of associa-
tion, strengthening the rights of working women, increasing penalties for violations
of labor laws, and enhancing the role ofthe Labor Ministry and labor courts in en-
forcing the statutes. All workers have the right to form or join unions, including
public sector employees, with the exception of members of the security forces.
At most, 8 percent ofthe work force, or 250,000 of 3.1 million workers, are mem-
bers of labor organizations. The 1,150 registered unions in the country are inde-
pendent of government and political party domination. Labor Code amendments
nave simplified the process for unions to obtain legal status. The Minister of Labor
further revised the administrative process in May 1996, reducing the number of
steps within the Ministry for consideration of union applications and establishing
strict timetables; the time for the procedure was reduced to 20 days from 60. The
Labor Ministry also initiated a program to assist unions with their applications, and
the Minister warned officials that noncompliance with the timetable could lead to
dismissal of those responsible for the delay. These new regulations accelerated the
approval procedure and largely eliminated the backlog of^union applications. The
Labor Ministry granted legal status to 35 unions in the first half of 1997.
Workers have the right to strike, but Labor Code procedures for having a strike
recognized as legal are cumbersome. Labor organizers criticize the requirement that
two-thirds of the work force must approve a vote to strike, the prohibition of strikes
by agricultural workers at harvest time, and the ri^t of the Government to prohibit
strikes that it considers seriously harmful to the national economy. In 1996 Con-
gress approved a law that further restricted the ri^t to strike for workers employed
in essential pubUc services. The law was strongly opposed by unions and some mem-
bers of Congress, who called the measure unconstitutional and contrary to commit-
ments to the International Labor Organization (ILO). The law deems such services
as urban and interurban transport, mail, and telegraph as essential; the Constitu-
tional Court reviewed it in 1996 and declared it constitutional in January.
Those strikes that do occur are frequently in the public sector and are almost al-
ways called without legal authorization. The Government declared illegal a 1996
strike by judicial workers; the workers eventually resumed their duties and were
paid for the time they were on strike, a common outcome of such strikes. Previously,
the Government made no effort to intervene on the basis of a strike's illegality, but
the new essential services strike legislation permits it to act more forcefully. Em-
ployers may suspend workers or fire them for absence without leave if the authori-
ties have not legally approved their strike. The strike regulation law calls for bind-
ing arbitration i? an impasse has been reached after 30 days of negotiations.
The law protects workers from retribution for forming and participating in trade
union activities, but enforcement of these provisions is spotty. While an increasing
number of employers accept unionization, many routinely seek to circumvent Labor
Code provisions in order to resist union activities, which they view as historically
confrontational and disruptive. An ineffective legal system and inadequate penalties
for violations have hindered enforcement of the right to form unions and participate
in trade union activities. While workers illegally fired for union activity should,
under the Labor Code, be reinstated within 24 hours, employers often file a series
of appeals, or simply defy judicial orders of reinstatement. Penalties for defying such
orders were increased somewhat in the 1992 Labor Code reform.
Trade union leaders and members did not suffer labor-related violence. Some pub-
lic sector union leaders reported receiving threats against themselves and their fam-
ilies. Investigations continued into previous years' cases of violence, including mur-
der, against various labor leaders, although some of these investigations appear to
have been suspended for lack of evidence.
An active "solidarity" movement claims approximately 167,000 members in 437
companies. Unions may legally operate in workplaces that have solidarity associa-
tions, and workers have the right to choose between the two or to belong to both.
The Government views these associations as civic organizations that need not inter-
537
fere with the functioning of trade unions. The amended Labor Code stipulates very
clearly that trade unions have an exclusive right to bargain collectively over work
conditions on behalf of workers. Unions charge, however, that management pro-
motes solidarity associations to avoid the formation of trade unions or to compete
with existing labor unions. There are credible reports that some of these associa-
tions did not always adhere to democratic principles in their formation and manage-
ment, and that workers fire unable to participate fiilly and freely in decisionmaking.
Similar credible charges are made against some trade unions.
At the reauest of trade union leaders, the independent human rights Ombuds-
man, throu^ its office for economic and social issues, receives complaints related
to trade union activities. Union leaders and workers filed occasional complaints with
the PDH during the year, and the Ombudsman has spoken out in public statements
about labor conditions in various sectors of the economy. The PDH can investigate
union complaints and issue a statement, but the office has no enforcement powers
beyond attempting to ameliorate the situation through publicity and moral j>ersua-
sion.
Unions may and do form federations and confederations and join international or-
ganizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Woricers have the right to or-
ganize and bargain collectively. However, the practice of collective bargaining is lim-
ited by the weak structure of the union movement, the requirement that 25 percent
of the workers in a factory or business must be union members in order for collec-
tive bargaining to take place, the lack of experience with this practice, and the pref-
erence of management in many cases to avoid formal ties with trade unions. While
both management and the unions honored some well-written collective contracts, in
other instances both parties openly ignored and violated contracts. Most workers,
even those organized by trade unions, do not have collective contracts to cover their
wages and working conditions but do have individual contracts as required by law.
Most woricers receive the minimum wages established by bipartite commissions,
which operate under the guidance of the Ministry of Labor.
Employers cannot legally dismiss workers for helping to form a trade union; work-
ers file complaints in this regard with the labor inspectors for resolution. The Labor
Code provides for the ri^t of employers to fire union workers for cause, permits
workers to appeal their dismissal to the labor courts, and requires the reinstate-
ment within 24 hours of any union worker fired without cause. The revised Code
prohibits employers from firing workers for union organizing and protects them for
60 days following the official publication of approval of the union. It also prohibits
employers from nring any member of the executive committee of a union and pro-
tects them for an additional 12 months after they are no longer on the executive
committee. An employer may fire a member of the union's executive committee for
cause only after a trial and issuance of a court resolution.
Labor courts responsible for enforcing labor laws continued to be generally ineffec-
tive. Although two labor courts, the sixth and seventh, continued to function, efforts
to restructure and modernize the labor court system made little headway. However,
in November 1996 the president of the Supreme Court announced creation of eight
new labor courts and two appeals courts. Seven of the new labor courts have been
constituted and are accepting cases. A heavy backlog of labor cases continued to clog
the courts due to inefficiency and lack of resources, especially competent judges.
There is only spotty enforcement of the Labor Code, due to the scarcity of labor in-
spectors, continuing though declining corruption, the lack of adequate training and
resources, and structural weaknesses in the labor court system. Nonetheless, en-
forcement is improving £is new labor inspectors complete training and begin work
at the 21 branch offices outside the capital, allowing the Ministry of Labor to in-
crease significantly its rate of inspections. The Ministry continued a series of inspec-
tions at farms and plantations in rural areas, especially in Alta and B^a Verapaz,
and cited those employers who were not paying the minimum wage. The nuniber
of ranches in these regions paying below the minimum wage dropped from 42.6 per-
cent of the total number inspected to 13.9 percent after completion of the program.
The Ministry of Labor reorganized its labor inspector corps to permit some com-
plaints to be heard at the Ministry of Labor rather than requiring that inspectors
travel to each woric site. The Ministry increased the number of court cases fued for
failure to comply with the Labor Code and has begun an educational campaign on
worker rights (especially the rights of minors and female workers), including provid-
ing some documents in indigenous languages. In an effort to improve enforcement
of the Labor Code outside the capital, the Ministry of Labor began an effort to de-
centralize its operations, beginning by of>ening a branch office in Coban, Alta
Verapaz, in addition to the 21 labor inspector branch offices.
538
Labor laws and regulations apply throughout the country, including in the few ex-
port processing zones (EPZ*s). The laws governing the EPZ's are not discriminatory
on the subject of organizing trade unions or collective bargaining. Union leaders
often blame employer pressures and their unofficially restricted eiccess to the EPZ's
for their virtual inability to organize workers in these zones. While labor standards
in the EPZ's are no different from those found outside the zones, actual working
conditions are often better.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution bars forced or
compulsory labor, and the practice does not exist. The law does not speciiically pro-
hibit forced or bonded labor by children, but they are covered by the general statute.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution bars employment of minors under the age of 14 without written permission
from the Ministry of Labor. However, children below this age are regularly em-
ployed in the informal and agricultural sectors, usually in small family enterprises.
The laws prohibit minors from night work and extra hours (the legal workday for
minors under the age of 14 is 6 hours; for minors 14 to 17 years of age, 7 hours),
from working in establishments where alcoholic beverages are served, or from work-
ing in unhealthy or dangerous conditions. Laws governing the employment of mi-
nors are not eflectively enforced, due to the shortage of qualified labor inspectors
and structural weaknesses in the labor court system. While only 5,000 minors have
permission from the Labor Ministry to work legally, thousands of others working
without legal permission are open to exploitation, generally receiving no social bene-
fits, social insurance, vacations, or severance pay, and below minimum salaries.
The Labor Ministry has a program to educate minors, their parents, and employ-
ers on the rights of minors in the labor market. Economic necessity, however, forces
most families to have their children seek some type of employment to supplement
family income. Children who work generally do so in family enterprises. There is
no forced or bonded labor of children (see Section 6.c.). ITiere are no export indus-
tries in which child labor is a significant factor.
The Constitution provides for compulsory education for all children up to the age
of 12 or to the sixth grade. However, less than half the population actually receives
a primary education. Children in rural and indigenous areas are less likely to com-
plete primary school.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Although the law sets minimum wages, the le-
gally mandated minimum wage for most unskilled and semiskilled workers is not
always paid. A bipartite committee representing labor and management in specific
economic sectors is named each year to make recommendations for increases in the
minimum wage. In the event that agreement is not possible, the Government may
decree such increases. The most recent minimum wage increase took effect in De-
cember. The basic rate is $3.28 (19.71 quetzales) for industrial workers for an 8-
hour workday, including a required hourly bonus, and is $2.98 (17.86 quetzales) per
day plus mandatory productivity bonuses for agricultural workers. The minimum
wage is not sufficient to provide even a minimum standard of living for a worker
and family. According to the U.N. Development Program, an estimated 80 percent
of the population lives below the poverty line, including approximately 60 percent
of those employed.
The legal workday is 8 hours, and the workweek is 44 hours, but a tradition of
longer hours remains in place due to economic conditions. The amended Labor Code
requires a weekly paid rest period of at least 24 hours. Trade union leaders and
human rights groups charge that workers are sometimes forced to work overtime,
often without premium pay, in order to meet work requirements. Labor inspectors
report uncovering numerous instances of such abuses, but the lack of stiff fines or
strong regulatory sanctions, as well as inefficiencies in the labor court system, in-
hibit adequate enforcement of the law.
Occupational health and safety standards are inadequate. As with other aspects
of the labor law, enforcement of standards that do exist is also inadequate. WoI^ters
have the legal right to remove themselves from dangerous workplace situations, and
the law provides them with protection for their continued employment. However,
few workers are willing to jeopardize their jobs by complaining about unsafe worst-
ing conditions. When serious or fatal industrial accidents do occur, the authorities
generally take no legal steps against those responsible. The Labor Ministry provides
training courses for labor inspectors in health and safety standards but does not ac-
cord them a high priority due to scarce resources. The Government does not effec-
tively enforce legislation requiring companies with more than 50 employees to pro-
vide on-site medical facilities for their workers, although most large employers do
provide such facilities.
539
GUYANA
The Co-operative Republic of Guyana is a small, developing democracy with a uni-
cameral 65-member parliament chosen by direct elections in a multiparty political
system. The President appoints a Prime Minister and a cabinet. In March President
Cheddi Jagan of the Peoples' Progressive Party (PPP), who had been elected in 1992
in the first democratic election since 1965, died suddenly. Prime Minister Samuel
Hinds was sworn in as F*resident that month in an orderly and peaceful transition.
On December 15, citizens voted in free, fair, and nonviolent national elections. The
PPP won a parliamentary majority, and PPP candidate Janet Jagan, widow of the
late president, was sworn in as President on December 19. However, the major op-
position party refused to accept the election results and initiated court action; at
year's end, arrangements were made for a high-level Caribbean Community team
to mediate the dispute. There is a constitutionally independent, albeit somewhat in-
efficient, judiciary.
The Guyana Defence Force (GDF) and the Guyana Police Force (GPF) are under
civilian control. The GPF has the authority to make arrests and maintains law and
order throughout the country. The GDF is a professional military responsible for na-
tional defense, internal security, and emergency response. The President deployed
the GDF on occasion to support police efforts to control crime. Members of the police
committed human rights abuses.
Guyana is a very poor country. The economy, which for years was centrally
planned and controlled, is based on a mix of private and state enterprises. Rice,
sugar, bauxite, and gold are the major exports. Although annual economic growth
has averaged more than 6 percent over the past 4 years, the standard of living for
most citizens is very low. More than half live in f>overty, and per capita gross do-
mestic product is estimated at about $760. External debt is high. There are severe
shortages of skilled labor, and the economy is constrained by an inadequate and
poorly maintained infrastructure for transportation, power distribution, flood con-
trol, and communications.
The Government's human rights record remained the same. Extrajudicial killings
by police were a serious problem, but the authorities took steps to investigate and
punish some of the perpetrators. Police continued to abuse suspects, and pnson con-
ditions were poor. The inefficient judicial system results in long delays in trials and
len^hy pretrial detention. Other human rights problems included societal violence
against women and children, and discrimination against women, minorities, and in-
digenous Amerindians. Some limitations on worker rights persist, but trade union
activity was generally free of political interference.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings. However, police were responsible for numerous extrajudicial killings. The
Guyana Human Rights Association (GHRA) reported that police killed 24 civilians
through August, compared with 18 in all of 1996 and 11 in 1995. The Police Com-
missioner's office challenged this figure, saying that the situations warranted the
use of lethal force.
The GHRA and other human rights activists have singled out the GPF's "impact
sqpiad" for its especially violent tactics. An elite group of mobile teams formed in
1995 to provide inmieaiate response to criminal activity, the impact squad faces
many of Georgetown's most difficult criminal situations. However, a number of cases
led the human rights community and the public to question the impact squad's tech-
niques and discipline. In January impact squad members shot and kUled Brindsley
Davis near his family's home in Georgetown. The Police Commissioner's office is-
sued a statement saying that Davis had attacked police officers with a machete as
they were attempting to arrest him for robbery. However, family members and other
eyewitnesses tola the press that police cornered Davis in an outdoor bathroom, or-
dered him to come out with his hands in the air, then shot him when he complied.
By year's end, the Police Commissioner's office had released no further investigation
results.
In a similar case, relatives told the press that police summarily executed Carl
Fields in his home in the town of Agncola in January. According to their state-
ments, at least 12 police officers entered Fields' home, told him to lie on a bed, then
killed him with 2 gunshots. Police stated that Fields was wanted for robbery. "The
coroner's inquest papers were filed in September, and a magistrate's court was ex-
amining them at year's end to determine criminal liability.
540
In August a member of the impact squad shot and killed Adam Sescotte, an es-
caped prisoner. According to numerous eyewitnesses, police were taking Sescotte
into custody when one omcer suddenly pulled a revolver and killed him with gun-
shots to the chest and head. The police arrested and brought charges against the
officer in question.
In June police shot and killed Poke Puneshwar, apparently without motive. Ac-
cording to witnesses who were in a canoe with Puneshwar, police fired multiple
shots at them, killing Puneshwar. The police later issued a statement saying that
the officers involved were in pursuit of smugglers and that the shooting was the re-
sult of a case of mistaken identity^ The GHKA, however, reported that the police
were drunk. The commissioner's oftice opened an investigation into the matter, and
the authorities arrested and brought charges against five persons.
The police responded to these three cases of alleged extrajudicial killings more
rapidly than in past years. The Police Commissioner and the Department of Public
Prosecutions (DPP) opened extensive investigations, and the DPP reported that the
police did not interfere with its independent analysis of the cases. The DPP expects
those charged to face trial.
In August family members alleged that Bonitus Mark Winter, an Amerindian,
died as a result of a brutal police beating. According to the family's complaint, Win-
ter was arrested on August 9 on a misdemeanor charge, allegedly beaten into uncon-
sciousness, then thrown into the Brickdam police precinct jail. He was released on
August 16, but died of head injuries in a hospital on August 22.
Very poor prison conditions and inadequate medical treatment contributed to the
death oi several prisoners (see Section I.e.).
The CPPs standing orders officially permit the use of firearms onlv when other
means have been exhausted. However, many justice authorities and human rights
activists say that because of rising crime and pressure from urban businesses, which
are often the targets of criminals, the (jovemment has taken a lax attitude toward
investigations. In general, police abuses are committed with impunity. The statu-
torily independent Police Complaints Authority (PCA) is required to transmit all
complaints to the police commissioner, both human rights groups and the PCA have
criticized the commissioner for his failure to investigate these complaints properly.
Even when police officers do face charges, most of the cases are heard by lower mag-
istrate courts, where other specially trained police officers serve as the prosecutors.
As a result, no police officer accused of committing a human rights violation has
ever been convicted on criminal chaises. Nevertheless, during me year the PDF
moved to open investigations more quickly, and its leaders began to take steps to
increase accountability for violence and other abuses committed ty its members.
The courts made progress on two cases that human rights activists had cited as
examples of police impunity. In a case that attracted much public attention, justice
officials dropped murder charges against lance corporal Robert Beresford, who had
been charged with the May 1996 killing of Jermain Wilkinson. However, after an
extensive mvestigation, the DPP reinstated the equivalent of second-degree murder
charges against Beresford, who is expected to face trial in 1998. The trial of two
Eolice officers charged in September 1996 with shooting to death GDF soldier Ulrich
ynch in New Amsterdam began in December.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and there were no known incidents of it. How-
ever, there were credible reports that criminal suspects were beaten severely while
in custody of the GPF. In addition, several cases of wounding by the police of citi-
zens who were not necessarily criminal suspects were reported. On January 17, a
police patrol detained Shawn Williams, drove him to a remote location out of town
and allegedly beat him while he was handcuffed. Williams reported that the beating
occurrea in the presence of a senior police official. In February Beresford Dey suf-
fered two broken ribs after police beat, kicked, and struck him with a rifle butt, ap-
Sarently because he failed to show them proper respect. In June pwlice shot taxi
river Terrence Holder in the mouth. Homer and a passenger told the GHRA the
police were angry because he had not pulled over quickly enough. In August the
GHRA met with the Minister of Home Affairs and formally recjuested investigations
of these and nearly 90 other cases of excessive police force dating back to 1995. The
Bourda market case, in which constable Oscar Cambridge shot and permanently
crippled Frankie Figueira in May 1996, is also unresolved.
Although the PCA is the principal body charged with looking into complaints of
police brutality or abuse, it has no power to interview police officers or witnesses
and must rely on material submitted by the police. The PCA refers cases of alleged
abuse to the Police Commissioner. Investigations of such charges rarely result in se-
rious disciplinary action, and most police abuses are committed with impunity. Offi-
541
cers charged as a result of complaints to the PCA are routinely suspended for a few
days and sometimes fined, but rarely jailed. Critics of this process complain that the
police force is responsible for investigating itself.
Prison conditions are overcrowded and life-threatening in Georgetown's Camp
Street prison, the country's largest. Conditions in the four smaller prisons are gen-
erally adequate. For most of the year, Camp Street prison held between 900 and
1,000 prisoners in space initially designed to hold 350. Through August eig^t per-
sons died in prison, most from diseases such as tuberculosis, pneumonia, and AIDS.
While many enter prison with these conditions, prison authorities admit that over-
crowding contributes to the spread of disease. In August inmates in the second larg-
est prison, at Mazaroni, rioted and destroyed three of the facility's buildings. Accord-
ing to press reports, one prisoner died in the disturbance, and the Government was
forced to move 100 more inmates to Camp Street. The only women's prison is at
New Amsterdam, a facility that holds men and women in separate dormitory-type
buildings.
In January magistrate Cecil Sullivan and director of prisons Cecil Kilkenny
opened investigations into the death of Leon Stewart, who had allegedly died be-
cause of Camp Street's overcrowded conditions. Kilkenny eventually released a
statement saying that Stewart had had a history of previous illness; however, Kil-
kenny did not deny that overcrowding may have contributed to the death, and he
reported that prisoners who became ill or who were iiyured often went months with-
out receiving a doctor's treatment. The Government reacted to Kilkenny's report by
assigning more full-time nurse practitioners and pharmacists to the prison system
and Tby requiring that doctors visit prisons more regularly. Prison directors and in-
mates reported mat, over the course of the year, medical coverage improved.
In addition to overcrowding and a lack of medical personnel, poor staff morale is
a serious problem within the prison system. The GHKA reports that prison staffers
are poorly paid, and that their salaries and benefits do not compensate for the on-
the-job risks. Prison oflicials lobbied the Government for increased funding to im-
Srove prison conditions. Prison officials were receptive to local and international
[GO's requests to enter and inspect prison facilities and encouraged NGO-spon-
sored efforts to improve physical and sanitary conditions.
The GHRA participates as a member of the prisons' visiting committee, which in-
vestigates prisoner complaints, inspects diets, reviews primary medical care serv-
ices, and provides recommendations to prison authorities. The GHRA also partici-
pated in training and development programs for prison staff and a family visit pro-
gram for children of female inmates in the New Amsterdam prison.
Although sanitary and medical conditions in police station temporary holding fa-
cilities vary from station to station, in most cases these conditions are worse than
in the prisons. Some such jails are bare, overcrowded, and damp. Few have beds,
wash basins, ftimiture, or utensils. Diets and food preparation are of inconsistent
equality. Each cell can have up to five persons, but rarely a toilet. Inmates are some-
times escorted by staff members outside the cells to use holes in the fioor for toilets.
Inmates generedly sleep on a thin pallet on the concrete floor. The East La Peni-
tence police jail, where female prisoners are held until sentencing, is below standard
compared to other jails and prisons in the country. Although precinct jails are in-
tended to serve only as pretrial holding areas, some suspects have languished there
as long as 4 years, waiting for the overburdened judicial system to take action on
their cases.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides that no person
may be deprived of personal liberty except as authorized by law and requires judi-
cial determination of the legality of detention, a mandate that the authorities gen-
erally respected in practice.
Arrest does not require a warrant issued by a court official. Police may arrest
without a warrant wnen an officer witnesses a crime or at the officer's discretion
in instances where there is good cause to suspect that a crime or a breach of the
geace has been or will be committed. The law requires that a person arrested and
eld for more than 24 hours be brought before a court to be cnarged. Bail is gen-
erally available, except in capital offense cases. In narcotics cases, magistrates have
limited discretion in granting bail before trial but must remand persons convicted
on narcotics crimes into custody, even if an appeal is pending.
Exile is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government generally respects this provision in practice.
The court system is composed of a High (Supreme) Court, a national court of ap-
peal, and a system of magistrate courts that nave branches in the various regions
of the country.
542
Magistrates are members of the civil service and are trained lawyers. The mag-
istrate courts deal with both criminal and civil matters. The Ministry of Legal M-
fairs headed by the Attorney General is the principal legal advisor to the State. The
Director of Phiblic F*rosecution is statutorily independent and can file legal charges
against ofTenders. The Constitution provides that anyone charged with a criminal
offense has the right to a hearing by a court of law. This right is respected in prac-
tice.
Delays in judicial proceedings are caused by shortages of trained court personnel
and magistrates, inadequate resources, postponements at the request of the defense
or prosecution, occasional alleged acts of bribery, and the slowness of police in pre-
paring cases for trial. The inefficiency of the judicial system is so great as to under-
mine due process. The GHRA asserted that prisoners are often detained for 3 or 4
years while awaiting trial; however, the authorities denied that delays were this
long. Defendants are granted public trials, and appeal may be made to higher
courts. Appeals of some murder cases have experienced long delays. Trial postpone-
ments are routinely granted to both the defense and the prosecution. However, pro-
grams designed to improve legal structures, reform judicial procedures, upgrade
technical capabilities, and improve efficiency of the courts are having a positive ef-
fect.
Although the law recognizes the right to legal counsel, in practice, with the excep-
tion of capital crimes, it has been limited to those who can afford to pay. The
Georgetown Legal Aid Clinic, with public and private support, provides advice to
people who cannot afford a lawyer, with a special interest in cases of violence
ag£dnst women and criminal cases related to civil cases in such matters (e.g., as-
sault as part of a divorce case). The Government provides a small cash grant for
the clinic as well as the services of a lawyer from the Attorney General's office.
Apart from these efforts, very few lawyers provide free services in criminal cases.
Defendants in murder cases who need a lawyer are assigned an attorney by the
court. The Guyana Association of Women Lawyers provides free legal services for
civil cases only.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for these rights, and the (jovemment generally respects them
in practice. Law enforcement officials must obtain legal warrants before searching
private homes or properties. Although the authorities generally respected these re-
quirements, there were numerous reports of police officers searching homes without
warrants, particularly in neighborhoods where narcotics trafficking is a problem.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. Citizens
openly criticize the government and its policies.
The Government's daily newspaper, the Guyana Chronicle, covers a broad spec-
trum of political and nongovernmental groups. The independent Stabroek News con-
tinued to publish daily, and a wide range of religious groups, political parties, and
journalists publish a lively variety of privately owned weekly newspapers.
While the printed press flourished, a growing number of journalists charged the
Government with failure to respect freedom of the electronic media. There are only
three licensed radio stations, all of which are government-owned and -operated. Pri-
vate interests alleged that the Government either denied or failed to respond to
more than 20 requests for radio frequency authorizations. The Government main-
tained that it is unable to grant frequencies to private stations because there is no
legislation governing their allocation. Despite a similar lack of legislation to govern
television frequencies, however, there were 17 independent television stations in ad-
dition to the government station.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government generally respects this ri^t. The Public
Order Act requires police permits for mass political meetings. The Police Commis-
sioner has the authority to refuse permission for a public meeting if he believes that
it will provoke a breach of the peace. In cases of refusal, applicants can appeal to
the Minister of Home Affairs whose decision on the matter is final. Political parties
and other groups held public meetings and rallies throughout the country without
hindrance.
The Constitution also provides for freedom of association, and the Government
generally respects this right.
543
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. Members of all faiths are allowed to wor-
ship freely, and there are no restrictions on foreign religious proselytising.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement within Guyana.
Travel to Amerindian areas requires government permission, the result of a law dat-
ing from colonial times designed to protect the indigenous people from exploitation.
In practice, however, most people travel throughout these areas without regard to
the formality of a permit. Citizens are free to travel abroad, to emigrate, and to re-
turn.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. The Government does not have a fixed policy on refugees or asylum but is
studying draft model le^slation prepared by the UNHCR. The issue of provision of
first asylum did not anse; there were no reports of forced return of persons to a
country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens enjoy this right and exercised it in free, fair, and nonviolent elections
held on December 15. The unicameral Parliament is chosen by direct election in a
multiparty pwUtical system based on proportional representation. Any citizen 18
years or older can register to vote. The leader of the party that obtains a plurality
of seats in Parliament during national elections becomes President, with a 5-year
term of ofiice, unless the party loses control of Parliament or calls elections earlier.
The President appoints a cabinet and a Prime Minister who, with the President, ex-
ercise executive power. Citizens are free to join or support political parties of their
choice and established nearly 20 new ones in 1996.
In addition to choosing a president, voters elected a new Parliament, in which 4
political parties were represented. The two major parties — the PPP and the People's
National Congress (PNC) — are largely formed by Indo-Guyanese and Afro-Guyanese,
respectively. As was the case during national elections in 1992, local and foreign
independent observers judged the election to be free and fair. However, the leac^r
of the PNC stated that his party would not accept the election results, alleging that
they were ringed. The PNC initiated court action and called on its supporters to
demonstrate in the streets. These remained largely peaceful and ceased after a hi^-
level team from the Caribbean Community arrived in early January 1998 to mediate
the dispute.
There are no legal impediments to participation of women or minorities in the po-
litical process, but they are underrepresented in government and politics. The 19-
person cabinet included 3 women, and the country's second-highest judge is a
woman. The 72-member Parliament included 12 women and 10 Amerindians, rep-
re8enting_both major parties. As a result of the December elections, for the first
time the President is a woman.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Guyana Human Rights Association, the most active local human rights group,
functioned without government interference.
The GHRA is a nongovernmental organization (NGO) formed in 1979 with the
participation of trade unions, professional organizations, various ethnic groups, and
churches. It issues periodic press releases and publishes an annual report on numan
rights in Guyana. Various local church and neighborhood groups formed to criticize
the Government's human rights policies or to demand action; the Government did
not hinder their activities. Members of the Gkjvemment openly discussed human
rights issues and made public statements in response to foreign and local human
rights reports. The authorities did not interfere with the activities of human rights
groups.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides fundamental rights for all persons regardless of race,
sex, religion, or national origin. However, the Government does not always enforce
these provisions effectively.
Women. — Violence against women, including domestic violence, is a significant
Eroblcm. Rape is common, and health professionals report a high incidence of incest,
awyers say that more victims are reporting these crimes to the authorities, al-
though there is still a social stigma attached to them. The police are sometimes
hesitant to interfere in cases of domestic disputes. Because of their economic cir-
544
cumstances and the shortage of family shelters, victims of domestic violence are
often trapped in their homes with their abusers. In December 1996, Parliament
passed a law defining domestic violence and establishing it as a crime. The authori-
ties brought charges against three men under the new law's provisions; two were
tried and imprisoned. The Ministry of Labor has conducted seminars to educate men
and women on the issues of domestic violence and women's rights. A local NGO has
opened a shelter, which also provides women with legal and other counseling. In De-
cember the Government opened a second shelter for battered women and victims of
rape and incest.
In November Parliament approved the Antidiscrimination Act, which builds upon
the provisions of the 1990 Equal Rights Act. The two laws provide a strengthened
framework under which women and minorities may seek redress for discriminatory
acts or practices. There is no le^al protection against sexual harassment in the
workplace. Legislation prohibits dismissal on thegrounds of pregnancy, and dismis-
sal on such grounds does not occur in practice. The Women's Affairs Bureau of the
Ministry of Labor, Human Services, and Social Security monitors the legal rights
of women. In December the Grovemment opened the Women's Leadership institute,
which seeks to provide training and promote greater participation by women in gov-
ernment and the private sector.
Legislation passed by Parliament in 1990 protects women's property rights in
common law marriages and entitles a woman who separates or divorces to one-half
the couple's property if she had been working and one-third of the property if she
had been a housewife. Divorce by consent remains illegal. Legislation also gives au-
thority to the courts to overturn a man's wiU in the event that it does not provide
for his wife, as long as she was dependent on him for financial support.
Children. — ^An estimated three-quarters of the population lives in poverty, and
children are more severely affected than any other group. Although the Government
provides free education through secondary school, the severe deterioration of the
pubUc education and health care systems has stunted children's futures. The public
health system is inadequate and for many children private health care is
unaffordable. Children are often not given the opportunity to attend school because
their families need them to contribute to running the household by working or pro-
viding child care.
Concern continues to rise over the effects of domestic violence on children. The
GHRA learned that three children died in the first 3 months of 1997 as a result
of child abuse, and it believes that other deaths occurred but were unreported. Law
enforcement officials added that the vast majority of criminal child abuse cases went
unreported. Media reports of rape and incest further indicated that violence against
children is a significant problem. The administration of justice for children is char-
acterized by a system that lacks social services or trained experts to deal with chil-
dren fleeing sexual, physical, or emotional abuse. Many children also suffer from ne-
glect or abandonment in a society where 3 percent of the population emigrates each
year, often leaving children behind.
People With Disabilities. — The lack of appropriate infrastructure to provide access
to both public and private facilities makes it very difficult to employ the disabled
outside their homes. There is no law mandating provision of access for people with
disabilities.
There are several special schools and training centers for the disabled, but they
lack trained staff and are in disrepair.
Indigenous People. — Most of the small Amerindian population, composed of nine
tribal groups, live in reservations and villages in remote parts of the interior. Their
standard of living is much lower than that of most citizens, and their ability to par-
ticipate in decisions affecting their lands, cultures, traditions, and the allocation of
natural resources is limited.
Amerindian life is regulated by the Amerindian Act, legislation dating from colo-
nial times designed to protect indigenous people from exploitation. The act gives the
Government the power to determine who is an Amerindian and what is an Amer-
indian community, to appoint Amerindian leaders, and to annul decisions made by
Amerindian councils. It also prohibits the sale of alcohol to Amerindians and re-
quires government permission before any Amerindian can accept formal employ-
ment, although these provisions generally are not enforced. Both individuals and
Amerindian groups remain free to criticize the Government.
The Government has long maintained that it is committed to legally demarcating
lands that have traditionally been the homes of Amerindians. It has identified a
total of 78 such villages and reservations, but despite the late President Jagan's
promise at an international meeting in February 1996 to speed the process, only 1
of these areas has been legally demarcated. In September President Hinds renewed
the promise to speed the demarcation process, but many Amerindians and NGO's
545
feel that the Ministry of Amerindian Affairs does not have adequate funding or tech-
nical capacity to carry out the demarcation.
A serious allegation of physical abuse and exploitation of Amerindians was re-
ported in 1997. In February opposition parliamentarian Matheson Williams alleged
that members of an organized group in Supenaam and Danielstown were raping
Amerindian women. He said he had interviewed 17 women who reported that they
had been taken to a remote airstrip and gang raped. Williams called on the Min-
istries of Amerindian Affairs and Labor to investigate the charges; he reported that
one man was charged with rape, but by year's end the Gkjvemment had produced
no report concerning the incidents.
National I Racial [Ethnic Minorities. — Longstanding ethnic tensions, primarily be-
tween citizens of African and Indian descent, continued to influence society and po-
litical life. Historical patterns of social oi*ganization have resulted in social and po-
litical organizations coalescing around ethnic groups. This pattern of racial and eth-
nic grouping has become politicized over the years, polarizing society along ethnic
lines. Discrimination and exclusion continue to occur.
Some Indo-Guyanese allege that the 1965-92 PNC government established a pat-
tern of racial discrimination in favor of the Afro-Guyanese. However, some Afro-
Guyanese now allege that they sufTer racial discrimination and "political victimiza-
tion" by the predominantly Indo-Guyanese PPP, which they say directs benefits and
opportunities to its supporters. The civil service and defense and police forces are
overwhelmingly stafFed by Afro-Guyanese. Recruitment efforts targeted at Indo-Guy-
anese candidates for the uniformed services generally have met with an
unenthusiastic response, with most qualified Indo-Guyanese candidates opting for a
business or professional career over military, police, or public service. The chief of
staff of the Guyana Defence Force is Indo-Guyanese and there are other Indo-Guya-
nese officers in both the GDF and the police force. The Government sponsored var-
ious forums for discussion of racial problems and to promote inclusion. It supported
the work of NGO's that deal with these concerns.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of association
and specifically enumerates workers' ri^ts to form or belong to trade unions. In No-
vember the Government enacted the Trade Unions Recognition Law, which requires
employers to recognize the union chosen by a majority oi the workers; the law takes
effect in 1999.
Approximately 34 percent of the work force is unionized. Most union members
work in the public sector and in state-owned enterprises. Organized labor freely as-
sociates in one major national federation, the Guyana Trades Union Congress
(TUC), which is composed of 22 unions. There is a tradition of close ties between
the trade union movement and political parties.
Historically, the two major political parties wielded significant influence over the
leadership of several unions, and trade union officials oiten served in dual roles as
party officials. Although this still occurs, it is less common.
Workers have a generally recognized right to strike. Strikes can be declared ille-
gal if the union leadership did not approve them, or they did not meet the require-
ments specified in collective bargaining agreements. Public employees providing es-
sential services may strike if they provide the proper notice to the Ministry of Labor
and leave a skeletal staff in place. There were few strikes in 1997, and none of those
that did occur were prolonged or considered to be illegal.
There was no legislation prohibiting retaliation against strikers or antiunion dis-
crimination by employers. However, this principle was always included by the Gov-
ernment in the terms of resumption after a strike. The new law scheduled to take
effect in 1999 defines and places limits on the retaliatory actions employers may
take against strikers. Arbitration rulings, whenever agreed to by the contending
parties, are legally enforceable.
Unions and their federations freely maintain relations with recognized Caribbean
and international trade union and professional groups. All three of the major inter-
national trade union federations have affiliates in Guyana.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Public and private sector em-
ployees possess and utilize the generally accepted right to organize and to bargain
collectively. The Ministry of Labor certifies all collective bargaining agreements and
has never refused to do so. Until enactment of the new bill, however, this right was
not codified, and employers were not legally required to recognize unions or to bar-
gain with them.
Individual unions directly negotiate collective bargaining status, pursuant to the
1993 repeal of a regulation that required that all collective bargaining be negotiated
546
through the TUC. Unions are dissatisfied with a provision granting the Ministry of
Finance veto power over wage contracts negotiated by other ministries.
The Chief Labor Officer and the staff of the Ministry of Labor provide consulta-
tion, enforcement, and conciliation services. The Ministry eliminated a backlog of
Sending cases, but insufficient manpower and transportation continued to limit the
linisto^s ability to function.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, and there is no indication that it occurs. The Government pro-
hibits lorced or bonded labor by children, and enforces this prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Fac-
tories Act and the Employment of Young Persons and Children Act set out mini-
mum age requirements for employment of children. Legally, no person under age
14 may De employed in any industrial undertaking and no person under age 16 may
be employed at night, except under regulated circumstances. The Government pro-
hibits forced or bonded labor by children, and enforces this prohibition effectively.
The law permits children under age 14 to be employed only in enterprises in which
members of the same family are employed. However, it is common to see very young
chUdien engaged in street trading in the capital. While cognizant of the situation,
the Ministry of Labor does not employ sufficient inspectors to enforce existing laws
effectively.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labour Act and the Wages Councils Act
allow the Labor Minister to set minimum wages for various categories of private
enaployers. The minimum public sector wage is $2.20 (G$307.84) per day. Although
enforcement mechanisms exist, it is difficult to put them into practice, and unorga-
nized workers, particularly women and children, are often paid less than what is
legally required. The legal minimum wage for the public sector is insufficient to pro-
vide an adequate standard of living for worker and family.
The Shops Act and the Factories Act set hours of employment, which vary by in-
dustry ana sector. In general, work in excess of an 8-hour day or a 44-hour week
requires pajonent of an overtime rate. However, if the initial contract stipulates a
48 hour workweek, then the overtime rate applies only for hours worked in excess
of 48 hours. The law does not provide for at least a 24-hour rest period.
The Factories Act also sets forth workplace safety and health standards. The Oc-
cupation Health and Safety Division of the Ministry of Labor is charged with con-
ducting factory inspections and investigating complaints of substandard woricplace
conditions. As with its other responsibilities, inadequate resources prevented the
Ministry from effectively carrying out this function. Woricers cannot remove them-
selves from dangerous work situations without jeopardizing continued employment.
HAITI
Haiti's second democratically elected President, Rene Preval, celebrated his first
anniversary in office on February 7, the first time a democratically elected president
reached that milestone. The bicameral, 110-member National Assembly snowed its
independence by amending bills presented by the Government, summoning the
Prime Minister in March for a vote of confidence, and not approving the President's
nominees for the post of prime minister in August and December. The political situ-
ation remained unsettled following the June resignation of the Prime Minister, who
still had not been replaced at year's end. Mayors and local councils elected in 1995
reflected broad, popular participation in democratic local government. Elections for
some complementary local government bodies called for in the 1987 Constitution
were held for the first time beginning in April. These elections culminated on Octo-
ber 3 in the election of an Interdepartmental Council, which is to function as a liai-
son between the provinces and the executive branch. Members of the communal sec-
tion assemblies, or ASEC's, took office in August, although the majority party
charged that the Provisional Electoral Council had committed fraud in favor of an-
other party in the elections for these bodies and the Senate. At year's end, the April
elections remained embroiled in controversy, pending resolution of partisan dif-
ferences. The judicial system — while theoretically independent — remained weak, dis-
organized, and corrupt after decades of government interference, financial neglect,
and corruption.
The 2-year-old civilian Haitian National Police (HNP) continued to form needed
specialized units and formally absorbed the National Penitentiary Administration
(APENA) in accordance with the Constitution. In August international military
units withdrew from the Palace, and responsibility for the security of the President
547
and Government passed to the HNP palace security units. Over the course of the
year, the HNPs leadership, in cooperation with the international community, under-
took a serious training and development effort to improve officers' skills, increase
accountability, and bnng the force into compliance with international standards.
The United Nations Support Mission in Haiti (UNSMEH) was converted to the U.N.
Transition Mission in Haiti (UNTMIH) in August, with about 1,200 peacekeeping
troops and 250 civilian police responsible for assisting the Government to maintain
a secure and stable environment and advising the HNP. The UNTMIH's mandate
expired on November 30. The U.N. Police Mission in Haiti (MIPONUH), with 290
police officers from 11 countries, succeeded UNTMIH on December 1 with a 1-year
mandate to advise, train, and support the professionalization of the HNP. Several
mayors maintained quasi-official forces to serve as municipal police. These groups
lack legal standing, authority to carry weapons, or legitimate fx)wers of arrest. The
Port-au-Prince extralegal force is said to number several dozen persons; that of
Delmas, an adjoining suburb, about 30. The mayors of several other towns have
much smaller corps. Some members of local government councils (CASEC's) have as-
sumed arrest autnority in defiance of the law. Members of the HNP, the other secu-
rity forces, and the informal municipal police committed some serious human rights
abuses.
Haiti is an extremely poor country, with a per capita annual income of about
$300. This figure may not fully include significant unrecorded transfers from the es-
timated 1 million Haitians living abroad, as well as income from informal sector ac-
tivities that constitute an estimated 70 percent of actual economic activity. The
country has a market-based economy with state enterprises controlling such key sec-
tors as telecommunications and utilities. A formal privatization strategy is slowly
being implemented for nine parastatal enterprises. About two-thirds oi the popu-
lation work in subsistence agriculture, earn less than the average income, and live
in extreme poverty. A small, traditional elite controls much of the country's wealth.
A small part of the urban labor force works in the industrial and assembly sectors,
with an equal number in government or service sector employment. Assembled
goods — textiles, leather goods, handicrafts, and electronics — are a major source of
export revenue and employment. Other impwrtant exports are mangoes and coffee.
The Government relies heavily on international financial assistance.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, a
significant number of serious abuses occurred, and some abuses increased in fre-
quency during the year. The police summarily executed at least six persons. Police
officers shot and killed 11 persons while making arres'^s or controlling demonstra-
tions and wounded at least 17 others in these situations. Police were also respon-
sible for instances of torture and at least 189 cases of mistreatment of detainees,
including repeated, severe beatings, and a mock execution. Poor prison conditions
and arbitrary arrest and detention remained problems. The HNP Director General,
following the recommendations of his Inspector General, fired at least 21 police
agents for human rights abuses; he referred 9 of these cases to the Public Prosecu-
tor. The police leadership made some progress in ad^^r-essing management weak-
nesses, which limit accountability for police misconduct, but many senior and mid-
level positions remained unfilled.
The judiciary is weak and corrupt. The Senate and Chamber of Deputies had not
yet taken final action on a judicial reform bill by year's end; however, the draft bill
stipulates no precise measures to bring about reform. The near-moribund judicial
system remained incapable of processing detainees in accordance with the law, and
a large proportion of crimes, including some that may have had political motiva-
tions, remain unsolved. The authorities arrested an opposition politician in Novem-
ber on accusations of plotting to assassinate the President; they released him provi-
sionally a month later. The authorities maintained in illegal detention some persons
arrested in 1996 who were members of the political opposition. The clogged judicial
docket, lengthy pretrial detention, and illegal searches also contributed to wide-
spread human rights violations. Societal discrimination against women, violence
against women, and abuse of children remain problems, particularly the widespread
practice of rural families sending young children to the larger cities to work as un-
{>aid domestics (restaveks). Vigilante activity — including killings — remained a prob-
em.
The Government's limited effort to redress the legacy of human rights abuse from
the 1991-94 period met largely with failure. Important cases, such as those from
the 1994 Raboteau killings, languished in the courts. Judicial officials failed to begin
processing many other complaints involving human rights abuses, although a lew
convictions were obtained. The Justice Ministry did not widely disseminate the re-
port of the National Truth and Justice Commission and did not implement its rec-
ommendations. In particular, although the budget included funds to compensate vie-
548
tims (and their survivors) of the 1991-94 period of military rule, the Government
disbursed none of these funds. However, on November 4 the Government opened the
office of Protector of Citizens, an autonomous oflice established by the 1987 Con-
stitution.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Extrajudicial killings by the authori-
ties decreased compared with 1996, according to UNSMIH reports, the HNP Insp>ec-
tor General, and other sources. In late April and early May, police removed at least
three men from detention in the Cite Soleil police station and shot them, according
to information collected by the UN/OAS International Civilian Mission (ICM). An
ICM investigation also found that two gang leaders from Cite Soleil, reported to
have died in the hospital from gunshot wounds suffered in a battle with police in
October, were in fact arrested and beaten so severely that they died. On September
22, Port-au-Prince police handcuffed an accused thief on the street and then killed
him, according to eyewitnesses. The authorities suspended several police agents,
pending an investigation of this killing. The police also shot a gang leader to death
in Cite Soleil in unclear circumstances in September. In February a police inspector
in Les Cayes, allegedly hired by a local resident, killed a citizen and shot and killed
a fellow policeman who pursued him; he was shot and killed himself by a third po-
liceman.
Police were also responsible for 11 additional deaths when officers used excessive
force in making arrests or controlling demonstrations. 0(T-duty police officers shot
and killed at least seven people in personal disputes. An off-duty prison guard shot
and killed an unarmed escapee in Cap Haitien on June 7, sparking violent dem-
onstrations. On May 28 in Archaic prison, a detainee died after 7 days without med-
ical care (see Section I.e.).
The police Inspector CJeneral completed reports on several cases of summary exe-
cution or use of excessive force. On his recommendation, the HNP Director General
fired 21 agents for committing human rights abuses, and sent 9 of these cases to
the PubUc Prosecutor. However, few cases against police reached trial. In July in
Cap Haitien, a criminal court found that the death of a woman shot in a public con-
veyance by two police in 1996 was accidental. On May 23 and June 5, an investiga-
tive judge in Port-au-Prince released without trial six police officers charged with
murder in three separate cases that occurred in 1996. With more supervisors in
place, the incidence of officers dismissed for misconduct, who nevertheless returned
to duty or continued to draw pay, declined sharply.
The head of the quasi-official security force attached to the Delmas mayor's office
shot and killed a fellow employee in the town hall on June 12; town officials refused
to hand him over to police. The Delmas mayor confirmed to an international organi-
zation that 6 off-duty members of the Delmas force were involved in armed inci-
dents in Cite Soleil in which 6 persons were killed and 14 wounded on February
25. A Parliament security guard shot and killed two supposed criminals near the
Parliament building on June 20.
The Special Investigative Unit (SIU) of the National Police served over a dozen
arrest warrants in the 1994 Raboteau massacre case and continued to investigate
other notorious human rights abuses from previous years. In January, responsibility
for investigating the August 1996 killings of political opposition activists Antoine
Leroy and Jacque Florival passed to the SIU, which arranged autopsies of the bod-
ies and collected other evidence. In July the (jovemment dismissed the suspended
chief of palace security, his deputy, and eight members of the presidential security
unit who allegedly were at the scene oi the shootings. The police killed Eddy
Arbrouet, the chief suspect in the Leroy and Florival killings, during a raid on his
home on December 14. The SIU was not present at the scene of the raid. The raid
occurred nearly 1 year after an arrest warrant had been issued for Arbrouet, a
former informal palace security operative. Information about operational details of
the raid remained unclear at year s end. Investigators made only minor progress on
other high-profile killings, such as the March 1995 murder of Mireille Bertin, which
were committed following then-President Jean Bertrand Aristide's return in 1994.
None of these cases was brought to trial.
At year's end, the CJovemment continued to hold on undetermined charges the
two suspects acquitted by a jury In 1996 for the killing of Minister of Justice Guy
Malary.
Assailants killed 20 police officers, most of whom were off duty, including several
cases in which robbers killed them after finding their police identification. The po-
lice arrested several suspects in these murders. Instances of mob killings of sus-
549
Eected criminals exceeded 147. Police made at least 36 arrests in 10 cases of mob
illings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The 1987 Constitution prohibits the use of unnecessary force or restraint, psycho-
logical pressure, or brutality by the security forces. However, members of the secu-
rity forces freqpiently violated these provisions. Police officers used excessive — and
sometimes deadly — force in making arrests or controlling demonstrations, wounding
more than 17 people in such situations. The police were responsible for more than
189 cases of mistreatment of detainees. They also continued to beat demonstrators
without arresting them in several instances.
Members of the HNP tortured suspects in isolated incidents. In late July, the
UJ»J. Civilian Police reported that beating of detainees had become common in the
Cite Soleil police station, with some persons also being tortured. On August 8 in
the Cite Soleil station, police undressed and whipped three women detainees. In
mid-April Cap Haitien police took four detainees to a ruined fort outside town and
carried out a mock execution. In September an off-duty policeman in Port-au-Prince
seized a man, handcuffed him, and tortured him with a not iron, rather than taking
him to a police station. Thepoliceman was later arrested.
Cases in which the HNP mistreated detainees — sometimes severely — increased.
The ICM recorded a noticeable rise in the number of complaints of beatings by the
police. Such violations of human rights continued throughout the year. Most often,
police beat suspected members of armed gangs during arrest or in the course of in-
terrogation, usually with firearms or police batons. In a few cases, f)olice forced de-
tainees to lie prone, then walked on tneir backs. On other occasions, police encour-
aged some detainees to beat others or failed to intervene when detainees beat each
other. Another problem was the failure to provide medical treatment to ill or iniured
detainees; the Government provides no budget for medical treatment (or food) for
detainees in police holding cells. In sporadic cases, off-duty ofiicers used their weap-
ons in disputes with taxi drivers or in nightclubs. Several police ofTicers wounded
themselves or others through negligent handling of firearms.
The quasi-official forces connected to the Port-au-Prince mayoralty on several oc-
casions beat female vendors who allegedly were violating market rules. Members of
local government councils, illegally assuming police functions such as arrest, beat
at least 11 people. On May 28, one such beating victim died in Archaie prison, and
two CASEC members were arrested for causing the death (see Section l.a.). A mob
had beaten him severely before turning him over to police. Despite his obvious inju-
ries when police took him to prison on May 19, prison officials did not obtain treat-
ment for him.
Prison conditions remained very poor. Prisoners and detainees, held in over-
crowded and inadequate facilities, continued to suffer from inadequate basic hy-
giene, poor quality health care, and 24-hour confinement to cells in some facilities.
The incretise in the prison population posed a threat to the health and life of pris-
oners. The 17 prison facilities held 3,328 inmates in early December, up from 2,540
in March. The rate of increase in the prison population slowed from that of 1996,
due in part to foreign-supported programs of legal assistance for indigent detainees.
Prison observers noted that, on occasion, prisoners claimed that guards beat their
charges.
Fort National prison in Port-au-Prince is the only prison facility expressly for
women and juveniles. In other prison facilities, women are housed in cells separate
from the men. However, overcrowding often prevents strict separation of juveniles
from adults, convicts from those in pretrial detention, or violent from nonviolent
prisoners.
The Government, with the help of the international community, made some
progress in improving prison conditions. Prisoners nationwide generally received
two adequate meals per day — a substantial improvement over 1995, when seven
gersons in the national penitentiary died of a vitamin deficiency. The International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) funded the installation of rudimentary clinics
in the country's prisons. The Government failed, however, to keep these facilities
adequately stocked with medicines and other health care supplies. The APENA
drafted internal regulations to standardize overall prisoner care; the regulations
awaited approval by the Ministry of Justice at year's end.
Persons detained in politically sensitive cases were often kept in police station
holding cells, rather than in regular prison facilities. These and other holding cell
detainees depended largely on tneir families for food and medicine. In some cases,
police officers used their personal funds to buy food for such persons.
The authorities freely permitted the ICRC, the Haitian Red Cross, the ICM, and
other human rights groups to enter prisons and police stations, monitor conditions,
550
and assist prisoners with medical care, food, and legal aid. The only interruption
to this access occurred when the APENA director issued a directive In late January
barring the ICM from freely visiting prison facilities. The Minister of Justice can-
celed the directive 2 weeks later and accepted the long-pending resignation of the
director. The ICM resumed unimpeded prison visits.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution stipulates that a person
may be arrested only if apprehended during the commission of a crime, or if a judi-
cial warrant has been issued. The authorities must bring the detainee before a judge
within 48 hours of arrest. However, the authorities frequently ignored these provi-
sions in practice.
Arbitrary arrests continued to occur. A few of those arrested complained that po-
lice wore masks during their arrest. The police also made arrests based on flawed
warrants or in the presence of a justice of the peace in lieu of a warrant, which is
legally insufficient. In August the ICM found tnat a few judges began interpreting
any arrest within 24 hours of the crime as occurring during commission of the crime
or the immediate investigation of it, and hence not requiring a warrant. Nongovern-
mental organizations (NGO's) providing legal assistance to the indigent reported the
number of illegal arrests decreased in several cities. The Government released 18
persons — members of the political opposition or former soldiers — who had been ar-
rested in August 1996 on poorly substantiated charges of threatening state security.
Of 57 persons the ICM considered to be in detention on such charges in September
1996, 14 remained in custody at year's end.
There were a few arrests related to the April 6 elections. However, these occurred
at the instigation of local party organizations, not of the Government, and the judi-
cial system released all those arrested within a day or two. In Mirebalais on March
17—18 following a clash among members of several political parties, the HNP crowd
control unit arrested 10 people without warrants. The dean of the court released
them after a special hearing on March 18. In Jeremie on March 30, a justice of the
peace under pressure from one political party issued warrants (which he had no au-
thority to do) for five members of a rival party. Members of the rival party success-
fully pressed a different judge to release those detained. On April 6 in Savanette-
Cabral, police arrested five persons without warrants on suspicion of blocking poll
workers the day before; the Hinche prosecutor declared the arrests illegal and re-
leased the five the following day.
The authorities arrested Leon Jeune, former presidential candidate and occasional
critic of the Government, on November 16 on charges of plotting against the security
of the State and possession of illegal weapons. Jeune stated that he had been struck
three times on the back of the neck at the time of his arrest "with the criminal in-
tention of kiUing me," and that his investigations had revealed that his assailant
was Aramic Louis, HNP Director in the Western department. Judge Gabriel Castor
ordered Jeune's release on November 27, but Judge Onel Cadet remanded him to
prison shortly thereafter. Judge Cadet granted Jeune provisional release on Decem-
ber 5. After apparent problems with paperwork authorizing his release, Jeune was
finally freed on December 11, after nearly a month in iail.
In Cap Haitien, following the fatal shooting of a policeman, police arrested family
members when they could not find the suspects, despite the constitutional prohibi-
tion against arresting any person in place of another. Judicial officials or police sub-
sequently released the family members. In another case, the brother of a former po-
lice chief continues to be kept in a police holding cell for "his own protection," ac-
cording to the police officer in charge.
Arbitrary arrests by those lacking arrest powers — some elements of the security
forces, quasi-ofiicial forces, and localgovemment councils — occurred sporadically.
Detainees who had never seen a judge or whose cases stagnated in the judicial
system continued to crowd the prisons nationwide. An overburdened and inadequate
judicial system frequently detained suspects well beyond the 48 hours permitted for
arraignment, although respect for the 48-hour rule increased in general. In June
and July, the ICM detected an increase in the practice of judges permitting exten-
sion of detention in police custody beyond the legal limit of 48 hours in several juris-
dictions, in the mistaken belief that they had the authority to do so. Cases bound
over to higher courts also languished. About 80 percent of the inmates in the prison
system were awaiting trial.
The Constitution prohibits involuntary exile of citizens. Some persons left the
country for personal or political reasons. One person detained in July 1996 on the
accusation of plotting against the State was released in May and left the country
immediately, after a government official made it clear that his release was condi-
tional on his going abroad. Otherwise, the Government is not known to have used
exile as punishment.
551
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but it is not independent in practice. Years of rampant corruption and govern-
mental neglect have left the judicial system poorly organized and nearly moribund.
The Constitution sets var3dng periods of tenure forjudges above the level of justice
of the peace. In practice, however, the Ministry of Justice exercises administrative
oversignt of the judiciary, prosecutors, and court staff. The Minister of Justice fired
several judges for incompetence or corruption; however, none was prosecuted on
such chaises.
At the first level, the justices of the peace issue warrants, adjudicate minor infrac-
tions, take depositions, and refer cases to higher judicial officials. Investigating mag-
istrates and public prosecutors cooperate in the development of more serious cases,
which are tried by tne judges of the first instance courts. Appeals court judges hear
cases referred from the first instance courts, and the Supreme Court deals with
questions of procedure and constitutionality.
The judicial apparatus follows a civil law system based on the Napoleonic Code;
the Criminal Code dates from 1832. The Constitution provides for the right to a fair
public trial, but this right was widely abridged. The Constitution also expressly de-
nies police and judicial authorities the right to interrogate persons charged with a
crime unless the suspect has legal counsel present or waives this right. While trials
are public, most accused persons cannot afford legal counsel for interrogation or
trial, and the law does not require that the Government provide legal representa-
tion. Despite the efforts of local human rights groups and the international commu-
nity to provide leg£d aid, many interrogations without counsel continued to occur.
Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence and the right to be present at trial,
to confront witnesses against them, and to present witnesses and evidence in their
own behalf, and the Government respects these rights in practice.
Unaddressed systemic weaknesses continued to contribute to a huge backlog of
criminal cases, with some detainees waiting years in pretrial detention for a court
date. Under the Code of Criminal Procedure, responsibility to investigate crimes is
unclear and authority to pursue cases is divided among police, prosecutors, and in-
vestigating magistrates. The Code stipulates two criminal court sessions per year
in each of the 15 first-instance jurisdictions, each session generally lasting 2 weeks,
to try all major crimes requiring a jury trial, primarily murder. Although the court
system held more such sessions in more locations than in 1996, a significant backlog
of cases remains. Moreover, if an accused person is ultimately tried and found inno-
cent, he has no recourse against the Government for time served.
The Government devoted some effort to the task of reforming the judicial system.
The Justice Ministry cooperated with international donors in providing training to
sitting magistrates, improving the administration of the public prosecutors' offices,
improving documentation ana case presentation, strengthening judicial supervision,
and establishing prison registries. TTie Senate and the Chamber of Deputies did not
complete action on a draft law on judicial reform by year's end. The bill contains
no precise measures to implement reform.
TTiere were no reports of political prisoners, although the Government continued
to hold some political opponents on charges of threatening state security (see Sec-
tion l.d.).
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits interference with privacy, family, home, or correspondence.
Police and other security force elements did, however, conduct illegal warrantless
searches. Members of quasi-official forces also conducted illegal searches and sei-
zures of property. There was at least one instance in which the police arrested and
detained family members of suspects (see Section l.d.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press and the Government generally respects these rights. The press en-
ergetically exercises this freedom. Print and electronic media from opposite ends of
the political spectrum often criticize the Government.
With an illiteracy rate of approximately 80 percent, broadcast media, especially
Creole-language radio, have an unusual importance, and some 35 radio stations op-
erate in the capital alone. Uncensored satellite television is available. Broadcast
media tend to criticize the Government less than the press but freely express a wide
range of political viewpoints. There were no reports of censorship, nor did the media
appear to practice seff-censorship. The government-sponsored daily newspaper re-
mained closed following a 1995 dispute between the former Information Minister
and the paper's editor.
Foreign journalists generally circulate without hindrance. There are occasional re-
ports of domestic journalists experiencing rou^ treatment at the hands of the po-
AC /*\0/*\ I— 1<-\
552
lice; however, there were no clear indications that these resulted from motives other
than personal disputes. In December the police notified the host of a radio call-in
projgram, whose callers often criticize the Grovemment, that they had heard of a plot
to kill hun and advised him to take precautions. The host and several colleagues
also received threats by telephone.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — ^The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and association, and the authorities generally respected these
rights in practice. Political parties across the spectrum were able to meet and re-
cruit members. New popular organizations, including several opposed to the Govern-
ment or its policy, formed and held demonstrations. A stray bulled fired by poUce
killed a man in Port-au-Prince in mid-May when demonstrations by students, alleg-
edly joined by provocateurs, turned violent and the police responded with gunfire.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for the right to practice aU re-
Ugions and faiths, provided that practice does not disturb law and order, and the
G&vemment respected this right.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government respects the right of freedom of movement within the
country, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation. An unknown number of un-
documented migrants put to sea seeking better economic opportunities in other
countries.
The Government operated, with international support, a national migration office
to assist citizens involuntarily repatriated from other countries, notably the Domini-
can Republic and the Bahamas.
The Government has no policy regarding foreign nationals seeking refuge or asy-
lum from third countries. The question of provision of first asylum did not arise.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for regular elections for local and parliamentary offices
and for the presidency. President Kene Preval, elected in late 1995 in an election
regarded by the international community as free and fair, continued in office. The
Parliament, most of whose members were chosen in 1995 in elections regarded as
administratively flawed but free and fair, continued to operate independently of the
executive branch.
The Provisional Electoral Council (CEP), which took office in late 1996, scheduled
elections for local assemblies and nine senate seats. These elections were delayed
twice before taking place on April 6. An GAS observer mission noted instances of
irregularities and fraud at polling places and questioned the CEP's decision, made
after the vote count was complete, not to count blank ballots. This decision resulted
in the first-round victory of one senate candidate who would otherwise have had to
proceed to the second round.
Aft«r making credible allegations of irregularities and of bias on the part of the
CEP, two parties announced their intention to boycott the second round of the elec-
tions: The Lavalas Political Organization (OPL), whose candidates had advanced to
the second round in six senate races, and the Of)en the Gate Party, whose senate
candidate had advanced to the second round in the Port-au-Prince area. The second
round was postponed indefinitely and had not been rescheduled by year's end. The
resignation of Prime Minister Kosny Smarth, and the Parliament's refusal to ap-
prove the President's first candidate for a replacement, became linked to the elec-
tions dispute, further complicating the political situation. Late in the year, the polit-
ical parties and the President engaged in negotiations aimed at ending the political
and electoral impasse. These discussions resulted in several steps aimed at improv-
ing the credibility of the elections, including the resignation of six of the nine CEP
members and establishment of a presidentially appointed commission to examine
the April 6 elections. However, the OPL was not satisfied that these measures
would ensure the credibility of the electoral process. The Parliament had not ap-
proved the President's second nominee for Prime Minister at year's end, and the im-
passe remained.
Members of the local assemblies elected on April 6 took office, and an indirect
election process took place to select municipal, departmental (provincial), and inter-
departmental assemblies. The departmental assemblies are constitutionally man-
dated to participate in the selection of candidates for the Permanent Electoral Coun-
cil. The controversy surrounding the April 6 vote extended to these elections as well.
By year's end, a Permanent Electoral Council had not been selected.
No legal impediments to women's participation in politics or government exist. In
the recent past, Haiti has had a female President, FVime Minister, Foreign Minister,
and Minister of Finance. The generally lower status of women, however, limits their
553
garticipation in these fields. Of the 80 sitting members (3 seats are vacant) of the
hamber of Eteputies, 3 are women. The Senate (which usually has 27 members but
at year's end, due to the electoral dispute, had only 18 members) had none, although
one leading candidate in the delayed election is a woman. The election law provides
that the (feposit required of female candidates for political office is half that re-
quired of male candidates, if the woman is sponsored by a recognized party. There
are a few women in prominent positions in the Government, including the Women's
Affairs Minister and the Secretary of State for Tourism.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
commenting on human rights cases. The Government tolerates their views but is
rarely responsive to their recommendations. The exception is the HNP Inspector
General's office, whidi opened a number of investigations at the request of human
rights groups. About a aozen local human rights groups monitor conditions in the
countiy, with some working on civic education and legal aid as well.
On November 4, the Government opened the office of the Protector of Citizens,
an autonomous ombudsman-like office established by the 1987 Constitution. Its pur-
pose is to investigate complaints of government malfeasance where judicial or ad-
ministrative recourse is not available. Dr. Louis Roy was appointed the nation's first
Protector of Citizens.
In July and December, the Government requested and received extensions of the
UN/OAS International Civilian Mission's mandate to December 31, and then for an
additional year to December 31, 1998. The ICM investigated all reports of human
rights violations, issued periodic reports and press releases, conducted civic edu-
cation, and trained local human rights groups. The ICM also worked with the Gov-
ernment in a variety of ways to develop its institutional capacity to prevent and pro-
vide redress for human rights abuses.
TTie National Coalition Tor Haitian Rights was the only other international human
rights organization to maintain a permanent presence. Representatives of other
international human rights organizations visited freely from time to time. The ICRC
was active throughout the year, particularly in prison renovation and assistance to
prisoners.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The 1987 Constitution does not specifically prohibit discrimination on the grounds
of race, sex, religion, disability, language, or social status. It does provide for equal
working conditions regardless of sex, beliefs, or marital status. However, there is
no effective governmental mechanism to administer or enforce these provisions.
Women. — According to women's rights groups, rape and other abuse of women is
common, both within and outside marriage. The Haitian Center for Research and
Action for the Promotion of Women in 1996 published a preliminary report of a sur-
vey of 1,705 women interviewed in 1995. Thirty-seven percent of respondents stated
that they or someone they knew had been raped or otherwise sexually abused; a
third of respondents reported that they or someone they knew had been the victim
of other types of physical violence. Nearly two-thirds had not reported the abuse,
most due to fear of public shame or of retribution from their assailants, but some
because they believed that judicial penalties were insufficient. The law provides
penalties for these crimes, but the authorities do not enforce these provisions ade-
quately. One law excuses a husband if he murders his wife or her lover upon catch-
ing them in the act of adultery in the home. A wife who kills her husband upon
discovering him in the act of adultery is not excused.
An "International Tribunal for the Elimination of Violence against Haitian
Women" was held in Port-au-Prince November 24-26. The seminar was organized
by some 90 women's rights and human rights organizations and assembled women's
rights specialists from Haiti as well as other countries. The experts heard testimony
from women who had suffered domestic, sexual, or political violence, or who had
been targeted because they were disabled. An estimated 300 people attended the
proceedings. In the meeting's final document, the experts noted serious short-
comings in several areas: In the judicial system's ability to punish those who com-
mit violence against women; in the capacity of the police to conduct investigations
of sexual crimes or protect women who are victims of violent crime; in social and
public health services; in protection of girls of all ages against molestation; and in
nonsexist education. 'The experts also observed that many women (often the very
poor) who have been victims of violence have a profound fear of reprisal and lack
confidence that the legal system can provide them with justice.
554
The international panel recommended revision of several laws, including making
rape a crime against the person instead of a crime against morals; shifting adultery
from the criminal to the civil code; and revising the civil code to recognize the ri^ts
of women in common law marriages. The panel also recommended revisions of
school curriculums; free legal aid for victims of violence; training forjudges, prosecu-
tors, and police in handling crimes against women; and ratification of the inter-
national convention against torture.
The Ministry of Women's Affairs is charged with promoting and defending the
rights of women and ensuring that they attain an equal status in society, but it did
little in this regard. There are no government-sponsored programs for victims of vio-
lence.
Women have the same legal status as men. However, women do not enjov the
same social and economic status as men. In some social stratums, tradition umits
women's roles. Peasant women, often the breadwinners for their families, remain
largely in the traditional occupations of farming, marketing, and domestic labor.
Very poor urban women, who head their families and serve as their economic sup-
§ort, also oft^n find their employment opportunities limited to traditional roles m
omestic labor and marketing. Female employees in private industry or service jobs,
including government jobs, are seldom promoted to supervisory positions. Laws gov-
erning child support recoenize the widespread practice of multiple-father families
but are rarely enforced. Well-educated women nave, however, occupied prominent
positions in both the private and public sector in recent years. Women's rights
groups are small, localized, and receive little publicity.
Children. — ^The Government's programs do not promote or defend children's
rights. Government health care and education programs for children are inadequate
or nonexistent. Poorer families sometimes ration education money to pay school fees
for male children only.
Rural families continued to send young children to serve as unpaid domestic labor
for more aflluent city dwellers, a practice cited by a 1991 U.N. study as an example
of slavery in the 20th century. One international organization estimated that
250,000 to 300,000 children, 85 percent of them girls, may be victims of this prac-
tice, called "restavek" (which means "lives with" in Creole). It is primarily lower-
middle and lower class families who use restavek children, as the more well-to-do
prefer paid adult employees. The Ministry of Social Affairs believes that many em-
ployers compel the children to work long hours, provide them with little nourish-
ment, and frequently beat and abuse them.
Local human rights groups do not report on the plight of restavek children as an
abuse or seek to improve their situation. The Ministry of Social Affairs believes that
it can do Uttle to stop this practice, regarding it as economically motivated; the Min-
istry assigned five monitors to oversee the welfare of restavek children. Society
holds such children in little regard, and the poor state of the economy worsened
their situation. Port-au-Prince's large population of street children includes many
runaway restaveks.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution provides that disabled persons shall
have the means to ensure their autonomy, education, and independence. However,
there is no legislation to implement these constitutional provisions or to mandate
f (revision of access to buildings for people with disabilities. Although they do not
ace overt mistreatment, given the severe poverty in which most Haitians live, those
with disabilities face a particularly harsh existence.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — Some 99 percent of Haitians are descend-
ants, in whole or in part, of African slaves who won their war of independence from
France in 1804. The remaining population is of European, Middle Eastern, North
American, or Latin American origin. The law makes no distinction based on race.
Longstanding social and political animosities are often tied to cultural identification,
skin color, and overlapping issues of class in this starkly inegalitarian society. Some
of these animosities date back to before Haiti's revolutionary period.
The Government recognizes two official languages: Creole, which is spoken by vir-
tually all Haitians; and French, which is spoken by about 20 percent of the popu-
lation, including the economic elite. The inability to communicate in French has
long limited the political and economic opportunities available to the majority of the
population. The Government prepares most documents only in French, and, despite
the Justice Minister's order to use Creole in the courts, judges conduct most legal
proceedings exclusively in French. Creole was, however, the language chosen Tor
parliamentary debate in the lower house.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the Labor Code provide for the
right of association and provide workers, including those in the public sector, with
555
the ri^t to form and join unions without prior government authorization. The law
protects union activities and prohibits a closed shop. The law also requires a union,
which must have a minimum of 10 members, to register with the Social Affairs Min-
istry within 60 days of its formation.
Unions are independent of the Government and political parties. Unionized public
school teachers, doctors and nurses in government hospitals, and employees of the
government-owned telephone company went on strike during the year. Loosely orga-
nized mass transit drivers went on strike as well. Rather than impose sanctions,
the Grovemment negotiated with the strikers. Six principal labor federations rep-
resent about 5 percent of the total labor force, including about 2 to 3 percent of
labor in the industrial sector.
Each of the principal labor federations maintained some fraternal relations with
various international labor organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^The Labor Code protects
trade union organizing activities and stipulates fines for those who interfere with
this right. Unions were generally free to pursue their goals, although the Govern-
ment made little effort to enforce the law. Union leaders assert that some employers
in the private industrial sector dismiss individuals who participate in union organiz-
ing activities. Organized labor activity was concentrated in the Port-au-Prince area,
in state enterprises, the civil service, and the assembly sector. The high unemploy-
ment rate and antiunion sentiment among some factory workers limited the success
of union organizing efforts.
Collective bargaining continued to be nonexistent, and employers set wages uni-
laterally. The Labor Code does not distinguish between industries producing for the
local market and those producing for export. Employees in the export-oriented as-
sembly sector enjoyed better-than-average wages and benefits. Female workers in
the assembly sector report that some employers sexually harass female workers
with impunity. Women also assert that, while the vast majority of assembly sector
workers are female, virtually all the supervisors are men.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code prohibits forced
or compulsory labor and applies equally to minors. Such labor is not known to occur
among adults. However, the Government failed to enforce this law for children, who
continued to be subjected to forced domestic labor as restaveks in urban households
(see Section 5).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age of Employment. — The mini-
mum employment age in all sectors is 15 years. The Labor Code prohibits minors
from working under dangerous conditions, and it prohibits minors under the age of
18 from working at night in industrial enterprises. Fierce adult competition for jobs
ensures that child labor is not a factor in the industrial sector. Children under the
age of 15 commonly worked at informal sector jobs to supplement family income,
despite the legal prohibition. Primary education is supposed to be free and compul-
sory, but there are far too few public schools to accommodate the country's children,
especially in rural areas. The Labor Code prohibits forced or compulsory labor,
which applies equally to minors, but some children are forced to work as domestic
servants (see Sections 5 and 6.c.)
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The legal minimum daily wage, established in
June 1995, is about $2.18 (36 gourdes). Annually, a minimum wage worker would
earn about $680, an income considerably above the national average but sufficient
only to permit a worker and family to live in very poor conditions. The majority of
citizens work in subsistence agriculture, a sector where minimum wage legislation
does not apply.
The Labor Code governs individual employment contracts. It sets the standard
workday at 8 hours, and the workweek at 48 hours, with 24 hours of rest on Sun-
day. The Code also establishes minimum health and safety regulations. The indus-
trial and assembly sectors largely observed these guidelines. The assembly sector
published a voluntary code of conduct in April, committing signatories to a number
of measures designed to raise industry standards, including paying the minimum
wage and the prohibition of child labor. The Ministry of Social Affairs did not, how-
ever, enforce work hours or health and safety regulations.
With more than 50 percent of the population unemployed, workers were not able
to exercise the right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations without
jeopardy to continued employment.
556
HONDURAS
Honduras is a constitutional democracy, with a president and a unicameral con-
gress elected for 4-year terms. President Carlos Flores Facusse took office on Janu-
ary 27, 1998, as the fifth democratically elected President since the reestablishment
of democracy in 1982. The two major political parties, the Liberals and the National-
ists, have alternated in power peacefully after free elections. The judiciary is inde-
pendent but is oft^n ineffective and subject to outside influence.
The Honduran Armed Forces (HOAF) comprise the army, the air force, and the
navy. The Congress in 1996 ratified a constitutional amendiment to sever the Public
Security Force (FUSEP), a paramilitary police force, from the HOAF. The p>olice
were transferred to civilian control in 1997; new legislation concerning how the civil-
ian police force will function is expected to be approved in 1998. The armed forces
operate with considerable institutional and legal autonomy, particularly in the
realms of internal security and military affairs. The Government in 1993 estab-
lished an Ad Hoc Commission on Police and Judicial Reform in response to credible
allegations of extrajudicial killings by members of the FUSEP, particularly its Na-
tional Directorate of Investigations (DNI). That decision led the Government to es-
tablish a new Public (Justice) Ministry charged with administering a new Direc-
torate of Criminal Investigations (DIC) to succeed the DNI. Human rights organiza-
tions, including the Government's National Commissioner for Human Rights, ac-
knowledge that reports of human rights abuses have steadily declined since the DNI
was aboEshed; however, members of both the armed forces and the police continue
to commit abuses.
The economy is based primarily on agriculture, with a small but increasingly im-
portant maquiladora (in-bond processing for export) industry that accounts for some
90,000 jobs. The armed forces play a role in the national economy through their pen-
sion fund, controlling some enterprises usually associated with the private sector,
including a bank, several insurance companies, and one of two cement companies.
However, some state enterprises, such as the merchant marine and the national
telephone company, have passed from military to civilian control. Approximately 43
percent of workers engage in agriculture; about one-third of those work on large
plantations. The principal export crops are coffee and bananas, which are the lead-
ing sources of foreign exchange; nontraditional products, such as melons and
shrimp, also play an increasingly important role in the economy. Annual per capita
income is about $700; the Government estimates that 65 percent of its citizens live
in poverty.
The Government's human rights record improved somewhat, but serious problems
remain. Members of the security forces allegedly committed extrajudicial killings.
Incidents of police beating and other abuse of detainees remained a problem. Prison
conditions remained harsh, detainees do not always receive due process, and lengthy
pretrial detention is a problem. Considerable impunity for members of the civUian
and military elite, exacerbated by a weak, underfunded, and sometimes corrupt judi-
cial system, contributes to human rights problems. The judicial system continued
to deny swift and impartial iustice to prisoners awaiting trial. While no senior gov-
ernment official, politician, bureaucrat, or member of the business elite was con-
victed of crimes, the Government removed dozens of judges and police investigators
from office on charges of corruption. Other human rights problems included societal
discrimination and violence against women, discrimination against indigenous peo-
gle, and abuse of street children. There was an increase in Killings by vigilantes,
hild labor is a problem, particularly in rural areas and in the informal economy,
but not in the export processing sector.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated killings; human rights organizations, however, continued to allege that
individual members of the security forces committed extrajudicial killings. The Gov-
ernment in September publicly denied such allegations.
In April the security forces killed 2 persons and wounded 16 others in the process
of routing protesters who had taken over a highway in El Paraiso. In November
prison guards opened fire on prisoners escaping a fire the prisoners themselves had
set, killing at least one person (see Section I.e.).
Human rights groups implicated members of the security forces in a number of
killings of street cliildren (see Section 5.).
The crime rate surged again in 1997, due to worsening economic conditions, easy
access by the general popmation to alcohol and weapons, the inability of the police
557
to deter crime, and the difficulties encountered by an underfunded and understaffed
Die in investigating and solving more than a toKen number of crimes. The number
of homicides nationwide rose, averaging five to six per day in the capital city of
Tegucigalpa alone; random shootings also were conunon. The drastic increase in vio-
lent crime contributed to the growth of private, often unlicensed, ^ard services, and
of volunteer groups who patrolled their neighborhoods or municipalities to deter
crime. The proliferation of private security forces, in turn, made it more difficult to
differentiate among homicides that may have been perpetrated by government secu-
rity personnel, common criminals, or private vigilantes.
Human rights groups asserted that they had credible evidence that at least some
of these homicides were extrajudicial executions. In such cases, persons presumed
to be part of renegade elements of the security forces, or civilian (including vigi-
lante) groups working with such elements, allegedly used unwarranted lethal force
against supposed habitual criminals. Widespread frustration at the inability of the
security forces to control crime, and the well-founded perception that corrupt secu-
rity forces were complicit in the high rate of crime, led to considerable public sup-
port for vigilante justice. The (jovernment did not take effective action to try, con-
vict, or punish anyone for these offenses.
Credible allegations in the past of extrajudicial killings by members of the FUSEP
led to the creation in January 1994 of a new, civilian-controlled Directorate of
Criminal Investigations under the control of the Public Ministry (which also in-
cludes a prosecutorial branch). The Attorney (General and human rights groups have
noted a continuing drop in the number of reports of human rights abuses since the
creation of the DIG. The new Public Ministry, responsible for investigating all cases
of extrajudicial killings, has completed its initial program of training and organizing
its staff.
The Supreme Court in 1996 issued a special decree permitting officials associated
with the criminal justice system (including the military, police, prison wardens and
employees, criminal investigative agents, public prosecutors, judges, and other mag-
istrates) who are undergoing investigation or trial to serve their preventive deten-
tion at military bases and police centers, rather than at the central penitentiary in
Tegucigalpa, as had been the case in the past. It was hoped that the decree, which
applies only to preventive detention, would encourage military officers sought for al-
leged human rights abuses in the 1980's to turn themselves in. The decree was de-
signed as an interim measure, pending passage by the Congress of a new penal pro-
cedure code that would modernize the existing antiquated code.
Under terms of the decree, two low-level former FUSEP agents surrendered in
July to face charges of alleged involvement in two 1992 disappearances in
Choluteca. The authorities freed them in August for lack of evidence.
Two former senior military and security ofiicials were jailed in the case of Adan
Aviles Funez and Nicaraguan Amado Espinoza Paz, who disappeared together in
Choluteca on June 12, 1982. Retired police colonel Marco Antonio Matute Lagos sur-
rendered to the authorities on November 3; colonel Manuel Enrique Suarez
Benavides was jailed on August 25. Both faced charges of illegal detention and mur-
der. At year's end, Matute awaited trial on the charges; Suarez was freed on appeal
in November.
There was no progress in the investigation or prosecution of other alleged
extrajudicial killings committed in previous years.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
The Attorney General continued investigations into the disappearances of 184
people in the 1980's. Various witnesses, survivors, and a few former members of the
mihtary have charged that a military intelligence group called Battalion 3-16 kid-
naped, tortured, and murdered many of those who disappeared. The National Com-
missioner for Human Rights, Leo Valladares, also continued his investigation into
the human rights abuses alleged to have been committed by members oT Battalion
3—16 and the former DNI. The Attorney General and the Human Rights Commis-
sioner requested from the HOAF and the U.S. (Jovemment information that they
might have to aid this investigation. The HOAF claimed to have no relevant infor-
mation, but the U.S. Government reviewed internal documents from the period in
Question and released to the Attorney (jeneral and the Human Rights Commissioner
tnousands of pages of declassified documents, including several hundred pages relat-
ing to the 1983 disappearance of a U.S. citizen Jesuit priest. Father James Carney.
In February the Government completed payment of indemnifications to the fami-
lies of Saul Godinez Cruz and Maniredo Velasquez Rodriguez that the Inter-Amer-
ican Court of Human Rights levied in 1989. Godinez and Velasquez were students
at the National Autonomous University in 1981 when DNI agents detained them;
they were never seen again.
558
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degradina TYeatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture, but there were isolated reports that officials em-
ployed such practices. Police beatings and other alleged abuses of detainees re-
mained a problem. The police also engaged in violence against street children, in-
cluding beatings and a number of killings (see Section 5).
The National Police's Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) investigates
cases of alleged torture and abuse; OPR officials can recommend sanctions for police
agents found ^ilty of such mistreatment. However, neither the police commander
nor the OPR is empowered to punish wrongdoers; only the immediate superior of
the accused agent has the authority to do so. The Public Ministry and human rights
groups criticized the OPR for being unresponsive to their requests for impartial in-
vestigations of police officers accused of abuses. In 1996 the Public Ministry created
the Ofiice of Human Rights Inspector within the DIG to monitor the behavior of its
agents; the Inspector reports to the head of the human rights section of the Public
Ministry and to the Attorney General. The DIG dismissed some 40 agents for in-
volvement in corrupt activities and abuses of authority. The HOAF no longer exer-
cise mission or funding authority over the police, and the Government in September
established a seven-member review board to monitor the police until legislation pro-
vides implementing regulations and ministerial authority. The police are scheduled
to make the final transition to civilian authority in May 1998.
Prison conditions remained harsh. Prisoners suffered from severe overcrowding,
malnutrition, and a lack of adequate sanitation. The country's 24 penal centers held
over 9,000 prisoners; more than 90 percent of these were awaiting trial, some for
over 5 years. In August, September, and November, a wave of prison protests across
the country resulted in the burning by inmates of penitentiaries in Santa Barbara,
TrujUlo, and Gracias, and in mass escapes from other detention centers. After the
Gracias fire, 134 prisoners escaped. Guards reportedly opened fire on them, killing
one person and wounding five others. In September a pnysician who treated pris-
oners in the central penitentiary in Tegucigalpa filed legal charges against its war-
den and several guards for allegedly ordering and inflicting torture. In October a
prisoner in San Pedro Sula pubucly claimed that he had been raped by otherpris-
oners, and that he knew of seven similar cases, including that of a minor. These
events increased public pressure for urgently needed penal reforms.
Women are incarcerated in separate facilities under conditions similar to those of
male prisoners, except that female prisoners do not have conjugal visit privileges.
More often than not, wardens housed the mentally ill and those with tuoerculosis
and other infectious diseases among the general prison population. A new, larger
detention facility for men located in Tamara, whicn had been scheduled to open in
1996, lacked water and had not yet been placed in operation. Prisoners with money
routinely bought private cells, decent food, and conjugal visitations, while prisoners
without money often lacked the most basic necessities, as well as legal assistance.
The prison system budgets just $0.45 (6 lempiras) per day for food and medicine
for each prisoner. Many street children under arrest were housed in adult prisons,
where they were routinely abused.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law states that the police may arrest
a j)erson only with a court order, unless the arrest is made during the commission
of a crime, and that they must clearly inform the person of the grounds for the ar-
rest. (By law, the police cannot investigate; it only detains suspects.) Police must
bring a detainee before a judge within 24 hours; the judge then must issue an initial
temporary holding order within 24 hours, release an initial decision within 6 days,
and conduct a preliminary investigation to decide whether there is sufficient evi-
dence to warrant further investigation. In practice, however, the authorities do not
routinely observe these legal requirements. While bail is legally available, it is used
primarily for ostensibly medical reasons; however, procedures for granting it in such
cases are confused and unclear. Poor defendants, even when represented by a public
defender, are seldom able to take advantage of bail.
Lengthy pretrial detention is a problem. More than 90 percent of prisoners were
awaiting trial, some for over 5 years (see Section I.e.).
Under the 1984 Code of Criminal Procedures, judges, the police, public officials,
or any citizen may initiate criminal proceedings. Perhaps as many as 80 percent of
the cases reported to the police are never referred to the criminal justice system,
but instead are settled administratively by the police or by municipal courts, which
are separate from the regular judicial court system.
The Constitution prohibits the expatriation of a citizen to another country; exile
is not used as a means of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary and the right to a fair trial. While the Grovemment respects these provisions
559
in principle, implementation has been weak and uneven in practice. A number of
factors limit the effectiveness of the system: Both the judiciary and the Public Min-
istry suffer from inadequate funding, the civil law inquisitorial system functions
very poorly, and powerful special interests still exercise influence and often prevail
in many courts. Also, many leading politicians enjoy constitutional immunity from
prosecution because of their membership in either the Congress or the Central
American Parliament, and that immunity extends to acts committed before taking
office. The Attorney General in September publicly described the legal regime as "a
system in collapse, and recommended a congressional review of the legal immunity
statutes.
The court system is composed of a Supreme Court with 9 magistrates; 10 appeals
courts; 67 courts of first instance of general jurisdiction; and 325 justice of the peace
courts of limited iurisdiction. Congress elects the nine Supreme Court justices and
names the president of the Court; the Supreme Court, m turn, names all lower
court judges. The 4-year term for justices of the Supreme Court coincides with those
of the Congress and the President.
Some progress was made in using a judicial career system to enhance quaUfica-
tions of sitting judges, depoliticize the appointments process, and break the subcul-
tures of corruption, clientism, patronage, and influence-peddling within the judici-
ary. Nevertheless, many courts remained staffed by politically selected judges and
unqualified clerks and were inefficient and subject to influence by special interests.
In September two members of the Supreme Court publicly questioned the political
independence and financial integrity of fellow justices on the Court. The Attorney
General investigated more than 100 judges suspected of corruption and malfea-
sance; 44 judges were dismissed for cause, and 3 were imprisoned.
An accusea person has the right to a fair trial, which includes the right to an ini-
tial hearing by a judge, to bai^ to an attorney provided by the State if necessary,
and to appeal. Altnough the Constitution recognizes the principle of innocence, the
Criminal Code is in practice often administered by ill-trained judges operating on
a presumption of "^ilty until proven innocent." Pretrial hearings and trials are
written and at the judge's discretion may be declared secret and not "public." De-
fendants and their attorneys are not always genuine participants in the process, de-
spite rights accorded under law. Defendants may, through the judge, confront wit-
nesses against them and present evidence on their own behalf. According to law,
defendants and their attorneys have access to government-held evidence relevant to
their cases, but in practice this is not always the case.
In the inquisitorial system, judges are legally in charge of the investigation as
well as the trial and sentencing. Both the Foiblic Ministiy^s public prosecutors and
private prosecutors may bring criminal charges against citizens. A judge may jail
an accused person for 6 days before a determination is made of probable cause to
admit the charge. If a judge sustains the criminal accusation, the accused remains
in jail or may be released on bail while awaiting trial.
A public defender program provides service to those unable to afford an adequate
defense. There are 104 public defenders nationally providing free legal services for
37 percent of the prison population; however, public defenders are hard pressed to
meet the heavy demands of^a nonautomated, inadequately fiinded, and labor-inten-
sive criminal justice system. Pending consideration of proposed reforms, the Su-
Sreme Court issued an instruction that holds judges personally accountable for re-
ucing the backlogged cases; separates judges into pretrial investigative judges, and
trial and sentencing judges; and creates a program to monitor and enforce compli-
ance with these measures. The instruction is intended to ensure that the rirfits of
the accused to a timely and transparent defense are more effectively respected.
Detention of criminal suspects pending trial averaged 2 years and remained a se-
rious problem. In a number of cases, poor prisoners remained in jail after being ac-
quitted or completing their sentences, due to the failure by responsible officials to
process their release papers. A significant number of defendants served the maxi-
mum possible sentence for the crime of which they were accused before their trials
were concluded, or even begun. As of year's end, more than 90 percent of all pris-
oners had been neither tried nor sentenced.
In the past 3 years, the Public Ministry has taken positive steps by investigating
and accusing not only military officers of*^ human rights violations, but also ranking
officials of the past two governments of abuses of power, fraud, and diversion of pub-
lic funds and resources. These are crimes that seriously diminish the ability of the
Government to address fundamental economic issues affecting the welfare of the
general population. At year's end, however, none of those accused had been con-
victed.
Following much-publicized investigations of alleged past and present human
rights violations by national security personnel, judges in the civilian court system
560
brought criminal charges against a number of senior active or retired military offi-
cers Tor murder, attempted murder, and illegal detention; those cases still awaited
trial at year's end. Although the military continued to profess respect for civilian
court jurisdiction over its members, only three military officers accused of human
ridhts violations had turned themselves in.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution specifies that a person's home is inviolable, and that persons in the em-
ploy of the State may enter only with the owner's consent, or with the authorization
of a competent legal authority. Entry may take place only between 6 a.m. and 6
p.m., or at any time in the event of an emergency or to prevent the commission of
a crime. However, as in previous years, there were credible charges that poUce and
armed forces personnel failed at times to obtain the needed authorization before en-
tering a private home. Despite an improved system of "duty judges" and "duty pros-
ecutors" to issue search warrants, coordination among the poUce, the court, ana the
Public Ministry remains weak. There was credible evidence that the military main-
tained files on union activists (see Section 6.b.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom ol" speech
and of the press, and the authorities largely respected these freedoms in practice.
The news media often were openly critical of the Government and exposed corrup-
tion, but they themselves suffered from corruption and politicization. Serious inves-
tigative journalism is still in its infancy; there were numerous credible reports of
self-censorship and of payments, in cash or in kind, to journalists either to promote
or to kill stories.
The Government respects academic freedom and has not attempted to curtail po-
litical expression on university campuses.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for all forms of reUgious ex-
pression, and the Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens enter and exit the country without arbitrary impediment, and
the Government does not restrict travel within the countiVs borders.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The Government
provides first asylum and grants asylum or refugee status in accordance with the
standards of the 1951 United Nations Convention Kelating to the Status of Refugees
and its 1967 Protocol.
There were no reports of the forced return of persons to a country where they
feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised the right to change their government through democratic and
peaceful means in the November elections. International observers found the elec-
tions to be free and fair. For the first time voters had the opportunity to cast sepa-
rate ballots in the presidential, congressional, and municipal elections. Security at
election sites was provided by police forces operating under civilian control for the
first time in recent years. Voting was made easier for citizens by a change that al-
lowed them to vote closer to their homes.
The national administration is chosen by free, secret, direct, and obligatory ballot-
ing every 4 years. Suffrage is universal, but the clergy and members of the security
forces are not permitted to vote. Any citizen bom in Honduras or abroad of Hon-
duran parentage may hold office, except for members of the clergy, the armed forces,
and the police. A new political party may gain legal status by obtaining 20,000 sig-
natures and establishing party organizations in at least half of the country's 18 de-
partments.
There are no legal impediments to women or minorities participating in govern-
ment and politics; in practice, however, the proportion of women and minorities in
political organizations and elective office is far lower than their overall representa-
tion in society. Women occupied a cabinet ministry and a Supreme Court position,
as well as a number of vice ministerial positions, in the Government. Of the 128
deputies in the Congress, 14 were women. In the November elections, a woman for
the first time was the presidential candidate of a major political party, and a female
candidate was elected to one of the three vice presidencies on the winning party's
ticket.
561
There were few indigenous persons in leadership positions in government or poli-
tics. Five indigenous persons were deputies in the Congress, and the ambassador
to the United Nations is a member of the Garifuna indigenous group.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government ofli-
cials are generally cooperative and responsive to their views.
In 1996 the Congress ratified a presidential decree expanding the functions of the
National Commissioner for Human Rights and unanimously reelected Leo
Valladares to a 6-year term as National Commissioner. Under this new decree, and
in fulfillment of his expanded functions, the National Commissioner has free access
to all civilian and military institutions and centers of detention; he may enter with-
out authorization or objection by anyone. The National Commissioner performs his
functions with complete immunity and autonomy from all persons.
Anonymous telephone callers continued to threaten persons active in human
rights endeavors. Human Rights Commissioner Valladares received numerous tele-
phone threats against himself and his family. Ramon Custodio, president of the
Committee for the Defense of Human Rights in Honduras (CODEH), and Bertha
Oliva de Nativi, coordinator general of the Committee of Relatives of the Detained
and Disappeared in Honduras (COFADEH), also received numerous telephone
threats. DIC director Wilfredo Alvarado received death threats during his investiga-
tion of senior government officials involved in illegal sales of Honduran diplomatic
passports. Attorney General Edmundo Orellana reported threats against himself
and his family due to his investigations of several cases of persons who disappeared
in the 1980's and to recent public denunciations of high-level corruption.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution bans discrimination based on race or sex. Although it also bans
discrimination on the basis of class, in fact, the political, military, and social elites
generally enjoyed impunity before the legal system. Members of these groups rarely
were arrested or jailed; legislators enjoy legal immunity. In 1996, however, the Gov-
ernment detained two officials of the former Callejas administration, Jose Tomas
Guillen Williams and Luciano Coello, on charges of corruption and abuse of author-
ity. Both remained in the central penitentiary in Tegucigalpa, awaiting trial.
Women. — Violence against women remained widespread, and serious weaknesses
in the Penal Code severely impeded efforts to combat it. Most such violence took
place within the family. Tne courts did not take action in domestic violence cases
unless the victim was mjured severely and incapacitated for more than 10 days. Ex-
cept in the case of children 12 years of age or under, rape is considered a private
crime, which means that rape victims must hire a private prosecutor, a luxury that
few can afford. The penalties for rape are relatively light, ranging from 3 to 9 years'
imprisonment. The law exonerates a rapist if he offers to marry the victim and she
accepts. Under pressure from the Honduran Women's Committee for Peace —
Visitacion Padilla, the Center for Women's Rights, and other women's advocacy and
reform groups, the Congress in September adopted legislation to strengthen the
rights of women and increase the penalties for crimes oT domestic violence commit-
ted against women.
There were few shelters specifically maintained for battered women. The Govern-
ment operates one shelter tnat can accommodate 10 women and their families. Six
new centers for battered women opened in 1996, offering legal, medical, and psycho-
logical assistance, but not physical shelter. Although the new law dealing with do-
mestic violence ofiered some redress, few women took advantage of the legal proc-
ess, believing that judges would be unwilling to apply the law vigorously. Sexual
harassment in the workplace was also a problem.
Women were represented in at least small numbers in most of the professions,
but cultural attitudes limited their career opportunities. In theory, women have
equal access to educational opportunities, but family pressures often impede the am-
bitions of women intent on ootaining higher education. The law recfuires employers
to pay women, who make up 51 percent of the work force, equal wages for equal
work, but employers often classify women's jobs as less demanding than those of
men in order to justify paying them lower salaries.
Some organizations have begun to offer assistance to women, principally targeting
those living in the rural sectors and marginal neighborhoods of cities. The Hon-
duran Federation of Women's Associations, for example, provided home construction
and improvement loans, offered free legal assistance, and lobbied the Government
562
on women's causes. The Center for the Investigation and Promotion of Human
Rights (CEPRODEH) continued to operate a program to make women aware of their
rights under the law.
Children. — ^Although the Government committed itself to protecting children by
allocating 37 percent of its 1998 budget to public education and health care, it was
unable to prevent the abuse of street children (see Section I.e.) and child laborers
(see Section 6.d.). There were an estimated 4,000 street children, of whom only half
reportedly have shelter on any given day. Many street children have been sexually
molested, and about 40 percent regularly engaged in prostitution; approximately 30
[)ercent of the street children in Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula, the two jxipu-
ation centers, were HIV positive. At least 40 percent were addicted to sniffing glue.
Over 75 percent of the street children found tneir way to the streets because of se-
vere family problems; 30 percent simply were abandoned. Both the police and mem-
bers of the general population engaged in violence against street children. When the
authorities arrested minors, many of whom were cnarged with the commission of
capital and other serious crimes, they were housed with adult detainees who abused
them; one such case in San Pedro Sula became public in October.
In 1996 the (jovemment opened juvenile centers in Tamara, El Carmen, and El
Hatillo (located in sections oiTegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula). Nonetheless, a gen-
eral lack of juvenile detention facilities contributed to the detention of minors with
adults, and to vigilante violence against, and police abuse of, street children. A juve-
nile who escaped from El Hatillo in March was killed while trying to avoid recap-
ture, and four other runaways from El Carmen and El Hatillo in September were
found beaten to death or executed by a shot throu^ the head. Human rights groups
implicated out-of-uniform security personnel in these and at least eight other juve-
nile deaths. In October Casa Alianza de Honduras (Covenant House of Honduras),
an organization dedicated to children's rights, brought charges before the Public
Ministry against unnamed members of the armed forces and the police for the al-
leged torture of 63 juveniles or minors, 35 of whom reportedly were murdered, since
1990. Also in October, a f)olice captain was placed in preventive detention and four
other police agents were placed under investigation for illegally detaining and beat-
ing three youths.
New legislation covering children and adolescents took effect in 1996, covering the
rights, liberties, and protection of children, including in the area of child labor (see
Section 6.d.). It established prison sentences of up to 3 years for persons convicted
of any manner of child abuse. In September the Government for the fifth consecu-
tive year convened a national children's congress at which boys and girls from
throughout the country discussed issues affecting the nation's youth. Street children
participated in this congress for the first time.
People With Disabilities. — There are no formal barriers to participation by dis-
abled persons in employment, education, or health care, but neither is there specific
statutory or constitutional protection for them. There is no legislation that requires
access by disabled persons to government buildings or commercial establishments.
Indigenous People. — The small communities of indigenous people had little or no
ability to participate in decisions affecting their lands, cultures, traditions, or the
allocation of natural resources. Indigenous land rights are communal. While the law
permits persons to claim individual freeholding titles, this was difficult to accom-
plish in practice. Tribal lands often are defined poorly in documents dating back to
the mid- 19th century and, in most cases, lack any legal title based on modern cadas-
tral measurements. The Honduran Forestry Development Corporation makes all de-
cisions regarding exploitation of timber resources on indigenous lands, often over
strenuous tribal objection. Nonindigenous farmers and cattle ranchers regularly
usurp indigenous lands.
The courts commonly denied legal recourse to indigenous groups and often showed
bias in favor of nonindigenous parties who were people of means and influence. The
illegal seizure of private property is punishable oy 3V2 years' imprisonment, while
unauthorized demonstrations in public venues can result in prison terms of 3 to 5
years and fines ranging from $770 to $3,845. Failure to obtain legal redress fre-
quently caused indigenous groups to attempt to regain land through invasions and
other tactics, which usually provoked the authorities into retaliating forcefully.
In April Candido Amador Recinos, a leader of the Chorti indigenous group who
was active in efforts to regain tribal lands, was murdered in Corralitos; there has
been no progress in the investigation of his death. In May after month-long protests
by indigenous organizations that included a hunger strike, the Government signed
a 22-point agreement with representatives of various groups that would make avail-
able 9 initial land grants of 9,000 hectares each to different tribes, grant some con-
tested land titles outright to indigenous petitioners, and set aside $15,385 in govern-
ment funds for indigenous housing. The Congress also created a commission to
563
study indigenous land claims, which often conflict with the claims of small farmers.
The Government in August transferred title to an additional 1,200 hectares of land
to various indigenous groups after protesters temporarily seized the grounds of the
President's office, the Congress, and a foreign emDassy. On October 12, indigenous
protesters destroyed a statue of Columbus in Tegucigalpa. One month later, leaders
of the group turned themselves over to a court; the judge reduced the charges to
vandalism and released them on bail.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the legal right to form and join labor
unions; the unions are independent of government and political parties. Three large
peasant organizations are affiliated directly with the labor movement. Unions fre-
quently participate in public rallies against government policies and make extensive
use of the news media to advance their views. Since only about 14 percent of the
work force is unionized, however, the economic and political influence of organized
labor has diminished in recent years. The Constitution provides for the right to
strike, along with a wide range of other basic labor rights, which the authorities
honor in practice. The Civil Service Code, however, denies the right to strike to all
government workers, other than employees of state-owned enterprises. There were
illegal work stoppages during the year, conducted by public sector employees in
hedth and related industries. In November the authorities ordered the security
forces to remove striking health workers from public health facilities in Tegucigalpa.
The health workers returned to their jobs after the Government agreed to establish
a bipartite panel to review worker demands.
A number of private firms have instituted "solidarity" associations, which are es-
sentially aimed at providing credit and other services to workers and managers who
are members of the association. Representatives of organized labor groups criticize
these associations, asserting that they do not permit strikes, have inadequate griev-
ance procedures, and neutralize genuine, representative trade unions.
The trade union movement maintains close ties with various international trade
union organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law protects workers'
rights to organize and to bargain collectively; collective bargaining agreements are
the norm for companies in which workers are organized. However, although the
Labor Code prohibits retribution by employers for trade union activity, it is a com-
mon occurrence. Some employers have threatened to close down unionized compa-
nies and harassed workers seeking to unionize, in some cases dismissing them out-
right. Employers actually dismiss relatively few workers for union activity, once a
union is recognized; such cases, however, serve to discourage workers elsewhere
from attempting to organize.
Workers in both unionized and nonunionized companies are under protection of
the Labor Code, which gives them the right to seek redress from the Ministry of
Labor. The Ministry took action in several cases, pressuring employers to observe
the code. Labor or civil courts can require employers to rehire employees fired for
union activity, but such rulings are uncommon. Agreements between management
and unions generally contain a clause prohibiting retaliation against any worker
who participates in a strike or union activity. In one instance, however, the Banco
de Trabajadores received a court order to rehire two workers who successfully
unionized that firm, but refused to reinstate them in their former duties; instead.,
the bank assigned the two workers to an empty office and denied them the oppor-
tunity to work. Those individuals remained on the payroll at their former salaries,
but it was assumed that the bank wished them to resign in frustration over their
new office environment. The bank refused to cooperate with an investigation into
these circumstances by the National Commissioner for Human Rights, who threat-
ened to pursue legal action against the bank. In November the Government seized
control of the bank's records and threatened to arrest bank officials for noncompli-
ance with the court's edict.
The same labor regulations apply in export processing zones (EPZ's) as in the rest
of private industry. Unions are active in the government-owned Puerto Cortes free
trade zone (7 of 11 maquiladoras there are unionized), but factory owners have re-
sisted efforts to organize the new, privately owned industrial parks. In February two
lawyers representing maquiladoras during labor negotiations in Puerto Cortes
claimed to nave received death threats. The Honduran Association of Maquiladores
(AHM) over the past 2 years has sponsored seminars and other meetings between
its membership and major labor groups. As a result, tensions have declined, and
some two dozen plants have unionized peacefully in the privately owned EPZ's. The
AHM in July adopted a new code of conduct governing salaries and working condi-
tions in the industry and recognizing worker rights to organize. Although the AHM
564
neither consulted local unions before drafting it, nor provided for any formal role
for oivanized labor in supervising its implementation with the industry, the code
nonetheless represents a new, public commitment by apparel manufacturers to
abide by local laws and regulations governing their industries. It provides a starting
point for a dialog among the AHM, organized labor, and the Government. The atti-
tude of the Government towards organized labor in the EPZ's is the same as regards
other industries.
In a number of maquiladora plants, workers have shown little enthusiasm for
unionizing, since they consider their treatment, salary, and working conditions to
be as good as, or better than, those in unionized plants. In the absence of unions
and collective bargaining, several EPZ plants have instituted solidarity associations
that, to some extent, function as "company unions" for the purposes of setting wages
and negotiating working conditions. Other EPZ plants use the minimum wage to set
starting salaries, and adjust wage scales by negotiating with common groups of
plant workers and other employees^ based on seniority, skills, categories of work,
and other criteria. In June a South Korean-owned maquiladora plant agreed to per-
mit an independent monitoring group composed of religious, numan rights, and
women's oi^anizations to inspect its facility and observe the working conditions of
its employees. Unions objected to the agreement because it excluded them, while
other maquiladoras observed that the monitors lacked relevant expertise in the in-
dustry.
Labor leaders blame the Government for allowing private companies to act con-
trary to the Labor Code and expect the problem to continue until the Ministry of
Labor is reorganized to make it more efficient. They criticize the Ministry for not
enforcing the Labor Code, for taking too long to make decisions, and for being timid
and indiiTerent to workers' needs. Under a November 1995 Memorandum of Under-
standing between the Ministry of Labor and the Office of the United States Trade
Representative, which called for greater enforcement of the Honduran Labor Code,
the Ministry has made significant progress toward enforcing the code. The Ministry
has increased its inspections of the maquiladoras and the training of its inspectors;
however, it does not yet adhere completely to international labor standards. Along
with other Central American nations, the Government in August agreed to fund a
program to modernize the inspection and labor management functions of the Min-
istry of Labor.
Trie Labor Code clearly prohibits blacklisting; nevertheless, there was credible evi-
dence that informal blacklisting occurred in the privately owned industrial parks.
When unions are formed, organizers must submit a list of initial members to the
Ministry of Labor as part of the process of obtaining official recognition. Before offi-
cial recognition is granted, however, the Ministry must inform the company of the
impending union organization. The Ministry has not always been able to provide ef-
fective protection to workers. There were credible reports that, particularly in the
EPZ sector, some inspectors had gone so far as to sell the names of employees in-
volved in forming a union to companies that then dismissed union organizers before
the Ministry could recognize the unions. There also was credible evidence that mili-
tary intelligence maintained files on union activists.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution and the law pro-
hibit forced or compulsory labor, and this applies equally to children. Althou^ there
were no official reports of such practices in the area of child labor, there were credi-
ble allegations of compulsory overtime at EPZ plants, particularly for women, who
constitute an estimated 80 percent of the work force in tne maquiladora sector.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution and the Labor Code prohibit the employment of minors under the age of
16, except that a child who is 15 years of age is permitted to work with the permis-
sion of its parents and the Ministry of Labor. The new Children's Code prohibits
a child of 14 years of age or less from working, even with parental permission, and
establishes prison sentences of 3 to 5 years for individuals who allow children to
work iUegally. An employer who legally hires a 15-year-old must certify that the
child has finished or is finishing his compulsory schooling. The Ministry of Labor
grants a number of work permits to 15-year-olds each year.
The Ministry of Labor cannot efiectively enforce child labor laws, except in the
maquiladora sector, and violations of the Labor Code occur frequently in rural areas
and in small companies. Many children work on small family farms, as street ven-
dors, or in small workshops to supplement the family income. According to the Min-
istry of Labor, human rights groups, and organizations for the protection of chil-
dren, the most significant child labor problem is in the construction industry.
The employment of children under the legal working age in the maquiladora sec-
tor may occur, but not on a large scale. (Younger children sometimes obtain working
permits or purchase forged permits containing the Labor Ministry's letterhead.) The
565
maquiladoras in recent years have raised their minimum employment age, and
some now hire only at age 18 or above.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — In 1995 the Government decreed a 25 percent
increase in the minimum wage. Daily pay rates vary by geographic zone and the
sector of the economy affected; urban workers earn slightly more than workers in
the countryside. The lowest minimum wage occurs in the agricultural sector, where
it ranges from $1.92 to $2.31 (25 to 30 lempiras) per day, depending on whether
the employer has more than 15 employees; the highest minimum wage is $3.05
(39.65 lempiras) per day in the export sector. All workers are entitled to the equiva-
lent of an additional month's salary in June and December of each year.
The Constitution and the Labor Code stipulate that all labor be fairly paid, but
the Ministry of Labor lacks the staff and other resources for effective enforcement.
Even after three annual increases, the minimum wage is considered insufficient to
provide a standard of living above the poverty line for a worker and family. Labor
leaders said that the Government was ignoring workers earning above the minimum
wage (for example, those in the maquiladoras and in other industries, such as bank-
ing), and called for an across-the-board increase of 35 percent that they claimed
would benefit all workers.
The law prescribes a maximum 8-hour workday and a 44-hour workweek. There
is a requirement of at least one 24-hour rest period every 8 days. The Labor Code
provides for a paid vacation of 10 workdays after 1 year, and of 20 workdays after
4 years. However, employers frequently ignored these regulations due to the high
level of unemployment and underemployment and the lack of effective enforcement
by the Labor Ministry.
The Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcing national health and safety laws,
but does not do so effectively. Although fewer than in previous years, some com-
plaints alleged the failure of foreign factory managers to comply with the occupa-
tional health and safety aspects of Labor Code regulations in factories located in the
EPZ's and private industrial parks. There is no provision allowing a worker to leave
a dangerous woric situation without jeopardy to continued employment.
JAMAICA
Jamaica is a constitutional parliamentary democracy and a member of the Com-
monwealth of Nations. Two political parties have alternated in power since the first
elections under universal adult suffrage in 1944; a third major party was estab-
lished in late 1995. Prime Minister Patterson's People's National Party (PNP) won
50 of the 60 seats in Parliament in national elections on December 18. The general
election campaign was significantly less violent than previous electoral campaigns.
However, there continued to be intimidation of voters and party agents and restric-
tions on the free movement of voters. The judiciary is independent but lacks ade-
quate resources.
The Jamaica Constabulary Force (JCF) has primary responsibility for internal se-
curity, assisted by the Island Special Constabulary Force. The Jamaica Defence
Force (army, air wing, and coast guard) is charged with supporting the JCF in
maintaining law and order, although it has no powers of arrest. While civilian au-
thorities generally maintain effective control of the security forces, some members
of the security forces committed human rights abuses.
The economy is based on primary products (bauxite and alumina, sugar, bananas),
services (tourism, finance), and light manufacturing (garment assembly). The Gov-
ernment promoted private investment to stimulate economic growth and moderniza-
tion, pursuing in the process a sometimes painful program of structural adjustment.
Annual per capita income is $2,170, but this figure is misleading as there is a large
and widening gap between the wealthy and the impoverished.
The (jovemment generally respects the human rights of its citizens; however,
problems remained in certain areas. Although members of the security forces com-
mitted extrajudicial killings and beatings and carried out arbitrary arrests and de-
tentions, the Government moved effectively to punish some of those involved. Prison
and jail conditions remained poor, with overcrowding, brutality against detainees,
dismal sanitary conditions, and inadequate diet the norm. The judicial system was
overburdened and lengthy delays in trials were common. Economic discrimination
and violence against women remained problems, as did mob violence against those
suspected of breaking the law.
566
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — The security forces frequently em-
ployed lethal force in apprehending criminal suspects, usually in the guise of shoot-
outs. This resulted in the killing by police of 149 people during the year. While alle-
gations of "police murder" were frequent, the validity of some of the allegations was
suspect. This problem is the result of unresolved, long-standing antipathy between
the security forces and certain communities, especially among the urban poor. The
JCF conducted both administrative and criminal investigations into incidents in-
volving fatal shootings by the police. The JCF policy statement on the use of force
incorporates U.N.-approved language on basic principles on the use of force and fire-
arms by law enforcement officials.
Political violence lessened considerably from 1996. However, the opposition Ja-
maica Labor Party (JLP) accused the security forces of targeting the opposition lead-
er's West Kingston constituency for special attention, culminating in a May &-7 con-
frontation with residents of Tivoli Gardens. In this confrontation, the police shot
and killed four persons (three women and one child) and injured nine others by gun-
fire. All the victims were unarmed civilians. No member of the security forces was
iryured, and no arrests were made. Despite the apparent use of excessive force, the
Government refused calls to convene a commission of inquiry and took no action
against any member of the security forces.
There were no new developments in the beating death of a 22-year-old man in
a West Kingston police station in April 1996. There were also no new developments
in the May 1996 death of a man held in the Port Antonio jail, nor in the murder
trial of a JCF officer accused in two July 1993 killings. No action was reported in
the civil lawsuits brought by relatives of two men who died in the Constant Spring
jail in 1992.
Vigilantism, involving spontaneous mob executions in response to crime, contin-
ued to be a problem. Tliere were 20 vigilante killings in 1995, 21 in 1996, and 16
in 1997. Official investigations into such killings generally do not uncover any infor-
mation, as the persons and the community involved usually band together to intimi-
date potential witnesses. In one case, a mob stoned to death a foreigner in Montego
Bay after his car hit a vendor's stand. The official investigation uncovered only one
witness who was willing to testify, despite the fact that the murder happened in
daylight on a busy street. The first trial of the accused assailants resulted in a hung
jury, but the public prosecutor planned to try the defendants again. In other cases,
four suspected robbers were killed with machetes in rural St. Mary in July. In Feb-
ruary a man was killed by machete after attacking an elderly woman in rural St.
Andrew. No arrests were made in either case.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture and other abuse of prisoners and detainees. However, re-
ports of physical abuse of prisoners by guards continued, despite efforts by the Gov-
ernment to remove abusive guards and improve procedures.
In April the Police Commissioner condemned the excessive use of force by police
in Hopewell, Hanover, who shot six persons who were demonstrating against sub-
standard roads and water supply. The authorities charged three policemen with un-
lawful wounding; no trial date had been set by year's end. In June the appeal of
three policemen who were convicted of rape in 1994 was denied; the convicted po-
licemen are to serve 8-year prison terms.
Prison conditions remained poor, with overcrowding, inadequate diet, poor sani-
tary conditions, and insuflicient medical care the norm. In August violence erupted
at both men's maximum security prisons after prison warders engaged in a mass
sickout. Inmates killed 16 of their lellow prisoners, many of them because they had
been identified as homosexuals. The Government convened a commission of inquiry,
which was still investigating the matter at year's end.
The Government allowed private groups, voluntary organizations, international
human rights organizations, and the media to visit prisons and monitor prison con-
ditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — In 1994 Parliament repealed the Sup-
pression of Crimes Act of 1974, which permitted warrantless searches and the arrest
of persons "reasonably suspected" of having committed a crime. The Jamaica Con-
stabulary Force Act, however, now contains several of these provisions, and there
were continued reports that the police abused these provisions. In March the Jamai-
can Bar Association (JBA) protested that the police were unlawfully detaining and
fingerprinting groups of citizens in poor, inner city areas. At the time, the Police
567
Commissioner disavowed the practice and ordered it discontinued; however, both the
JBA and the Jamaica Council on Human Rights state that the practice continues.
The law requires police to present a detainee in court within 48 hours of deten-
tion, but the authorities continued to detain suspects, especially those from poor
neighborhoods, without bringing them before a judge withm the prescribed period.
Magistrates inquire at least once per week into the welfare of each person listed
by uie JCF as being detained. There is a functioning bail system.
Foreign prisoners must pay for their own deportation once they have completed
their sentences. If they cannot afford to pay, they are jailed until relatives or con-
sulates can arrange for transportation. In efiect this constitutes an additional prison
term for indigent foreigners.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and no instances of exile occurred.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, which exists in practice. However, the judicial system is overburdened and op-
erates with inadequate resources.
Three courts handle criminal matters at the trial level. Resident magistrates try
lesser offenses (misdemeanors). A Supreme Court judge tries felonies, except that
felonies involving firearms are tried before a judge oi the Gun Court. Defendants
have the right to appeal a conviction in any of the three trial courts to the Court
of Appeal, which is tne highest court. The Constitution allows the Court of Appeal
and the Parliament to refer cases to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council
in the United Kingdom as a final court of app>eal.
The lack of sufficient staff and resources hinders due process. Trials in many
cases are delayed for years, and other cases are dismissed because files cannot be
located. The Government initiated a night court in September 1995, which has had
some success in reducing the backlog of cases.
While the defendant's right to counsel is well-established, the courts appoint coun-
sel for indigents only in cases of a serious offense (e.g., murder, rape, roobery, and
gun offenses). However, the law does not consider many offenses, including wound-
ing with intent to cause great bodily harm, as "serious." Thus the courts try many
defendants without benefit of counsel.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits arbitrary intrusion by the State into the private life of the
individual. The revised Jamaica Constabulary Force Act continues to give security
Personnel broad powers of search and seizure similar to those granted by the former
uppression of Crimes Act.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice.
The Government privatized the Jamaica Broadcasting Company in June, and the
television station and two radio stations it operated became privately owned. The
Government's broadcasting commission has the right to regulate programming dur-
ing emergencies. Foreign television transmissions are unregulated and available
through satellite antennas. The four largest newspapers, all privately owned, regu-
larly report on human rights abuses, particularly those involving the JCF. Foreign
publications are widely available.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel. Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the authorities respect
them in practice.
'Hie Government coop)erates with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The Govern-
ment provides first asylum, and provided it to approximately 40 persons in 1994.
Similar but smaller numbers of first asylum cases, mainly Cubans and Haitians,
were accepted in 1995 and 1996, but none were accepted in 1997. The (jovemment
established a committee and formal procedures to review claims to refugee status.
This committee denied all claims to refugee status by Cubans and Haitians who had
arrived in Jamaica since 1994. However, several Cuban applicants were granted
permission to stay in Jamaica on other grounds, but none received such permission
in 1997.
There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they feared
persecution.
568
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in periodic elections held on the basis of
universal suffrage. All citizens age 18 and over have the right to vote by secret bal-
lot. However, voters living in so-called garrison communities, which are located in
inner-city areas dominated by one of the two major political parties, face substantial
impediments to the free exercise of their right to vote. During the general election
campaign, both international and local observer groups concluded that, although the
process was significantly less violent than recent election campaigns, problems per-
sisted in the garrison communities. These problems included intimidation of party
agents and voters of nondominant parties and restrictions on the movement of vot-
ers and election workers. Some areas are so dominated by one party that the polls
simply closed early and vote counts were taken that resulted in 100 percent (or
nearly 100 percent) of the votes being awarded to the dominant party. These prob-
lems persisted in the December 18 election, despite the best efforts of the security
forces, which were credited with controlling violence, such as the beating of voters,
and reducing election malpractice, such as stealing ballot boxes from polling places.
There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women in politics. Women
hold some 13 percent of all political oHices and 30 percent of the senior civil service
positions. Two of the 16 cabinet members are women, as is the PNP General Sec-
retary.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their lindings on human rights cases. The work of the Ja-
maica Council for Human Rights, the country's only formal organization concerned
with aU aspects of human rights, was severely hampered by a lack of adequate re-
sources, which required a substantial reduction in its staff. Government officials are
generally cooperative and responsive to the views of human rights organizations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion. Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on grounds of race, place of origin, polit-
ical opinions, color, creed, or sex. The Government largely enforces these prohibi-
tions m practice, except for widespread discrimination on the basis of political opin-
ion in the distribution of scarce governmental benefits, including employment, espe-
cially in the garrison communities (see Section 3).
Women. — In practice women suffer from economic discrimination, sexual harass-
ment in the workplace, and social and cultural traditions that perpetuate violence
against women, including spousal abuse. The Domestic Violence Act of 1995 came
into effect in May 1996. It provides additional remedies for domestic violence, in-
cluding restraining orders and other noncustodial sentencing. Violence against
women is widespread, but many women are reluctant to acknowledge or report abu-
sive behavior, leading to wide variations in estimates of its extent.
The Constitution and the 1975 Employment Act accord women full equality. The
Bureau of Women's Affairs in the Ministry of Labor oversees programs to ensure
the legal rights of women. These programs have had limited effect but have raised
the awareness of problems affecting women. In June 1996, the Government estab-
lished a steering committee, charged with creating a Commission on Gender and So-
cial Equity. The committee forwarded its recommendations to Parliament regarding
how the commission should be established; the report was awaiting parliamentary
action at year's end.
A number of active women's rights groups exist. They are concerned with a wide
range of issues, including employment, violence against women, political representa-
tion, and the image of women presented in the media. Their effectiveness is mixed,
but the groups were successful in advocating enactment of the Domestic Violence
Act.
Children. — ^The Grovemment is committed to improving children's welfare. The
Ministry of Education, Youth, and Culture is responsible for implementation of the
Government's programs for children.
The Juvenile Act of 1951 deals with several areas related to the protection of chil-
dren, including prevention of cruelty, prohibition on causing or allowing juvenile
begging, the power to bring juveniles in need of care or protection before a juvenile
court, the treatment of juvenile offenders, the regulation and supervision of chil-
dren's homes, and restrictions on employment of juveniles. In 1996 the visiting Ex-
ecutive Director of the United Nations (Children's Fund (UNICEF) said the (}ovem-
569
ment had done very well in its efforts to improve the welfare and survival of chil-
dren.
People With Disabilities. — No laws mandate accessibility for people with disabil-
ities. Several government agencies and nongovernmental organizations provide serv-
ices and employment to various groups of disabled citizens.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law provides for the right to form or join a trade
union, and unions function freely and independently of the Government. The Labor
Relations and Industrial Disputes Act (LKIDA) defines worker rights. There is a
spectrum of national unions, some of which are affiliated with political parties. Ap-
proximately 15 percent of the work force is organized.
The LRIDA neither authorizes nor prohibits the right to strike, but strikes do
occur. Striking workers can interrupt work without criminal liability but cannot be
assured of keeping their jobs. Workers in 10 broad categories of "essential services"
are prohibited from striking, a provision the International Labor Organization (ILO)
has rejjeatedly condemned as overly inclusive. The Government did not declare any
strikes illegal in 1997.
Unions maintain a wide variety of regional and international affiliations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Government rarely inter-
feres with union organizing efforts. Judicial and police authorities efTectively enforce
the LRIDA and other labor regulations. All parties are firmly committed to collec-
tive bargaining in contract negotiations, even in some nonunion settings. An inde-
fiendent Industrial Disputes Tribunal (IDT) hears cases where management and
abor fail to reach agreement. Any cases not resolved by the IDT pass to the civil
courts. The number of industrial disputes referred to the IDT declined. The IDT
made decisions in a few cases, while others were settled by agreement or with-
drawn. However, the majority of cases referred to the IDT remained unresolved. The
LRIDA prohibits antiunion discrimination, and employees may not be fired solely
for union membership. The authorities enforced this law efTectively.
Domestic labor laws apply equally to the "free zones" (export processing zones).
However, there are no unionized companies in any of the 3 zones — established in
1972, 1985, and 1988 — that employ approximately 18,000 workers. Organizers at-
tribute this circumstance to resistance by foreign owners in the zones to organizing
efforts, but attempts to organize plants within the zones continue. Company-con-
trolled "workers' councils" handle grievance resolution at most free zone companies,
but do not negotiate wages and conditions with management. Management deter-
mines wages and benefits within the free zones; these are generally as good as or
better than those in similar industries outside the zones. The Ministry of Labor has
not performed factory inspections in the free zones since 1992.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution does not specifi-
cally address the matter of forced or compulsory labor, but there were no reports
that this practice exists.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Juve-
nile Act provides that children under the age of 12 shall not be employed except
by parents or guardians, and that such employment may only be in domestic, agri-
cultural, or horticultural work. Enforcement, however, is erratic. While the Con-
stitution does not prohibit forced or bonded labor by children (see Section 6.c.), such
practices were not known to occur. Children under the age of 12 peddle goods and
services on city streets, but there is no evidence of widespread illegal employment
of children in other sectors of the economy. The Educational Act stipulates that all
children between 6 and 11 years of age must attend elementary school. Industrial
safety, police, and truant officers are cnarged with enforcement. Under current eco-
nomic circumstances, however, thousands of children are kept home to help with
housewoii and avoid school fees. A 1994 UNICEF report stated that 4.6 percent of
children below the age of 16 worked to help support their households.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage, raised from $15.00
(J$500) to $22.50 (J$800) per week in 1996, is widely considered inadequate. Most
salaried workers are paid more than the legal minimum. Work over 40 hours per
week or 8 hours per day must be compensated at overtime rates, a provision that
is widely observed.
The Labor Ministry's Industrial Safety Division sets and enforces industrial
health and safety standards, which are considered adequate. Industrial accident
rates, particularly in the bauxite and alumina industry, remained low. Public serv-
ice staff reductions in the Ministries of Labor, Finance, National Security, and the
Public Service have contributed to the difficulties in enforcing workplace regula-
tions. The law provides workers with the right to remove themselves from dan-
gerous work situations without jeopardy to their continued employment if they are
570
trade union members or covered by the Factories Act. The law does not specifically
protect other categories of workers in those circumstances.
RIEXICO
Mexico is a federal republic with an elected President, a bicameral legislature,
and a constitutionally mandated independent judiciary. On July 6, elections were
held for the entire lower house of Congress, one-quarter of the Senate, 6 state gov-
ernors, and over 1,000 state and local office holders in 7 states. For the first time,
the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) lost its absolute majority in the lower
house of Congress, and the opposition Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) and
National Action Party (PAN) made strong gains. This was a marked departure from
S)ast elections, as the PRI has won every presidential election since the party's
bunding in 1929, many of which involved credible allegations of fraudulent prac-
tices. For the first time since the 1920's, the people of Mexico City elected a mayor,
PRD candidate Cuauhtemoc Cardenas. Although there were post-electoral disputes
in a few states, including Colima and Campeche, and small-scale violence in
Chiapas, a wide range of Mexican and international observers characterized the
elections as largely free and fair and as a significant advance in the democratization
process. The judiciary is nominally independent; however, on occasion it has been
influenced by the executive branch. Corruption and inefficiency are problems and
are more widespread in some states than others.
Several southern states, most notably Guerrero, Oaxaca, and Chiapas, continued
to suffer politically motivated violence. Peace talks between the Government and the
Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) stalled in September 1996 following
disagreement regarding the implementation of agreements signed in February 1996
on indigenous rights. However, intense informal contacts continued through Janu-
ary 1997. The army and the EZLN have not clashed since the Government unilater-
ally declared a cease-fire on January 12, 1994. As part of continuing unrest in
Chiapas, on December 22 an armed group allegedly organized by the PRI mayor
massacred 45 indigenous persons in the village of Acteal, which increased already
high tensions in the state. President Zedillo immediately ordered his Attorney Gen-
eral to conduct a thorough investigation. This investigation resulted in the arrest
of persons allegedly connected to the massacre and continued at year's end. A new
group of uncertain origin and size, the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR), made
its appearance in June 1996. The Grovemment considers the EPR a terrorist organi-
zation and has vowed to bring the group to Justice.
Police forces maintain internal security. The army is responsible for external secu-
rity but also has domestic security responsibilities. The military withdrew from Fed-
eral District police responsibilities effective December 22. The security forces, in-
cluding the federal and state judicial police, federal highway police, and local police,
are under the control of elected civilian officials. However, corruption is rife within
police ranks. Members of the security forces continued to commit numerous human
rights abuses.
Mexico has a market-based, mixed economy, which the Government has been pro-
gressively deregulating and opening. An ambitious program of privatization has re-
duced state-owned companies from more than 1,150 to less than 200. During the
third quarter, about 29 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) came from the in-
dustrial sector, 5 percent from agriculture, and 66 percent from the service sector.
There is significant subsistence agriculture, and 25 percent of the populace lives in
rural areas. Leading exports include automobiles, manufactured and assembled
products (including electronics and consumer goods), and petroleum. Per capita GDP
was about $4,100, but consumption and wages remained below 1994 levels, produc-
ing high levels of crime and social tension. There are severe and growing inequal-
ities in income distribution, with large numbers of people living in extreme poverty
in rural areas, shanty towns, and urban slums. In February the Government initi-
ated an antipoverty program (renamed Progresa in August) intended to help
500,000 of the poorest families by year's end.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, although se-
rious problems remained in some areas, and some states present special concerns.
Major abuses included extrajudicial killings, disappearances, torture, illegal arrests,
arbitrary detentions, poor prison conditions, lengthy pretrial detention, lack of due
process, corruption and inefTiciency in the judiciary, illegal searches, violence
against women, discrimination against women and indigenous persons, some limits
on worker rights, and extensive cnild labor in agriculture and in the informal econ-
571
omy. Vigilante killings, attacks against journalists, and attacks and threats to
human rights monitors were also problems.
The Government continued, with limited success, its attempt to end the "culture
of impunity* surrounding the security forces through reforms in the federal Attorney
General's Office (PGR). The PGR continued to restructure to combat internal corrup-
tion. Major steps included the reorganization of its subordinate bodies, the dismissal
of hundreds of employees, training programs targeting both new and long time
agents, and the creation of new units, all of whose members must undergo an in-
depth vetting process including polygraphs, financial and background investigations,
and drug testmg. The Government also continued its support for the government-
funded National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) and for implementation of a
wide-ranging package of other police and judicial reforms.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Members of the security forces com-
mitted extrajudicial killings. According to Amnesty International (AI), three persons
died in June due to torture by police (see Section I.e.).
On October 2, the Mexico City Attorney General's ofTice charged a police officer
with four murders related to a September 8 shooting during a police sweep of the
neighborhoods of Buenos Aires ana Doctores. Subsequent investigations resulted in
the arrest of additional officers. In November rebellious security force members bar-
ricaded themselves in their barracks to block the arrest of individuals in connection
with the abduction, torture, and killing of six vouths in those sweeps. They surren-
dered to fellow soldiers after a 14-hour standoff. At year's end, 32 police officers
were in jail, including three high-ranking military officers of the unit on suspicion
that they had tried to cover up the killings. The CNDH and the Attorney General's
office were also conducting investigations.
In November police officers in Acapulco, angered by a traffic dispute with a taxi
driver, tied him up in his taxi, poured gasoline over him, and burned him to death.
On December 25, a spokesman for the fifth military zone located in Guadalajara
announced that 28 officers and enlisted men had been implicated in kidnaping, tor-
ture, and killing that occurred in the municipality of Zapopan on December 14-15.
In that incident, 20 youths were allegedly held against their will and tortured. Mili-
tary personnel from an air base in Ocotan, near Zapopan, apparently kidnaped 23-
year-old Salvador Jimenez Aguilar, tortured him, and then killed him. After interro-
gating soldiers serving at the air base, military officials found his body on December
20. Tne military justice system assumed jurisdiction of the investigation and pros-
ecution from the federal authorities (see Section I.e.).
Police and vigilantes acting on behalf of local landowners continued to commit
extrajudicial killings while dislodging peasant squatters from rural lands in several
states. To expand communal land holaings, for decades peasants have invaded pri-
vate lands and petitioned for government recognition of the seizures.
Some large landowners and local political bosses in Chiapas state maintain pri-
vate militias to defend their property from peasant land invasions and to intimidate
local opposition. This problem is especially acute in some northern regions of the
state, where the group Development, Peace, and Justice ("Desarrollo, Paz y
Justicia"), headed by autonomous local political bosses loosely affiliated with the
PRI, is based. A number of local armed groups, including Peace and Justice and the
"Chinchulines," reportedly banded together to form an anti-Zapatista indigenous
front. State authorities do not erfectiveiy impede the establishment of these militias,
which reportedly often employ police and military personnel. In December there
were press reports that the Chiapas state government provided financial assistance
to the Peace and Justice group in August, under the auspices of agrarian reform.
On March 14, in the community of San Pedro Nixtalucum, El Bosque municipal-
ity, Chiapas, police killed 4 peasants and detained 24 others during a confrontation
between the peasants and members of the PRI. The elected mayor of El Bosque is
a member of the PRI. Prior to the events of March 14, PRD supporters had con-
tested the electoral results, set up a "popular government," and held 12 PRI party
members, including the municipal agent, hostage in the town hall. The PRD action
was reportedly in response to the arrest of PRD members by the PRI municipal gov-
ernment. A group of about 26 state police officers arrived in San Pedro to release
the hostages. Armed villagers surrounded the police. An attempt to negotiate broke
down when shots were fired, four peasants were killed, and six police were wound-
ed. The police withdrew and returned later with army support and arrested 24 peas-
ants. During the clash, the police called in a state police nelicopter for support. TTiis
helicopter, used for reconnaissance and for evacuating wounded, was not armed. Ac-
572
cording to various reports, one or two police officers inside the helicopter fired at
the crowd, both to back up the police on the ground and possibly to clear a landing
zone. According to the Fray Bartolome de Las Casas Human Rights Center, the au-
thorities charged the 24 arrested peasants with kidnaping, criminal association, and
assault; they also charged 13 of the 24 with homicide. In addition, members of Peace
and Justice expelled the people of San Pedro from the town. Following negotiations
that were assisted by tne state government, a "nonaggression" agreement was
signed on May 8 permitting the peasants to return home. In late May, the authori-
ties released all 2^4 detained peasants, 3 of whom claimed to have been tortured by
police. On May 31, the four widows received compensation from the state govern-
ment. The CNDH has conducted an investigation, and a report was pending at
year's end.
TTie town of Chenalho, Chiapas state, suffered an increasingly tense political situ-
ation during the year. Since May, increased tension between PRI supporters and
EZL^ sympathizers led to the displacement of 6,000 indigenous people, the iiyury
of at least 35 persons, and the deaths of 16 people. PRD and EZLN sympathizers
tried to set up a "popular government" in the town, the mayor was allegea to have
made threats against the parish priest, and a PRI member was ambushed and kid-
naped on December 17. On December 22, an armed group allegedly organized by
the PRI mayor massacred 45 indigenous persons in the nearby village ofActeal. At
President Zedillo's direction, federal authorities opened an investigation headed by
Attorney General Madrazo and arrested 46 persons in connection with the mas-
sacre, including the mayor of Chenalho and the state police chief. The CNDH also
opened an investigation, and the CNDH president criticized the state government's
"negligence" in not responding more quickly to reports that the massacre was under-
way. In response to a CNDH recommendation, the federal Attorney General's ofiice
broadened its investigation to include senior officials in the Chiapas state govern-
ment. This investigation continued at year's end. The state governor and his cabinet
resigned. The Interior Secretary and the Government's chief negotiator for Chiapas
both resigned following the Acteal massacre.
According to statistics compiled by the District Attorney's office for Chiapas state
in 1996, approximately 500 peasants had been killed in the previous 3 years as a
result of violence in the northern municipalities of Tila, Sabanilla, Salto de Agua,
and Tumbala. The Fray Bartolome de las Casas Center for Human Rights reported
that at least 2,000 indigenous families had abandoned their lands for fear of violent
attacks by the Peace and Justice group.
Police continued to evict, detain arbitrarily, and destroy the homes of peasant
leaders in the state of Veracruz. Land disputes in the state, especially those involv-
ing ranchers and indigenous persons, are the principal cause of such violence. Police
of^n fail to investigate killings of peasants by ranchers.
On April 10, 1996, citizens of Tepoztlan, Morelos, were marching on the "Emiliano
Zapata route" to Tlaltizapan in order to present a petition to President Zedillo pro-
testing the planned development of a golf course on communal lands. The police
stopped the protesters and fired shots; the protesters responded by fleeing and de-
fending themselves with rocks. In the melee, police shot and killed one protester,
Marcos Olmedo. The governor of Morelos denounced the shooting, saying that police
were under standing instructions not to use firearms against demonstrators. Accord-
ing to the Miguel Augustin pro Juarez Center for Human Rights, the police group
responsible for the shooting nas been disbanded. The authorities suspended 60 po-
lice for abuse of authority and arrested 11 police and 2 high ranking officers for pre-
sumed responsibility for the killing of Olmedo.
On July 13, the courts found 28 police oflicers and 11 state government officials,
including the former director of operations of the state police, guilty of homicide and
abuse ofauthority in the June 28, 1995, slaying of 17 peasants in Aguas Blancas,
Guerrero. The former state interior department director Esteban Mendoza Ramos
received 26V2 years in jail. The courts tried, found guilty, and sentenced other offi-
cials from the state interior department and the state attorney general's office to
3 years and 3 months in jail for attempting to alter video evidence in order to show
falsely that the police had reacted in self-defense against armed peasants. The
courts also sentenced Rosendo Armijo de los Santos, the former undersecretary for
the state security and highway ofiice, to 5 years for not properly carrying out his
Smblic duties, and Orlan<£ Soberanis Moreno, former state prosecutor, to 8 months
or falsifying documents. Four other oflicials were not sentenced due to constitu-
tional writs of protection ("amparos").
There were no new developments in the cases of Raul Salinas de Gortari, brother
of the former president, and Mario Ruiz Massieu, former deputy attorney general,
who face charges stemming from the assassination of then-PRI secretary general
Jose Francisco Ruiz Massieu in September 1994.
573
There were no new developments in cases pending from 1992-95, involving Gas-
ton Ayala Beltran, a former state judicial police ofiicer; Othon Cortez Vazquez, the
alleged second gunman in the March 1994 assassination of PRI presidential can-
didate Luis Donaldo Colosio; and police officer Jose Antonio Verduzco Flores, freed
in the beating death of U.S. citizen Mario Amado.
According to the January-June PRD human rights report, 79 PRD activists were
killed during 1996, bringing the total number of PRD members killed since 1994 to
253. The PRD reported 180 cases of human rights violations against its partisans.
Arbitrary detentions were the most reported crime with 90 complaints, followed by
homicide, 32 cases; torture, 31 cases; and missing persons, 22 cases. The PRD is
working with the Secretariat of the Interior and with the CNDH on this issue.
b. Disappearance. — There were credible reports by the media and NGO's of dis-
appearances during sweeps by security and military forces in Oaxaca and Guerrero
in attempts to round up EPR members. The EPR claimed that seven of its members
have disappeared: Gilherto Romero Vasquez, Gregorio Alfonso Alvarado Lop>ez,
Miguel Castro Monillo, Fredy Nava Rios, Benito Bahena Maldonado, and EPR mem-
bers known as "Gustavo" and "Elsa." The Miguel Agustin pro Juarez Center for
Human Rights also cited seven disappearances related to anti-EPR sweeps. While
denying that any individuals had been illegally detained, the Government has of-
fered to investigate reports of disappearances.
Since 1990, the CNDH has had a program to investigate disappearances. For the
May 1996 to May 1997 period, the CNDH reported that it was able to resolve 26
cases of reported disappearances. Of those cases, it found that 22 of the people were
alive or there was evidence that they were alive, and the remaining 4 were found
dead or presumed to be dead. This brought the total cases of presumed disappear-
ances investigated by the CNDH to 175, of which 115 persons were found to be liv-
ing and 40 were found dead or there was evidence that they died.
The police reportedly kidnaped a journalist in September (see Section 2. a.). Mili-
taiy personnel Kidnaped, tortured, and killed a civilian near Ocotan, Guadalajara,
in December (see Section l.a.).
According to the Miguel Agustin pro Juarez Center for Human Rights, 20 people
have disappeared in the northern states of Sinaloa, Baja California, and Chihuahua
due to actions by narcotics traffickers. Press reports indicated that as many as 100
people disappeared during the year in the state of Chihuahua. These disappearances
were also attributed to narcotics traffickers and to corrupt police officers in their
pay. The PGR appointed a special investigator to look into these disappearances.
Amnesty International reported that two people who disappeared m 1995 still re-
main missing. On May 24, 1995, the leader of the Peasant Organization of the
Southern Sierra (OCSS), Gilberto Romero Vasquez, disappeared after his organiza-
tion had presented a series of demands to state authorities. AI also reported that
in October 1995, Cuauhtemoc Omelas Campos, a journalist and human rights activ-
ist, disappeared after receiving anonymous threats for publicly criticizing human
rights abuses by local officials.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture; however, it continues to be a serious human
rights problem. Although the Constitution excludes as evidence confessions obtained
in the absence of the accused's defense attorney, courts have nevertheless continued
to admit as evidence confessions extracted under torture. Members of the security
forces continued to torture and abuse detainees. The most commonly used methods
of torture were threats, beatings, asphyxiation, and electric shocks. Members of the
security forces also reportedly used torture against members of the EPR and ELZN
(see Section l.g.).
There are persistent reports by NGO's of widespread use of torture by police and
security forces. The CNDH reported in May that torture dropped from the 17th to
24th most common type of complaint, and the actual number of complaints of tor-
ture decreased by 22 percent, with a total of 46 complaints during the year. Of the
46 complaints, the CNDH referred 21 to state human rights authorities. Of the 25
cases handled by the CNDH, 1 occurred in 1997, 9 in 1996, 11 in 1995, and the
rest in prior years. The CNDH has made seven recommendations, which were being
implemented.
The CNDH, however, does not maintain statistics on torture complaints made to
state human rights commissions. Of the 31 states and the Federal District, only Hi-
dalgo lacks a law prohibiting torture. Poorly trained and equipped to investigate
crimes, police officers continued to attempt to solve crimes oy rounding up likely
suspects and then exacting confessions from them. Many state human rights com-
missions received reports of torture allegedly committed by police.
The authorities punish few officials for torture, which continues to occur mainly
because confessions are the primary evidence in many criminal convictions. Many
574
victims do not report, or do not follow through on, their complaints against the po-
lice for fear of reprisals.
According to Ai, at least three people died as a result of torture. In June 25 mem-
bers of the Amuzgo Indian community of Coachapa, Guerrero state, suspected of
theft, were subjected to beatings, prolonged hanging by the wrists, and semi-asphyx-
iation by state police to extract a confession. Among them was 16-year-old Alfredo
Ramirez Santiago, who was hanged by the neck from a tree and beaten on the head
and body. AI also reported that peasant activists in Guerrero and Oaxaca states
were tortured to confess to having links with the EPR. Members of the army and
state police allegedly subjected eight people arrested in July in Guerrero and
Oaxaca state to beatings, prolonged nangin^ by the wrists, electric shocks and semi-
asphvxiation for up to 7 days. The authorities charged them with having links with
the EPR on the basis of statements extracted under torture and held them in prison
awaiting trial at year's end. Alleged EPR members who were released on December
5 claimed that they had been psychologically abused while being held.
In September police apparently abducted, tortured, and killed six youths in Mex-
ico City; in December military personnel were arrested for torturing and killing a
citizen near Guadalajara (see Section l.a.).
At the invitation of the Government, Nigel Rodley, the U.N. Special Rapporteur
on Torture, visited Mexico August 5-8 to investigate allegations of torture, including
complaints of mistreatment oi alleged members of the EPR and EZLN. Rodley met
with many government officials. He also met with members of prominent Mexican
human rights NGO's, including the Human Rights Network (which has 46 member
NGO's), the Mexican Committee for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights,
the Francisco de Vitoria Human Rights Center, and the Miguel Augustin pro Juarez
Center for Human Rights.
In testimony before Congress on September 10, Attorney General Jorge Madrazo,
former head of the CNDH, stated that torture and intimidation are a haoit with the
police. Madrazo also highlighted steps being taken to address the problem of corrup-
tion. He said that, because of widespread corruption and penetration by narcotics
traffickers, he disbanded the former Institute (or National Drug Combat and re-
placed it with a special prosecutor's office for crimes against health. As part of this
clean up, the authorities dismissed 270 police officers and held 192 of them for trial.
In the first 9 months of the year, the Attorney General's office organized 19 training
course, including 1 for prosecutors. Madrazo also called for new laws to strengthen
the legal mechanisms for fighting crime, improve training programs, and reform the
penal system.
In February then-Mexico City police chief General Enrique Salgado announced a
plan to professionalize the police force through a training and reassignment pro-
-am. Following the September incident in the Buenos Aires neighborhood (see Sec-
tion l.a.) and the related arrest of 32 police and military officers, this program came
under increasing public criticism. With the December 5 inauguration of Mexico City
mayor Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, and his statement that active duty military personnel
would no longer serve in Federal District police roles, the military announced plans
to end this deployment, efTectively bringing an end to the training program. The
mayor named retired army Colonel Roberto Debemardi Debernardi as police chief.
Early in the Cardenas administration, two lower ranking police officials accused of
past human rights violations resigned.
Robberies committed by policemen are common. In a number of cases in northern
border states, judges, police, and persons posing as attorneys extorted large sums
of money ($3,000 to $10,000) from tourists to "fix" real or fabricated infractions.
State human rights commission authorities in Coahuila widely published a toll-free
telephone number for reporting police abuses, but, according to tne Coahuila human
rights commission, there were few if any such calls.
Most citizens view the police as corrupt and unhelpful: 64 percent of crime victims
in Mexico City did not report incidents to law enforcement authorities. According
to a reliable 1995 poll, 75 percent of those surveyed felt that the justice system was
riddled with corruption. Police academies in some states, such as Coahuila, Du-
rango, and Sonora, sought to improve police conduct by offering special courses
aimed at greater professionalization. However, such progress among the various po-
lice forces is highly uneven.
Attorney General Madrazo continued to promote a wide-ranging package of re-
forms to reduce corruption and promote professionalism among federal police and
prosecutors. The reform package includes new training and recruitment procedures
for the PGR, closer supervision of PGR officers, and a reorganization of the PGR's
structure. It also calls for creation of new units, all of whose members must undergo
a comprehensive vetting process, including polygraph and drug testing, as well as
financial and background checks. The difficult nature of this process is illustrated
575
by the fact that several hundred of the 1,200 PGR officials dismissed by former At-
torney General Antonio Lozano have, on the basis of judicial appeals, won reinstate-
ment in the PGR.
In some cases police officers dismissed in one state find law enforcement employ-
ment in another. The CNDH discovered that even when the authorities censured
some officers in one law enforcement job, thev moved on to other positions and were
subsequently charged again with human rignts abuses. In an effort to remedy this
situation, the CNDH publishes lists of censured public servants in its annual report
and monthly newsletters. In addition, the Government has established a national
security register to keep track of censured police officers and address this problem.
Prison conditions are poor. Many prisons are staffed by undertrained and corrupt
guards, and some lack adequate facilities for prisoners and are overcrowded, despite
an early release program endorsed by the UNDH and legal reforms reducing the
number of crimes that carry mandatory prison sentences. Prisoners complain that
they must purchase food, medicine, and other necessities from guards or bribe
guards to allow the goods to be brought in from outside. Drug and alcohol use is
rampant in prisons. Frequently, prisoners exercise authority within a prison, dis-
{)lacing prison officials. Influence peddling, drug and arms trafficking, coercion, vio-
ence, sexual abuse, and protection payofis are the chief methods of control used by
prisoners against fellow prisoners in a form of self-government within the system.
Conflicts between rival prison groups, often involved in drug trafficking, continued
to spark lethal violence. According to a study conducted by the CNDH, from March
1994 to March 1996, over 50 prison riots occurred.
While the authorities prosecuted a few prison officials for abusing prisoners, it
was more common to dismiss them or to charge them with only minor offenses. The
director of the Mexico City prison system resigned in April, a day after the city's
Human Rights Commission denounced prison abuses; one of the prison directors
also resigned.
The penal system comprises 4 federal penitentiaries, 8 prisons within the Federal
District, 275 state prisons, and 151 municipal jails, for a total of 438 facilities. Ac-
cording to the Secretary of Government's program for prevention and social re-
adaptation, 1995-2000, the prison population has increased annually by 25 percent,
resulting in the space designed to nold 99,650 prisoners becoming overcrowded. In
July statistics revealed that the prison population of the Federal District far ex-
ceeded its capacity. In space for 8,339 inmates, there were 12,598 prisoners, up from
11,086 in November 1996, an increase of 25 percent. A CNDH study also found over-
crowding in prisons in the states of Baja California, Sonora, Tamaulipas and
Michoacan. The national penal system held 109,956 inmates, 10 percent above ca-
pacity. One new prison, in the state of Mexico, opened in January; four more are
under construction.
Although the Constitution calls for the separation of juveniles from older pris-
oners, men from women, and convicted criminals from prisoners held in custody, in
practice, this article is routinely violated in each aspect. Overcrowding and corrup-
tion within the prison system results in mixing of these groups. There were reports
of prison guards raping female prisoners and an informal prostitution ring operated
by Doth prison guards and prisoners between the all-female penitentiary of Tepepan
and the all-male facility in Reclusorio Sur in Mexico City. Prison officials sometimes
encourajge women to form sexual liaisons with male prisoners and guards. In some
cases, oiiicials coerce women into sexual relationships.
There is one "mixed" prison in Cuernavaca, which offers rehabilitative activities
such as vocational and recreational workshops. This prison also permits prisoner-
run restaurants, other facilities, and includes a church inside the prison. The prison
authorities allow visits from outside the prison, including overnight stays by chil-
dren of detainees.
The CNDH has a program to inspect prisons (from May 1996 to May 1997, the
CNDH made 170 visits to 53 prisons in 27 states) and to investigate prisoner com-
plaints.
There is no specific law or regulation regarding the ability of NGO's to visit pris-
ons. In practice, such prison visits are allowed and are common. For example, mem-
bers of the Democratic Lawyers National Front represented prisoners alleged to be
members of the EZLN and were allowed to visit them in prison. In July the Govern-
ment agreed to allow the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to con-
duct visits to a number of persons held in places of detention (including high-secu-
rity jails). Between August and September, the ICRC visited 108 people detained
in 22 prisons. These persons are detained on the basis of their alleged links with
illegal armed groups such as the EPR.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention; however, the police continued to arrest and detain citizens arbi-
576
trarily. The law provides that the District Attorney may not detain an accused per-
son more than 48 hours before presenting the person before a judge, but it makes
an exception for persons apprehended in the act of committing a crime. In Novem-
ber 1996, Congress amended the Penal Procedures Federal Code to apply this excep-
tion to acts committed up to 72 hours prior to detention. The Mexican Commission
for Defense and Promotion of Human Rights strongly criticized this change.
The Constitution provides that the authorities must try an accused person within
4 months if the alleged crime carries a sentence of less than 2 years, or within 1
year if the crime carries a longer sentence. The law requires that prisoners awaiting
trial be housed separately from those convicted. In practice, judicial and police au-
thorities frequently ignored these time limits. According to the CNDH and NGO's,
the authorities often held criminal defendants with convicted prisoners and for
longer than allowed by law before going to trial.
Arbitrary arrest and detention, often linked to corrupt police, continued to be
among the most common human rights abuses. The Mexican Commission for De-
fense and Promotion of Human Rights calculated 23 illegal or arbitrary detentions
between January and September. Using different criteria, for the period May 1995
to December 1996, the CNDH reported 303 findings of arbitrary aetention and 36
cases in which it found that authorities held prisoners incommunicado. The human
rights commission for the Federal District reported 272 complaints of arbitrary de-
tention for the period from October 1995 to September 1996. It found the most com-
mon complaint to be delay in the administration of justice, with 602 complaints. The
commission was critical of numerous arrest orders in the Federal District being ig-
nored or unresolved.
On March 3, the police arbitrarily detained two Jesuit priests in Palenque,
Chiapas (see Section 2.c.).
In April 1995, the police arrested Mauricio Franco Sanchez for physically blocking
efforts to build a golf course in an environmentally protected area in Tepoztlan,
Morelos. In January 1996, a court sentenced Franco to a term of 10 years and 7
months, but he was released in July 1996. The police also arrested Jose CariUo
Conde and Gerardo Demesa Padilla, members of the Tepoztlan United Committee
(CUT), who protested construction of the golf course and held them on charges of
participating in a murder. Several human rights groups contended that the police
were really holding these individuals because they protested construction of the golf
course. Jose Carillo was released in October 1996, together with Fortino Mendoza,
another CUT activist who had been arrested in October 1995. In September Demesa
was sentenced to 8 years in prison for being an accessory to manslaughter in the
death of Pedro Margarito Barragan Gutierrez. He is appealing the sentence. On De-
cember 11, the CNDH recommended that Demesa be released from prison for lack
of credible evidence against him. The CNDH also recommended that the local au-
thorities investigate apparent acts of corruption in handling communal territory and
that they cancel the project. In response to local protests, the developers of the pro-
posed golf course and housing and resort complex canceled the project in April 1996.
Detention of opposition political activists is neither widespread nor systematic.
Nevertheless, there were scattered reports of such detentions.
Judges often failed to sentence indigenous detainees within legally mandated peri-
ods. For the period from June 1994 to December 1996, the CNDH reviewed 8,661
files of indigenous persons detained in Mexican jails. The Commission recommended
the immediate release of 1,727 persons in 1996. By the end of 1996, the authorities
had released 998 of them; 729 cases were still pending. Of those states with the
largest numbers of indigenous prisoners, the CNDH reviewed 2,222 cases in Oaxaca,
and recommended 407 releases, of which 296 have been accomplished; 1,219 cases
in Veracruz, with 331 recommendations for release and 245 releases; and 639 cases
in Puebla, with 157 releases recommended, and 61 releases.
Federal prosecutors continued to adhere to the recommendation by the National
Indigenous Institute (INI) that they drop charges against first-time offenders ac-
cused of drug cultivation, as drug traffickers often forced indigenous defendants,
who do not understand the legal significance of their actions, to grow the crops. The
INI also supports programs to provide translators for indigenous defendants and to
assist them in obtaining bail bonds.
Many detainees report that officials ask them to pay bribes for release before for-
mal arraignment; many of those arrested report that they are able to bribe officials
to have them drop charges before they go oefore a judge. Corruption is rampant
throughout the system.
The law does not permit exile, and it is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is nominally independent; however,
on occasion it has been influenced by the executive branch. Corruption and ineffi-
577
ciency are problems and are more widespread in some states than others. Judicial
reforms have begun to address some of these problems.
The federal court system is composed of 183 district courts, 74 circuit courts of
appeal, and a Supreme Court. In 1995 President Zedillo proposed and Congress ap-
{)roved extensive judicial reform legislation. These reforms included: selecting most
ower and appellate federal court judges and law secretaries by competitive exami-
nations; creating an independent judicial council to administer the federal courts
(except the Supreme Court, which administers itself); and requiring two-thirds of
the Senate to confirm the appointment of a Supreme Court justice. The reforms also
provided the Supreme Court with the authority to strike down a law for unconsti-
tutionality (one-third of the Congress, one-third of a state congress, or the Attorney
General must ask the Supreme Court to review the constitutionality of a law before
it can be declared unconstitutional).
Efforts to implement these reforms continued throughout the year. The judicial
council created 27 new judicial tribunals and plans to create 20 more; established
the beisis and procedures for selecting new members of the judiciary and for promot-
ing and transferring current members; conducted reviews of the performance of 48
judges during their initial 6-year probationary period prior to granting life tenure
(three did not receive tenure); determined 151 new assignments and 180 reassign-
ments of judges; handled 1,025 administrative complaints and found 70 to be well
based; and reconstituted the institute in charge of training of the federal judiciary.
Since the creation of the federal judicial council in early 1995 to the end of the
year, seven judges have been investigated for the alleged protection they granted
to criminals, including drug traffickers. Some of these judges are accused of having
abused the amparo (a writ protecting one's constitutional rights) to benefit the ac-
cused criminals. Other judges face investigations for the lenient sentences they
htmded down in specific cases of serious crimes. The PGR has begun formal legal
proceedings only in three of the seven cases. In two other cases, the PGR forwarded
administrative complaints against the judges to the federal iudicial council. These
complaints allege inefficiency in the accomplishment of legal proceedings; and the
two judges do not face criminal charges. The remaining two judges are being inves-
tigated for allegedly committing irregularities in the performance of their duties.
The judicial trial system is based on the Napoleonic code and consists of a series
of fact-gathering hearings at which the court receives documentary evidence or testi-
mony. In addition, officials may add notarized documents to the official case file
without authentication. A judge in chambers reviews the case file and makes a final
written ruling based thereon. The record of the proceeding in not available to the
public; only the parties and, by special motion, tne victim may have access to the
official file. The Constitution provides for the right of the accused to attend the
hearings and challenge the evidence or testimony presented, and the Gk>vemment
respects these rights in practice. In general, court hearings are open to the public
and it is common to find not only the accused but also relatives and journalists in
the court rooms.
Journalists covering judicial proceedings must rely on statements of attorneys out-
side the courtroom as to what occurred inside. A judge in chambers reviews the case
file and makes a final written ruling based thereon. The record of the proceeding
is not available to the public; only the parties and, by special motion, the victim may
have access to the official file.
While there is a constitutional right to an attorney at all stages of criminal pro-
ceedings, in practice, the authorities oflen do not assure adequate representation for
many poor oefendants. Attorneys are not always available during the questioning
of defendants; in some instances a defense attorney will attempt to represent sev-
eral clients simultaneously by entering difierent rooms to certify that he was
present although he did not actually attend the full proceedings. In the case of in-
digenous defendants, many of whom do not speak Spanish, the situation is oflen
worse. The courts do not routinely furnish translators for them at all stages of
criminal proceedings, and thus defendants may be unaware of the status oi their
case.
The law does not require civil trial of soldiers involved in civil crimes, and the
military continues to handle such cases. The Constitution provides for military juris-
diction for crimes or offenses involving any violation of military discipline. In cases
in which a member of the military commits a crime and is arrested by civil authori-
ties, the military has the right to immediately request transfer of the case to mili-
tary jurisdiction. TTie Constitution allows civilian authorities to assume jurisdiction
in cases involving military personnel accused of common offenses. Several NGO's
complained about the growing militarization of the country and expressed the fear
that military abuses would not be subject to civil jurisdiction. This remains a subject
578
of ongoing public debate, with some sectors of society in favor of greater use of the
military to combat crime.
Some human rights groups claim that activists arrested in connection with land
disputes and other civil disobedience activities are in fact political prisoners. The
Government asserts that the system fairly prosecutes those charged in sometimes
violent land invasions for common crimes, such as homicide and damage to prop-
erty.
\. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the rights to privacy, family, home, and correspondence.
The law requires search warrants, but there are credible claims that unlawful
searches without warrants are common.
Police evicted peasants from their homes and destroyed the homes of peasant
leaders in the state of Veracruz (see Section l.a.).
In November 1996, Congress passed the federal Law against Organized Crime
which, among other changes, allows for electronic surveillance with a judicial order.
The law prohibits electronic surveillance in cases of electoral, civil, commercial,
labor, or administrative matters.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— There were no reported clashes between troops stationed in Chiapas and the
EZLN during 1997. Negotiations between the EZLN and the Government have not
progressed since January. The Government contends that it remains committed to
implementation of the San Andres accords on the rights of indigenous peoples and
to a negotiated settlement. In September the EZLN organized a peaceful march on
Mexico City to demand, among other things, implementation of the agreement on
indigenous rights. A political movement, the Zapatista National Liberation Front
(FZLN), was launched in September to pursue Zapatista goals through political ac-
tion. The Government has invited the EZLN to recommence negotiations, but the
EZLN refused to return to the dialog until the Government takes steps that the
EZLN believes are necessary to implement the San Andres accords. The Govern-
ment welcomed the EZLN march on Mexico City and the creation of the FZLN as
representing a shift from military to political action.
The military continues to deny any responsibility for abuses committed during the
early stages of the Chiapas rebellion in 1994. The military authorities who have ju-
risdiction failed to punish any military personnel or government officials for commit-
ting abuses, although the CNDH issued an interim report in May 1994 finding that
there was reason to believe that the military had injured or killed civilians in aerial
attacks, and that there were summary executions, illegal detentions, and instances
of torture.
In January 1994, the army occupied the town of Ejido Morelia in the state of
Chiapas. The army allegedly took three men into the church where they were tor-
tured before being taken away. Their bodies were found 3 days later in a nearby
town. This case was been brought before the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights (lACHR). The lACHR made a number of recommendations to the Govern-
ment in October, which reportedly included that the Government appoint a special
f>rosecutor, take legal action against the accused, and make payments to the victims'
amilies. The Government was given 3 months to respond to the recommendations;
the authorities have said that they are prepared to punish those responsible.
In May and June, the EPR launched small-scale attacks against the military in
Guerrero. Prior to the July 6 elections, the EPR declared a truce. Following the elec-
tions, an EPR leader told the press that the EPR did not plan to launch attacks
in the near future because such actions would not command popular support.
Sweeps conducted by police and military personnel searching for the EPR resulted
in a number of arrests. Many NGO's expressed concern that the security forces tor-
tured some of the detainees. There were reports of torture in connection with arrests
by security forces searching for members of the EPR in the state of Guerrero. Sol-
diers detained Jose Nava Andrade, a member of the Organization of Towns and Set-
tlers of Guerrero, in July 1996 and allegedly tortured him in an attempt to force
him to confess membership in the EPR.
Amnesty International reported that in July 1996, Hilario Mesino Acosta, an
OCSS leader in Guerrero, was arrested in Mexico City on charges of participating
in violent activities. He was allegedly tortured and threatened. Previously, his
dau^ters had received death threats after lodging complaints about the Aguas
Blancas massacre. The CNDH examined the arrest warrants executed for Mesino
and interviewed him 2 days after his arrest. According to the CNDH, Mesino denied
that he had been mistreated and was aware of the judicial events leading to his de-
tention. A CNDH expert verified that Mesino showed no signs of mistreatment.
579
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects these rights in practice.
Mass media are not subject to formal censorship from any element of government.
The media environment is complex. The media are more free and independent
than at any time in the country's history. Yet, there are more credible reports of
attacks on journalists in the exercise of their profession than in recent years. Many
of these attacks are carried out by drug traflicKing organizations or by corrupt secu-
rity personnel in the pay of such groups.
m the capital and in other major urban centers, the media show a high degree
of editorial independence. Direct criticism of the Government, especially in print
media, is severe and commonplace. Television news and public affairs programs are
no longer the automatic "propaganda services for the President and top oiucials" de-
scribed by the Conmiittee to Protect Journalists as recently as 1995. Television pro-
vided full and generally balanced coverage of all political parties during the 1997
electoral campaign and continued to do so after the elections.
A complex set of relationships has developed between the media and the Govern-
ment over the years. Some elements of that relationship are diminishing; others
continue to tilt the editorial independence of many news organizations toward the
Government. The key elements oi that system are: coincidence of interest between
media owners and the Government; broadcast licensing; official advertising (some
of it disguised as news coverage); a state-run newsprint sales company; and a vari-
ety of cash and noncash payments to journalists from various levels of government.
The greatest concentration of ofTicial influence is in television. Television broad-
casters give a contribution of air time — in the form of a 12.5 percent tax on advertis-
ing revenues — instead of actual cash payments. This system lowers effective tax
rates of the broadcasters and assures the Government access to this powerful me-
dium.
Greater pluralism in government and generational change in media leadership
are beginning to separate government and media interests at the top. Following a
prolonged fiwit for control of the corporation, the new director of the media giant
Televisa publicly stated his commitment to editorial independence. This was in
marked contrast to his predecessor's publicly stated pride in being a "soldier for the
PRI." A court settlement in August ol tax fraud charges brought by the (government
against the owner of one of Mexico City's leading dailies also reflected the gradual
dissolution of traditionally close interests between media owners and the Govern-
ment.
However, the Government still has the power to grant or withdraw broadcast li-
censes. Media observers have privately alleged that tne Government delays issuance
of broadcast licenses as an implicit control over broadcasters. There have also been
Rrinted allegations of favoritism by the Government in granting broadcast licenses.
fone of those allegations has ever been proven. Media observers maintain, however,
that the ability to grant or withdraw broadcast licenses leads to self-censorship in
some broadcast media.
The most serious problem during the past year was the increasing number of
credible reports of attacks on journalists. In May the CNDH revamped its proce-
dures for monitoring reported attacks on journalists. Rather than wait for formal
complaints (which numbered 13 from May 1996 to May 1997), the CNDH began
opening cased based on media reports, and it contacted tne affected parties and oth-
ers who may have information. This invigorated approach led to 80 new investiga-
tions between May and the end of the year. Most reports received by the CNDH
continued to be from outside Mexico City, and most continued to describe violent
acts or intimidation, rather than murder of a journalist.
Mexico City media reported that there were 10 homicides of journalists during the
year in other parts of the country. Attorney General Madrazo publicly committed
the F*GR at the federal level to investigate all murders of journalists, which is sig-
nificant because homicide investigations are normally the responsibility of state
level officials. The most widely publicized death of a journalist in the conduct of his
profession was the July murder of Benjamin Flores Gonzalez, owner and editor of
the daily newspaper La Prensa, in San Luis Rio Colorado, Sonora. Unknown assail-
ants shot Flores Gonzalez while he was returning to his office. Flores (Gonzalez'
f)aper had aggressively covered the drug trade in Sonora, including a story pub-
ished in May, that reported the disappearance of a half ton of seized cocaine from
Federal Judicial Police headquarters in San Luis Rio Colorado. The police arrested
Rolando Arroyo Palacios, whom they said killed Flores Gonzales on the orders of a
jailed drug trafficker. Police also arrested Luis Enrique Rincon Muro and Vidal
Zamora Lara in the killing.
580
In November gunmen using automatic rifles opened fire on the vehicle of Jesus
Blancomelas, founder and editor of Zeta, a Tijuana weekly. The assailants seriously
wounded Blancomelas and killed his assistant' one of the attackers was killed.
Press reports ascribed the attack to narcotics traffickers.
In June Leonicio Pintor Garcia, a correspondent of the daily El Sol in
Chilpancingo, Guerrero, was found dead in or near the Ajolotero river. NGO reports
stated that the body showed signs of torture. In late May, Jesus Bueno Leon, the
editor of the weekly Siete Dias in Chilpancingo, Guerrero, was found shot in the
head near the Chilpancingo-Tixtla highway. Bueno Leon reportedly was one of
seven journalists at Siete Dias being sued for defamation by former Guerrero sec-
retary of state Ruben Robles Catalan following the publication of reports that tied
the state governor to a 1995 murder of a local lawyer by police.
There were no murders of journalists reported in Mexico City. There were, how-
ever, increasingly credible reports of harassment of journalists who work for na-
tional media. The Mexico City daily, Reforma, reported that two of its reporters
were kidnaped and detained on separate occasions in August and September. The
earlier kidnaping, by unidentified perpetrators, occurred while a reporter was inves-
tigating the disappearance of a police officer who reportedly had been in the pay
oi drug kingpin Amado Carrillo Fuentes. According to reports in Reforma, the sec-
ond kidnapmg was perpetrated by Federal Judicial Police, who questioned the re-
porter about his sources on several narcotics related stories for several hours before
releasing him.
Reputable journalists with other national media institutions have remarked pri-
vately that they have been summoned to police agencies in Mexico City where tney
were similarly asked about stories they were pursuing, including their sources. The
journalists did not allege detention or mistreatment, but understood an implicit, po-
tential threat to their aoility to report.
In response to the increased number of attacks on journalists and heightened at-
tention by Mexican and international NGO's, on September 18, President Zedillo
publicly condemned such attacks and instructed the Mexico City attorney general's
office and the Mexico City police to investigate these acts.
The Constitution recognizes academic freedom in higher education, and the Gov-
ernment respects this provision in practice.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of assembly, and the Government respects this right in practice. The only
requirement for holding demonstrations is that groups wishing to meet in public
areas inform local police authorities; public demonstrations are held frequently.
The Constitution provides for the right to organize or affiliate with political par-
ties, and the Government respects this right in practice. Opposition and independ-
ent associations functioned freely without government interference or restriction.
The Federal Electoral Code recognizes national political associations. Such political
associations can participate in elections through an agreement with one political
party but are not allowed to use their names or symbols during the election cam-
paigns. Private associations do not have legal status until they receive their official
designation from the Federal Electoral Institute. In November 1996, the IFE recog-
nized 24 citizen organizations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for the right to practice the re-
ligion of one's choice, and the authorities generally respect this right in practice.
However, local authorities sometimes infringed on this right (see Section 5). The law
bars clergy from holding public office and from advocating partisan political posi-
tions.
The federal Office of Religious Affairs actively promotes religious tolerance and
held symposiums in July 1996 in the states of Oaxaca and Chiapas emphasizing the
constitutional right of freedom of religion.
On March 3, in Palenque, Chiapas, two Jesuit priests, Jeronimo Alberto Hernan-
dez and Gonzalo Rosas Morales, were arbitrarily detained. According to witnesses,
police in civilian clothes and judicial police, supported by local police, removed the
two priests from their vehicle and transported them to Tuxtla Gutierrez. On the
way to Tuxtla, the priests report having been beaten by the police. The police had
no arrest order and did not inform the priests of the reason for their detention. The
police informed the Fray Bartolome Human Rights Center, by telephone, that the
priests were accused of participating in an ambush on March 2 in which two police
officers were killed and five were wounded. A judge subsequently released the
priests, for lack of evidence, on March 13.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for the right of free movement, and the Gov-
ernment does not generally restrict movement of its citizens into, out of, or within
the country.
581
The law provides protection for foreigners who face political persecution.
Illegal immigrants rarely file charges in cases of crimes committed against them.
The authorities generally immediately deport illegal immigrants who come to their
attention; therefore, a pending case "brought by an illegal immigrant is subject to
dismissal once the immigrant has been deported.
Until 1995 children who were in Mexico illegally did not have the right to matric-
ulate in public schools. According to new Education Secretariat guidelines, any child
may now be registered for public school with a Mexican or foreign birth certificate.
Implementation of the new guidelines varies widely from state to state, however.
The Government cooperates with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees.
With the UNHCR, the Government assisted with the repatriation of Guatemalan
refugees desiring to return home who had fled their country during the civil war
in the 1980'8 and granted others wishing to stay in Mexico official inunigrant resi-
dency status. The Government agrees, in practice, with the principle of first asylum
and reviews each claim on a case-by-case basis with the assistance of the UNHCR.
The UNHCR worked with an intragovemmental commission called the Mexican
Commission for Refugee Assistance in a program to repatriate Guatemalan refu-
gees. Guatemalan refugees are mostly located in Chiapas (18,000), Campeche
(10,000), and Quintana Roo (3,000). In 1996 3,973 Guatemalans were repatriated,
and by July, an additional 1,639 had been repatriated. In addition, the Government
offered the option to become legal residents to the refugees in Campeche and Quin-
tana Roo; 85 percent accepted.
Between /anuary and May Mexico expelled 18,984 Guatemalans, 12,934
Hondurans, 8,646 Salvadorans, and 547 Nicaraguans. Many of those expelled were
en route to the northern border with the United States. There were no reports of
forced return of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the rig^t peacefully to change their gov-
ernment through periodic elections. The PRI dominates politics and has controlled
the Government since the party was founded in 1929. It has won every presidential
election since then and has maintained power, in part, by relying on puolic patron-
age, use of government and party organizational resources, and, in tne past, elec-
toral fraud. However, the CJovemment no longer restricts the functioning of political
opponents. Electoral reforms approved in 1996 and implemented in 1997 marked a
transition from the traditional political system. While the PRI continues to be the
dominant party, political change is altering the nation's politics, and opposition par-
ties are gaining strength on both the national and local levels.
On July 6, elections were held for all 500 seats in the lower house of Congress,
one-quarter of the Senate, 6 state governors (Campeche, Colima, Queretaro, Sonora,
San Luis Potosi, and Nuevo Leon), and over 1,000 state and local office holders in
7 states and Mexico City. The congressional elections were a historic turning point.
For the first time since the party's founding, the PRI lost its absolute majority in
the lower house of Congress. In addition, for the first time since the 1920's, the peo-
ple of Mexico City directly elected the mayor. PRD candidate Cuauhtemoc Cardenas
won this race by a clear margin. There were post-electoral disputes in a few states
including Colima and Campeche, and there was small-scale violence in Chiapas.
(Ballots were burned in about 90 polling stations, out of over 1,100 in the state and
over 100,000 nationwide.) The elections were seen by Mexican and international ob-
servers as largely free and fair and as a significant advance in the democratization
process.
As a result of the package of electoral reforms approved by the Congress and
signed by President Zedillo m 1996, the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), operating
with full autonomy, organized the federal elections for the Congress and, this year
only, for the mayor of Mexico City. (In subsequent elections, Mexico City is to have
its own electoral commission.) The IFE implemented extensive constitutional and
legislative reforms passed in 1996 to help prevent electoral fraud and to "level the
playing field" for the political parties by regulating campaign finance, advertising,
and other measures. 'The IFE also provided support to state electoral institutes in
running state and local elections and was instrumental in overhauling electoral dis-
trict boundaries to reflect demographic shifts.
Although there is no systematic exclusion of women and indigenous persons, they
are underrepresented in politics. Women, however, hold numerous congressional
seats and continue to increase their representation in political offices. At the begin-
ning of his administration. President Zedillo appointed three women to the cabinet:
the Comptroller General, the Secretary of Tourism, and the Secretary of the Envi-
582
ronment, Natural Resources, and Fisheries. In addition, after the July elections,
there were 87 women in the 500-member Chamber of Deputies and 19 in the 128-
member Senate.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide vfiriety of human rirfits groups operate largely without government re-
striction, investigating and publishing their findings on numan rights cases. Govern-
ment officials are generally cooperative and responsive to NGO views, and the Con-
gress has establisned a citizen participation committee to act as a liaison with
NGO's. In July 1996, the Inter-American Commission on Human Ri^ts visited
Mexico at the invitation of President Zedillo and met with over a hunfi^d human
ri^ts groups. In August the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture visited
and met with government officials and members of NGO's. In September the sec-
retary general of Amnesty International visited Mexico and met with high ranking
members of the Government including Attorney General Madrazo, as well as with
members of prominent human rights NGO's.
However, many serious problems remain. For example, leaders and members of
numerous human ri^ts NGO's received death threats for criticizing the human
rights situation in the country. These included members of the Miguel Agustin pro
Juarez Center for Human Rights (PRODH) in Mexico City; its director, father David
Fernandez Davalos; and Jose Lavanderos Ynez, Pilar Noriega, Digna Ochoa, Victor
Brenes, and Enrique Flota, PRODH lawyers representing alleged members of the
EZLN. Death threats were also received by Araceli Munoz, a member of the Chris-
tian Action for the Abolition of Torture in Mexico City, and other civil rights activ-
ists and politicians. For example, in July Leticia Moctezuma Vargas received threats
because of her involvement in Tepoztlan. Graco Ramirez Abreu, PRD state congress-
man in Morelos, also received death threats in October for campaigning against
human rights violations by the police.
The CNDH has established a program to assist threatened activists in filing a
complaint and obtaining protection. After filing an official contiplaint, the Govern-
ment is in a position to offer protective services through the Mexico City attorney
general's office. For example, beginning in October 1996, the judicial police have
monitored the offices of the Miguel Augustin pro Juarez Center for Human Rights
in 24-hour shifts. In addition, at the group's request the Mexico City Attorney Gen-
eral's office instaUed a closed circuit fixed camera and monitor, and a video recorder
to tape the signal and two external views. The Attorney General's office also estab-
lished a government group to follow up on the investigation, but it had not yielded
conclusive results bv year's end as to who was behind these threats. Moreover,
NGO's are concerned about the intrusive nature of the police protection.
To address human rights abuses, the Government established the CNDH in 1990.
Between May 1996 and May 1997, the CNDH received a total of 8,509 new cases
and continued to process the 1,323 cases that carried over from the previous year.
By May the CNDH had concluded 8,456 of the total of 9,832 cases; 1,376 were in
various stages of processing.
For the period from May 1996 to May 1997, the CNDH made 126 recommenda-
tions to government authorities. Of these, the authorities showed proof of having
fuDy complied with 27 and partially complied with 92. The authorities accepted six
recommendations without showing proof of compliance and six others pending pres-
entation of proof of compliance. An additional 32 cases were pending. During the
same period, the CNDH's efforts resulted in the sanctioning of 123 piiolic servants,
of which 25 were federal employees and 98 were state employees.
Some NGO's note that the CNDH lacks both autonomy and enforcement author-
ity. Additionally, some contend that it has become too Itirge and bureaucratic, and
that the state commissions are ineffectual. In part to address this concern, and also
to improve its ability to comply with its international human rights obligations, the
Government installed an interagency commission on human rights on November 6.
The new commission is made up of the Secretaries of Foreign Relations, Defense,
Navy, Interior, the Attorney General's office, and the CNDH. The commission is to
develop a government policy on human rights to establish uniform procedures for
interaction between government agencies and human rights organizations.
In March 1995, the Federal District Attorney General s office announced the open-
ing of a new subsection for human rights to address abuses in Mexico City, by far
the most populous jurisdiction. The omce handled an average of two complaints per
day against Federal District police officers, as well as other cases. In December
1996, the PGR also opened an office to strengthen communication with NGO's.
Then-Defense Minister General Antonio Kiviello imprisoned CJeneral Jose Fran-
cisco Gallardo Rodriguez in November 1993 on a range of charges, including embez-
583
zlement and dishonoring the military. Gallardo claims that the embezzlement
charges, which date bacK 7 years, had previously been abandoned for lack of evi-
dence. He maintains that military authorities are persecuting him because of an
academic dissertation calling for the establishment of a military human rights om-
budsman's office. The army continues to hold Gallardo but has reduced the previous
inordinately high level of security of his incarceration. The lACHR considered the
GaIl£U*do case in October 1996 and called for his immediate release and for the Gov-
ernment to indenmify him for damages suffered as a result of his imprisonment.
However, he remains in prison. In June his son, Marco Vinicio Gallardo Enriquez,
who campaigned for his father's release, survived an attack by unidentified individ-
uals in Nlexico City.
On April 16, two foreign representatives of the International Federation of
Human nights (FIDH) arrived at an Acapulco prison to interview people accused of
having links with the EPR. After examining their documents, the prison director
discovered the two were in the country on the wrong type of visas, denied them ac-
cess to the prison, and notified immigration authorities. At 1:00 a.m. on April 17,
immigration authorities went to the hotel where the FIDH representatives were
staying and asked to review their documents. The immigration officers confirmed
that the FIDH investigators did not have the type of visa required to conduct such
interviews; rather, they had been issued tourist visas by Mexican consular officers.
Although the CNDH requested that the representatives be allowed to remain in
country, and the request was agreed to by immigration authorities, the two rep-
resentatives were not officially granted this permission prior to leaving Mexico on
April 21. In May the CNDH recommended that an investigation be made into the
behavior of the immigration authorities. As a result of this recommendation, the au-
thorities disciplined a number of immigration officials and changed policies to avoid
similar situations in the future.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that men and women are equal before the law. It also pro-
vides that education should sustain the ideals of "fraternity and equal rights of all
mankind, avoiding privileges of race, sects, groups, sexes, or individuals." These pro-
visions are not effectively enforced.
Amnesty International cites Mexico as one of the countries in which homosexual
men and women are most likely to be victims of abuse and violence. A number of
homosexuals and male prostitutes have been killed in recent years. There was no
progress in the investigation of the killings of at least 12 homosexuals and 9 male
prostitutes in Tuxtla Gutierrez between 1991 and 1993. An independent prosecutor
took over the investigation of the Tuxtla Gutierrez murders in April 1994 but had
made no progress in solving them by the end of 1997.
Women. — The most pervasive violations of women's rights involve domestic and
sexual violence, which is believed to be widespread and vastly underreported.
Women are reluctant to report abuse or file charges, and, even when notified, the
police are reluctant to intervene in what society considers to be a domestic matter.
The municipality of Chimalhuacan, Mexico state, where the average time for police
action on rape cases is 2 months, is a typical example of the diiticulty that rape
victims experience. This is attributable to police inexperience in handling these
cases, lack of investigative techniques, and unwillingness to get involved in what
are often considered domestic affairs.
In December Congress passed a legislative reform initiative on intrafamily vio-
lence proposed by the President. The new law has three main objectives: to discour-
age and punish intrafamily violence, establish protective measures for victims, and
educate the public. The legislation expanded the crime of rape to include spousal
rape, involving married or common law couples.
Under certain circumstances limited to statutory rape of a minor between the
ages 12 and 18, the Criminal Code provides that a judge may dismiss the charges
ii the persons involved voluntarily marry. In practice, this provision is rarely in-
voked.
In Mexico City, during the first 8 months of the year, the Center for Family Vio-
lence (CAVI) received 8,760 cases and assisted 11,732 people. The CAVI provided
counseling to 2,684 crime victims. During 1996, the Special Agency for Sexual
Crimes received 5,643 complaints. Rape was the most reported sexual crime with
1,693 reported cases, 48.2 percent of the total; followed by sexual abuse, 1,053 cases;
and attempted rape, 179 cases. The Center for Support for Victims of Sexual Crimes
provided counseling to 10,822 people in 1996, and in 1,611 cases it provided legal
support. The Mexico City Attorney General's office provided legal assistance to
crime victims through a special unit (ADEVI) which was created in 1994. Between
584
January and August, the ADEVI assisted 7,655 people and sent 1,592 cases to the
appropriate authorities. The ADEVI also helped to obtain $210,583 for compensation
to some of the victims.
Although the Constitution provides for equality between the sexes, neither the au-
thorities nor society in general respect this in practice. The legal treatment of wom-
en's rights is uneven. Women have the right to own property in their own names
and to file for separation and divorce. However, in some states a woman may not
bring suit to establish patemitv and thereby obtain child support, unless the child
was a product of rape or cohabitation; the child resides witn the father; or there
is written proof of paternity.
The Constitution and labor law provide that women shall have the same rights
and obligations as men, and "equal pay shall be given for equal work performed in
equal jobs, hours of work and conditions of efficiency." However, women are gen-
erally paid less and are concentrated in lower paying occupations. Labor law in-
cludes extensive maternity protection, including 6 weeks ofT before and 6 weeks off
after childbirth, time off for breast feeding in adequate and hygienic surroundings
provided by the employer, and, during pregnancy, full pay and no dismissals, heavy
or dangerous work or exposure to toxic substances. There are reports that, in order
to avoid these expensive requirements, some employers deliberately violate these
provisions by requiring pregnancy tests in preemployment physicals and by exposing
pregnant women to dimcult or hazardous conditions to make them quit; this report-
edly occurs particularly in the low-wage, low-skill, high-turnover end of the in-Dond
export processing (maquila) industry.
These reports claim that state and (for health and safety) federal labor authorities
are unable or unwilling to enforce those provisions. Human Rights Watch/Americas,
joined by the International Labor Rights Fund, and the (Mexican) National Associa-
tion of Democratic Lawyers, followed up its August 1996 report on these problems
by filing on May 15 a submission with the U.S. National Administrative Office
(NAO), under provisions of the NAFTA labor side agreement. The U.S. NAO accept-
ed the submission for review on July 14. The CJovernment criticized the methodology
of the Human Rights Watch/Americas study, stressing that only 50 workers in 43
plants (8 of whicn had been closed) were interviewed when more than 500,000
women work in more than 3,000 maquiladoras. Since publication of the report, some
firms have discontinued the practice of preemployment pregnancy testing and others
have initiated a review of procedures related to physical examinations for current
and prospective employees.
In order to protect women's labor rights, the Ministry of Labor made 23,138 safety
and hygiene inspections in private factories and puolic institutions during 1996.
However, while the Government increased the number of federal inspectors during
the year and negotiated agreements with an increasing number of state govern-
ments to expand and better coordinate labor inspections, the number of maquila
plants far outstrips what state and federal inspectors can handle.
In 1995 the CNDH found that the largest number of complaints against health
care institutions involved negligence or abuse during childbirth by medical person-
nel and charges of forced sterilization. It said that the number of such complaints
had grown, in large part due to women's increased awareness of their rights. The
Constitution states that all persons have the right to make free, responsible, and
informed decisions on the number of children they choose to have. The 1984 General
Health Law provides for criminal action against those who pressure a woman to un-
dergo sterilization procedures or perform such procedures without the woman's con-
sent. In a number of cases, charges have been brought against doctors for sterilizing
a woman or inserting an lUD without her consent. The scope of this problem is dif-
ficult to quantify, altiiough a number of NGO's and government agencies follow the
issue, because women may not realize that these procedures have been performed
on them or may be reluctant to come forward and file a complaint. The CNDH has
recommended that medical administrators train their staffs to be more aware when
dealing with such patients. The Government has instituted a number of mecha-
nisms, including better training and medical review boards, to address the problem.
In February the Government initiated an antipoverty program called PASE in five
of nine targeted microregions, designed to try to break the cycle of poverty by tying
together health, education, and nutrition benefits, with special empnasis on women
and girls. In August the Government renamed the program Progresa and planned
to have it active in all 9 microregions in 13 states, in order to reach as many as
500,0(X) of the country's poorest families by the end of the year.
The Government created the National Women's Program to address the needs of
women and children. According to its 1997 report, 3,876 women received literacy
training; 3,540 maternity clinics are now open in 17 states serving extremely poor
areas; and 13,227 family planning classes were given.
585
Children. — Children under the age of 18 make up over 40 percent of the popu-
lation. While the Government is committed to children's health and education, it
has failed to allocate sufficient resources to fulfill that commitment. Nine years of
education are compulsory. The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) classifies
Mexico as "lacking adequate strategies" to combat malnutrition among children, and
reports that 30,000 children die each year of causes related to malnutrition. Accord-
ing to UNICEF, the department of the Federal District, and the National System
for the Integral Development of the Family, in 1995, more than 13,000 children
lived on the streets of Mexico City, many the victims of family violence. This was
a 20 percent increase from 1992. The children themselves often become involved
with alcohol, drugs, prostitution, and petty thievery.
While the Government and NGO's conduct a number of programs for street chil-
dren, corrupt police exacerbate the problem by pressuring children to commit petty
crimes and extorting profits from them. The CNDH has a program for the protection
of children's rights, wnich includes educating children on their rights and reviewing
legislation to ensure compliance with relevant international conventions.
As an adjunct to the July 6 elections, IFE and UNICEF organized in the first chil-
dren's elections ever held in the country. A total of 3.7 million children between the
ages of 6 and 12 participate. Children voted on which of the nine basic rights en-
sured by the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child they deem a priority.
While there is no societal pattern of abuse against children, children's advocates
reported many individual cases.
People With Disabilities. — The law requires access for disabled persons to public
facilities in Mexico City but not elsewhere in the country. In practice, however, most
public buildings and facilities do not comply with the law. Recognizing that disabled
persons oft«n sufler employment discrimination, the Federal District instituted a
tax rebate program in 1996 for businesses employing disabled persons. For the first
time, in 1996 the public education sub-secretariat for the Federal District mandated
that all public and private schools grant access to physically (although not mentally)
disabled children and that schools make the necessary arrangements (e.g., installa-
tion of ramps) to facilitate access.
In late 1996, the CNDH published a pamphlet called "principal rights of people
with disabilities" and a Braille edition of a handbook called ' first aid in human
rights," which was distributed to organizations that work with the blind.
Since 1995, the CNDH has made 11 visits to five institutions that care for dis-
abled people and has issued two recommendations. The CNDH has also visited men-
tally ill prisoners in 92 penitentiaries located in 17 states and has issued 13 rec-
ommendations in response to their findings.
Indigenous People. — The indigenous population has long been the victim of dis-
criminatory treatment. The 1994 Chiapas uprising focused unprecedented attention
on the demands of that state's indigenous persons for increased economic and social
rights. Among its basic demands, the EZLN called on the Government to enact
measures to protect indigenous cultures, provide more opportunity for employment,
and invest in schools, clinics, and infrastructure projects. The Government, through
the INI and the CNDH, operates programs to educate indigenous groups (many
members of which do not speak Spanish) about their political and human rights,
and it generally professes respect for their desire to retain elements of their tradi-
tional culture. The CNDH organized training courses on human rights for indige-
nous communities in Chiapas, Hidalgo, Mexico, Michoacan, Oaxaca, Chiapas and
Nayarit. The courses were taught in the communities' indigenous languages.
More than 130 NGO's are dedicated to the promotion and protection of indigenous
rights. Indigenous people do not live on independently governed reservations, al-
though some indigenous communities exercise considerable local control over eco-
nomic and social issues. These communities apply traditional law to resolve a vari-
ety of disputes, including allegations of crimes. However, these groups remain large-
ly outside the country's political and economic mainstream, a result of long-standing
patterns of economic and social development, and in many cases their ability to par-
ticipate in decisions affecting their lands, cultural traditions, and allocation of natu-
ral resources is negligible.
Constitutional changes in 1996 expanded the rights of indigenous peoples to elect
representatives to national office according to traditional usages and customs,"
rather than standard electoral law.
The 1992 reforms in agrarian law were expected to promote economic develop-
ment in the countryside, but indigenous groups generally perceived the reforms as
intended to break up indigenous communal landholdings and prevent the groups
from obtaining title to new lands. A 1991 amendment to the federal law requires
that an interpreter be present at every stage of criminal proceedings against indige-
nous persons and stipulates that "their customs and traditions shall be taken into
586
account." However, the courts continue to sentence indigenous people without the
benefit of interpreters. The CNDH had reviewed the cases of 7,823 jailed indigenous
Sersons and sought the release of 1,887. Of those, 1,069 have been released since
une 1994, largelv through CNDH efforts.
The Greneral Elducation Act states that "teaching shall be promoted in the na-
tional language (i.e., Spanish) without prejudice to the protection and promotion of
indigenous languages. However, many indigenous persons speak only their native
languages. Non-Spanish speakers are frecjuently taken advantage of in commercial
transactions involving bibngual middlemen, and have great dimculty finding em-
ployment in Spanish-speaking areas. Over 50 indigenous languages are spoken.
Although the law provides some protection for the indigenous, and the Govern-
ment provides indigenous communities support through social and economic assist-
ance programs, legal provisions and social welfare programs are not sufficient to
meet the needs of all indigenous persons.
Religious Minorities. — In the highlands of Chiapas and other indigenous areas,
traditional leaders sometimes acquiesced in, or actually ordered, the expulsions of
Protestants belonging primarily to evangelical groups. In many cases the expulsions
involved the burning of" homes and crops, beatings, and, occasionally, killings.
FVogovemment supporters have accused the Catholic Church in the Chiapas dio-
cese of supporting the EZLN. On November 4, a pickup truck carrying supporters
of bishop Samuel Kuiz on a pastoral visit in northern Chiapas came under fire from
unknown persons. Three people were wounded but no one was killed. The local au-
thorities commenced an investigation, which remained open at year's end. On No-
vember 6, the bishop's sister received an acquaintance at the church office in San
Cristobal de Las Casas. This acquaintance attacked her with a hammer. The assail-
ant was immediately arrested and subsequently diagnosed as mentally ill. He re-
mained in prison pending the conclusion of^ judicial proceedings against him.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the Federal Labor Law (LFT)
provide workers with the right to form and join trade unions of their choice. About
30 percent of the total work force is unionized, mostly in the formal sector, where
about one-half the labor force is employed. This implies a formal sector unionization
rate nearly twice that high.
No prior approval is needed to form unions, but they must register with the Fed-
eral Labor Secretariat (STPS) or state labor boards (JLCA) to obtain legal status
in order to function. Registration requirements are not onerous. There are credible
allegations, however, that the STPS or JLCA occasionally withhold or delay reg-
istration of unions hostile to government policies, employers, or established unions
or register extortionists or labor racketeers falsely claiming to represent workers.
To remedy this latter problem, STPS officials require evidence that unions are genu-
ine and representative before registering them.
Like the Federal Labor Board (JFCA), the JLCA are tripartite. Although trade
union presence on the boards is a generally positive feature, it can lead to unfair
partiality in representation disputes; the member from an established union may
work to dissuade a JLCA from recognizing a rival organization. The matter of trade
union registration was the subject oi follow-up activities in 1996 and 1997, pursuant
to a 1995 agreement reached in ministerial consultations under the North American
Agreement on Labor Cooperation (NAALC), the side agreement on labor to the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
Unions form federations and confederations freely without government approval.
Most unions belong to such bodies. They too must register to have legal status. The
lai*gest trade union central is the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), tradi-
tionally a sector of the ruling PRI, but affiliation is individual. The relationship be-
tween labor organizations and political parties was a topic of much discussion before
and after the July 6 congressional elections. This issue was to be discussed within
the PRI before the end of the year, but such a debate did not occur. The Federal
Employee Union Federation (FSTSE), the Revolutionary Worker and Peasant Con-
federation (CROC), and most of the separate national unions, smaller confed-
erations, and federations in the Labor Congress (CT) are also allied with the PRI,
but a number of them also reviewed the matter of party affiliation. However, several
are not, including the large teachers' union, which severed its PRI ties several years
ago, freeing its minority factions to cooperate openly with other parties, particularly
the PRD. Rivalries within and between PRI-allied centrals are strong. There also
are a few small labor federations and independent unions outside the CT that are
not allied to the PRI. One is the small, left-of-center Authentic Labor Federation
(FAT). Most FAT members sympathize with the PRD, but the FAT is independent
and not formally tied to the PRD. In November 160 labor organizations representing
587
workers in the private and public sectors, led by the telephone workers and social
security workers unions, formed a labor central (National Union of Workers — UNT)
in competition with the officially recognized CT.
PRI-affiliated union officers traditionally have helped select, run as, and campaign
for, PRI candidates in federal and state elections and support PRI government poli-
cies at crucial moments. This gave unions considerable influence on government
policies but limited their freedom of action to defend member interests in other
ways, particularly when this might harm the Government or PRI. The CT, espe-
cially the CTM, is well represented in the PRI senatorial and congressional delega-
tions, although their numbers diminished somewhat after the July 6 elections.
The International I^abor Organization (ILO) Conference Committee of Experts
(COE) has found that certain restrictions in federal employee labor law, adopted at
FSTSE request, violate ILO Convention 87 on freedom of association, which Mexico
has ratified. These provisions allow only one union per jurisdiction, forbid union
members to quit the union, and prohibit reelection of union officials. Again in 1997,
the COE and the ILO Committee on Application of Standards (CAS) reiterated their
criticism and asked the Government to amend these provisions. A 1996 Supreme
Court decision invalidated similar restrictions in the laws of two states, but the de-
cision applied only in the specific instances challenged.
There were developments regarding union representation in the new environment,
natural resources, and fisheries secretariat, an issue raised again in the CAS debate
and in a submission under the NAALC (a public hearing was held on December 3,
1996, bilateral consultations are underway on certain issues raised, and a related
trilateral seminar was held on December 4, 1997, to discuss international legal
questions raised as a result of the submission). This secretariat, formed late in 1994,
merged the small former fisheries secretariat with much larger sections from the
agricultural and social development secretariats. In early 1995, the fisheries sec-
retariat union applied to the Federal Employee Labor Tribunal (TFCA) to change
its name to union of the new secretariat. The TFCA denied the request. The TFCA
is bipartite, with FSTSE as well as government members. Following the TFCA deci-
sion, the FSTSE, applying its statutes, convoked a convention, with delegates elect-
ed by secret ballot, to form a new union and elect its officers. The TFCA recognized
the new union and withdrew recognition from the old. The new union thus benefited
from the contractual relationship giving union delegates time off with pay for union
work. TTie dissolved union appealed to a court, wnich upheld the appeal and re-
turned the matter to the TFCa. The TFCa restored the fisheries union s registration
and revoked that of the new union (again upholding the legal provision allowing
registration of only one union per entity, violating IL(J Convention 87). The unregis-
tered union continued benefiting from time ofT and dues. The TFCA held a represen-
tation election ("recount" — see Section 6.b.) for employees to choose by secret ballot
between the two unions. The fisheries secretariat union lost by a wide margin but
challenged the validity of the election, charging irregularities, however, the TFCA
confirmed the election results. Subsequent court rulings in 1997 recognized the fish-
eries secretariat union's right to function as a union in the new secretariat but con-
firmed collective bargaining rights for the union that had won the election.
In April 1996, the Federal District municipal government reached agreement with
the jailed leaders of the Sutaur-100 union of the bankrupt former public municipal
bus company Ruta-100. The (Jovernment agreed to concede and allow the union to
operate two of the new private bus companies to replace Ruta-100. The Government
also agreed to appeal to the courts to release the leaders from jail while Sutaur
reached a settlement with the former members who had sued it to recover money
from the union pension and other funds. The union leaders were released on bail
in July 1996, and the first of the two union enterprises began operating at the end
of the following month. In August the secretary general and legal advisor of Sutaur
presented a complaint to the Attorney General alleging that federal police had
blocked access to buses belonging to the Siglo Nuevo bus company (one of the two
private companies that replaced Ruta-100), resulting in lost revenue amounting to
about $15,(X)0 (120,0(X) new pesos). Despite the resolution of this issue, the compa-
nies continued to experience financial dimculties.
The Constitution and the LFT provide for the right to strike. The law requires
6 to 10 days' advance strike notice, followed by brief government mediation. If fed-
eral or state authorities rule a strike "nonexistent" or "illicit," employees must re-
main at work, return to work within 24 hours, or face dismissal. If they rule the
strike legal, the company or unit must shut down totally, management orficials may
not enter the premises until the strike is over, and the company may not hire strik-
er replacements. Provisions for maintaining essential services are not onerous. The
law makes filing a strike notice an effective, commonly used threat, but few strikes
actually occur, usually to protect a failing company's assets from creditors and
588
courts until an agreement is reached on severance pay. On the other hand, informal
stoppages are a fairly common tactic, but are uncounted in statistics and seldom
last long enough to be recognized or ruled out of order. The law permits public sec-
tor striSes, but formal public sector strikes are rare. Informal ones are more fre-
quent. Informal stoppages by dissident factions of the national teachers' union shut
down many schools in several states and the Federal District in late May and June,
and demonstrations disrupted traffic in the capital (but not to the extent that they
had in 1996), until settlements were reached tnat included pay for strike days and
unpaid overtime to make up lost work and complete the school year.
During the first 11 months of 1997, the JFCA reported that 6,200 strike notices
were filed and 38 legal strikes occurred in federal jurisdiction, 1,490 notices and 13
strikes fewer than occurred in the same period in 1996. There were no reports that
federal or state labor authorities stretched legal requirements to rule strikes non-
existent or illicit, or used delays to prevent damaging strikes and force settlements.
The Constitution and the LFT protect labor organizations from government inter-
ference in their internal affairs, including strike decisions. This can protect undemo-
cratic or corrupt union leaders. The law permits closed shop and exclusion clauses,
allowing union leaders to vet and veto new hires and force dismissal of anyone the
union expels. Such clauses are common in collective bargaining agreements.
Employer organizations abandoned efforts to push for labor law reform. In effect,
government, employers, and unions had negotiated reforms through tripartite na-
tional agreements and collective bargaining at the enterprise level, and through co-
operation in programs to increase, and compensate for, productivity. With govern-
ment blessing, alter nearly a year of negotiation, national labor and employer orga-
nizations agreed in August 1996 on a joint effort to build a new labor culture of mu-
tual respect and cooperation to boost productivity, wages, and competitiveness. The
three parties met regularly throughout 1997 to discuss ways and means for carrying
out the objectives of the agreement.
Unions are free to affiliate with, and are often active in, trade union internation-
als.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution and the
LFT strongly uphold the right to organize and bargain collectively. Interest by a few
employees, or a union strike notice, compels an employer to recognize a union and
negotiate, or ask the federal or state labor board to hold a union recognition elec-
tion. LFT prounion provisions led some employers to seek out or create independent
"white" or company unions as an alternative to mainstream national or local unions.
Representation elections are traditionally open, not secret, although this seems to
be changing. Traditionally, management and union officials are present with the
g residing labor board official when workers openly declare their votes, one by one.
uch open recounts are prevailing practice but are not required by law or regula-
tion. Secret ballots are held when all parties agree.
As the economic crisis deepened in 1995, the Government, at union insistence,
agreed to end the system of annual national pacts negotiated by the Government
and major trade union, employer, and rural organizations, which had voluntarily
limited free collective bargaining for the past decade. Wage restraints no longer
exist, except for those caused by the economic recession and difficult situation of
most employers. The Government and major employer and union organizations met
occasionally to reaffirm the 1996 "Alliance for Economic Growth" and agreed on new
tax breaks or minimum wage increases, but the Government kept its commitment
to free collective bargaining without guidelines or government interference. Wages
in most union contracts appeared to keep pace with or ahead of inflation, but most
workers had not yet regained buying power lost over the past decade. The alliance,
however, was not renewed in October, as the negotiation shifted to the national
Congress, becoming part of the debate on the budget. In that context, the opoosition
PAN introduced a proposal in the Chamber of Deputies that would modify tne LFT
to make changes in the composition and role of the National Minimum Wage Com-
mission.
Mexico's record in internal union democracy and transparency is mixed. Some
unions are democratic, but corruption or authoritarian and strong-arm tactics are
common in others. A protest of such practices, which was initiated in 1996, involved
factory committee leaders trying to improve conditions at a U.S. -owned maquila fac-
tor in Sonora. The committee leaders were fired with the complicity of an allegedly-
Clftl "leader" who had a protection contract. The telephone union, representing the
fired former factory committee leaders, the Federation of Goods and Services, and
the Communications Workers of America filed a submission for review by the U.S.
National Administrative Office, under provisions of the NAALC. The submission
was accepted by the U.S. NAO for review in late fall of 1996 and a public hearing
was set lor April. The hearing did not take place because an interim agreement was
589
reached between the Government and the complainants. Hearings before a state
labor board were to take place in Hermosillo, Sonora in August, but were postponed.
There were indications that the complainants midit seek to reojien the case.
A similar case developed in Tyuana, Baia Caluomia, resulting in a disputed elec-
tion on October 6 for the right to the collective bargaining contract for woricers at
a Korean-owned maquiladora. The contest, between a CROC-affiliated union and
one associated with the FAT, resulted in a submission to the U.S. NAO, which was
accepted for review on November 17. Subsequently, talks between the company and
the workers, mediated by a state government official, stalled in mid-December over
a union's insistence and the state government's refusal to sign as guarantor of the
agreement to recognize an independent union to represent workers at the plant. The
U.S. NAO scheduled public hearings for February 18, 1998.
On December 16, 9 unions and 24 human rights NGO's jointly filed a submission
with the U.S. NAO in another case involving the freedom of association linked to
the right to organize unions. This case concerned allegations of strong arm tactics
by a union afmiated with the CTM to intimidate workers so that they would not
vote in favor of a rival union to represent workers at a plant in La Paz, state of
Mexico, which manufactures brake systems for motor vehicles.
The public sector is almost totally organized. Industrial areas are heavily orga-
nized. Even states with little industry have transport and public employee unions,
and rural peasant organizations are omnipresent. The law protects workers from
anti-union discrimination, but enforcement is uneven in the few states with low
unionization.
Unionization and wage levels in the in-bond expert sector vary by area. Wages
have been lower in this sector than in most of industry, especially in low technology
facilities and in the west, but the gap has narrowed and may now be minimal. Some
observers allege poor working conditions, inadequate wages, and employer and gov-
ernment efforts U) discourage unionization in this sector. There is no evidence tnat
the federal Government opposes unionization of the plants, which tend to be under
state jurisdiction, but some state and local governments in the west are said to help
some employers discourage unions.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
labor, which includes forced and bonded labor by children. There have been no credi-
ble reports of forced labor for many years, with the exception of abuses of refugees
and illegal immigrants in Chiapas (see Section 2.d.).
d. Status of Cnild Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
bans child labor, including forced or bonded labor (see Section 6.c.). The law sets
the minimum legal work age at 14 years. The activities of those 14 and 15 years
of age are so restricted as to be uneconomic (no night or hazardous work and limited
hours). The ILO reported that 18 percent of children 12 to 14 years of age work,
often for parents or relatives. Enforcement is reasonably good at large and medium-
sized companies, especially in export industries and those under federal jurisdiction.
Enforcement is inadequate at the many small companies and in agriculture. It is
nearly absent in the informal sector, despite government efforts. Most child labor
is in the informal sector (including myriad underage street vendors), in family-
owned workshops, or in agriculture and rural areas. The CTM agricultural union's
success years earlier in obtaining free transport for migrant seasonal workers from
southern states to fields in the north inadvertently led to a significant increase in
child labor. The union and employers were unable to convince indigenous farm
workers to leave their families at home, and many have settled near worksites in
the north. The union has had some limited success in negotiating with employers
to finance bilingual education near worksites and in obtaining social security child
care centers, but it has had difficulty in persuading member families not to bring
their children into the fields.
The Federal Government increased the number of obligatory school years from 6
to 9 in 1992 and made parents legally liable for their children's attendance, as part
of a reform to upgrade labor force skills and long-term efforts to continue increasing
educational opportunities for and participation by youth.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Constitution and the LFT provide for a
daily minimum wage. The tripartite National Minimum Wage Commission (govern-
ment, labor, and employers) usually sets minimum wage rates each December, effec-
tive January 1, for the whole year, but any of the three parties can ask that the
board reconvene during the year to consider a changed situation. In December 1996,
the Wage Commission adopted a 17 percent increase, based in part on the Govern-
ment's projection of a 15 percent annual inflation rate for 1997. Organized labor's
unhappiness with the 17- percent increase (some labor organizations had demanded
an increase of at least 25 percent) produced some suggestions that the official in-
cretise be challenged in court because it did not meet the constitutional requirement
590
to be adequate to cover basic costs of living, including recreation. Labor leaders sev-
eral times publicly called for an emergency increase in the minimum wage before
the end of the year, but the Government and employers would not agree to such
increases. However, during the course of the year, wage and benefit adjustments to
collective bargaining contracts averaged between 20 and 23 percent.
In Mexico City and nearby industrial areas, Acapulco, southeast Veracruz state's
refining and petrochemical zone, and most border areas, the minimum daily wage
was $3.39 (26.44 new pesos). However, employers actually paid minimum wage
earners $3.86 (30.14 new pesos) due to a supplemental 14 percent fiscal subsidy
(negative income tax or tax credit, which the Government refunds to employers).
These income supplements to the minimum wage, agreed in annual tripartite pacts,
are for all incomes less than four times the minimum wage, decreasing as wages
and benefits rise. In Guadalajara, Monterrey, and other advanced industrialized
areas, the minimum daily wage (before the fiscal subsidy) was $3.14 (24.51 new
pesos). In other areas, it was $2.87 (22.48 new pesos). There are higher minimums
for some occupations, such as building trades.
Few workers (only 14 to 18 percent of the workers covered by social security) earn
only the minimum wage. Industrial workers average three to four times the mini-
mum wage, earning more at bigger, more advanced and prosperous enterprises.
The law and contract arrangements provide workers with extensive additional
benefits. Legally required benefits include free social security medical treatment and
pensions, individual worker housing and retirement accounts, substantial Christmas
bonuses, paid vacations, and profit-sharing. Employer costs for these benefits add
from about 27 percent of payroll at marginal enterprises to over 100 percent at
major fiarns with good union contracts. In addition, employers frequently subsidize
the cost of meals, transportation, and day care for children, and pay bonuses for
punctuality and productivity.
The LFT sets 48 hours as the legal workweek, although with pay for 56 hours.
Workers asked to exceed 3 hours of overtime per day or required to work overtime
on 3 consecutive days must be paid triple the normal wage. For most industrial
workers, especially under union contract, the true workweek is 42 hours, although
they are paid for 7 full 8-hour days. This is why unions jealously defend the legal
ban on hourly wages.
The law requires employers to observe occupational safety and health regulations
issued jointly by STPS and the Social Security Institute (IMSS), and to pay con-
tributions that vary according to their workplace safety and health experience rat-
ings. LFT-mandated joint management and labor committees set standards and are
responsible for workplace enforcement in plants and offices. These meet at least
monthly to consider workplace needs and file copies of their minutes with federal
labor Inspectors, who assumed jurisdiction for all such inspections in 1987, sup-
planting state inspectors and considerably strengthening inspection. The inspectors
schedule visits largely in response to these workplace committees.
Individual employees or unions may also complain directly to inspectors or safety
and health officials. Workers may remove themselves from hazardous situations
without jeopardizing their employment. Plaintiffs may bring complaints before the
federal labor board at no cost to themselves. The Federal Government established
11 special labor arbitration and conciliation boards (in Queretaro, Pachuca, Ciudad
del Carmen, Zacatecas, Orizaba, Ciudad Juarez, Cancun, Colima, La Paz, Reynosa,
and Tijuana) to make it more convenient for workers to file complaints and bring
other actions before the labor court system.
STPS and IMSS officials report that compliance is reasonably good at most large
companies. Federal inspectors are stretched too thin for effective enforcement if
companies do not comply voluntarily and fulfill their legal obligation to train work-
ers in occupational health and safety matters, although the number of inspectors
was increased in 1995 and 1997. There are special problems in construction, where
unskilled, untrained, poorly educated, transient labor is common, especially at many
small sites and companies. Many unions, particularly in construction, are not orga-
nized effectively to provide training, to encourage members to work safely and
healthily, to participate in the joint committees, or to insist on their rights.
The STSP completed work in 1996 on a comprehensive reform of regulations and
procedures (resulting from extensive consultations through NAFTA cooperative
mechanisms) concerning workplace health and safety. The reformed federal regula-
tions on safety, hygiene, and environment in the workplace went into effect in April.
The reformed regulations reduced to 168 articles in a single set of regulations what
previously had been 1,353 articles in as many as six separate sets of regulations,
some dating from as far back as 1934.
591
NICARAGUA
Nicaragua is a constitutional democracy, with a directly elected president, vice
f (resident, and unicameral legislature. President Amoldo Aleman was elected in a
ree and fair election in 1996, defeating his closest competitor, Daniel Ortega of the
Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN). Aleman took office on January 10.
The Supreme Electoral Council is an independent fourth branch of government. The
judiciary is independent but continues to be susceptible to political influence.
The President is the supreme chief of national defense and security forces. Presi-
dent Aleman named a civilian to be Defense Minister to head a first-ever civilian
Defense Ministry. The Ministry of Grovemment oversees the National Police, which
is formally charged with internal security. However, the police share this respon-
sibility with the army in rural areas. Reflecting enhanced civilian control, the secu-
rity forces' conduct improved, although some members continued to commit human
rimts abuses.
Nicaragua is an extremely poor country, with an estimated per capita income of
$465. The economy is predominantly agricultural, dependent on sugar, beef, coffee,
and seafood exports, with some light manufacturing. The economy grew an esti-
mated 5 percent in 1997 — the fourth year of growth after a decade of contraction.
The inflation rate was about 8 percent. The unemployment rate was officially esti-
mated at 14 percent, with underemployment reaching 35 percent. Private invest-
ment increased, but was hindered by the slow resolution oi long-standing property
disputes stemming from massive confiscations by the Sandinista government of the
1980's. In November the National Assembly passed a new property law intended to
resolve confiscated property claims. The country continued to have a precarious bal-
ance of payments position and remained heavily dependent on foreign assistance.
The Governments human rights record improved measurably, but some serious
problems remain. Soldiers were ill-prepared for the law enforcement duties they reg-
ularly performed in rural areas and sometimes killed criminal suspects instead of
detaining them. Police beat and otherwise abused detainees, often to obtain confes-
sions. There were few allegations, and no confirmed cases, of torture by the authori-
ties. P*ri8on and police holding cell conditions are poor. Security forces arbitrarily
arrested and detained citizens. The judiciary is sometimes subject to political influ-
ence and corruption. Large case backlogs, long delays in trials, and lengthy pretrial
detention are problems. In response to these problems, the Supreme Court and Na-
tional Assembly launched a series of comprehensive structural reforms of the judi-
cial system. However, the weak judiciary continued to hamper prosecution of human
rights abusers. Discrimination against women and indigenous people is a problem.
Violence against women, including rape and domestic abuse, remained a serious
problem. C^ild labor is also a problem.
The Government, through its Ministry of Defense, disarmed 1,200 members of
loosely associated rural criminal bands at the end of July. Many were former mem-
bers of the Nicaraguan Resistance (RN, or contras). The Government also disarmed
423 members of a pro-Sandinista group on December 25 and declared that any re-
maining members of armed bands would be treated as criminals. Nonetheless, mur-
der and kidnaping in northern rural areas were common. The opposition FSLN
staged a series of mostly nonviolent road blocks and strikes in April and instigated
violent student protests in June and July in an attempt to pressure the Aleman
Government into concessions. The police reacted responsibly in using appropriate
nonlethal means to confront the Sandinista-backed students, who used potentially
lethal homemade weapons against the police.
The Tripartite Commission, composed of the Government, the Catholic Church,
and OAS/CIAV (the GAS International Support and Verification Commission), for-
mally ended its work on October 18, 1996, after finishing a 4-year-long review of
slayings early in the decade of ex-RN members, other demobilized combatants, and
of impunity eryoyed by their killers. The Commission sent 83 cases involving 164
murders, as well as 181 specific recommendations, to the Government for followup.
In August the military judicial system, which is charged with investigating abuses
committed in the course of performance of official duties by soldiers and police, re-
ported that it had complied with all but 1 of the 62 recommendations under its ju-
risdiction. However, only one soldier and five policemen cited by the Commission
ever served a prison sentence.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom. From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings by government officials.
592
The army killed five members of a criminal band as they slept June 18 at La
Patriota. Due to lack of local police presence, residents had asked the army to act
against the bandits, who had terrorized the town. The army justified the attack say-
ing that the group was outside its corresponding "peace enclave," in which the mem-
bers of the bandit group were supposed to have gathered in preparation for disarm-
ing. Human rights organizations suggested that the group's presence outside of the
enclave may have been due to the Government's failure to deliver sufficient food to
the enclave. Human rights groups criticized the army's action, but La Patriota resi-
dents applauded it. The army undertook no investigation of the killings.
Members of an army patrol reportedly shot 16-year-old Irma Lopez in the head
at point-blank range at Wamblan on December 23, 1996, after a firefight between
the patrol and a rearmed bandit group led by her boyfriend, "Sanate." Members of
the Wamblan Peace Commission (a grass-roots human rights organization) claimed
that Lopez may have been raped before being murdered. The Tripartite Conunission
had previously cited the army patrol's leader, captain Gabino Gomez, for homicide
when he was still a lieutenant in 1991. Althougn an army investigation found no
evidence of wrongdoing, a military court turned the case over to the Jinotega de-
partment prosecutor's office for followup by the civilian judiciary.
The army attempted to impede juaicial authorities investigations of the case.
Sixth militaiy district officials reported a false location of Lopez's body to the pros-
ecutor handling the case, apparently to thwart her efforts to exhume it. The defense
counsel representing the army moved to recuse the Jinotega department criminal
judge who had been handling the case, citing a visit by a foreign diplomat as having
influenced her objectivity." In a familiar ploy to hinder the prosecutor's investiga-
tion, the army reported that all nine members of Gomez's patrol, including a lieu-
tenant, had deserted and were therefore unavailable to provide testimony. In spite
of other advances toward professionalization, the army demonstrated in this case a
penchant for shielding officers and soldiers accused oi involvement in human rights
abuses.
In September 1996, policeman Juan Isidro Flores shot and killed peasant Mario
Amador Duarte in Nueva Segovia department while the latter was in detention on
suspicion of having stolen vegetables. Flores claimed that he was attempting to dis-
arm Duarte when ne accidentally discharged the round that killed the suspect. The
f)olice detained Flores police immediately afterward. Subsequently, however, the po-
ice were unable to provide any information regarding the case, and the police in-
spector general's office claimed that it had no record of the case.
The Nicaraguan Pro-Human Rights Association (ANPDH) concluded in April that
the June 2, 1996, deaths of bandit leader Sergio Palacios and his associate Ricardo
Guzman near Waslala were not due to a firefight with an army patrol, as the army
claimed. Rather, ANPDH and some other observers concluded that Palacios was
kiUed when soldiers detonated a booby-trapped radio. It was revealed in June that
a forged letter, purportedly from the U.S. Ambassador, had been used to lure
Palacios to his death. The ANPDH's efforts to reopen the official investigation of
this incident were unsuccessful.
The disarming of members of rural criminal bands on July 21 at Ayapal success-
fully brought to an end the Government's efforts, through its Ministry of Defense,
to (usband members of the "Northern Front 3—80." Approximately 1,200 men belong-
ing to this loose umbrella organization of ex-RN members were disarmed and given
food, clothing, seed for planting, and small plots of land. The Government also com-
pleted disarmament of 423 members of the pro-Sandinista Andres Castro United
Front (FUAC) on December 25. With the conclusion of the FUAC disarmament, the
Government declared the disarmament campaign at an end and said that any re-
maining members of irregular armed groups would be treated as common criminals
and would be subject to attack by the army. In spite of the disarmament campaign,
armed bands engaged in murder, robbery, and kidnaping for ransom in the northern
and north-central zones.
The civil war formally concluded in June 1990 with the demobilization of the Nic-
araguan Resistance; however, society continued to be politically polarized and, de-
spite the Government's disarmament campaigns, heavily armed. In particular, the
rule of law, basic infrastructure, and conditions to guarantee personal security and
economic opportunity did not extend to all rural areas. Reflecting these sources of
instability, the level of violence, primarily criminal in nature, has remained high in
the traditionally conflictive, poverty-stricken northern and north-central zones. Dur-
ing 1997 there was an average of one murder every 2 days in these areas, according
to the press. Although there were no confirmed cases of politically motivated mur-
ders of either demobilized former RN members or former members of the Sandinista
Popular Army (EPS), criminally motivated murders of members of both groups were
common.
593
In response to coffee producers' concerns, the Government continued to deploy sol-
diers and police to guard coffee transport routes and to protect farmers from extor-
tion or kionaping miring the harvest seasons. The deployment effectively reduced
the level of criminal violence in the affected areas.
To address the issue of unresolved ex-RN deaths, President Chamorro established
the Tripartite Commission in September 1992. The Commission concluded its review
in October 1996 and turned 83 human rights cases involving 164 allegedly mur-
dered ex-combatants, as well as 181 specific recommendations, over to the Govern-
ment for followup. In August the military judicial system, which is charged with in-
vestigating abuses comnutted in the course of performance of official duties by sol-
diers and police, reported that it had complied with all but one of the 62 rec-
ommendations (from 42 cases) corresponding to its jurisdiction. However, only one
soldier and five policemen cited by the Commission ever served a partial or whole
sentence. Some human rights observers described the military judicial system's find-
ings as an effort to maintain impunity of human rights abusers within the ranks
of the army and police.
In September the army promoted Rodrigo Gonzalez from lieutenant colonel to
colonel. Gonzalez, the former head of the sixth military region that covers the de-
partments of Matagalpa and Jinotega, was cited by the Tripartite Commission for
negligence and obstruction of justice in the case of the 1991 killing at Wamblan of
former RN member Heliodoro Splinger.
On the recommendation of a special commission created to investigate the killings
of a university woricer and a student and the wounding of scores oi other students
during the December 1995 student riots, a Managua criminal court tried 16 police-
men. In October 1996, the court exonerated the accused of all charges. However, the
National Police administratively sanctioned the 16 to 30 days' confinement to bar-
racks.
There were no new developments related to the February 1991 killing of former
RN commander Enrique Bermudez.
In February the Supreme Court let stand a 1994 military court ruling that ab-
solved then-general Humberto Ortega and his bodyguards in the death of 16-year-
old Jean Paul Genie (Genie was slain in 1990 during an incident involving members
of General Ortega's motorcade.) Genie's parents had sought recourse through the
Supreme Court, arguing that the military court had no jurisdiction and that the
case should be remanded to a civilian court. The Supreme Court found that the
Genie appeal lacked a specific, actionable complaint and that the military tribunal
had followed proper procedures. The Genies' appeal had been pending since 1994.
The Supreme Court's decision followed a January verdict by the Inter- American
Court of Human Rights against the Government for "unreasonable delay and ob-
struction of justice" in the (Jenie case. The (Jovemment complied with the Inter-
American Court's order to pay the Genie family $20,000 in damages.
In February the Supreme Court reaffirmed a lower court finding that a previous
Solitical amnesty granted to fugitive murderer and former army major Frank Ibarra
id not apply ana reaffirmed his 1993 sentence in absentia to 20 years' imprison-
ment for the November 1992 murder of Dr. Arges Sequeira Mangas, president of
the Association of Nicaraguan Confiscated Property Owners. A warrant for Ibarra's
arrest was issued in March, but Ibarra was believed to have already fled the coun-
try. He has remained a fugitive from justice since Sequeira's murder.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Use of torture is a punishable crime under the law; however, there were a few alle-
gations of torture by the authorities. There were credible reports that police beat
and otherwise physically mistreated detainees, often to obtain confessions. Human
rights groups attributed these abuses in part to the prevailing state of impunity.
The police lack professional training in sophisticated investigative techniques and
often resort to brutal methods to solve cases. Inadequate budget support for profes-
sional training, salaries and benefits, and proper equipment and supplies also ham-
pered efforts to improve police performance.
Police, including memoers of a newly created riot control unit, responded with
tear gas and other nonlethal means to violent Sandinista-instigated student protest-
ers in June and July. The FSLN-organized student protests opposed the Govern-
ment's interpretation of a constitutional provision that 6 percent of the national
budget be dedicated to the universities. Many of the students employed potentially
lethal homemade firearms. Although clashes between police and students resulted
in numerous injuries on both sides, all major local human rights organizations (ex-
cept the Sandinista-affiliated CENIDH) characterized police use of force as propor-
tionate and appropriate in most instances. One policeman, Ricardo Romero Bonilla,
was arrested for excessive use of force after he was filmed by a television camera-
594
man beating university rector Adrian Meza Soza during a confrontation with stu-
dents. Because Romero committed the abuse while performing oflicial duties, he was
charged in the militarv iustice system. A military court tried, convicted, and sen-
tenced him to 18 montns imprisonment in SepteniJber. Another series of road blocks
and strikes by the FSLN in April was resolved through negotiation. During those
disturbances, police engaged protesters in only a few isolated instances.
The ANPDH reported in 1996 that the police beat 15-year-olds Marco Antonio
Gonzalez and Abelardo Rodriguez while in custody, the latter in Boaco department
by police lieutenant Venancio Obando, and that police subjected 14-year-old Juan
Carlos Garcia to electrical shocks while in detention on Com Island. According to
the ANPDH, Captain Luciano Hurtado Escobar was involved in the latter incident.
The police inspector general's office reported in September that it had no record of
complaints that the AJ^DH claimed it filed and had no record of investigations un-
dertaken in any of the alleged incidents.
The Office of Civil Inspection for Professional Responsibility of the Ministry of
Government is responsible for monitoring allegations of illegal detention and police
abuse. During the year, the office received 360 formal complaints involving 449 po-
lice officers. The onice concluded that, of the 323 complaints it had investigated, 42
were human rights cases. Of 56 policemen determined to be responsible for human
rights violations, the authorities nad administratively sanctioned 53 by year's end.
The unit's small budget and staff hampered effective investigations and publicity.
The police inspector general's office reported in September tnat six police officers
had been discharged dishonorably between January and September for unspecified
abusive conduct. The National Police issued new standards for ethical conduct and
discipline in an effort to unproved police human rights performance.
Prison conditions are poor. The prison system remained overcrowded and under-
funded, with medical attention virtually nonexistent and malnutrition a constant
problem. According to government statistics, prisons had a total inmate population
of 3,946 as of July, an average of 28 percent over capacity. Prison officials calculated
that the daily expenditure per prisoner for food was $1.00 and reported that the an-
nual budget for food remained constant in spite of the growing prison population.
Average daily caloric intake therefore fell to 750-800 calories, well below tne 1,800
calories per day recommended by the United Nations. However, many prisoners re-
ceived additional food from visiting family and friends. Medical care available to
prisoners fell far short of basic needs. Lack of available medical care led prisons to
release ill prisoners convicted of lesser offenses. Some prisons and many police hold-
ing cells were dark, poorly ventilated, and unhygienic. At the Bluefields prison,
there were only 4 showers and 4 toilets for 97 prisoners.
As of August, 10.4 percent of the prison population was between the ages of 15
and 18. Youths were housed in the same prisons as adults for lack of juvenile deten-
tion centers, although in different wings of the prisons. While only Managua has
a separate prison for women, there have been no reports of problems ensuing from
mixed facilities. Women were also housed in separate wings in facilities outside the
Managua area and were guarded by female custodians. &lf-declared homosexuals
were housed separately at the Managua prison. Police station holding cells were
overcrowded by an average of 30 percent. Ofiicials claimed that suspects were often
left in these cells during their trials, as budgetary shortfalls often restricted the use
of fuel for frequent transfers from prison to distant courtrooms.
Ministry of^ Government, police, and penitentiary officials met with the inter-
national Qonor community in August to issue an urgent call for increased budgets
to buUd more facilities and increase food purchases. Several churches and national
and international nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) donated foodstuffs, beds,
and medicine to the prison system to nelp alleviate shortfalls, which remained se-
vere.
F*rison guards received human rights training from nongovernmental organiza-
tions and the Catholic Church, and generally treated prisoners well. However, there
were isolated instances of abuse. For example, the ANPDH reported 32 minor inci-
dents of abuse in the police holding cells at Esteli.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Arbitrary arrest and detention by the po-
lice were common. The Police Functions Law requires police to obtain a warrant
prior to detaining a suspect and to notify family members within 24 hours of the
detainee's whereabouts. However, the police rarely complied with this law. Detain-
ees do not have the right to an attorney until they have been formally charged with
a crime. Local human rights groups criticized the law for providing inadequate judi-
cial oversight of police arrests.
The constitutional reforms enacted in July 1995 reduced from 72 to 48 hours the
time police may legally hold a suspect before they must bring him before a judge
595
to decide if charges should be brought. The judge must tlien either order the accused
released or transferred to prison. Due to lack of prison space, there were over 1,000
prisoners in badly overcrowded police holding cells, most of whom were being held
illegally beyond the 48-hour deadline.
Lengthy pretrial detention also remained a problem. Contrary to law, 35.6 percent
of prisoners had been jailed for 6 months or more without a trial. Many prisoners
spend more than a year in jail without a trial.
The ANPDH recorded 94 complaints of illegal or arbitrary detention by the Na-
tional Police and army from January through July, a slight increase from 1996. As
in past years, incidents of arbitrary detention were most common in the rural north-
em and north-central regions, where much of the civil war was fought.
Exile is not practiced. There were no reports of political violence against any citi-
zens returning from civil war era self-imposed exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent but continues to be
susceptible to political influence. Human rights and lawyers' groups complained
about the delay of justice caused by judicial inaction, sometimes for years. Judicial
actions and findings were reportedly often influenced by judges' political sympathies
or acceptance of bribes. It is estimated that only 12 jjercent of trials resulted in con-
victions.
The judicial system comprises both civil and military courts. The 12-member Su-
preme Court of Justice is the system's highest court and is also responsible for
nominating all appellate and lower court judges. The Court is divided into special-
ized chambers on administrative, criminal, constitutional, and civil matters.
A multiyear administration of justice reform program was begun during 1997. In
June the National Assembly passed a new Judicial Organic Law which is intended
to overhaul the current archaic structure of the court system. However, the Presi-
dent had not signed the bill into law by year's end, due to differences over technical
points. Enactment of the law was expected in early 1998. The Government submit-
ted to the Assembly a draft judicial career bill that would establish minimum pro-
fessional standards for judicial appointees. The Government also appointed a com-
mission to supervise revision of the country's outdated and ineffective criminal codes
and procedures. Eventual reform of these codes is expected to reduce judicial delays
and resulting excessive pretrial detention.
The 1994 Military Code requires the civilian court system to try members of the
military charged with common crimes. From January to August the Attorney Gen-
eral for Penal Affairs' ofTice received 136 complaints from civilians against members
of the military. It referred 72 of these to civilian courts for trial. At the end of Au-
gust, courts had sentenced members of the military to prison in 10 of the cases and
found those involved in 6 cases innocent. The other 56 cases were in stages of judi-
cial processing, which the Attorney General for Penal Affairs called "evidence of the
worsening problem of backlog in the judicial system."
In criminal cases, the accused has the right to legal counsel, and defendants are
presumed innocent until proven guilty. The presiding judge appoints attorneys from
a standard list to represent indigent defendants, but, because they are not paid by
the State, many attorneys pay a $1.50 fine rather than represent such clients. Ac-
cording to the ANPDH, approximately 90 percent of indigent defendants go to trial
without an attorney to represent them. This contributes greatly to the slow pace of
justice. Individuals without the means to contract private counsel are oft«n forced
to turn to law students or have no counsel at all. Under the Napoleonic legal sys-
tem, a trial does not consist of a public hearing but rather a desk review by a mag-
istrate of the accused person's file. An initial hearing is usually held within the con-
stitutionally mandated 10 days. Although very simple cases or those with high pro-
file or outside interest may be resolved quickly, many languish for months. Due to
a lack of administrative coordination between judges and the penal system, many
prisoners remained in prison after their release date.
Nicaragua lacks an effective civil law system. As a result, cases more properly
handled in a civil proceeding are often transmuted into criminal proceedings. One
party is then effectively blackmailed, being jailed due to action by the party wield-
ing greater influence with the judge. In addition, this heavy civil-based criminal
caseload claims attention from an overburdened public prosecutor's office and di-
verts resources that could be directed toward genuine criminal matters.
The Supreme Court removed Managua judge German Vasquez from office in Au-
gust aft«r he had been widely criticized for incompetence and political bias. In Janu-
ary Vasquez sentenced FSLN activist Nestor Moncada Lau to 18 months' imprison-
ment after police arrested the latter on January 10, the day of President Aleman's
inauguration, on charges of terrorism. Vasquez ordered Moncada released on parole
March 21. Police suspected that Moncada, who was arrested near the headquarters
596
of President Aleman's political party with 800 grams of explosives, had intended an
inauguration day attack.
The Supreme Court undertook a generally successful campaign to punish and dis-
courage corruption in the judiciary. By years end, the court had removed 57 judges
and magistrates for corruption, malfeasance, and incompetence.
There were no known political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides that all persons have the right to privacy of tneir family and
to the inviolabiUW of their home, correspondence, and communications. It also re-
quires warrants for searches of private homes and excludes from legal proceedings
illegally seized letters, documents, and private papers. The Government generally
respected these rights in practice.
In November the National Assembly passed a new property law intended to re-
solve long-standing property disputes stemming from massive confiscations by the
Sandinista government of the 1980's. The law implements President Aleman's cam-
paign promise that the poor would receive titles to properties received during Sandi-
nista-era land redistributions, and that wealthier beneficiaries would either have to
pay for such properties or return them. The law calls for strengthened judicial and
arbitral procedures to expedite settlement of property disputes. The new law has
been strongly criticized by some members of the claimant community.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and a free press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. The pri-
vately owned print media, the broadcast media, and academic circles freely and
openly discussed diverse viewpoints in public discourse without government inter-
ference.
The news medium with the largest national audience is radio, but polls show that
television is the primary source of news in the cities. Listeners receive a wide vari-
etv of political viewpoints, especially on Managua's 65 radio stations. There are six
television stations, four of wnich carry news programming with partisan political
content. There is no official state censorship, nor is self-censorship practiced.
Freedom of the press is potentially qualified, however, by several constitutional
provisions. The 1987 Constitution stipulates that citizens have the right to "accurate
information," thereby providing an exception by which the freedom to publish infor-
mation that the Government deems inaccurate could be abridged. Although the
right to information cannot be subject to censorship, there is retroactive liability es-
tablished by law, defined as a "social responsibility," impljang the potential for sanc-
tions against irresponsibility by the press. The legislature did not modify these pro-
visions in the 1995 constitutional reforms, but neither did the Government invoke
these provisions to suppress the media.
Although the National Assembly passed a bill in September 1996 which would
have established a professional journalists' guild, it was never signed into law. The
executive's reticence was due in part to the journalistic community's sharp division
over whether such a law would improve the quality of journalism or merely restrict
the freedom of speech. There was no movement in the National Assembly to revive
the proposal.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution recognizes
the right to peaceful assembly without prior permission. It also recognizes the right
to public assembly, demonstration, and mobilization "in conformity with the law."
The Government generally respects the right of assembly, although the law requires
demonstrators to obtain permission for a rally or marcn by registering its planned
size and location with the police. The authorities routinely granted such permission,
but many groups chose not to register because, they claimed, the process was too
cumbersome. With the exception of the violent June-July student protests (see Sec-
tion I.e.), the Government took no action against demonstrations.
The Constitution provides for the right to organize or affiliate with political par-
ties, and opposition and independent associations functioned freely witnout govern-
ment interference or restriction. Private associations do not have legal status to con-
duct private fiind raising or receive public financial support until they receive this
authorization from the National Assembly, which it routinely confers.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
In April the National Assembly rejected an initiative by FSLN deputies to pardon
six men serving sentences for bombings of Catholic churches that occurred during
1994-96. At year's end, only 2 of the 16 men originally accused remained in prison.
Five were found innocent, two completed full sentences, two were released on bail.
597
one was released due to illness, and four were released after having served partial
sentences. The bombings of churches in Masava, Managua, and Leon, which caused
only superficial structural damage, ceased in August 1996.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for the right to travel and reside anywhere
in the country and to enter and exit the country freely. The law requires citizens
and residents to obtain an exit visa to leave the country, but immigration authori-
ties routinely granted these for a small fee. The right of citizens to return to Nica-
ragua is not established in the Constitution, but, m practice, the Government has
not restricted anyone's return.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Conmiis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The
Constitution provides for asylum, and refugees cannot be expelled to the country
persecuting them. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise; there were
no reports of the forced return of persons to a country where they feared persecu-
tion.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised their right peacefully to change their government in free and
fair national elections in October 1996 held under the auspices of the Supreme Elec-
toral Council (CSE), an independent branch of government. Voters elected the Lib-
eral Alliance's Amoldo Aleman president from a field of 24 candidates with 51 per-
cent of the vote, against 38 percent for FSLN candidate Daniel Ortega. Over 90 per-
cent of eligible voters registered, and 76 percent of eligible voters voted. Over 3,000
national and international observers declared the elections free and fair, despite
some logistical and organizational nroblems.
The 1995 reforms to the 1987 Constitution established a more even distribution
of power and authority among the four coequal branches of government. The execu-
tive branch is headea by the President and a cabinet appointed by the President,
who is both head of state and head of government, as well as supreme chief of the
defense and security forces. The Vice President has no constitutionally mandated
duties or powers. Both the President and Vice President are elected to 5-year terms
by direct popular vote, with the possibility of a runoff between the top two can-
didates if one does not obtain at least 45 percent of the vote on the first ballot. The
Constitution does not permit reelection of the President.
A single-chamber National Assembly exercises legislative power. In October 1996,
voters chose 93 members, including 20 deputies from nationwide lists, 70 from lists
presented in each of the 15 departments and the 2 autonomous regions, and 3 de-
feated presidential candidates who obtained a minimum percentage of the national
vote. Nlembers elected concurrently with the President and Vice President in 1996
are to serve 5-year terms.
There are no restrictions in law or practice against women, indigenous groups, or
other minorities voting or participating in politics. Women served as president and
vice president until January 10, and a woman serves as president of the CSE. Addi-
tionally, 3 of 12 Supreme Court justices are women; women hold ministerial, vice
ministerial, and other senior positions in government; and voters elected 10 women
to the National Assembly in October 1996. Two members of the National Assembly
claim indigenous heritage.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
With the exception of some peace commissions, human rights groups operated
without government interference. Major organizations included the Nicaraguan Cen-
ter for Human Rights (CENIDH), the Permanent Commission for Human Rights
(CPDH), the Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights, the Episcopal Center for
Development, and cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo's verification commission. The
OAS's International Support and Verification Commission, which was established in
1990 to oversee the repatriation, disarmament, resettlement, and protection of the
human rights of the members of the Nicaraguan Resistance, successfully completed
its mission and closed on June 30. In 1993 CIAV's mandate had been expanded to
include all those affected by the civil war. In July a small successor organization
to OAS/CIAV, the OAS Technical Cooperation Mission (TCM), opened at the request
of the Government. The TCM's oresence was focused on 13 at-risk municipahties,
where it worked on conflict resolution, reconciliation, improving local government,
and extending legal infrastructure.
The OAS/CIAV and the Catholic Church helped create more than 70 peace com-
missions in the northern and central parts of the country, intended to give inhab-
598
itants of the area a means of dispute resolution, a means of monitoring human
riffhts abuses, and a vehicle for expressing their concerns to government authorities.
Many of the commissions operate in areas that are without any governmental pres-
ence, and serve as surrogates for absent police and courts. The Government granted
legal standing to many of these grassroots organizations during the year. Some
peace commission meniers reported that soldiers, rural police, and local residents
sometimes misunderstood their efTorts at advocacy on behalf of jailed criminals, in-
terpreting them as challenges to law enforcement officials' authority. Some commis-
sion members reported that, as a result, police and army noncommissioned officers
and officers (up to the rank of major) physically threatened them. Police and sol-
diers' threats caused significant attrition from the commissions.
The ANPDH, the CENIDH, the CPDH, and the Catholic Church's verification
commission conducted numerous human rights workshops at the police training
academy, at various police headquarters, and with army units throughout the coun-
try. However, the ANPDH and the Esteli peace commission complained that police
regularly failed to follow up on their accusations of abusive police behavior, even
though the police generally acknowledged having received their complaints. The po-
lice inspector general's office admitted that it responded to only 135 of the 333 cases
which the ANDPH presented during the year, but claimed that many of the
ANDPH's complaints were either unfounded or too old to permit a meaningful inves-
tigation. Some military ofiicers received internationally sponsored human rights
training.
In December 1995, the National Assembly passed a law creating a human rights
ombudsman's office, with the Ombudsman to be elected by the Assembly. The
Aleman administration publicly supported filling the position, and the Assembly in-
scribed a dozen candidates in November, but none was able to obtain the 56 votes
(60 percent) required for election. Election of an ombudsman is likely sometime in
1998.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of birth, nationality, politi-
cal belief, race, gender, language, religion, opinion, national origin, economic condi-
tion, or social condition. In practice, the (Jrovemment made little or no effort to com-
bat discrimination. However, few, if any, discrimination suits or formal complaints
were filed with government officials.
Women. — The most prevalent violations of women's rights involved domestic and
sexual violence, which were widespread and underreported. The National Police re-
ported 1,095 instances of rape during 1996, but believed the true number of such
crimes to be perhaps four times that figure. Many women are still reluctant to re-
port abuse or file charges due to social stigmas attached to victims of rape. How-
ever, police stated that the apparent rise in rape cases from previous years is at
least partially due to the increased willingness of rape victims to report the crimes
perpetrated against them.
Tne National Police confirmed local human rights groups' charges that while po-
lice sometimes intervened to prevent injury in cases of domestic violence, they rare-
ly charged perpetrators. Those cases that actually reached the courts usually re-
sulted in a not guilty verdict due to judicial inexperience with, and lack of legal
training related to, proper judicial handling of such violence.
The police manage "women's commissariats" in nine cities — Managua, EsteU,
Bluefiems, Leon, Nlasaya, Boaco, Jinotega, Rivas, and Tipitapa — whicn are sup-
ported in part by foreign assistance. The centers are annexes of local police stations
and are staffed by female police officers. They provide both social and legal help to
women and mediate spousal conflicts. A 1996 Criminal Code reform entitled Law
against Aggression against Women criminalized domestic violence and provided for
up to 6 years' imprisonment for those found guilty of perpetrating such violence.
The law also provided for the issuance of restraining orders in cases in which
women fear for their safety.
Although the Constitution provides for equality between the sexes, some authori-
ties and society in general often did not respect this in practice. While discrimina-
tion against women is technically illegal, reports of such discrimination were per-
sistent throughout the year. Women are underrepresented in management positions
in the private sector, and they constitute the majority of workers in the traditionally
low-paid education, textile, and health service sectors. Women have equal or some-
what better access to education than men. Primary school enrollment rates for boys
and girls are estimated at 73 and 75 percent, respectively; secondary school enroll-
ment rates are 39 and 47 percent.
599
Children. — Children 18 years of age and younger make up approximately 53 per-
cent of the population. Tne Government expresses its commitment to children's
human rights and welfare publicly but does not commit adequate funding levels for
children's programs. Education is compulsory through the sixth grade, but this pro-
vision is not enforced. The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), using 1993
statistics, estimated that 6,000 children have been abandoned by their families,
some 2,000 live in orphanages, and approximately 1,800 are in foster homes.
UNICEF reported that 65 percent of children are literate, and that 20 percent of
children from 6 to 9 years of age work. The Labor Ministry estimated that about
100,000 children under age 14 are illegally employed. Of these, it estimated that
72,000 were employed in the annual harvests. Others are forced by their parents
to work in the streets of Managua as vendors or beggars. Child prostitution exists
but is not common.
People With Disabilities. — The Government has not legislated or otherwise man-
dated accessibility for the disabled. However, through international NGO's, foreign
governments, ana the public health care system, the Government procured thou-
sands of prostheses and other medical equipment for veterans and former resistance
members. Through its clinics and hospitals, the Government provides care to war
veterans and other disabled persons, but the quality of care is generally poor.
Indigenous People. — Comprising about 6 percent of the country's population, the
indigenous people live primarily in the Northern Autonomous Atlantic Region
(RAAN) and Southern Autonomous Atlantic Region (RAAS), created in 1987 out of
the former department of Zelaya, which border the Caribbean sea and comprise 47
f>ercent of the national territory. According to the Government's May 1995 census
which undercounted the population by as much as 25 percent in some rural areas),
the four major identifiable tribes are the Miskito (with approximately 140,000 mem-
bers), the Sumo (15,000), the Garifuna (1,500), and the Rama (1,000).
The indigenous people of the RAAN (principally the Miskito and the Sumo) have
their own political party, the Yatama, with representation in regional and municipal
councils. In an effort to encourage indigenous participation in the 1996 elections, the
CSE distributed electoral and civic education materials in four languages, including
Miskito and Sumo. The CSE undertook similar efforts in preparation for the March
1998 regional elections in the RAAN and RAAS.
The 1987 Autonomy Law requires the Government to consult the indigenous re-
garding the exploitation of their areas' resources. Indigenous people claim that the
central Government often made decisions without adequate community consultation.
As in previous years, some indigenous groups complained that central government
authorities excluded the indigenous people of the Atlantic coast from meaningful
participation in decisions afiecting their lands, cultures, traditions, and the alloca-
tion of natural resources. A majority of indigenous people have no access to health
care. Critics of government policy cited official statistics that unemployment ap-
proached 70 percent in the RAAS and was nearly 90 percent in the RAAN, far above
national averages. However, calculation of reliable employment statistics was com-
plicated by the fact that most of the working indigenous population on the Atlantic
IS engaged in subsistence fishing or farming.
A 650-member tribe in the RAAN, the Awas Tingni, sued the Government in
1996, claiming that its decision to award a long-term lumber concession to a Korean
firm on a portion of the land it claims as its own was a violation of the American
Convention on Human Rights. In February the Supreme Court declared the Govern-
ment's concession to the Korean firm unconstitutional. The case was before the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights at year's end. The Government has
worked with indigenous groups in the past to reach compromises, but in this case
countered that the area the Awas Tingni claim, 392,500 acres, was excessive for a
tribe of its size. The root of the dispute was the Government's failure to demarcate
the land; other indigenous groups, squatters, former RN, and soldiers also have
claims to the same area. With international financial support, in 1996 the (jovern-
ment formed a commission to demarcate lands in the RAAN and RAAS.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Most citizens are of mixed background, and
ethnicity is not a barrier to political or economic success. However, various indige-
nous groups from both the RAAN and the RAAS sometimes linked the Government's
failure to expend resources in support of the Atlantic coast population to the exist-
ence of ethnic, racial, and religious (principally members of the Moravian church)
minorities that predominate in that region.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of workers
to organize voluntarily in unions, and this right was reaffirmed in the new Labor
Code which entered into effect in November 1996, replacing the antiquated 1944
600
code. Legally, all public and private sector workers, except those in the military and
the police, may form and join unions of their own choosing, and they exercise this
right extensively. New unions must register with the Rfi^nistry of Labor and be
S anted legal status before they may engage in collective bargaining. The new code
jfally recognizes cooperatives, into which many transportation and agricultural
workers are organized. Less than half of the formal sector work force, including ag-
ricultural workers, is unionized, according to labor leaders. Union membership con-
tinued to fall during the vear. The unions are independent of the Government, al-
though many are amliated with political parties.
The Constitution recognizes the right to strike. The Labor Code requires a major-
ity vote of all the woriiers in an enterprise to call a strike. Workers may strike le-
gally only after they have demonstrated that they have just cause to strike and have
exhausted other methods of dispute resolution, including mediation by the Ministry
of Labor and compulsory arbitration. Although the 1996 Labor Code streamlined
these procedures with labor leaders' input and consent, they were often ignored. Of
seven strikes between January and July, four were declared illegal, and three were
quickly resolved between the parties to the disputes. None were declared legal.
The Labor Code prohibits retribution against strikers and union leaders for legal
strikes. However, this protection may be withdrawn in the case of an illegal strike.
The 1996 Code provides protected status to union leaders, requiring that companies
receive permission from the Labor Ministry after having shown just cause in order
to fire union executive board members. Such protection is limited to nine individuals
per union.
Unions freely form or join federations or confederations and affiliate with and par-
ticipate in international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides for
the rirfit to bargain collectively, and this right was reaffirmed in the 1996 Labor
Code. The Government generally sought to foster resolution of pressing labor con-
flicts (usually in the public sector) through informal negotiations rather than
through formal administrative or judicial processes. According to the reformed Code,
companies engaged in disputes with employees must negotiate with the employees'
union if the employees have thus organized themselves.
Nineteen firms, employing some 15,000 workers, operate in the government-run
export processing zone (EPZ), and a private EPZ contains another firm with 500 em-
ployees. Four additional zones were authorized but had not opened by year's end.
While EPZ officials maintain that labor laws are more strictly enforced in the EPZ
than elsewhere, union representatives have long maintained that the Labor Min-
istry is doing a poor job of enforcing the Labor Code in the EPZ's. In response to
these complaints, the Labor Ministry opened a new office in the Managua free trade
zone in February. Of the 19 EPZ enterprises, only 2 are unionized. EPZ oflicials
claimed that, due to memories of the corrupt and ineffective unions of the 1980's,
workers in the other 17 EPZ enterprises simply have no interest in unionizing. They
also claim that wages and working conditions in EPZ enterprises are better than
the national average.
Although one Sandinista union made an effort to organize workers at the Cupid
factory in the EPZ, the Labor Ministry overturned the new union's certification. The
Labor Ministry concluded that Sandinista labor organizers had intimidated the
workers into calling for a union, a charge which workers and factory management
confirmed. In September Cupid received the Labor Ministry's first-ever award for
excellence in labor-management relations.
The Labor Ministry verified that there were some cases of sexual harassment of
females workers in the EPZ's. However, it found that such problems were no more
common in the EPZ's than in other sectors of the economy.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor. However, the Labor Ministry reported that some child men-
dicants were forced to beg by the parents, and that some were "rented" by their par-
ents to organizers of child beggars (see Section 6.d.). Parents forced many rural chil-
dren to participate in annual Harvests.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Although
not specifically addressing forced or bonded child labor, the Constitution prohibits
child labor that can affect normal childhood development or interfere with tne oblig-
atory school year. Recognizing that child labor in tne informal sector of the economy
continues to be a serious problem, the Government created in August a new commit-
tee for the eradication of child labor headed by the first lady. The 1996 Labor Code
raised the age at which children may begin working with parental permission from
12 to 14 years. Parental permission to work is also required for 15- and 16-year-
olds. The law limits the workday for such children to 6 hours and prohibits night
work. However, because of the economic needs of many families, a cultural legacy
601
of child work among peasants, and lack of effective government enforcement mecha-
nisms, child labor rules are rarely enforced except in the small, formal sector of the
economy.
An August study conducted by the Labor Ministry concluded that over 100,000
children under 14 years of age work, principally in the annual harvest of crops such
as coffee, cotton, bananas, tobacco, and rice, and in city streets hawking merchan-
dise, cleaning automobile windows, or begging. The Labor Ministry reported that
many child mendicants are forced to beg bv their parents, and that many are
"rented" by their parents to organizers of child beggars. Children the age of 10 or
older often worited for less than $1.00 per day on the same banana and coffee plan-
tations as their parents. Working children averaged a 47-hour workweek, according
to a 1993 UNICEF study.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage is set throu^ tripartite
(business, government, and labor) negotiations, and must be -approved by the Legis-
lative Assembly. A new minimum wage scale took effect November 1, the first in-
crease since 1991. Minimum wages vary by sector. Examples of monthly rates are:
agriculture, $30.61 (300 cordobas); fisheries, $51 (500 cordobas); construction, $49
(480 cordobas); government, $35.71 (350 cordobas); and banking, $71.42 (700 cor-
dobas). The minimum wage falls far below government estimates of what an urban
family must spend each month for a basic basket of goods ($142.85, or 1,400 cor-
dobas). The vast majority of urban workers earn well above the minimum rates.
The new Labor Code maintains the constitutionally mandated 8-hour workday;
the standard legal workweek is a maximum of 48 hours, with 1 day of rest weekly.
The new code establishes that severance pay shall be from 1 to 5 months' duration,
depending on the duration of employment and the circumstances of firing. However,
persons nred for cause may be denied severance pay through a process requiring
employers to demonstrate proof of worker misconduct. It also establishes an obliga-
tion 01 an employer to provide housing to employees who are temporarily assigned
to areas beyond commuting distance. The Labor Code seeks to bring the country
into compliance with international standards and norms of workplace hygiene and
safety, but the Ministry of Labor's office of hygiene and occupational security lacks
adequate staff and resources to enforce these provisions. The new code gives work-
ers the right to remove themselves from dangerous workplace situations without
jeopardy to continued employment.
PANAMA
Panama is a representative democracy with an elected executive composed of a
president and two vice presidents, an elected 72-member legislature, and an ap-
pointed judiciary. President Ernesto Perez Balladares, elected in May 1994, is the
chief executive. The judiciary is independent, but subject to corruption and political
manipulation.
Panama has had no military forces since 1989. In 1994 a constitutional amend-
ment formally abolished a standing military, although it contained a provision for
the temporary formation of a "special police force" to protect the borders in case of
a "threat of external aggression." The Panamanian National Police (PNP), under the
Ministry of Government and Justice, are responsible for law enforcement. The Judi-
cial Technical Police (PTJ), under the judicial branch's Public Ministry, perform
criminal investigations in support of public prosecutors. National Maritime Service
and National Air Service forces also perform police functions along the coasts and
at the international airport, respectively. Credible repwrts of corruption within both
the PNP and PTJ contributed to some police dismissals. Police forces respond to ci-
vilian authority, have civilian directors, and have internal review procedures to deal
with police misconduct. There were reports of instances of abuse by some members
of the security forces.
The service-oriented economy uses the U.S. dollar as currency, called the Balboa.
Gross domestic product grew by 2.5 percent in real terms in 1996, and its growth
was projected to reach 3.5 percent in 1997 The Ministry of Economic Planning ex-
pects accelerating growth tnrough the year 2000 as the effects of economic liberal-
ization and the Panama Canal transfer become evident. Poverty persists, with large
disparities between rich and poor, and income distribution remains skewed. Unem-
ployment is estimated at 14 percent.
The (jovemment generally respected the human rights of its citizens, but there
continued to be serious problems in several areas. Police and prison guards used ex-
cessive force against detainees and prisoners. Despite some modest improvements,
overall prison conditions remained poor, with frequent outbreaks of internal prison
602
violence. F*risoners were subject to prolonged pretrial detention; the criminal justice
system was inefficient and often corrupt, d one high-profile case, G^erardo Gonzalez,
ftresident of the governing party, used improper influence to compromise the impar-
iality of trial proceedings against a former director of the PTJ, Jaime Abao, in
order to affect the outcome of the separate trial of Gonzalez's son on murder
charges. There were instances of illegal searches and political pressure on the
media. The Government was severely criticized when it refused to renew the work
permit of a prominent foreign journalist. The United Nations High Commissioner
lor Refugees protested government repatriation in April of 200 Colombians, some of
whom entered Panama fleeing violence in border areas. Discrimination against
women persists, and indigenous people are severely disadvantaged. Violence against
women remained a serious problem. Worker rights are limited in export processing
zones. The Government continued to prosecute a small number of officials respon-
sible for abuses during the years of dictatorship from 1968 t« 1989. The legislature
created the office of human rights ombudsman in December 1996 and elected the
first incumbent in a fair and open process. After an initial delay in receiving ftinds,
the ombudsman's office was expected to open in January 1998.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings.
The authorities dismissed three PNP guards and ordered them to stand trial for
the beating death of detainee Jose Luis Alvarado at the Tinajitas prison. After Alva-
rado got into an argument with the guards on the evening of March 6, witnesses
reported that the ofiicers handcufiied him to a chain link fence and beat him for sev-
eral hours until he died.
The PNP initiated an investigation into the shooting death of Ngobe-Bugle tribe
member Juan Santos Chobra during a June 17 confrontation between squatters and
police officers attempting to remove them from private land. According to the PNP,
a police officer fired in self-defense when Chobra attacked him with a machete; pro-
testers said that the 65-year-old Chobra was a victim of police aggression. In retalia-
tion, the protesters overpowered a second PNP officer, txjund and tortured him for
several hours, and wounded him in the head with a machete before he could be res-
cued.
On August 3, a jury convicted a former PTJ agent of murder in the January 19,
1994, shooting death of university student Erick Eloy Diaz. The agent shot Diaz
during a traffic stop. On March 3, a jury convicted two former members of the public
security forces for the robbery and murder of two Colombian drug traffickers in No-
vember 1991.
The Government continued to prosecute a small number of officials for abuses
committed during the years of dictatorship, from 1968 to 1989. In February a judge
sentenced former Panamanian Defense Forces (PDF) captain Jorge Eliecer Bemal
and two other men to 20 years' imprisonment for the 1987 murder of businessman
Manuel Lopez Vasquez. On February 21, Peru extradited to Panama ex-PDF major
Heraclides Sucre, who was previously convicted in absentia and sentenced to 20
years' imprisonment for his role in the 1989 executions of 11 PDF participants in
an abortive coup attempt against then-PDF Commander General Manuel Noriega.
A jury on March 2 acquitted five former PDF officers for the kidnaping and at-
tempted murder of opposition activist Mauro Zuniga in 1985, despite Zuniga having
personally identified nis attackers at the trial.
In November a jury acquitted Pedro Miguel Gonzalez, son of Legislative Assembly
president Gerardo Gonzalez (also president of the ruling Democratic Revolutionary
Party — PRD), and two other defendants, Amado Sanchez Ortega and Roberto
Garrido, who were accused of the politically motivated 1992 killing of U.S. service-
man corporal Zak Hernandez and intent to kill U.S. army sergeant Ronald Terrell
Marshall. Gonzalez was freed; Sanchez must still serve a 7-year prison term for a
prior murder conviction; and Garrido had still not been located at year's end. Gon-
zalez was acquitted despite clear evidence of his guilt and in the wake of improper
actions by his father in this case and a separate case against a police official, Jaime
Abad (see Section I.e.). Gonzalez's trial was subject to political interference, manip-
ulation, and intimidation of the judge and jury.
In what was presented as an efiort to remedy the slow pace of criminal justice
proceedings, the ruling party attempted to modify a judicial reform bill sent to the
Legislative Assembly by the Attorney General. PRD legislators inserted a "veiled
amnesty" clause, which would have closed all criminal cases open more than 5 years
without the accused being brought to trial. The reform would have freed human
603
rights violators, common criminals, and even suspected murderers, and would have
ended proceedings against numerous fugitives from justice (such as Roberto
Garrido). Both the Attorney General and the secretary general of the Supreme
Court denounced the modified bill as unconstitutional, and the PRD subsequently
withdrew it from consideration as the Assembly session concluded in June.
Several Colombians residing in Panama were reportedly executed in the Darien
region by Colombian paramilitary forces during cross-border incursions in April and
June. The paramilitary forces accused the victims of being sympathizers of a Colom-
bian guerrula movement. Panamanian authorities have made no arrests in connec-
tion with the killings, but temporarily reinforced PNP units in the Darien following
the June incident. There were reports of similar incidents in November; reputed Co-
lombian guerrillas or members oi a paramilitary force killed a police ofticer and ter-
rorized a small town for several hours.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
A Colombian paramilitary group in June reportedly kidnaped two Colombians
who had sought refuge in the Darien community of Yape. Darien business owner
Antonio Ramos, kidnaped in August 1996 by Colombian guerrillas, was released
unharmed in May after his family paid an unspecified ransom. Panamanian au-
thorities state that they are hampered in enforcing the law in Darien by the region's
remoteness, general lawlessness, and insufficient resources for the police.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits use of measures that could harm the physical, mental,
or moral integrity of prisoners or detainees. The public security forces generally per-
formed in a professional and restrained manner, although there were reports of^ ex-
cessive use of force or inhuman punishment, particularly against prison inmates.
There also were reports that police used physical violence to control detainees dur-
ing the initial an^est, interrogation, and holding phases.
On June 3 President Perez Balladares signed a new Organic Law for the National
Police, passed by the Legislative Assembly m April. The new law supersedes the old
"Law 20," dating from the Noriega era, and a 1990 presidential decree as the legal
basis for the existence and operations of the PNP. The law includes specific guide-
lines for PNP use of force, including deadly force; sets up norms for selection and
promotion of officers, contributing to PNP professionalization; and seeks to
depoliticize the PNP by prohibiting officers' participation in certain political activi-
ties. It requires that police officers respect human rights, and prohibits instigation
or tolerance of torture, cruelty, or other inhuman or degrading behavior. The law
stipulates that the PNP director must be a civilian "noncareerist," while the deputy
director must be chosen from among career police ranks.
Corruption among police officers continued to be a problem, but PNP and FTJ di-
rectors enforced strict disciplinary measures against officers shown to be involved
in illicit activities. They arrested a PTJ documents expert in July as part of a medi-
cal diploma falsification ring and fired six other PTJ agents in April for connections
to organized crime. Three PNP officers were dismissed in February for robbery, and
PNP director Sosa admitted in February that some members of the transit police
regularly extort bribes from motorists. In February the authorities formally charged
seven former PTJ agents with the August 1995 kidnaping and robbery of a Colon
Free Zone merchant.
The PTJ and the PNP have offices of professional responsibility that act as inter-
nal affairs organs to hold ofiicers accountable for their actions. Both have staffs of
independent investigators and administrative authority to open internal investiga-
tions which, upon completion, go to their respective inspectors general for submis-
sion to review boards. The review boards, in turn, recommend to the service's direc-
tor the appropriate action; the director has the final authority to determine the dis-
position of each case. Penalties include reduction in rank, dismissal, and in severe
cases, criminal prosecution. Through July the PNP opened 324 investigations into
alleged misconduct by police; of the 202 investigations completed, 11 resulted in dis-
missals, 10 in other disciplinary action, and 9 in reprimands. The other cases were
either dismissed administratively or resolved in favor of the investigated officer.
Despite efforts to introduce some prison reforms, prison conditions throughout the
country remained extremely poor and a threat to prisoners' health. Most prisons are
dilapidated and overcrowded. Medical screening and care is inadequate, with tuber-
culosis and other communicable diseases common among the prison population. Fre-
quent prison riots and gang battles injured or killed numerous inmates. Guards
often used buckshot and tear gas, fired at close range, to quell disturbances or halt
escape attempts. Riots were particularly common and severe at La Joya prison,
where most high-risk inmates from the old La Modelo prison were transferred in
late 1996. In February the Government announced plans to build a new 1,000-in-
mate facility for medium- and maximum-security inmates adjacent to La Joya.
604
Mounting frustration with La Joya's security problems prompted the National De-
partment of Corrections (DNC) to fire the prison director in July and place the dep-
uty director on indefinite administrative leave. Vice Minister of Government and
Justice Martin Torrijos said that the riots were not the DNC's fault, but were due
to overcrowding caused by the slow pace of moving criminal cases through the
courts.
The authorities took strong disciplinary measures against some officers implicated
in abuses. The Government fired tnree PNP guards and initiated criminal proceed-
ing against them for the March beating death of Jose Luis Alvarado at Tinajitas
Enson (see Section l.a.). The Government dismissed six civilian guards from the
iNC and opened a criminal investigation after the guards severely beat inmate
Carlos Cisneros at La Joya prison April 7. The Attorney General's office announced
in March that it would ask the courts to summon to trial 11 former PNP guards
for the July 27, 1996 mass beating of inmates at La Modelo prison. The incident,
which was filmed by a television news crew and broadcast nationwide, prompted the
Government to evacuate La Modelo and demolish it in December 1996.
In other prison beating incidents, the authorities publicly denied charges of exces-
sive use of force. At El Renacer prison on March 2, PNP guards recaptured two pris-
oners after an abortive escape attempt. The guards reportedly stripped the two men,
chained them to a fence, and beat them. Witnesses asserted that the naked men
were left chained and repeatedly doused with cold water by guards overnight. PNP
director Jose Luis Sosa publicly denied that the beating had occurred. DNC authori-
ties claimed to have investigated the incident and turned the report over to the At-
torney General's office, but the Attorney General said his office could not find the
report in question. The PNP lieutenant in command of the El Renacer guard force,
however, was subsequently transferred.
In a July 31 incident at La Joyita prison, a large group of foreign inmates alleged
that they were attacked by guards wnile staging a peaceful hunger strike to protest
prison conditions. According to the inmates, the guards hit and kicked them, and
set attack dogs on them while they were seated and handcuffed. Diplomatic officials
observed numerous severe bruises and bite marks on the prisoners. A PNP spokes-
man insisted that the prisoners had attacked the guards.
The DNC largely depends on PNP officers, inadequately trained for prison duty,
to supply its guard force. Civilian correction officers or "custodians" handle inmates
within La Joya, El Renacer, and the central women's prison (which uses only female
guards). The DNC has authority to discipline prison guards with criminal or civil
sanctions. Five DNC custodians were arrested in March after investigators accused
them of complicity in the escape from La Joya of a notorious Mexican drug traf-
ficker. Following the beating death of Jose Luis Alvarado (see Section I.e.), legisla-
tor Denis Arce of the Assembl/s human rights commission formally proposed cre-
ation of a permanent bureau within the PNP to train officers in human rights is-
sues.
At the new La Joyita facility for minimum-security inmates, the DNC inaugurated
several new prisoner work and rehabilitation programs, including a bakery, brick-
making facility, and agricultural cultivation. However, these programs employed
less than 20 percent of La Joyita's 1,233 inmates, including only 2 of more than 300
foreign inmates. Foreign financial assistance allowed the DNC to initiate a program
of medical screening for all new inmates, but did not include improved regular care
for the existing inmate population.
Following instances of nostage-taking in September, the President ordered the
PNP to replace the DNC and take control of two of the largest prisons. La Joya and
La Joyita. Despite protests from human rights groups and opposition parties that
replacing the DNC with the police was a return to bad former practice, the Govern-
ment justified the policy by displaying over 2,000 knives allegedly confiscated from
prisoners. Following the PNP takeover at the two prisons, inmates' visitation rights
were seriously limited, along with the right to receive gifts from visitors. Overall
conditions in the prisons did not change substantially.
The number of trained DNC guards in other national prisons is inadequate to en-
sure proper security, given the large number of prisoners and generally overcrowded
conditions. The PNP personnel assigned to La Joya and La Joyita have no formal
training as prison guards. The first formal training class of approximately 140 cor-
rections officers graduated from the PNP Police Academy. In its 1996 budget re-
quest, the DNC asked for funding for 277 new guard positions, but none were ap-
proved. Effective prison management also is hampered by the lack of consistent na-
tional operating guidelines; individual prison directors are free to establish their
own procedures without effective central control or oversight. Given the high turn-
over rate among directors, this system leads to internal administrative confusion
and increases directors' susceptibility to corruption and abuse of authority.
605
The prison situation in Colon remained grim, as did conditions on Coiba Island
Penal Colony. In an eflbrt to alleviate problems in La Joya and La Joyita, the au-
thorities transferred many prisoners to Coiba. Many of them have not yet been
tried, and the distance from their legal counsel is a serious problem. Prisoners suffer
from malnutrition and shortages of potable water, and medical care is practically
nonexistent. Coiba has a civilian administrator, but its guard force still consists of
police guards instead of civilian corrections officers. Geographic isolation and lack
of communications have separated detainees from their attorneys and caused many
to miss trials. Escapes from Coiba are reported conmion. Although the Government
began reducing the number of prisoners at Coiba prior to closing it, the recent influx
caused the inmate population to once again increase. The Government acknowledges
it must keep Coiba open, but as yet has made no provisions to upgrade or maintain
the facility.
Conditions at women's prisons in Panama City and Chiriqui province and at the
Juvenile Detention Center were noticeably better than at adult male prisons. Even
so, female prisoners, especially those in the primary detention area, reportedly suf-
fered from overcrowding, poor medical care, and lack of basic supplies for personal
hygiene.
The Government generally allows prison visits by independent human rights mon-
itors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution stipulates that arrests
must be carried out with a warrant issued by the appropriate authorities, and the
Government generally respected this provision. Exceptions are permitted when an
officer apprehends a person during the commission of a crime, or when disrespect
by the individual toward the officer prevents the officer from carrying out his duty.
The law requires the arresting officer to inform the detainee immediately of the rea-
sons for arrest or detention and of the right to immediate legal counsel, to be pro-
vided by the State for the indigent.
The Constitution also provides for judicial review of the legality of detention and
mandates the immediate release of any person detained or arrested illegally. The
Constitution prohibits police from detaming suspects for more than 24 hours with-
out bringing them before a competent judicial authority. In practice, the authorities
often violated the 24-hour time limit by several days. Under law the preliminary
investigation phase may last 8 days to 2 months, and the follow-on investigation
phase another 2 to 4 months, depending on the number of suspiects. Extensions of
these limits are freauently granted by tne courts, leaving the accused in detention
for a long period witnout having been formally charged.
Extended pretrial detention continued as one oi the most serious human rights
problems, in part a consequence of the elaborate notification phase in crimmal
cases. Many legal authorities (including court officials) criticized judges for excessive
use of this measure. According to D^fC statistics, pretrial detainees composed ap-
proximately 65 percent of the prison population as of July, down from 71 percent
in 1996 and 78 percent in 1995. The average period of pretrial custody was 16
months; pretrial detention in excess of the maximum sentence for the alleged crime
was common. A legal mechanism exists to hold the Government financially account-
able in cases where a detainee spends more than 1 year in jail but subsequently
has all charges dismissed at a preliminary hearing. The dismissal must be either
because the act of which the detainee was accused is not ruled a crime or because
there is no evidence to link the suspect to the crime. Although this redress proce-
dure is not complicated, few former detainees have employed it.
In November the Legislative Assembly passed a law intended to relieve pressure
on the clogged prison system by limiting pretrial detention. The new law requires
judicial authorities to replace pretrial detention with an alternative measure, such
as house arrest, for prisoners whose time in jail awaiting trial exceeds the minimum
penalty for the crimes they allegedly committed.
In March Supreme Court magistrate Aura de Villalaz stated that the use of pre-
ventive detention should be reserved only for the most dangerous suspects. With
broad public and media perception of judicial corruption, however, judges are afraid
to impwse bail or release suspects on their own recognizance; judges apparently fear
being subjected to accusations of corruption or of endangering public safety. In June
Supreme Court secretary general Carlos Cuestas said that the systematic applica-
tion of preventive detention refiected a "repressive judicial culture."
The Constitution prohibits exile; there were no reports of forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, the judiciary is susceptible to corruption and outside infiuence, in-
cluding from other branches of government. The President appoints nine Supreme
Court magistrates to 10-year terms, subject to Legislative Assembly confirmation.
The Supreme Court magistrates appoint appellate (Superior Tribunal) judges, who,
606
in turn, appoint circuit and municipal court iudges in their respective jurisdictions.
The Attorney General, who heads tne Public Ministry jointly with the Solicitor Gen-
eral, appoints the superior and circuit-level prosecutors. Appointments are supposed
to be made under a merit-based system, but the top-down appointment system lends
itself to political tinkering and undue interference by higher-level judges in lower-
level cases in which they have no jurisdiction.
At the local level, mayors appomt administrative judges who exercise jurisdiction
over minor civil and criminal cases in which they may impose fines or sentences of
up to 1 year. ITiis system has serious shortcomings: defendants lack adequate proce-
dural safeguards, officials need not be (and normally are not) attorneys, and some
engage in corrupt practices. In reality, appeal procedures are nonexistent. More af-
fluent defendants tend to pay fines while poorer defendants go to jail, one of the
chief factors leading to prison overcrowding.
The Constitution provides that persons charged with crimes have the ri^t to
counsel, to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, to refrain from incriminating
themselves or close relatives, and to be tried only once for a given offense. If not
under pretrial detention, the accused may be present with counsel during the inves-
tigative phase of the proceeding. Judges can order the presence of pretrial detainees
for the rendering or amplification of statements, or for confronting witnesses. Trials
are conducted orally with the accused present, but with little new evidence pre-
sented beyond that in the case file compiled bv the public prosecutor. The Constitu-
tion and the Criminal Procedure Code provide for trial by jury at the defendant's
election, but only in criminal cases where at least one of the charges is murder.
The Constitution obliges the Government to provide public defenders for the indi-
gent. However, many public defenders are not appointed until after the investigative
phase of the case, a serious disadvantage for tne defendant since it is during this
stage that the prosecutor produces and evaluates the bulk of the evidence and de-
cides whether to recommend trial or the dismissal of charges. Public defenders' case-
loads remained staggering, averaging 410 cases per attorney in 1995. Only one new
public defender has oeen hired since 1992, making a total of 36 nationwide, while
the caseload increased 74 percent since then. This heavy workload undermined the
quality of representation, with many prisoners meeting their public defender for the
first time on the day of trial.
The right to a fair and independent trial was seriously compromised in the case
of Jaime Abad, former director of the PTJ. Based on dubious evidence, PRD presi-
dent Grerardo Gonzalez accused Abad of hiding or manipulating ballistics test re-
sults in the investigation of Gonzalez's son, Pedro Miguel, for the 1992 murder of
U.S. serviceman Zak Hernandez (see Section l.a.). While Abad was originally
charged with a misdemeanor, the charges against him were increased to felony
counts by the judge at his preliminary hearing on January 15 after Gonzalez clos-
eted himself with the judge in her chambers lor 50 minutes prior to the hearing.
Despite a constitutional provision for presumption of innocence, the judge publicly
stated prior to the preliminary hearing that the articles of the Penal Code Abad was
charged with violating "contain the conduct carried out by Abad." In the months
leading up to his trial, Abad and his attorneys were subjected to repeated telephone
threats and harassment, which the Government did not investigate. Concerned for
his the safety of his attorneys, Abad released them just prior to his trial and was
conseqjuently represented by an ill-prepared public defender.
Durmg Aoad's trial in June, there were strong suggestions of collusion between
the judge, the government prosecutor, and the independent prosecutor hired by Gon-
zalez (all with close personal ties to the PRD). The judge summoned all witnesses
requested by the prosecution, while denying all but one of those requested by Abad;
that defense witness received a threatening visit at home from a prosecution wit-
ness and subsequently declined to testify. In reviewing the case, the local Center
for Human Rights Investigation and Legal Assistance (CIDHS) stated in a press re-
lease that "Jaime Abad . . . faces a judicial process in which there are clear indica-
tors that it has been the subject of manipulation by interests of dubious origin." The
CIDHS further concluded that Gonzalez used and abused his political power to ma-
nipulate the judicial process against Abad in order to help his son Pedro Miguel
Gonzalez. The trial concluded on June 25. In August Abad's employer was harassed
when a story about the case appeared in a foreign newspaper. The employer, faced
with continuing government harassment, dismissed Abad. In November the judge
in the Abad case, the same judge who presided over the Clonzalez trial, excused her-
self from the case and a new judge was assigned. On December 15, the new judge
found Abad guilty and sentenced him to 3 years in prison, but reduced the sentence
to a $1,500 fine. Abad said that he would refuse to pay the fine.
A small number of lower court judges were disciplined during the year on charges
of corruption or administrative irregularities. In May Attorney General Jose A.
607
Sossa asked Supreme Court president Arturo Hoyos to investigate four judges for
possible corruption, after the judges dismissed charges in cases that the Attorney
General's office had asked be brought to trial. Hovos declined to investigate the
judges, saying that the Attorney General had failed to provide sufficient evidence
of wrongdoing to warrant a formal inquiry. Attorney General Sossa also denounced
trial lawyers for filing spurious motions and failing to show up for hearings in order
intentionally to delay criminal proceedings against their clients.
There was no progress in resolving the impeachment case against former Supreme
Court magistrate Jose Manuel Faundes. The Legislative Assembly conducted im-
peachment proceedings against Faundes in late 1996 on charges that he abused his
authority aind accepted cash payments in exchange for lenient sentencing and treat-
ment of certain prisoners, including narcotics traffickers. However, the Assembly
could not muster the two-thirds majority vote constitutionally required for impeach-
ment. As a result, ruling party legislators asked the Supreme Court to declare the
two-thirds clause unconstitutional in order to be able to impeach Faundes by a sim-
ple majority vote. All nine sitting Supreme Court magistrates subsequently recused
themselves from the case, leaving the decision in the hands of their alternates who
have given no indication of when they will render a decision. In late 1997, some of
the alternate judges recused themselves as well. Government opponents accused the
President of unduly influencing the Supreme Court in this case.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of the home, private papers, and tele-
phonic communications. The authorities may not enter private residences except
with the owner's permission, or by written order from the appropriate authority for
specific purposes. These may include entry to assist the victims of crime or disaster,
or to conduct lawful health and safety inspections. The authorities may not examine
{>rivate papers and correspondence, except as properly authorized by competent
egal authority and in the presence of the owner, a family member, or two neigh-
bors. The Grovemment generally respected these rights. However, there were com-
plaints that in some cases police failed to follow legal requirements and conducted
unauthorized searches of private residences.
Although the Constitution prohibits all wiretapping, the Government maintains
that wiretapping with judicial approval is legal. Under the guidelines established
by antinarcotics legislation passed in July 1994, the Public Ministry may engage in
undercover operations, including "videotaping and recording of conversations and
telephonic communications." The Supreme Court has not issued a definitive ruling
on whether wiretapping is constitutional and, if so, under what circumstances.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Grovemment generally respects these rights in practice.
However, in a case that provoked a wave of domestic and international criticism,
the Government tried to expel Peruvian journalist Gustavo Gorriti, associate editor
of the daily newspaper La Prensa. In August the Labor Minister refused to renew
Gorriti's work permit, citing a 1978 law that requires directors and deputy directors
of media outlets to be Panamanian citizens. According to media representatives, the
Government's true motive for expelling Gorriti was the embarrassment that his in-
vestigative reports caused relatives and close associates of President Perez
Balladares.
The decision to expel Gorriti was denounced by local and international media and
human rights organizations, prominent authors John Le Carre and Mario Vargas
Llosa, and the new human rights ombudsman, Italo Antinori. All condemned the
move as an attack on the freedom of the press and called on the President to reverse
the decision to deport Gorriti. On August 18, the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights (lACHR) issued a request for precautionary measures calling on the
Government to suspend deportation proceedings against Gorriti until the lACHR
could rule on the full complaint. The Government suspended its September deporta-
tion order pending court resolution of legal appeals oy La Prensa. In October the
Government agreed to allow Gorriti to remain in the country and promised to seek
revocation of the 1978 law; La Prensa agreed to change Gorriti's title. At year's end,
however, the 1978 law remained in effect.
There is an active and often adversarial press and a broad range of electronic and
print media outlets, including foreign television and radio broadcasts, cable stations,
and newspapers. Six national daily newspapers, 3 commercial television stations, 2
educational television stations, and over 95 radio stations provide a broad choice of
informational sources; all are privately or institutionally owned. While many media
outlets took identifiable editorial positions, the media carried a wide variety of polit-
608
ical commentaries and other perspectives, both local and foreign. There was, how-
ever, a noticeable trend toward concentration of control of television outlets in the
hands of close relatives and associates of the President. The President's cousin, pre-
vious owner of one of the three commercial television stations, acquired control of
a second, and also bought a majority stake in the principal cable television provider.
The latter acquisition coincided with a sudden decision by the Grovernment to cancel
a previously granted operating concession to a foreign firm to offer cable service.
Panamanian and foreign journalists worked and traveled freely throughout the
country. An employee of the Attorney General's office was administratively sanc-
tioned in February after he hit and kicked two television cameramen attempting to
film a news story. Also in February, the president of the Panamanian Society of
Journalists accused police agents of intimidation tactics when the agents took photo-
graphs of journalists emerging from a press conference called by lawyers represent-
ing a prominent Colombian drug trafficking suspect. PNP Director Sosa later in-
sisted that the incident never occurred. In August the Government brought to trial
a former PNP officer accused of attacking and injuring a television cameraman, and
damaging his equipment, when the cameraman tried to film a police operation in
1993.
Under "gag laws" dating from the military dictatorship, the Government has legal
authority to prosecute media owners and reporters for criminal libel and calumny.
A special executive branch authority has discretionary powers to administer the
libel laws, which provide for fines and up to 2 years in prison. Under the statute,
opinions, comments, or criticism of government officials acting in their official capac-
ity are specifically exempted from Rbel prosecution, but a section of the law allows
for the immediate discipline of journalists who show "disrespect" for the office of cer-
tain government officials. This law was not employed during 1997.
During the year numerous groups representing press interests called on the Gov-
ernment to eluninate the gag laws as inconsistent with democratic freedom of ex-
gression. Addressing the Inter-American Press Association meeting. President Perez
alladares said that the prospect of sending a journalist to jail for carrying out his
proper social role was ' inaamissible." The President said that his Government
would guarantee freedom of expression, and promised to introduce legislation to de-
criminalize the libel and calumny clauses of the gag laws. However, no such action
was initiated in the legislative session.
In March a superior court turned down an appeal by President Perez Balladares
contesting an October 1996 lower court ruling that absolved an associate director
of La Prensa of libel charges. The President originally brought the charges over re-
mains in a November 1993 column about PRD party leaders, including Perez
Balladares. In February a superior court upheld the right of La Prensa employees
to sue the Government for civil damages stemming from the forced closure of the
newspaper by the Noriega regime from February 1988 to December 1989.
The press laws provide for the establishment of a censorship board. There were
no reports that the board took any formal restrictive actions, although its director,
Eurindia Cordoba de Rodriguez, publicly warned in July that the board was mon-
itoring radio transmissions and could fine stations that violate norms against vul-
garity and profanity.
The law provides for academic freedom, which was generally respected in both
public and private universities. However, in July officials at the University of Pan-
ama took steps to silence two prominent professors who publicly alleged corrupt
practices at the university and called on the national comptroller's office to conduct
an audit. One of the professors also denounced intimidating pressure tactics by the
university administration to oblige employees to back efTorts by the university rector
to get himself reelected. University officials initiated disciplinary proceedings
against the two professors that could lead to their expulsion, under provisions of the
university code of ethics which prohibits employees irom making "insulting" or "de-
structive criticisms to the press. In a letter to the university rector, published in
local media. Human Rights Watch/Americas protested the alleged persecution of the
two professors and admonished the rector to suspend the disciplinary actions imme-
diately. New human rights ombudsman Italo Antinori also denounced the measures
as a clear attack on academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly. The Government generally respects this right in
practice. No authorization is needed for outdoor assembly, although prior notifica-
tion for administrative purposes is required.
Overall, police response to public protests proved restrained and professional, de-
spite what was frequently great provocation from unruly and violent demonstrators.
Police showed restraint while monitoring very large protest marches during the year
by civil servants and teachers. Academic authorities temporarily closed several high
609
schools after protesting students closed major streets and vandalized public prop-
erty. Numerous groups criticized the police for excessive use of force on August 13,
when police used rubber bullets and tear gas to break up a protest in front of the
U.S. embassy after protesters began throwing objects at the building. One protester
had a finger severed by a rubber bullet; the police claimed that the protester had
grabbed the muzzle of a policeman's weapon just as it discharged.
The Constitution provides for the right oi association, and the Government gen-
erally respects this right in practice. Citizens have the right to form associations
and professional or civic groups. They may form and organize political parties freely,
although new parties must meet strict membership and organizational standards in
order to gain official recognition and participate in national campaigns.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution, although recognizing Catholicism as
"the religion of the majority of Panamanians," provides for free exercise of all reli-
S'ous beliefs, provided that "Christian morality and public order" are respected. The
ovemment imposes no limitations in practice, and there is a broad diversity of reli-
gions. The Constitution prohibits clerics from holding public office, except as related
to social assistance, education, or scientific research.
In February the Government filed criminal charges against a pastor and 20 other
local members of the U.S.-based "Children of God' sect on charges of physical and
sexual abuse of sect members' children. Also in February the general congress of
Kuna Yala, governing body of Kuna indigenous tribes in the region of San Bias,
passed a resolution alnrming the official status of traditional belieis and prohibiting
the entrance of new religious sects beyond those already established in the area.
Government officials discounted the resolution, and said that it was unconstitu-
tional and would not be enforced.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice. The Government enforced exit permit requirements for for-
eigners who overstayed their initial visas. A 9:00 p.m. curfew for minors under 18
years of age in the Panama City and San Miguelito districts of Panama province,
imposed in 1992, remained in effect. Police enforcement of the curfew was uneven,
with strictest compliance focused on high-crime areas.
Panama is a member of the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refu-
gees and its 1967 Protocol and is a party to the 1984 Cartagena Declaration. In
April the Government provided first asylum (including food, clothing, and medical
care) to approximately 200 Colombians who had entered the Darien region fleeing
violence by paramilitary and guerrilla groups in their home regions. Representatives
of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), concerned about the repatri-
ation of a previous group of Colombians in November 1996, arrived in Panama in
response to the situation. They received assurances from the Minister of Govern-
ment and Justice that no precipitous action would be taken to return the Colom-
bians, and that the UNHCR would have access to them. Shortly thereafter, however,
the Government repatriated the Colombians in conjunction with the Government of
Colombia, and the UNHCR was not permitted to interview group members prior to
the Government's action. The Government maintained that the repatriation was
completely voluntary. A UNHCR representative was later able to locate and inter-
view some Colombians who fled into the jungle to escape the repatriation, as well
as PNP officers who assisted in the operation. Based on those interviews, the
UNHCR determined that the repatriation was a forcible return, and U.N. High
Commissioner Sadako Ogata sent a formal protest letter to President Perez
Balladares. Several UNHCR member countries also protested on UNHCR's behalf,
and the Government's action was criticized by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty
International.
The Government maintains that it did nothing improper in repatriating the Co-
lombians. The Government insists that it is qualified on its own to determine who
is entitled to refugee status and that the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol
were not applicable because the Colombians were not fleeing persecution by their
government. The Government also rejected the applicability of the 1984 Cartagena
Declaration, asserting that it is not a formal treaty and therefore does not have the
force of law. The Government said that it did not consider that a situation of gener-
alized violence existed in Colombia from which displaced persons were fleeing. Fol-
lowing the April repatriation, the UNHCR entered into discussions with the Govern-
ment to draft a contingency plan for the possible future entry of large groups of Co-
lombians. As of mid-August, UNHCR representatives reported that they had ad-
vanced on some points in their talks with the Government, but that significant dif-
ferences remain over the legal framework for UNHCR involvement.
610
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have this right and last exercised it in the 1994 general elections. The
Constitution provides for a representative democracy with direct popular election by
secret ballot of the President, two vice presidents, legislators, and local representa-
tives every 5 years. While the Constitution provides lor independent legislative and
i'udicial branches, in practice the executive dominates. The independent National
electoral Tribunal arranges and supervises elections. The Government respected the
rights of its citizens to join any political party, propagate their views, and vote for
candidates of their choice.
During the year, the governing party launched an effort to amend the Constitu-
tion to allow reelection of the President to a second consecutive term. In November
the Legislative Assembly approved a draft amendment permitting reelection; the
amendment must be approved again by the next session of the legislature, which
commences in March 1998, and then by a popular referendum.
There are no legal barriers to participation by women, members of minorities, or
persons of indigenous descent, but they are generally underrepresented in govern-
ment and politics. Women hold 5 of 72 Legislative Assembly seats and 1 of 11 cabi-
net positions. The mayor of Panama City is a woman, as are the provincial gov-
ernors of Panama, Herrera, and Colon provinces, and the leader of the major opposi-
tion party.
The Government provides semi-autonomous status to several indigenous groups
in their homelands, including the Kuna Yala, Ngobe-Bugle, Madugandi, and
Embera-Wounaan reserves. The Kuna Yala of San Bias have two representatives in
the Legislative Assembly, proportionate to their share of the population.
Locmly, each reserve is governed by tribal chiefs, who meet in a general congress
at regular intervals. Neither the Madugandi nor the Embera-Wounaan reserve has
its own dedicated legislators, but each has a separate governor. The large Ngobe-
Bugle reserve, created in March, will ultimately lead to the election of new legisla-
tors from the area when district realignments are completed.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights organizations, including both religious and secular groups, operated
without government restrictions. These organizations carried out a full range of ac-
tivities, including investigations and dissemination of their findings. Organizations
generally had access to government officials while conducting investigations, al-
though UNHCR representatives complained after the April repatriation of Colom-
bians that government officials outside of ONPAR (the Government's refugee agen-
cy) initially refused to meet with them. Criticism of government actions by inter-
national organizations were widely reported by the media.
On February 5, President Perez Balladares signed into law the bill creating the
new office of "Defender of the People" (Human Rights Ombudsman). Despite opposi-
tion concerns about a change in selection procedures from the original bill, the Leg-
islative Assembly on June 27 elected pohtically independent constitutional law
scholar Italo Antinori as the first ombudsman; human rights groups acknowledged
that the Assembly carried out the selection and voting procedures in a free and fair
fashion. Antinori s candidacy gained broad multipartisan support, which the Presi-
dent characterized at Antinori's swearing-in as 'strengthening the institution and
dissipating any doubts about its viability."
The ombudsman has broad powers to investigate complaints of human rights
abuses and publicize findings, but no coercive authority, depending instead on moral
suasion. The initial 6 months of his term were to be a "start-up" period to organize
the office and hire personnel. However, in a speech on August 12, Antinori said that
he was already receiving over 100 calls a day with complaints. Antinori expressed
frustration that, despite guarantees in the ombudsman legislation of an adequate
operating budget, the Government had not provided the new institution with fund-
ing. Antmori charged that the Government had tried to "fence him in" through eco-
nomic pressures. Government spokesmen attributed the lack of funding to the of-
fice's creation in the middle of the fiscal year. After considerable adverse publicity,
the Government provided funds for the office, which was expected to open in Janu-
ary 1998.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits either special privileges or discrimination on the basis
of race, birth status, social class, sex, religion, or political views. Nevertheless, soci-
ety still harbors many prejudices based primarily on social status. Cases of discrimi-
611
nation are difficult to prove, and legal remedies for victims are complicated, time-
consuming, and costly.
Women. — Domestic violence against women continued to be a serious problem,
and local justices processed thousands of domestic violence cases. The Center for the
Development of the Woman estimated that victims report as few as 20 percent of
sexual assaults to judicial or law enforcement authorities. The Foundation for the
Promotion of the Woman, among other women's advocacy groups and government
agencies, operated programs to assist victims of abuse, and to educate women on
their legal rights. The 1995 Family Code criminalizes family violence, including psy-
chological, physical, or sexual abuse.
In addition to domestic violence, sexual harassment is a serious threat to the
ec^ual status of women in society. According to a report by the Latin American Com-
nuttee for the Defense of Women, in 1995 about 70 percent of female government
employees reported having endured sexual harassment in the workplace, 42 percent
by their immediate supervisors and 18 percent by even more senior supervisors.
Since a bill to criminalize sexual harassment failed to pass the legislature in 1995,
no further legislation has been introduced. The Government fired one of Panama's
representatives to the Central American Parliament in March after a female sec-
retary accused him of sexual harassment and abuse. The Government acted after
the presidency of the Parliament sent a formal complaint regarding the representa-
tive 8 conduct.
The 1995 Family Code recognizes joint or common property in marriages. Insuffi-
cient resources, however, hampered government efforts effectively to enforce the
Code's provisions.
The Constitution mandates equal pay for men and women in equivalent jobs, but
wages paid to women are often lower and increase at a slower rate. Although statis-
tics are lacking, there are credible reports of hiring practices based on age and
"attractiveness. Following layoffs at the Social Security Administration in April, a
group of female doctors accused administrators of discriminating against pregnant
employees by not renewing their work contracts. Social security officials said that
the nonrenewals were due to regular personnel reductions, but the employees
claimed that they were singled outlsecause administrators believed that the women
had gotten pregnant to avoid being laid off.
A number of private women's rights groups, including groups for indigenous
women, concentrate on disseminating information about women's rights, countering
domestic abuse, enhancing employment and other skills, and pressing for legal re-
forms. The Foundation for the Promotion of the Woman said tnat it provided coun-
seling assistance to 555 women in 1995 (latest data available), principally in the
areas of legal advice, alimony, physical abuse, and family disputes.
Children. — Minors (under 18 years of age) represent 48 percent of the population.
Education of children is compulsory through the equivalent of ninth grade. The Grov-
emment furnishes basic health care for children through local clinics run by the
Ministry of Health; a central children's hospital in Panama City operates on govern-
ment funds as well as private donations.
The Superior Tribunal for Minors and Superior Tribunal for Families are judicial
authorities charged with overseeing the protection and care of minors. The Govern-
ment has no specific office charged with protecting children's rights, although the
office of the First Lady has assumed an advocacy role on some children's issues. In
March the First Lady's office, in conjunction with the Ministry of Education, signed
an agreement with the United Nations Children's Fund to sponsor new education
firograms for street children and school dropouts. Many children continue to suffer
rom malnutrition, neglect, and inadequate medical care. Malnourishment is lowest
in urban areas, and highest among rural indigenous groups.
Juvenile courts report a high incidence of juvenile delinquency in major urban
areas. The authorities particularly report an increase in crimes attributed to juve-
nile gangs, including drug trafficking, armed robberies, kidnapings, car thefts, and
murders. Following two highly publicized murders of taxi drivers by juveniles in
April and May, President Perez Balladares said that n.inors who commit serious
crimes should be tried as adults. A PRD legislator introduced a bill in May to reform
the Family Code to allow serious juvenile offenders to be tried and punished as
adults. Children's advocacy groups, including the Catholic Church and the First
Lady's office, openly oppx)sed the measure. No action has been taken on the bill by
the legislature.
People With Disabilities. — The Workers with Disabilities Office of the Department
of Laoor and Social Welfare is responsible for government policy and support for
citizens with disabilities and for placing qualified disabled workers with employers.
The office was in charge of implementing a June 1993 executive order that provided
employers with tax incentives for hiring people with disabilities but has had only
612
minimal success. Although some public buildings and retail stores have access
ramps for disabled people, no law or regulation compels the installation of facili-
tated access features in public or private buildings.
Indigenous People. — Indigenous people number approximately 194,000 (8 percent
of the population) and have the same political and legal rights as other citizens. The
Constitution protects the ethnic identity and native languages of indigenous people,
requiring the Government to provide bilingual literacy programs in indigenous com-
munities. Indigenous people nave legal rights and take part in decisions aflectLng
their lands, cultures, traditions, and the auocation of natural resources. The Family
Code recognizes traditional indigenous cultural marriage rites as the equivalent of
a civil ceremony. The Ministiy of Government and Justice maintains a Directorate
of Indigenous Policy. The Legislative Assembly also has an Indigenous Affairs Com-
mission to address charges that the Government has neglected indigenous needs.
Despite legal protection and formal equality, indigenous people generally endure rel-
atively higher levels of poverty, disease, malnutrition, and illiteracy tnan the rest
of the population. Discrimination, although generally not overt, is widespread.
Since rural indigenous populations inirequently master Spanish well enough to
use appropriate legal terminology, they often have difficulty understanding their
rights under the law and defending themselves in court. The indigenous population
has grown increasingly vocal in requesting that the Government grant it more au-
tonomy by creating more indigenous reserves or expanding existing ones. In re-
sponse to demands oy the Ngobe-Bugle indigenous tribes (among the most vocal and
numerically the country's largest) for increased autonomy, the President on March
7 signed a bill creating a "comarca," or semiautonomous reserve, for the groups. The
694,000-hectare reserve (9 percent of the national territory), stretching across por-
tions of three provinces, had been demanded by the Ngobe-Bugle during more than
two decades oi appeals and protest marches.
While some indigenous leaders expressed satisfaction with creation of the reserve,
others complained that the Government had pushed through the enabling legisla-
tion without consulting tribal authorities, and had ignored key indigenous demands.
A key point of contention remains the disposition of private mining concessions on
lands within the new reserve. Indigenous leaders wanted formal demarcation of the
reserve to give them veto power over mining concessions granted by the Govern-
ment. The new law cites tne Constitution as allocating exclusive control of sub-
surface mineral deposits to the State. Ngobe-Bugle activists vowed to continue pro-
testing further mineral exploitation in their territory. Tribal leaders also complained
in July that mayors of towns located within the new limits of the reserve are refus-
ing to respect tribal laws and decisions by tribal councils. The Government began
the process of demarcating electoral districts within the new reserve to allow resi-
dents to participate in the 1999 elections. The Government expected to complete the
demarcation process in January 1998.
Police clashed in June with Ngobe-Bugle squatters on private property in Bocas
del Toro province. The indigenous residents, who had lived in the area for over 20
years, resisted police attempts to evict them after the property was sold to a new
owner. In a violent confrontation on June 17, police shot and killed one protester
and several others were slightly injured in the melee (see Section l.a.). Protesters
temporarily captured and tortured one PNP officer. The Government subsequently
purchased 40 hectares of land nearby on which to resettle the protesters and agreed
to provide the community with a school, health clinic, and access to potable water
and electricity.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The law prohibits discrimination against
any social, religious, or cultural group; however, naturalized citizens may not hold
certain categories of elective ofTice. There is some evidence that a constitutional pro-
vision reserving retail trade to Panamanian citizens originally was directed at Chi-
nese immigrants, but government ofTicials have stated that it serves as a barrier
to prevent foreign retail chains from operating in the country. The measure is not
enforced in practice, however. Chinese, Middle Eastern, and Indian residents, as
well as citizens of Chinese and Indian descent, operate much of the retail trade, par-
ticularly in urban areas. Leaders of the over 100,000-member East Asian and South
Asian communities credibly claimed that Panamanian elites treat Panamanian-resi-
dent Chinese and Indians as well as citizens of Asian origin as second-class citizens.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Private sector workers have the right to form and
join unions of their choice, subject to registration by the Government. A labor code
reform package signed in 1995 significantly increased workers' ability to establish
unions. The reforms streamline the accreditation and registration process for
unions, reduce the minimum size from 50 to 40 workers, and cut the Government's
613
required response time on applications from 2 months to 15 days. In the event the
Government does not respond within this time frame, the union automatically gains
recognition and is accorded all rights and privileges under the law.
According to Ministry of Labor statistics, approximately 10 percent of the total
employed labor force is organized. There are 257 active unions, grouped under 6
comederations and 48 federations representing approximately 73,300 members in
the private sector. Neither the Government nor the political parties control or finan-
cially support unions.
The 1994 Civil Service Law permits most government workers to form public em-
ployee associations and federations and establishes their right to represent members
in collective bargaining with their respective agencies. It also provides most workers
with the right to strike, except for certain government workers in areas vital to pub-
lic welfare and security, such as the police and health workers and those employed
by the U.S. military forces and the Panama Canal Commission. The Government
fired striking air-trafiic controllers in late 1996, citing labor law provisions defining
essential services. The fired controllers sought redress but were never reinstated in
their jobs. F*ublic sector workers are lobbying the Government to have their associa-
tions accorded formal "union" status.
The new Labor Code addressed some longstanding concerns of the International
Labor Organization (ILO). The code no longer makes labor leaders automatically in-
elirible to keep their union positions if they are fired from their jobs.
Union organizations at every level may and do afBliate with international bodies.
b. The night to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code provides
most workers with the right to organize and bargain collectively, and unions widely
exercise it. The law protects union workers from antiunion discrimination and re-
?uires employers to reinstate workers fired for union activities. The Ministry of
labor has mechanisms to resolve complaints against antiunion employers. The Civil
Service Law allows most public employees to organize and bargain collectively and
grants them a limited ri^t to strike. The Labor Code establishes a conciliation
oard in the Ministry of Labor to resolve labor complaints and provides a procedure
for arbitration. Using the provisions of the law, labor and management of one of the
largest employers, the Chiriqui Land Company, were able to avert a general strike.
Employers commonly hire temporary workers to circumvent onerous labor code re-
quirements for permanent workers; such temporary workers receive neither pen-
sions nor other benefits. The practice of blank contracts is, according to union
sources, becoming more widespread. The new labor legislation addresses this prob-
lem by requiring all companies to submit copies of all labor contracts for permanent
workers to the Labor Ministry and by requiring the Labor Ministry to conduct peri-
odic inspections of companies' work forces and review all contracts to ensure that
they are in order. The new code also authorizes the Labor Ministry to levy fines
against companies not in compliance with the law.
In January and February 1996, the Government issued cabinet decrees governing
labor relations in export processing zones (EPZ's) as a means of attracting invest-
ment into areas vacated under the terms of the Panama Canal Treaty. The original
decree limited a broad swath of labor rights, including the right to strike and to bar-
gain collectively. The second decree modified the first and restored most worker
rights in EPZ's. However, it provides for collective bargaining with "representatives
of employees" but makes no specific mention of trade unions; it requires mandatory
arbitration of disputes; and allows for participation in the tripartite (government,
labor, and industry) arbitration commission by an unrepresentative worker delegate.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, including that performed by children, and neither practice was
reported.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The
Labor Code prohibits the employment of children under 14 years of^ age as well as
those under 15 years if the cnild has not completed primary school; children under
age 16 cannot work overtime; those under 18 years cannot perform night work. Chil-
dren between the ages of 12 and 15 may pjerform farm or domestic labor as long
as the woric is light and does not interfere with the child's schooling. The Ministry
of Labor enforces these provisions in response to complaints and may order the ter-
mination of unauthorized employment. The law prohibits forced or bonded labor by
children, amd the Government enforces this provision (see Section I.e.). However,
the Government does not enforce other child labor provisions in rural areas, claim-
ing insufficient staff. According to an ILO report, 11,600 children between the ages
of 10 and 14 are in the labor force — primarily in farm or domestic labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code establishes a standard work-
week of 48 hours and provides for at least one 24-hour rest period weekly. It also
establishes minimum wage rates for specific regions and for most categories of labor.
614
The minimum wage, last increased in January 1993, is $1.00 f)er hour in the dis-
tricts of Panama, Colon, and San Miguelito, and for workers in financial services.
It is not enough to support a worker and family above the poverty level in the rel-
atively hi^-cost economy. Most workers formally employed in urban areas earn the
minimum wage or above. Most workers in the large informal sector earn below the
minimum wage. Unions have repeatedly alleged that contractors operating in the
Panama Canal area pay less than the required minimum wage. The Ministry of
Labor does not adequately enforce the minimum wage law, due to insufficient per-
sonnel and financial resources.
The Government sets and enforces occupational health and safety standards. An
occupational health section in the social security system is responsible for conduct-
ing periodic inspections of especially hazardous employment sites, such as those in
the construction industry, as well as inspecting health and safety standards in re-
sponse to union or worker requests. The law protects from dismissal workers who
file requests for health and safety inspections. Workers also have the right to re-
move themselves from situations that present an immediate health or safety hazard
without jeopardizing their employment. They are generally not allowed to do so if
the threat is not immediate, but may request a health and safety inspection to de-
termine the extent and nature of the hazard. The Ministry of Labor is responsible
for enforcing health and safety standards and generally does so. The standards are
fairly encompassing and generally emphasize safety over long-term health hazards,
according to organized labor sources. Health problems, however, continue in the ba-
nana industry as well as in the cement and milling industries.
PARAGUAY
Paraguay is a constitutional republic with a strong executive branch and an in-
creasingly important bicameral legislature. The President is the head of government
and cannot succeed himself. In 1993 Juan Carlos Wasmosy became the country's
first freely elected civilian president. (Authoritarian regimes had ruled the country
until 1989, when dictator Alfredo Stroessner was overthrown by General Andres
Rodriguez, who was elected president later that year.) There are three major politi-
cal parties and a number of smaller ones. The opposition's power has increased as
a result of the changes brought about by the 1992 Constitution and the subsequent
election of a civilian president and an opposition-controlled congress. President
Wasmosy has worked to consolidate the nation's democratic transition. In April
1996 he resisted an attempted coup by then-army commander General Lino Oviedo.
Subsequently, however, Oviedo won the Colorado Party presidential primary and be-
came a potential contender in the May 1998 presidential elections. The Constitution
provides for an independent judiciary, and the Supreme Court continued its process
of reform.
The military no longer plays an overt political role, but rumors of coup-plotting
persisted during the year. The national police force, under the overall authority of
the Ministry of the Interior, has responsibility for maintaining internal security and
public order. The civilian authorities maintain effective control of the security forces.
The police conunitted some human rights abuses.
Paraguay has a market economy with a large informal sector. The formal economy
is oriented towards services, with less than half of the $8 billion gross domestic
product resulting from agriculture and industry. Over 40 percent of the population
is engaged in agricultural activity. Wealth continues to be concentrated, with both
urban and rural areas supporting a large subsistence sector. Agricultural commod-
ities (soybeans, cotton, lumber, and cattle) were the most important export items.
The economy grew approximately 2 percent in 1997, a growth rate roughly equal
to 1996. Annual per capita income is approximately $1,600.
The Government's human rights record improved somewhat, but serious problems
remain in certain areas. Principal human rights problems included allegations of
extrajudicial killings, torture and mistreatment of criminal suspects and prisoners,
poor prison conditions, arbitrary arrest, detention of suspects without judicial or-
ders, lengthy pretrial detention, general weaknesses within the judiciary, infringe-
ments on citizens' privacy, and firings of labor organizers. Discrimination against
women, the disabled, and indigenous people and violence against women and abuse
of children are also problems. The Government continued its efforts to convict and
punish those who committed human rights abuses during the Stroessner era.
615
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From.:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated killings in 1997. However, there were allegations that members of the
National PoUce committed extrajudicial killings. One incident involved the July
murder of two Peruvian citizens, allegedly by a group of poUce officers. The police,
who were purportedly providing protection for the Peruvians (who were involved in
illicit activities), allegedly killed the Peruvians when they failed to make a weekly
payment of $250. Local newspapers later reported that the police did not pursue in-
ternal investigations, transferred agents suspected of being involved rather than
prosecuting them, and pressured the Attorney General's office to drop its investiga-
tion. The National Police denied any involvement in the killings. At year's end, po-
lice records indicated that there still had been no internal investigation of the mat-
ter, and no one was charged in the criminal investigation.
Police were also involved in the shooting death oi a student, Gustavo Daniel Gon-
zalez Delgado. Human rights monitors claim that Gonzalez was shot three times,
after police opened fire on his car. following a traffic incident between Gonzalez's
car and a police vehicle. Gonzalez s parents declined to bring charges against the
police. Police sources indicated that an internal investigation was under way, but
that there was little interest in pursuing it diligently.
There were numerous allegations oi mistreatment of military recruits by non-
commissioned and commissioned officers, and at least two conscripts died in unclear
circumstances. Both deaths were officially attributed to meningitis, but families of
both youths claimed that the bodies showed evidence of beating and torture.
Although a court sentenced police officer Teofilo Sanabria to jail for the November
1996 fatal shooting of Colorado Party activist Raul Bittar during a fracas between
Colorado and Liberal Party members, he was released from prison after 3 months.
An appellate court ruled that the shooting had been accidental.
There were no developments in the investigations into the 1995 killing of peasant
protester Pedro Jimenez or the 1994 killings of peasant leaders Sebastian Larrosa
and Esteban Balbuena.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture, as well as cruel, inhuman or degrading punish-
ment or treatment; however, torture (primarily beatings) and brutal and degrading
treatment of convicted prisoners and other detainees continued. A human rights
group, the Committee oi Churches, reported several cases of torture and other abu-
sive treatment of persons, including women and children, designed to extract confes-
sions, punish escape attempts, or intimidate detainees.
The United Nations Committee on Torture criticized Paraguay in May for contin-
ued mistreatment and torture of prisoners and detainees by police. After President
Wasmosy publicly stated that he would make inquiries into the matter, the then-
chief of police (wno later resigned following continuing allegations of corruption) ad-
mitted that torture and mistreatment of prisoners existed but asserted that it was
"sporadic" and "not normally done in our institution."
The Attorney General's office and the Committee of Churches compiled examples
of numerous incidents of police abuse and extrajudicial killings. Mistreatment of
conscripts was also a problem; several died under unclear circumstances (see Sec-
tion La.).
On May 8, the authorities arrested retired General Ramon Duarte Vega, former
Stroessner-era police chief, and charged him with crimes against humanity for the
torture of Captain Napoleon Ortigaza and Hilario Ortella in 1963.
Credible reports continued that landowners, many of them Brazilians living near
the border in the Alto Parana, Canindeyu, and Amambay departments, forcibly re-
moved squatters from their property. Some of the evictions reportedly were violent.
The authorities undertook no effective action in response to these reports. In at
least one case, a peasant was killed, but police refused to act, stating that the care-
taker thought that the victim was stealing sheep.
Prison conditions are extremely poor. Overcrowding and unsanitary living condi-
tions were the most serious problems afTecting all prisoners. Mistreatment of pris-
oners is also a serious problem. Tacumbu prison, the largest in Asuncion, was built
to hold 800 inmates but currently houses over 1,400. Other regional prisons gen-
erally hold about three times more inmates than originally planned. Security is an-
other problem; for example, there are only 30 guards to supervise over 600 inmates
in the Alto Parana prison. The Congressional Commission for Human Rights also
criticized the poor nutritional standards in the prisons. Prisons generally serve one
meal a day and prisoners seldom get vegetables, fruit, or a meat protein source, un-
616
less they have individual means to purchase them. At the prison in Encamacion
there is one latrine for 280 detainees. Prisons have separate accommodations for
well-to-do prisoners, ensuring that those with sufficient means endure far fewer in-
conveniences than other prisoners.
The Government permits independent monitoring of prison conditions by inter-
ested human rights organizations.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Arbitrary arrest and detention are prob-
lems. The Constitution prohibits detention without an arrest warrant signed by a
judge and stipulates that any person arrested must appear before a judge within
48 hours to make a statement. The police can arrest persons without a warrant if
they catch them in the act of committing a crime, but must bring them before a
judge within 24 hours. According to human rights activists, however, the authorities
often violated these provisions.
More than 95 percent of the country's 3,717 prisoners are being held pending
trial, many for months or years after their arrest. Of the 600 inmates in Alto
Parana prison, for example, only 18 have been sentenced. While the law encourages
speedy trials, the Constitution permits detention without trial until the accused
completes the minimum sentence for the alleged crime, which often occurs in prac-
tice. A bail system exists for most crimes, and judges have discretion over it. Judges
frequently set relatively high bail, and many accused persons are unable to post
bond. In 1996 the Supreme Court, the Public Ministry, and a judicial woriting group
took steps to reduce tne large number of pretrial detainees but achieved only modest
results. The Supreme Court and many criminal court judges also make quarterly
visits to the prisons to identify and release improperly held individuals.
The Constitution expressly prohibits employing exile as a punishment.
e. Denial of Fair Puhlic Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. Although relatively inefficient, the judiciary is independent in practice.
Tne nine-member Supreme Court appoints lower court judges and magistrates,
based upon recommendations by the Magistrate's Council. There are five types of
appellate tribunals: Civil and commercial, criminal, labor, administrative disputes,
and juvenile. Several minor courts and justices of the peace fall within these five
functional areas. The judicial system remains relatively inefficient, due to outdated
penal and criminal procedure codes, insufficient resources, and delays as new judi-
cial ofiicials learn their tasks. The military has its own judicial system.
The 1992 Constitution stipulates that all defendants have the right to an attor-
ney, at public expense if necessary, but this right often is not respected in practice.
Many destitute suspects receive little legal assistance, and few nave access to an
attorney sufficiently in advance of the trial to prepare a defense. In Asuncion, for
example, there are only 13 public defenders available to assist the indigent. More-
over, the public defenders lack the resources to perform their jobs adequately.
Trials are conducted almost exclusively by presentation of written documents to
a judge who then renders a decision. A Public Ministry official is responsible in most
cases for bringing charges against accused persons. Defendants and the Public Min-
istry can present written testimony of witnesses as well as evidence. All interested
parties have access to all documents reviewed by the judge, and defendants can
rebut witnesses. Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence. The judge alone de-
termines guilt or innocence and decides punishment. During the pretrial phase, the
iudge receives and may request investigative reports. In this phase, the judge is also
likely to make a personal inspection oT the scene of the crime and of the available
physical evidence. The accused often appears before the court only twice: to plead
and to be sentenced. An appellate judge automatically reviews all verdicts, and the
law provides for appeals to the Supreme Court.
A separate documentation center and repository holds the government archives
discovered in December 1992, which document various human rights abuses and im-
plicate many former government officials of the Stroessner regime. In 1996 an ap-
pellate court affirmed the convictions for human rights abuses of five Stroessner-
era officials (former police investigations director Pastor Coronel and police officers
Lucilo Benitez Santacruz, Agustin Bellotto Vouga, Camilo Almada Morel, and Juan
Aniceto Martinez). In July tne courts also found Pastor Coronel and his colleagues
guilty of the attempted murder, by torture, of Miguel Angel Soler, leader of the Par-
aguayan Communist Party in the 1970*3 (Angel Soler's body was never found). The
authorities also brought additional cases against former police chief Ramon Duarte
Vera (see Section I.e.). In one case, human rights activist Dr. Joel Filartiga has ac-
cused Duarte Vera of personally torturing him after his arrests in 1957 and 1966.
These and other cases were still underway at year's end.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — While
the Government and its security forces generally did not interfere in the private
617
lives of citizens, human rights activists claim that local officials and police ofiicers
abuse their authority by entering homes or businesses without warrants and
harassing private citizens. The Constitution provides that police may not enter pri-
vate homes except to prevent a crime in progress or when the police possess a judi-
cial warrant. TTiere were allegations that the Government occasionally spied on indi-
viduals and monitored communications for political and security reasons. There also
were credible allegations that some government agencies required or pressured their
employees to join or campaign on behalf of the ruling Colorado Party.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of expres-
sion and the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. The public
and the press exercised these rights freely.
The print and electronic media are independently owned. The media commonly
criticized the Government and freely discussed opposition viewpoints. Based on in-
formation and a tape recording made by an informant, police arrested a former
mayor of Ciudad del Este for contracting the murder of a journalist in that city. The
Paraguayan Union of Journalists demanded from authorities greater protection for
two journalists who received death threats while investigating drug trafficking in
the city of Pedro Juan Caballero. The journalists union also asked that the authori-
ties reinvigorate their investigation into the 1991 murder of journalist and radio
station owner Santiago Leguizamon in Pedro Juan Caballero.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of all citizens to peaceful assembly, and the Government generally respects
this right in practice. The Government passed amendments to a law regulating dem-
onstrations in Asuncion that further restricted areas where demonstrations may
take place, but expanded, slightly, the hours in which they may be held. Union
groups were the most vocal opponents of the modifications. The law requires that
organizers notify the Asuncion police 24 hours before any rally in the downtown
area. The police may ban a protest but must provide written notification of such a
ban within 12 hours of receipt of the organizers' request. The law permits a police
ban only if a third party has already given notice of plans for a similar rally at the
same place and time. In addition, the law prohibits public meetings or demonstra-
tions in front of the presidential palace and outside military or police barracks. The
law does not apply to religious processions.
Political ana social demonstrations and rallies occurred without major incidents.
Government and peasant organization leaders were able to negotiate a peaceful con-
clusion to a Marcn 15—16 peasant procession, where violence had been forecast. The
authorities allowed the peasants to march to the presidential palace and provided
financial assistance to help them return to their homes.
The Constitution provides for the right of all citizens to free association, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of conscience for
all persons and recognizes no official religion; the Government respects this freedom
in practice. Roman Catholicism is the predominant religion, but all denominations
are free to worship as they choose. Adherence to a particular creed confers no legal
advantage or disadvantage, and foreign and local missionaries proselytize freely. All
religious groups must be registered with the Ministry of Education and Worship,
but the Government imposes no controls on these groups.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— All citizens may travel freely within the country with virtually no re-
strictions, and there are no restrictions on foreign travel or emigration.
The Government cooperates with the ofiice of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees.
There are no established provisions to grant asylum or refugee status; the Immigra-
tion Department determines each request on a case-by-case basis in consultation
with the Ministries of Foreign Relations and the Interior and the Committee of
Churches (a nongovernmental organization — NGO) that investigates claims to refu-
gee status). The issue of the provision of first asylum has never arisen. There were
no reports of the forced return of persons to countries where they feared persecu-
tion.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right and ability to change their government through demo-
cratic means. Multiple parties and candidates contest the nation's leadership posi-
tions. Four parties are represented in the Congress. The Constitution and the Elec-
618
tored Code mandate general elections every 5 years, voting by secret ballot, and uni-
versal suffrage. The executive and legislative branches govern the country; opposi-
tion political parties control the Congress. Debate is free and frank. The Congress
often rejects important government proposals and overrides presidential vetoes.
The Government survived a test in April 1996, when then-army conunander Gen-
eral Lino Oviedo defied a presidential order to resign and attempted to remove
President Wasmosy. Strong public reaction and prompt international condemnation
convinced him to back down. After retiring from the military, Oviedo entered poli-
tics. Although the Supreme Electoral Tribunal declared Oviedo the winner of the
Colorado Party presidential primary, the party had not registered him as its official
candidate by year's end. Oviedo was subjected to 30 days' detention for violating
military discipline, and to a further indefinite detention, pursuant to a military
court order, as a "moral author or suspected accomplice" in the April 1996 coup at-
tempt. Primary elections held in September for all political parties were generally
well run, although some factions contested the results in the Colorado Party pri-
maries.
Vestiges remain, however, of the Stroessner-era merging of the State, the armed
forces, and the Colorado Party. The press has reported the use of state resources,
particularly vehicles, to support party political rallies. There were also credible re-
f)orts of government officials requiring public employees to attend Colorado Party
unctions and contribute funds to the party.
There are no legal impediments to women seeking to participate in government
and poUtics. In 1993 voters elected 5 women to Congress (3 of 45 senators, 1 of
whom died in October 1996, and 2 of 80 national deputies), and there is 1 woman,
the Secretary for Women's Affairs, in the Cabinet. The new Electoral Code requires
that, in their internal primaries, 20 percent of each party's candidates for elective
office be women. Women are well-represented in the judicial system as judges and
prosecutors.
Members of indigenous groups are entitled to vote, and the percentage of indige-
nous people who exercised this right has grown dramatically in recent years. Never-
theless, the inhabitants of some indigenous communities report being threatened
and inhibited from fully exercising their political rights.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Several human rights groups operate, including the Committee of Churches (an
interdenominational group that monitors human rights and provides legal assist-
ance), Prodemos (a Rroup linked to the Catholic Church), Tekojoja (a group dedi-
cated to protection of children's rights), SERPAJ (a group that defends conscientious
objectors), and the local chapter of the Association of Latin American Lawyers for
the Defense of Human Rights. The Government did not restrict the activities of any
human rights group.
The Director General of Human Rights, located in the Ministry of Justice and
Labor, chairs the National Commission on Human Rights, which made little
progress in its work to prepared a national plan on human rights. The commission
also sponsors seminars to promote human rights awareness. The director general's
office has access to congressional, executive, and judicial authorities. It does not
have subpoena or prosecutorial powers, but may forward information concerning
human ri^ts abuses to the Attorney General for action. It also serves as a clearing-
house for information on human rights and has trained thousands of educators in
human rights law.
The Attorney General has a special adviser on human rights who has been ex-
tremely active in pursuing justice against human rights abusers from the Stroessner
regime. Although the position has little real authority, the adviser is an ardent
spokesman for the human rights community and the rights of the disenfranchised
and uses his position to identify and publicize human rights abuses by the Govern-
ment.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Although the Constitution and other laws prohibit discrimination, certain groups
faced significant discrimination in practice.
Women. — Spousal abuse is common. Thousands of women are treated annually for
iiyuries sustained in violent domestic situations. According to women's rights activ-
ists, official complaints are rarely filed, or when filed are soon withdrawn due to
spousal reconciliation or family pressure. The Secretariat of Women's Affairs chairs
a national committee, made up of other government agencies and NGO's, which has
developed a national plan to prevent and punish violence against women. Pursuant
619
to the plan, an office of care and orientation receives reports on violence against
women and coordinates responses with the National Police, primary health care
units, the Attorney General's office, and NGO's. The Secretariat also conducts train-
ing courses for the police, health care workers, prosecutors, and others.
Violence against women has been targeted as a key area of concern bv several
NGO's and the Women's Secretariat. According to information from the Center for
Studies and Documentation, there were 116 case of rape and attempted raped be-
tween March 1992 and May 1993 (latest data available). Under the Criminal Code,
a rapist may be exonerated of the crime, if he agrees to marry the victim and the
victim accepts. Women's rights and advocacy groups succeeded in widening the de-
bate about violence against women. In 1987 the 25th of November Women's Collec-
tive opened a shelter for battered and abused women, where they can seek medical
and legal assistance.
The law prohibits trafficking and sexual exploitation of women, but the authori-
ties do not enforce it effectively. Exploitation of women, especially teenage pros-
titutes, remains a serious problem. Law enforcement officials regularly stage raids
on houses of prostitution, and there were cases of arrests and closures of brothels
where minors were involved in prostitution.
The Secretary for Women's Affairs continued to sponsor programs intended to en-
able women to have free and equal access to employment, social security, housing,
ownership of land, and business opportunities. However, sex-related job discrimina-
tion continues to be common and widely tolerated. Claiming that a majority of
women in the workplace face sexual harassment, several unions and NGO's spon-
sored an anti-sexual harassment campaign. The campaign was prompted in part by
the plight of two women who sued their employer for sexual harassment, lost their
suit, and were then held criminally liable for defamation and injury.
Several groups work to improve conditions for women. One is Women for Democ-
racy, which is active in civic and electoral education. Other groups include
Sumando, an NGO promoting educational reform policy and voter participation in
elections; SEFEM, wnich highlights such issues as women and public policy, women
and social policy, participation of women in local development, and women in the
Americas; and the Women's November 25th Collective, which sponsors a home for
battered women and helps coordinate legal assistance. These groups are effective
advocates for change.
Children. — The Constitution protects certain children's rights, and stipulates that
parents and the State should care for, feed, educate, and support children. Boys and
girls are entitled to equal treatment in education and health care. Elementary
school education is compulsory.
Abuse of children is a problem. Although no census has been taken, experts in
the Public Ministry report that approximately 26,000 children work in urban areas
as street vendors or as prostitutes. The majority of these children suffer from mal-
nutrition, lack of access to education, and disease. The employers of some young
girls working as domestic servants or nannies deny them access to education and
mistreat them. Employers sometimes falsely charge those who seek to leave domes-
tic jobs with robbery and turn them over to the police. According to the Attorney
General's office, there are approximately 200 complaints jjer month regarding mis-
treatment and sexual abuse of minors. The Government has taken effective steps
to combat the problem of baby trafficking and in 1995 enacted a moratorium on
international aooptions.
President Wasmosy and the armed forces Chief of Staff have ordered all officers
responsible for recruiting to ensure that all conscripts meet the Constitutionally
mandated minimum age of 17 years for military service. There were several re-
ported violations, including allegations of military recruiters forcing underage re-
cruits to join units. The military took no significant disciplinary action against those
responsible for underage recruits. Human rights groups and some military person-
nel allege that poor families knowingly send underage children to the armed forces
for the economic benefits.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution provides for equal opportunity for peo-
ple with disabihties and mandates that the State provide them with health care,
education, recreation, and professional training. It further requires that the State
formulate a policy for the treatment, rehabilitation, and integration into society of
people with disabilities. However, the Congress has never enacted legislation to es-
tabush such programs. Many people with disabilities face significant discrimination
in employment; others are unable to seek employment because of a lack of accessible
public transportation. The law does not mandate accessibility for the disabled, and
the vast majority of the nation's buildings, both public and private, are inaccessible
to people with disabilities.
620
Indigenous People. — The Constitution provides indigenous people with the right to
participate in the economic, social, political, and cultural life of the nation. Never-
theless, the indigenous population, estimated at 75,000 to 100,000, is unassimilated
and neglected. Weak organization and lack of financial resources limit access by in-
digenous people to the f)olitical and economic system. Indigenous groups reliecf pri-
marily upon parliamentary commissions to promote their particular interests. The
Constitution also protects the property interests of indigenous people, but these
rights still are not codified fully. The Constitution provides that Public Ministry offi-
cials may represent indigenous people in matters involving the protection of life and
projperty.
The Government's National Indigenous Institute (INDI) has the authority to pur-
chase land on behailf of indigenous communities and to expropriate private property
under certain conditions to establish tribal homelands. There have oeen significant
allegations of wrongdoing within INDI, however, and in November a Congressional
Human Rights Committee requested an accounting of INDI's land purchases and
transfers. Many indigenous people find it difficult to travel to the capital to solicit
land titles or process the required documentation associated with land ownership.
The main problems facing the indigenous population are lack of education, mal-
nutrition, lack of medical care, and economic displacement resulting from other
groups' development and modernization. Scarce resources and limitea government
attention resulted in little progress in dealing with these problems.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution allows both private and public sec-
tor workers (with the exception of the armed forces and the police) to form and join
unions without government interference. The Constitution contains several provi-
sions that protect fundamental worker rights, including an antidiscrimination
clause, provisions for employment tenure, severance pay for unjustified firings, col-
lective bargaining, and tne right to strike. Approximately 10 percent (150,000) of
workers are organized.
In general, unions are independent of the Government and political parties. One
of the nation's three labor centrals, the Confederation of Paraguayan Workers
(CPT), was traditionally aligned closely with the ruling Colorado Party, but these
ties appear to be loosening.
All unions must be registered with the Ministry of Justice and Labor. The reg-
istration process is cumbersome and can take several months. Employers who wish
to oppose the formation of a union can further delay union recognition by filing a
writ opposing it. However, virtually all unions that request recognition eventually
receive it. In 1996 the Government recognized a total of 1,318 unions, including both
private and public sector organizations. The Constitution provides for the right to
strike, bans binding arbitration, and prohibits retribution against strikers ana lead-
ers carrying out routine union business, a prohibition often violated by employers.
Voluntary arbitration decisions are enforceable by the courts, but this mecnanism
still is employed rarely. High-level Labor Ministry officials are available to mediate
disputes.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) Committee of Experts has noted defi-
ciencies in the application of certain conventions ratified by the Government. These
include conventions dealing with minimum-wage fixing machinery, abolition of
forced labor, minimum age of employment, freedom of association, equal remunera-
tion, and employment policy.
Unions are free to form and join federations or confederations and affiliate with
and participate in international labor bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for collec-
tive bargaining, and 44 collective contracts were ratified in 1996. The number of ne-
gotiated collective contracts continued to grow; however, they were still the excep-
tion rather than the norm in labor-management relations and typically reaffirmed
minimum standards established by law. When wages are not set in free negotiations
between unions and employers, they are made a condition of individual offers of em-
ployment.
While the Constitution prohibits antiunion discrimination, the firing and harass-
ment of some union organizers and leaders in the private sector continued. Fired
union leaders can seek redress in the courts, but the labor tribunals have been slow
to respond to complaints and typically favored business in disputes. The courts are
not required to order the reinstatement of workers fired for union activities. As in
previous years, in some cases where judges ordered reinstatement of discharged
workers, the employers disregarded the court order with impunity. There are a
number of cases in which trade union leaders, fired as long as 5 years ago, have
not yet received a decision from the courts.
621
There were more than 50 strikes by unions afllhated with the Unitary Workers
Central (CUT) alone. The vast majority of these were directly related to the firing
of union officials (about 15 cases according to CUT leadership), to management vio-
lations of a collective contract, to management efforts to prevent the free association
of workers, or to demands for benefits such as payment of the minimum wage or
contribution to the social security system. The failure to meet salary payments also
frequently precipitated labor disputes. Principal problems included bottlenecks in
the judiaal system and the inability or unwillingness of the Government to enforce
labor laws, 'fhere were also complaints that management created parallel or "fac-
tory" unions to compete with independently formed unions. There were several cases
of workers who chose not to protest because of fear of reprisal or anticipation of gov-
ernment inaction.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced labor, in-
cluding that performed by children (see Section 6.d.). However, cases of abuse of na-
tional service obligations occurred. There were several reports of conscripts forced
to work as servants or construction workers for military omcers in their residences
or privately owned businesses. Apart from abusing national service obligations, the
autnorities appear to enforce the law effectively.
d. Status Of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Di-
rector General for the Protection of Minors in the Ministry of Justice and Labor is
responsible for enforcing child labor laws. The law prohibits forced or bonded labor
by children, and is enforced effectively. Minors between 15 and 18 years of age may
be employed only with parental authorization and cannot be employed in dangerous
or unhealthy conditions. Children between 12 and 15 years of age may be employed
only in family enterprises, apprenticeships, or in agriculture. Tne Labor Code pro-
hibits work by children under 12 years of age, and all children are required to at-
tend elementary school. In practice, however, many thousands of children, many of
them younger than 12 years of age, may be found in urban areas engaged in infor-
mal employment such as selling newspapers and sundries, shining shoes, and clean-
ing car windows. In rural areas, it is not unusual for children as young as 10 years
of age to work beside their parents in the field. Local human rights groups do not
regard families harvesting the crop together as an abuse of child labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The executive, through the Ministry of Justice
and Labor, has established a private sector minimum wage sufficient to maintain
a minimally adequate standard of living. The minimum salary is adjusted whenever
annual inflation exceeds 10 percent and was approximately $240 (528,076
guaranies) per month at year's end. The Ministry is unable to enforce the minimum
wage, however, and most analysts agree that from 50 to 70 percent of workers earn
less than the decreed minimum.
The Labor Code allows for a standard legal workweek of 48 hours (42 hours for
night work), with 1 day of rest. The law also provides for an annual bonus of 1
month's salary and a minimum of 6 vacation days a year. The law requires overtime
pajrment for hours in excess of the standard, but there are no prohibitions on exces-
sive compulsory overtime. Many employers violate these provisions. Workers in the
transport sector routinely stage strikes to demand that their employers comply with
the labor code's provisions on working hours, overtime, and minimum wage pay-
ments.
The Labor Code also stipulates conditions of safety, hygiene, and comfort. The
Ministry of Justice and Labor and the Ministry of Health did not effectively enforce
these provisions, due in part to a lack of inspectors and other resources. The Min-
istry sponsored the reconvening of a tripartite group of government, labor, and em-
ployers, in an effort to update the labor inspection manual, which was severely out-
dated. In addition to updating the labor manual, the program was initiated with the
goal of expanding transparency in the labor inspection process.
Workers have the right to remove themselves from situations that endanger
health or safety without jeopardy to their continued employment, but may not do
so until such conditions are formally recognized by the Ministries of Justice and
Labor £ind Health. Although workers who file complaints about such conditions are
protected by law, many employers reportedly took disciplinary action against them.
PERU
Peru is a multiparty republic with a dominant executive branch. Under provisions
of a Constitution enacted in 1993, President Alberto Fujimori was reelected to a sec-
ond 5-year term in 1995, at which time his party also won a controlling majority
622
in Congress. The Constitution also created several new judicial institutions, includ-
ing a Constitutional Tribunal, designed to enhance the independence of the judici-
ary. However, the independence of both the legislative and judicial branches was
brought into question when the congressional majority, faced with the constitutional
provision limiting presidents to no more than two consecutive terms in office, passed
an interpretive law that would permit President Fujimori to run for a third consecu-
tive term. The administration's attempt to maintain its hold on power created a con-
stitutional crisis. Congress removed three members of the Constitutional Tribunal
who had voted against the interpretation allowing a third term, the Tribunal
stopped functioning to its fullest capacity, and Congress had not replaced the ousted
ju^es by year's end.
The police and military share the responsibility for internal security. Since 1980
the security forces have directed most of their efforts against the Sendero Luminoso
(Shining Path) and Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) terrorist groups.
Althou^ the threat posed by these groups continued to decline in overall terms, the
MRTA's takeover of the Japanese Ambassador's residence from December 17, 1996,
to April 22 demonstrated that it remained a real, albeit diminished, threat. Within
the emergency zones, which cover 16 percent of the country, certain constitutional
protections are suspended and the military is in charge. In the rest of the country,
the civilian authorities generally maintain effective control of the security forces.
Nevertheless, the military and the police were responsible for serious human rights
abuses.
The Government has implemented major economic reforms, transforming the
economy from one based on heavy regulation to a market-oriented one. The Govern-
ment has eliminated controls on capital flows, prices, and trade. It has privatized
most state enterprises and plans to sell those that remain by the end of 1999. The
inflation rate has dropped into single digits, and growth and foreign investment
have soared. Per capita gross domestic product is estimated at $2,000. Major exports
include copper as well as other minerals, fishmeal, and textiles. Illegal exports of
processed coca are thought to have earned about $600 to $800 million annually in
past years. The unemployment rate in Lima is estimated at 8 percent, but the na-
tional rate of underemployment is about 40 percent. More than half of the economi-
cally active population work in the informal sector of the economy, which largely
functions beyond government supervision and taxation. The poor comprise 45 per-
cent of the population, and slightly less than 20 percent of tne population lives in
extreme poverty.
Although egregious abuses of human rights continued to decline, serious problems
emerged in several areas. Security forces were responsible for torture and beatings.
The officers found responsible for torturing army intelligence officer Leonor La Rosa
were sentenced to prison terms. Although overall prison conditions remained ex-
tremely harsh, significant progress was made with the adoption of a more liberal
prison regime covering inmates jailed for terrorism and treason. Arbitrary deten-
tion, absence of accountability, lack of due process, persistent lengthy trial delays,
and prolonged pretrial detention remained problems. The judicial system is ineffi-
cient and subject to executive influence. The Government infringed on citizens' pri-
vacy rights; tne disclosure of a reported secret government intelligence program to
monitor the telephones of a broad spectrum of government officials, opposition poli-
ticians, journalists, business executives, and entertainers led to severe public criti-
cism. The Government infringed upon press freedom; journalists accused the secu-
rity forces of harassment and intimidation; and the Government revoked the citizen-
ship of the foreign-bom owner of a niajor television station after the station broad-
cast negative stories about the regime. The authorities often hindered the operations
of human rights monitors. Violence and discrimination against women, violence
against children, and discrimination against the disabled, indigenous peoole, and ra-
cial minorities remained problems. Child labor, including forced child labor, is also
a problem.
The office of Defender of the People, or Human Rights Ombudsman, increasingly
gained the public's respect and confidence. The ad hoc Pardons Commission, whose
work was interrupted by the MRTA hostage crisis, continued to recommend presi-
dential pardons for individuals unjustly iailed for terrorism and treason. During the
year, it won the release of an additional 250 detainees, bringing the total of those
pardoned and released to 360. In response to the decreased terrorist threat, the
Government abolished on October 15 both the civilian and miHtary "faceless" tribu-
nals, which had been responsible for many judicial abuses. Treason trials in the
military courts continued as before, but with clearly identifiable judges; terrorism
trials in the civilian jurisdiction were suspended, pending establishment of a new
system of specialized terrorism courts.
623
Sendero Luminoso and MRTA terrorists continued to commit the great majority
of killings and other egregious human rights abuses. Sendero Luminoso practiced
torture and other forms of brutality, disrupted the home and family life of many
citizens, and violated the rights of indigenous people.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no confirmed reports of
politically motivated killings carried out by the security forces. However, according
to press reports, some of the hostages freed from the Japanese Ambassador's resi-
dence, who did not wish to be identified, alleged that at least 1 of the 14 hostage
takers was killed by the security forces after surrendering.
Fortunate Chipana Ccahuana, one of the 38 suspected MRTA terrorists arbitrarily
detained and tortured in March by the military in Oxapampa province (see Section
I.e.), was at home when the security forces broke in, shot him in the leg as he at-
tempted to escape, and left him to bleed to death. The soldier responsible for
Chipana Ccahuana's death was charged with unintentional murder.
In early April, concurrent with media revelations that Army Intelligence Service
(SIE) officer Leonor La Rosa had been tortured by fellow officers (see Section I.e.),
the press reported that 28-year-old Mariela Barreto, another SIE agent and former
girlfriend of Colina death squad leader Santiago Martin Rivas, had been murdered
and that police had found ner dismembered and decapitated body on March 23.
Then-Defense Minister Tomas Castillo Meza announced that the military courts
would assert jurisdiction over the Barreto case, if a link could be found between it
and the La Rosa case. Although President Fujimori promised an exhaustive inves-
tigation, neither the Public Ministry nor the police had succeeded, by year's end, in
determining a motive for the killing or a likely suspect.
On July 30, seven soldiers rounded up Tony Gustavo Aduvire Condori and eight
other university students, and drove them toward a military base in Tacna as part
of the system of military conscription. The next day, police informed Aduvire's fam-
ily that he had been found dead, with a fractured skull and other signs of brutal
treatment on his body, a short distance from the base. Human rights groups assert
that this incident is not unique, and that even though university students are ex-
empt, the military authorities target students for forced conscription. The authori-
ties charged seven soldiers in this case with unlawfully abandoning a person in dis-
tress.
In December the authorities relieved 16 soldiers from duty in Iquitos, arrested
them, and charged them with robbing and killing 2 Japanese students who were ex-
ploring the Amazon River on a raft in October. President Fujimori said that those
responsible would be tried in civilian rather than military courts.
"nie December 1992 killing of labor leader Pedro Huillca Tecse had initially been
presumed to have been carried out by Sendero Luminoso terrorists. However, in
September 1995, jailed former SIE agent Mesmer Carles Talledo charged that
Huillca Tecse's murder, as well as a number of other high-profile bombings and
massacres, had been carried out by the Colina death squad whose activities are gen-
erally believed to have been authorized and controlled by the National Intelligence
Service. In November President Fujimori pardoned Carles Talledo for having been
wrongly convicted of terrorism offenses, but his release did not bring about resolu-
tion of the case. The Public Ministry, which had begun investigating Carles
Talledo's allegations while he was still in jail, compelled him to submit to a psy-
chiatric examination.
During the year, Sendero Luminoso and MRTA terrorists killed 44 members of
the security forces and 70 civilians (see Section l.g.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of disappearances as a result of actions
by the security forces.
In January the Inter-American Court of Human Rights rejected the Government's
request for clarification of a judgment awarding compensation in the Neira Alegria
case. In June 1986, Victor Neira Alegria, Edgar Zenteno Escobar, and William
Zenteno Escobar, three inmates at El Fronton, a high-security prison located on an
island off" the Lima coast, disappeared following a military assault on the prison
where a mutiny was taking place. In a January 1995 decision, the Inter-American
Court ruled that the Government had violated the right to life of the three inmates
and ordered it to enter into negotiations with the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights (lACHR) as to the amount of compensation to be paid to the victims'
families. After repeated unsuccessful attempts to secure the Government's coopera-
tion in this matter, the Court, in September 1996, set the total amount of compensa-
624
tion for the three families at $154,000. Court authorities report having so far re-
ceived no word that the Government has complied with the compensation order.
In November the Inter-American Court oi Human Rights ruled on the case of
Catholic University student Ernesto Rafael Castillo Paez. On October 21, 1990, eye-
witnesses saw Castillo Paez being forcibly detained and driven away by police. De-
spite repeated attempts throu^ tne courts to have Castillo Paez released, the police
denied all knowledge of his whereabouts. During the investigation and legal pro-
ceedings, the lawyer representing the family was the target oia letter bomb attack
that cost him an arm, while the family itself was subjected to repeated telephone
death threats; both the lawyer and the family left the country. The Court founa that
the Government had violated Castillo Paez's right to life, liberty, and personal integ-
rity, and ordered it to punish those responsible, to return the victim's remains to
his family, and to compensate the family for its loss. By year's end, the Government
had taken no action in response to the ruling.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and inhuman or humiliating treatment. However,
in practice, torture and brutal treatment of detainees by security force personnel
occur frequently. The victims are both suspected criminals and suspected terrorists.
Torture most often takes place during tne period immediately following arrest.
Human rights groups report that the incidence of torture is high during police de-
tention, in part Decause lamilies are prohibited from visiting suspects while they are
held incommunicado, and attorneys have only limited access to them (see Section
l.d.).
A survey by the Legal Defense Institute of 1,250 detainees in high-security pris-
ons, conducted in 1995-96, found that 77 percent of respondents stated that they
had been tortured or otherwise abused during police interrogation, while 87 percent
of respondents said that no defense lawyer had been present during their (question-
ing and submission of sworn statements. In addition, human rights monitors and
other credible eyewitnesses continued to report that security forces still routinely
torture suspects at military bases and detention centers in some of the emergency
zones. In these zones, which cover 16 percent of the country's territory and 23 per-
cent of its population, certain constitutional protections are suspended due to high
levels of terrorist activity, even though, according to human rights groups, at least
some areas designated as emergency zones have not reported serious terrorist inci-
dents for some time.
In addition to beatings, common methods of torture and other inhuman or degrad-
ing treatment included electric shock, water torture, asphyxiation, the hanging of
victims by a rope attached to hands tied behind the back, and, in the case of female
detainees, rape. Conmion forms of psychological torture included sleep deprivation
and death threats against both the detainees and their families. Interrogators fre-
quently blindfolded their victims during torture to prevent them from later identify-
ing their abusers. The authorities rarely brought the perpetrators of torture to jus-
tice.
In March the army announced that, on the basis of information received from a
repentant terrorist, it had successfully captured 38 alleged MRTA terrorists in
Oxapampa province, a jungle region in east central Peru. The army asserted that
the detention of the suspected terrorists had been carried out in full compliance
with human ri^ts norms and standards. However, many of the detainees had been
beaten, subjected to water torture, and suspended out of a helicopter while their
abusers demanded confessions from them as well as the identities of other MRTA
suspects. In an April 6 interview. President Fujimori acknowledged that torture and
other abuses by the army had taken place in Oxapampa during the anti-MRTA op-
eration, characterized the army's actions as "unacceptable," and said that the per-
f)etrators must be punished. The repentant terrorist who had supplied the false in-
brmation on which the army's operation was based faced a charge of disloyalty. By
yeai's end, the authorities had released all of the 38 Oxapampa detainees. One de-
tainee bled to death from a gunshot wound (see Section l.a.). Based on reports from
human rights monitors and those released from custody, the detainees were appar-
ently innocent.
The National Coordinating Committee on Human Rights ("Coordinadora") re-
ported that members of the National Police's Bureau of Counterterrorist Intelligence
arrested 23-year-old Nancy Patruska del Campo Caceres on May 27, and that sev-
eral of her captors raped her. During her detention, the ^»olice kept her incommuni-
cado and never allowed her relatives to visit her. The authorities brought charges
against only one noncommissioned police officer in the case.
There was some progress in the case of Juana Ibarra Aguirre, who on August 29,
1996, had gone with her 5-year-old daughter to the Monzon military base in
Huanuco department after receiving word that a base official, who had reportedly
625
left a firearm in her shop, was looking for her. Ibarra was held incommunicado, tor-
tured, and raped. The authorities brought cases against those implicated in the at-
tack in both civilian and miUtary jurisdictions. The military court issued a ruling
on February 17 that lessened the culpability of the officers accused in the case. That
decision was appealed to the Supreme Council of Military Justice, which had not
ruled on it at year's end.
While most surviving victims of torture and brutality do not usually speak out for
fear of reprisal. Army Intelligence Service officer Leonor La Rosa publicly accused
her torturers. In an April 6 Channel 2 television interview, La Rosa revealed that
her sujjeriors and fellow officers had tortured her. Speaking from a military hospital
ward, she had difficulty walking and displayed bum marks from electric shocks on
her hands. Public interest in the broadcast was heirfitened because the press had
previously reported the discovery of the decapitated body of Mariela Barreto, an-
other SIE officer and former girlfriend of Santiago Martin Rivas, leader of the noto-
rious Colina death squad (see Section l.a.).
Earlier disclosures to the media had mentioned operations that the SEE planned
to carry out against opponents of the Government. According to La Rosa's account,
she was first tortured in January, following an SIE investigation of the press leaks.
In February she was tortured again after refusing to participate in an undercover
operation linked to Air Chief General Waldo Richter.
On April 8, the authorities relieved four SIE officers, including SIE head Carlos
Sanchez Noriega, of their duties, arrested them, and charged them with abuse of
authority under the Military Code. On May 9, a military court convicted them of
abuse of authority and of negligence, sentenced them to 8 years in prison and fined
them approximately $3,700, half of which was to be paid to La Rosa in the form
of damages. The officers appealed their sentences. On June 5, La Rosa was released
from the military hospital and transferred to a private clinic. At the same time that
the four officers were charged, however, General Guido Guevara Guerra, head of the
military justice system, announced that the military was looking into possible
charges of disloyalty against La Rosa for her revelations to the media. Once the
charges of disloyalty are resolved, La Rosa plans to pursue a course of treatment
and rehabilitation abroad. The Government offered to pay for her transportation
and 5 months of treatment. By year's end, no rulings had been issued, either on
the convicted officers' appeal or regarding the disloyalty charges.
The trial and sentencing of the four officers constituted a rare admission bv the
authorities that torture does take place. However, even though a few guilty officers
were brought to justice, a culture of torture and brutality still exists within the se-
curity forces.
Sendero Luminoso also tortured persons. There were credible reports that its
members tortured persons to death oy slitting throats, strangulation, stoning, and
burning.
Prison conditions continued to be extremely harsh due to inadequate budgets, the
inconsistent quality of prison administration, and a slow and cumbersome judicial
process that results in severe overcrowding. Prisoners in many facilities endured un-
sanitary conditions, suffered from poor nutrition and health care, and were often
victimized by both prison guards and fellow inmates. Corruption continued to be a
serious problem among the poorly paid prison guards, many of whom were impli-
cated in such offenses as sexual blackmail, extortion, the sale of narcotics and weap-
ons, and the acceptance of bribes in exchange for favors, which ranged from provid-
ing a mattress to arranging an escape. Since prison authorities do not supply ade-
?[uate food and bedding, the families of prisoners must provide for these basic needs,
n high-security prisons, female inmates are allowed to see their children only once
every 3 months. However, in others, such as Chorrillos women's prison in Lima,
children 3 years and younger live with their jailed mothers.
There were credible reports that at Chorrillos, which is generally acknowledged
to be one of the better-run prisons, inmates have only intermittent access to running
water, bathing facilities are inadequate, and kitchen conditions are unhygienic. Un-
like many other prisons, Chorrillos makes available to its inmates the services of
a social worker and provides them with training workshops in manual arts and
housekeeping skills. In Lima's Lurigancho prison, the country's largest, over 6,000
prisoners, or 24 percent of the male prison population, are housed in a facility origi-
nally designed to accommodate 1,500. The problem of overcrowding at Lurigancho
is made worse by the prison's shortage of stafi". For the first 9 months of the year,
a complement of no more than 200 guards supervised 6,000 inmates. However, fol-
lowing a series of disturbances in September, the National Penitentiary Institute
augmented the prison's security forces with additional, better trained guards. Illegal
drugs are available in abundance, and tuberculosis and AIDS are reportedly at
near-epidemic levels. Although some prisoners reportedly suffer from severe depres-
626
sion, advanced neurosis, and schizophrenia, adequate mental health care is not pro-
vided. Detainees held temporarily in windowless cells at Lima's Palace of Justice are
not allowed outside for exercise and fresh air and are taken to the bathroom only
once a day. According to the Catholic Bishops' Social Action Commission (CEAS),
only 10 percent of the country's 89 jails provide adequate facilities.
Although the unrest and bloodshed that were long characteristic of the
Lurigancho facility have markedly diminished since the riots of 1986, the prison has
not Seen free of conflict. On June 20, a number of inmates started a riot, which re-
sulted in one death and six persons wounded. On September 4, an armed battle be-
tween inmates took place at Lurigancho, reportedly related to gang rivalry in the
Srison; 7 inmates were killed and 10 were seriously wounded. On September 9, the
ismembered body of another prisoner was discovered, according to the prison direc-
tor. By the end of September, the death toll at Lurigancho had reached a total of
15.
On April 7, the Government sought to reduce prison overcrowding somewhat by
transferring between 110 and 150 prisoners to Juliaca in preparation for their even-
tual incarceration at the newly built Challapalca facility in Tacna. In September the
authorities transferred an additional group of prisoners to Challapalca from
Lurigancho prison, following disturbances at the latter facility. Located at an alti-
tude of 14,700 feet, Challapalca's cold temperatures and oxygen-thin air are ex-
pected to have a negative effect on the health of prisoners. The prisoners to be
transferred to Challapalca are reputed to be those considered the most violent and
resistant to any attempts at rehabilitation.
According to the CEAS, the solution to prison overcrowding lies not in the con-
struction 01 new correctional facilities but in reform of sentencing procedures. At
year's end, of a total prison population of 24,847, only 7,965 inmates, or 32 percent,
had been sentenced, while 16,882 detainees were still either awaiting trial or had
not been finedly sentenced. Accordingly, the CEAS has called for implementation of
a system that allows detainees to post bail, so that first-time offenders would not
have to wait in jail for their trials.
In the past, human rights groups have criticized the Government for the extraor-
dinarily harsh prison conditions reserved for prisoners jailed for terrorism offenses.
In late 1996, the Government was about to unveil a new prison regime for terrorist
detainees when the MRTA attack on the Japanese Ambassadors residence took
place. As a result, not only was implementation of the new prison regime put on
hold, but family visits to terrorism and treason prisoners were suspended. On June
16, President Fujimori announced the resumption of more frequent family visits to
MRTA prisoners and the impending implementation of new regulations for terror-
ism and treason detainees.
Under the new regime, the prisons increased patio time and the length of family
visits for all detainees and relaxed the regulations governing physical proximity be-
tween prisoners £md visiting families. Each detainee's security-risk classification
and behavioral history determine the amount of patio time and visiting time grant-
ed, as well as the degree of physical proximity allowed between prisoners and their
families. Relatives of all detainees are able to visit at least once a week for at least
1 hour, up from once a month for 30 minutes for adult relatives and once every 3
months for 30 minutes for children. Low-risk detainees are also permitted visits on
their birthday, on Mother's Day, Father's Day, and on Christmas.
In response to the MRTA hostage crisis, the Government in December 1996 also
suspended all visits by human rights monitors to prisoners incarcerated on terror-
ism and treason charees (see Section 4). In the case of the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC), the suspension violated the Government's 1992 agreement
authorizing ICRC delegates to carry out such visits. ICRC visits to holding facilities
were allowed. In mid-April the ICRC acceded to a government request that it with-
draw its deputy chief delegate who, the Government suspected, had cultivated ex-
cessively close ties with the hostage takers. Soon after tne April 22 conclusion of
the hostage crisis, church and other human rights monitors were permitted to re-
sume their scheduled prison visits. However, the Government continued its ban on
the ICRC's prison visits, arguing that security conditions still did not permit re-
sumption of ICRC activities, even though by October the ICRC had totally replaced
its hostage crisis team with new personnel. On December 2, President Fujimori an-
nounced that as of December 8, the ICRC would be permitted to resume monthly
prison visits to individuals convicted of terrorism and treason oflienses.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Arbitrary detention remains a problem.
The Constitution, Criminal Code, and antiterrorist statutes delineate the arrest and
detention process. However, a number of constitutional protections are suspended
in the emergency zones where, for example, security forces do not need an arrest
warrant in order to detain a suspect. The law permits the police to detain terrorism
627
and treason suspects for a maximum of 15 days, and to hold them incommunicado
for the first 10 days. The authorities prohibit families from visiting suspects being
held incommunicado, and attorneys only have access to them during the preparation
and giving of sworn statements to the prosecutor.
Outside the emergency zones, the Constitution requires a written judicial warrant
for an arrest to be made unless the perpetrator of a crime is caught in the act. With
respect to detention without arrest, the Organic Law of the National Police con-
tradicts the constitutional provision, permitting the police to detain a person for any
investigative purpose. Although the authorities must arraign arrested persons with-
in 24 hours, they often violate this requirement in practice. In cases of terrorism,
drug trafficking, or espionage, however, arraignment must take place within 30
days. The military authorities must turn over persons they detain to the civilian po-
lice within 24 hours; in remote areas of the country this must be accomplished as
soon as practicable. However, the military sometimes disregard this requirement.
In 1993 the antiterrorism laws were amended, authorizing lower court and supe-
rior court judges to order the unconditional release of suspected terrorists if there
is insufficient evidence to bring a case against them. However, judges rarely exer-
cise this provision. As a result, accused terrorists must sometimes wait until their
cases have been reviewed and dismissed by the Supreme Court before they are
freed, a process that often lasts more than a year. Detainees have the right to a
prompt judicial determination of the legality of their detention and adjudication of
their habeas corpus petitions. However, according to human richts attorneys, judges
have denied most reauests for such hearings. According to the National Penitentiary
Institute, the elapsea time between arrest and trial in civil, criminal, and terrorism
cases averages between 26 and 36 months. However, those tried by military courts
on treason charges do not generally have to wait more than 40 days for their trial,
following their arrest.
The Constitution does not permit exile, and the Government respects this prohibi-
tion.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Under the 1993 Constitution, several new systems
and institutions were created to enhance the independence and professionalism of
the judiciary. However, in practice, the judicial system is inefficient, not fully inde-
pendent of the executive branch, and therefore often compromised. Of the country's
1,473 judges, only 403 have permanent appointments, having been independently
selected. The remaining 1,070, including 16 of the 32 judges on the Supreme Court,
have provisional or temporary status only. Critics charge that these judges, lacking
tenure in office, are much more susceptible to outside pressures.
The new systems and institutions include an improved method for the selection
of judges; a Constitutional Tribunal, to rule on the constitutionality of congressional
legislation and government actions; a National Judiciary Council to test, nominate,
confirm, evaluate and discipline judges and prosecutors; a Judicial Academy for
training judges and prosecutors; and an autonomous Human Rights Ombudsman.
To increase the overall efficiency of the judicial branch, in 1995 the President cre-
ated the Judicial Coordination Council to serve as an umbrella over a number of
these new and other already existing judicial bodies. At the same time, he appointed
an Executive Commission of the Judicial Branch whose mission is to implement
wide-ranging reforms in the judicial system. Some improvements of a technical na-
ture have been instituted, including a measure of decentralization in the adminis-
tration of justice and more efficient recordkeeping.
However, critics questioned the independence of the Constitutional Tribunal from
its inception in 1995: while a majority of six of the Tribunal's seven members is re-
quired to declare any law or government action unconstitutional, three of the Tribu-
nal's original judges were politically or ideologically allied with the President and
his party; observers expected that they would block any attempts to declare uncon-
stitutional laws or actions favored by the administration. In addition, critics point
to the fact that the constitutionality of a law may be challenged only during a 6-
month period immediately following its enactment. Government opponents also
claim that another indication of the President's wish to solidify executive control
over the justice system was his appointment of a retired navy commander as Execu-
tive Secretary of the Executive Commission of the Judicial Branch. The constitu-
tional controversy over the new law Congress passed to enable President Fujimori
to run for a third term led Congress to remove three Tribunal judges from office
(see Section 3).
There is a three-tier court structure: lower courts, superior courts, and the Su-
preme Court. The justice system is generally based on the Napoleonic Code. In the
civilian courts, criminal cases may move through a total of three distinct prosecu-
torial and judicial phases. The first phase takes place in a lower court where a Pub-
lic Ministry prosecutor investigates cases and submits an opinion to an examining
628
judge who initially determines whether there is suflicient evidence to issue an in-
dictment. If there is, the judge studies the case, assembles all necessary case docu-
ments and files, and transfers the case for trial and sentencing to the superior court.
In the second phase, a superior court prosecutor reviews the lower court decision
and renders an advisory opinion to a superior court judge who may hold a trial. Vir-
tually all convictions in the civilian courts continue to the final phase where appeals
are heard by the Supreme Court.
A 1993 amendment to the antiterrorism statutes eliminated convictions in
absentia of suspected terrorists. As a result, all defendants now have the ri^t to
be present at their trial. Defendants also have the right to counsel. However, the
Government often fails to provide indigent defendants with qualified attorneys.
Under the military justice system, judges in the lower military courts have the
power to sentence and are required to pass judgment within 10 days of a trial's
opening. Defendants may then appeal their sentences to the Superior Military
Council which, in turn, has 10 days to make its decision. A final appeal may be
made to the Supreme Council of Military Justice which must issue its ruling within
5 days. While terrorism cases are tried in civilian courts, cases of treason or aggra-
vated terrorism may be tried only before military courts.
In general, human rights groups have been most critical of the power of the mili-
tary courts to try civilians and of the powerlessness of the civilian judicial system
to review military court decisions. For example, in February Gustavo Adolfo Cesti
Hurtado, an insurance broker who had retired from military service 13 years ear-
lier, was arrested, prosecuted, convicted, and sentenced to prison by the military
justice system, in a complicated case involving, in part, alleged insurance fraud in
a military purchase of helicopters. When a civilian court approved a habeas corpus
petition and ordered the military court to release Cesti, the military jurisdiction not
only refused to do so but also charged the civilian judges with usurpation of power
ana sought to have them reassigned. In March Cesti's lawyer presented the case to
the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, which submitted it to the Inter-
American Court of Human Rights. In addition, human rights groups charge that the
vaguely worded definitions of certain crimes in the antiterrorism statutes often lead
military judges to issue sentences disproportionate to the crimes committed.
Proceedings in terrorism cases in the civilian courts, and particularly those trea-
son cases under the military justice system, do not meet internationally accepted
standards of openness, fairness, and due process. Military courts hold treason trials
in secret and, until mid-October, all terrorism and treason trials were carried out
by so-caUed faceless judges, whose identities were hidden from view by a one-way
glass partition. Many judges in the military justice system are beUeved to be active-
duty fine officers with little or no professional legal training. Defense attorneys in
treason trials are not permitted adequate access to the files containing the State's
evidence against their clients; nor are they allowed to interview police or military
witnesses, either before or during the trial. Human rights groups charge that some
military judges have sentenced defendants without having first notified their law-
yers that their clients' trials had even begun.
Defendants in treason cases who are found not guilty by a military court may be
remanded to a civilian court for a second trial based on the same facts, a practice
criticized by human rights monitors as double jeopardy. This was the main issue
that led the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, on September 17, to order the
Government to release Maria Elena Loayza Tamayo from jail and pay her com-
pensation. After the military justice system had absolved her of treason charges,
Loayza, a university professor, was retried for terrorism by a civilian court, which
sentenced her to 20 years in prison. The Government complied with the Inter-Amer-
ican Court's ruling and released Loayza on October 16; however, the Government
had not complied with the compensation order by year's end.
The faceless courts were originally instituted as a means of protecting the judges,
prosecutors, and witnesses involved in trying terrorists from possible reprisals by
Sendero Luminoso and the MRTA. However, the human rights community argued
that, in view of the declining terrorist threat, the continuing use of faceless courts
was no longer justified. In July 1996, the United Nations Human Rights Committee
called on the Government to end the faceless tribunal system because of its lack of
due process. This call was supported in September 1996 by visiting United Nations
Special Rapporteur Dato'param Cumaraswamy, as well as by the lACHR, which
proposed in its 1996 annual report a series of reforms that would bring the
antiterrorism statutes into line with internationally accepted human rights norms
and standards. The January 1996 sentencing of U.S. citizen Lori Berenson to life
imprisonment on treason charges stemming from her involvement with the MRTA,
and the April 1997 confirmation of her sentence by the Supreme Council of Military
Justice, focused additional international attention on the secrecy, unfairness, and
629
due process shortcomings of the faceless military courts. On September 29, the Gov-
ernment announced its decision not to seek an extension of the civilian faceless tri-
bunals beyond their scheduled expiration on October 15 and its intention to replace
them with a new system of specialized terrorism courts. The military authorities de-
creed an end to military faceless courts as well, also effective October 15.
On November 19, the Executive Commission of the Judicial Branch announced
the broad outlines of a system of specialized civilian terrorism courts to replace the
abolished faceless tribunals. The military court structure, which handles all treason
cases, is to remain in place, except that judges' identities are not to be concealed.
The new civilian structure, to be based entirely in Lima, is to consist of first-in-
stance tribunals that are to assemble case files emd prepare them for transmittal
to specialized terrorism courts at the superior court level and a specialized division
of the Supreme Court, which is to hear appeals. First-instance tribunals and special-
ized terrorism courts are to travel to the provinces as needed.
The ad hoc Pardons Commission, established by Congress in 1996 for an initial
term of 6 months, continued its mission to recommend presidential pardons for pris-
oners believed to have been unjustly convicted of terrorism or treason. The Commis-
sion comprises the Human Rights Ombudsman as Chairman, the Minister of Jus-
tice, and, representing the President, long-time prison reformer Father Hubert
Lanssiers. The Government, which had suspended granting pardons immediately
after the MRTA takeover of the Japanese Ambassador's residence, reinstated the
process after the April 22 conclusion of the hostage crisis. On December 3, Congress,
which had earlier extended the life of the Pardons Commission for a second and
third 6-month term, authorized yet another 6-month extension, to August 31, 1998.
By year's end, the Pardons Commission had received 2,541 applications, of which
1,085 had been fully processed, 452 were under active investigation by the Commis-
sion's staff, and 1,004 were still awaiting attention. During the year, 250 detainees
were pardoned, bringing the total to 360. Of this total, 18 had been convicted of
treason by military courts and the remaining 342 had been convicted of terrorism
in civilian courts. Working along a second track and beginning in 1994, lawyers rep-
resenting four major human rights organizations represented prisoners wrongly
charged with terrorism or treason, presented their cases to the courts, and won the
release of many. From January 1995 through December 1997, the courts declared
innocent and freed 929 such prisoners, bringing the total of all prisoners unjustly
incarcerated and either pardoned or exonerated to 1,289.
Although human rights groups have welcomed the work of the Pardons Commis-
sion, they claim that granting a pardon to those unjustly charged still leaves a cloud
of suspicion over their heads. Accordingly, they argue that those pardoned should
be declared Innocent, should have any past criminal record expunged, and should
be fully compensated for the years they spent in jail. The Pardons Commission
agreed with this argument and at years end was studying the best way to help
them clear their names and reintegrate themselves into the community.
President Fujimori for the second time rejected a bill to reform the Code of Crimi-
nal Procedures, returning it to Congress lor extensive revision. The latest reform
proposal would have instituted new accusatorial, investigative, and trial procedures
and granted greater investigative authority to civilian prosecutors.
There were no reports of political prisoners. Sendero Luminoso and MRTA mem-
bers charged with terrorism are not considered to be political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution requires security forces to have a written judicial warrant to enter a
private dwelling. However, this requirement is suspended in the emergencx' zones,
where security forces routinely conduct searches without such warrants. Tne Con-
stitution also provides citizens with the right to private communication, but the
media reported that the Government violated this right. On July 13, Channel 2 tele-
vision reported that government intelligence services had been secretly and system-
atically monitoring the telephone conversations of no fewer than 197 individuals, in-
cluding former U.N. Secretary General and presidential candidate Javier Perez de
Cuellar, as well as government ofTicials, opposition politicians, journalists, business
executives, and entertainers. Channel 2 aired recoraings of some of the intercepted
conversations and later provided transcripts to the press. Experts interviewed by
the media stated that, although many of tne recordings were of cellular phone con-
versations that could have been made by a commercially available scanner, a signifi-
cant number of the conversations had clearly been made from regular telephones
in homes or offices and could have been monitored only by the intelligence services.
The Channel 2 revelations triggered swift and intense public criticism. Opposition
Congresswoman Anel Townsend and 13 journalists who had been targeted by the
wiretaps filed suit, charging that the Government had violated their constitutional
right to privacy. Prominent nonpolitical figures, such as the President of the Na-
630
tional Council of Industrialists and Businessmen, himself a wiretap target, criticized
the telephone monitoring.
In response to the criticism, on July 15 F*resident Fujimori absolved the intel-
ligence services of the accusations against them, asserted that private individuals
with scanners had carried out the wiretapping, and charged the opposition with try-
ing to further its own ends by portraying the Government as a dictatorship. Despite
the appointment of a special prosecutor and the cooperation of Channel 2 reporters,
no criminal charges in the case had been filed by year's end. A judge dismissed the
civil damages suit filed by Congresswoman Townsend. A congressional committee
began an investigation of tne charges; at year's end, it was still at work.
Prompted by the terrorism and banditry that characterized the internal conflict,
a number of rural communities organized their own self-defense units, or "rondas,"
which are often trained, armed, and encouraged by the regular security forces. How-
ever, some military commanders have gone beyond encouragement and, at times, co-
erced peasants into joining the rondas, thereby disrupting their home and family
life.
To a far greater degree, Sendero Luminoso and the MRTA are known to have
forced peasants to join their ranks and to participate in terrorist attacks and execu-
tions, similarly disrupting the private lives of many families. Several relatives of the
younger MRTa members involved in the hostage taking at the Japanese Ambas-
sadors residence claimed that their family members had been forced to join the
MRTA.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— According to statistics gathered by the Center for the Study and Promotion
of Development from press reports and unofficial police records, the number of vio-
lent attacks carried out by the Sendero Luminoso and MRTA terrorist groups in-
creased slightly from 1996 levels. There were 662 such attacks in 1997, compared
with 600 in 1996. However, the total number of deaths attributable to the internal
conflict decreased sharply, from 283 in 1996 to 162 in 1997. The reduction in the
number of fatalities was most noticeable among the civilian population. Whereas se-
curity force deaths, including both military and police, decreased from 61 in 1996
to 44 in 1997, and terrorist deaths declined from 83 to 48, the civilian toll dropped
significantly by comparison, from 139 deaths in 1996 to 70 in 1997.
The Government's largely successful campaign against terrorism suffered a set-
back in December 1996 when a group of MRTA terrorists took over the Japanese
Ambassador's residence in Lima. The 14 heavily armed terrorists captured more
than 500 hostages, including many prominent individuals, and then proceeded to
boobytrap and mine the premises. Most of the hostages were freed within several
days. In an April 22 rescue operation, a military team freed the remaining 72 hos-
tages. Two of the soldiers who stormed the property and all 14 MRTA terrorists
were killed during the operation; 1 hostage subsequently died of complications re-
sulting from a wound incurred during the mission. Although President Fujimori de-
clared the mission a complete success, the press reported that some of the freed hos-
tages, who did not wish to be identified, suggested that at least one of the MRTA
terrorists was killed after surrendering (see Section l.a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press. However, while the Government generally respects these provi-
sions, security forces officials harassed and intimidated journalists.
The media, which represent a spectrum ranging from left-leaning opposition to
pro-government views, vigorously aefend press freedom. In the greater Lima area
alone, there are 16 daily newspapers, 7 television stations, 150 radio stations, and
2 commercial cable systems. The Government owns one daily newspaper, one tele-
vision network and two radio stations, none of which is particularly influential.
Tensions increased during the year between the Government and the segment of
the media that was very critical of certain government policies and actions, and
whose investigative reporting about alleged oflicial wrongdoing generated wide pub-
lic criticism. The most controversial development in the area of press freedom con-
cerned Baruch Ivcher, the Israeli-bom, naturalized Peruvian majority owner of
Channel 2 television station, which was outspokenly critical of the (jovemment.
Channel 2 reporters revealed torture by Army Intelligence Service officers; the sys-
tematic wiretapping of journalists, government officials, and opposition politicians;
and the income tax return of Vladimiro Montesinos, President Fujimori's senior in-
telligence adviser (see Sections I.e. and l.f.). On July 13, the immigration authori-
ties revoked Ivcher's citizenship, claiming irregularities in his original application
13 years earlier. Ivcher lost control of Channel 2 under an interpretation of a law
that provides that a foreigner may not own a media organization. He cannot regain
631
managerial control of the station until all his appeals are exhausted, and the issue
of his nationality is resolved (see Section 2.d.). With Ivcher's departure, his minority
partners took over the station, at which point many of Channel 2's broadcast and
administrative staff resigned in protest. The Government's action in this case was
widely interpreted as an attempt to prevent the station from broadcasting any more
negative stories about the regime. If this was the case, it appears to have succeeded,
as very few stories critical of the Government appeared on Channel 2 since the
change of management.
Incidents of harassment of media representatives increased to such an extent as
to create the perception of an organizea campaign of intimidation on the part of the
Government, specifically, on the part of the armed forces and intelligence services.
This perception created unease not only among critics of the Government but also
among its traditional supporters. In addition to the telephone wiretaps of woriting
journalists and senior media officials (see Section l.f.), there were other disturbing
incidents.
During the hostage crisis at the Japanese Ambassador's residence, a Mexican re-
porter working for a British television network left the country, claiming that he
nad received threats from the intelligence services after it was learned that he had
talked a number of times by shortwave radio with the leader of the MRTA hostage
takers. In July armed forces personnel reportedly beat the chief political reporter
of Lima's most popular tabloid, after his newspaper changed its editorial line from
support of the Gtovemment to criticism of it. A number of reporters, columnists, and
editorial writers complained that they were under constant surveillance and re-
ceived anonymous telephone calls made by members of the intelligence services to
both their homes and offices. Several media organizations also reported attempts at
government intimidation by means of National Tax Administration audits. In addi-
tion, media representatives report that the Government favors some media outlets
over others with respect to the placement of advertising. The combination of wire-
taps, strong-arm tactics, reports of surveillance, and other incidents of harassment
and discrimination contributed to the widely held public perception of a government
campaign against opposition media.
There were frequent instances in which media sources reported misleading infor-
mation, some of which was allegedly supplied by elements of the armed forces and
intelligence services to further their own ends. Favorite topics of such misleading
information campaigns were coup plots and rising tensions on the Peru-Ecuador bor-
der.
In July Congress passed a "rectification law," requiring media organizations to
correct "factualerrors" within a reasonable time after publication. The law amended
earlier controversial legislation that would have automatically held media owners
legally liable for errors published. In September the major print media established
a self-regulatory press council, in an effort to preempt further government attempts
to regulate the press.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly, and the authorities generally respect this right in
practice, except in the designated emergency zones where the rignt of assembly is
suspended. Public meetings in plazas or streets require advance permission, which
may be denied only for reasons of public safety or health. Municipal authorities usu-
ally granted permits for demonstrations in all nonemergency zones.
On June 5, over 3,000 protesters representing labor unions, student organizations,
and opposition political parties demonstrated against the ouster by Congress of
three Constitutional Tribunal judges who had opposed a law that would have al-
lowed President Fujimori to run for a third consecutive term in 2000 (see Section
3). Over 100 mounted police used a powerful water cannon and tear gas to disperse
the marchers. A number of them were briefiy detained.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the authorities generally
respect this right in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of rehgion, and the
Government generally respects this provision in practice. The Constitution recog-
nizes the Catholic Church "as an important element in the historical, cultural, and
moral development" of the nation, but also establishes the separation of church and
State. Conversion to other religions is respected, and missionaries are allowed to
enter the country and proselytize.
Although teaching about Roman Catholicism has not been required in the public
school system since the education reforms of the 1970's, most schools devote 1 hour
a week to such study. Parents who do not wish their children to participate in these
classes are expected to submit a written request for an exemption to the school prin-
cipal. Non-Catholics who wish their children to receive a religious education in their
632
own particular faith are free to organize such classes during the weekly hour allot-
ted by the school for religious education, but must supply their own teacher.
Sendero Luminoso rejects religion and occasionally still threatens and intimidates
religious workers. Prior to 1996, members of the Mormon Church, in particular,
were targeted by Sendero Luminoso bombings and extortion threats. However, Mor-
mon Church officials report no incidents during the past 2 years, attributing this
development to the overall decrease in Sendero activity and to the Church's decision
not to send its missionaries into areas where terrorists are known to operate.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The Constitution provides for the right to free movement. However,
freedom of movement is suspended in the emergency zones, which cover 16 percent
of the country's territory and where the security forces may detain travelers at any
time. Nevertheless, travel in these zones is generally permitted under the army's
supervision. Passengers on public transportation and drivers in private vehicles may
be checked at control points throughout the country.
Sendero Luminoso occasionally still interrupts the free movement of people, and
reports of its roadblocks in sections of the upper Huallaga Valley and in the depart-
ment of Ayacucho were common.
Although there are no political or le^al constraints on foreign travel or emigration,
the authorities can restrict persons with pending criminal and, in some cases, civil
charges against them from leaving the country. Repatriates, both voluntary and in-
voluntary, are not treated differently from other citizens.
The Constitution prohibits the revocation of citizenship. However, one of the sto-
ries that received extensive media and public attention involved a series of appar-
ently interconnected events that began with the May 28 announcement of regula-
tions implementing the new Nationality Law of January 1996. According to the new
law, naturalized Peruvians can lose their citizenship for, among other reasons, com-
mitting crimes against the State, national defense, and public security, as well as
for reasons that "affect the public interest and the national interest." On July 10,
the National Police chief announced that irregularities had been found in the file
of Baruch Ivcher, the Israeli-born, naturalized Peruvian majority owner of television
station Channel 2 which had carried stories of government abuse (see Section 2.a.).
Although the authorities did not accuse Ivcher of committing any of the crimes spec-
ified in the Nationality Law, the police chiefs announcement was followed by a July
13 government decree invalidating Ivcher's naturalization 13 years earlier. On July
14, Foreign Minister Francisco Tudela submitted his resignation, an action that he
said in late September had been prompted by the Government's behavior toward
Ivcher. On August 14, a lower court judge denied Ivcher's appeal of the decree, as
did the Corporate Court of Public Law, on September 16. On December 23, Ivcher,
who was out of the country throughout the legal process, was notified that he had
lost yet another appeal in the courts. Although he still could resort to the Constitu-
tional Tribunal, at year's end, he was trying to pursue his case through the inter-
American human rights system.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees in granting asylum and refugee status and recognizes the Catholic Migration
Commission as the official provider of technical assistance to refiigees ana appli-
cants for asylum. The Commission also advises Peruvian citizens fearing persecu-
tion at home and seeking asylum abroad. There are 738 persons in the country with
refugee status, of whom 451 are Cubans. These refugees are allowed to live and
work normally, while awaiting receipt of their permanent residency. Of the 738,
only 30 are still awaiting a permit. Even though permanent residents are free to
apply for citizenship after 2 years in the country, few do. The issue of the provision
of first asylum did not arise in 1997. There were no reports of the forced return of
persons to countries where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for the right of citizens to change their government, al-
though the law bars groups that advocate the violent overthrow of the Government
from participating in the political process. Voting is by secret ballot and is manda-
tory for all citizens between the ages of 18 and 70. However, members of the armed
forces and the police, as well as prisoners, are ineligible to vote.
In accordance with provisions in the 1993 Constitution, President Fujimori ran for
a second 5-year term in 1995 and was reelected over 12 other candiclates, with 65
percent of the vote. Voters also elected the 120 members of the unicameral Con-
gress. Sixty-nine seats are held by members of Fujimori's Cambio 90/Nueva Mayoria
movement. The remaining 51 members represent 11 opposition parties. On June 25,
Congress passed a new Electoral Law, which codifies the existing system whereby
633
each of the participating political parties prepares its national list of ranked can-
didates, and the 120 members of the unicameral legislature are elected from these
party lists in proportion to the number of votes received by each party.
The debate over President Fujimori's eligibility to seek reelection continued
throughout the year. In August 1996, despite vocal opposition both in and out of
Congress, President Fujimori's controlling congressional majority interpreted the
constitutional provision limiting presidents to no more than two consecutive terms
in office to permit him to run for a third consecutive term in 2000, claiming that
it would be only his second term under the 1993 Constitution. Although opponents
of the interpretive law proceeded to challenge its constitutionality before the seven-
member Constitutional Tribunal, the Tribunal was unable to muster the six votes
necessary to rule the law unconstitutional. This deadlock effectively transferred the
legal question surrounding a third Fujimori candidacy to the National Board of
Ekctions, which is charged with ruling on the eligibility of presidential contenders.
However, the Board is not required to rule on the legality of such a candidacy until
1999, when all presidential candidates file their papers.
The three Tribunal judges opposed to the law called a press conference and an-
nounced their nonbinding opinion that the law, although not necessarily unconstitu-
tional, was "inapplicable to the Fujimori case. In response, a congressional commit-
tee on May 5 accused the three judges of exceeding their authority, and charged Tri-
bunal president Ricardo Nugent with failing to prevent the action of his three col-
leagues. On May 23, a special committee of the Congress ratified the charges
against the three associate judges and the Tribunal president, and referred the mat-
ter of sanctions, including possible removal from office, for consideration by the full
Congress.
Legal scholars were divided as to whether the removal of Constitutional Tribunal
judges required a simple majority vote or a two-thirds vote, an issue on which the
Constitution is silent. Nevertheless, on May 29, amid press and public criticism at
what was widely characterized as a "coup," Confess voted, by a simple majority
of those present, to remove the three associate judges from office, for having ex-
ceeded their authority by issuing a minority opinion as if it were a legally binding
ruling of the Tribunal. At the same time. Congress voted to return for further com-
mittee action the charges against Tribunal president Nugent. On May 30, Nugent
announced his resignation from the Tribunal presidency, declaring his solidarity
with the dismissed judges, and saying that his resignation was a moral imperative
and the only way he could protest the treatment to which his colleagues had been
subjected. However, by law, Nugent must remain in his position until Congress
elects a successor. Although the congressional leadership quickly appointed a selec-
tion committee to nominate candidates for the four vacant seats, oy year's end it
had not reached a consensus on the candidates, and the constitutional stalemate
continued.
The controversy over President Fujimori's eligibility to run for a third term in
2000 resurfaced on December 10, when the congressional majority introduced a bill
granting temporary and provisional judges and prosecutors the same rights and sta-
tus as their permanent counterparts. Critics of the regime claimed that this law was
intended to set the stage for these newly empowered officials to exercise their right
to name the president and several members of the National Board of Elections in
June 1998. The board, which is the ultimate court of appeal for all election-related
disputes, is expected to rule eventually on the legality oi a third Fujimori candidacy.
Fujimori opponents believe that these untenurea officials would succumb to outside
pressure and favor naming the President's supporters to the board. Angered by the
DiU's introduction, the congressional opposition walked out of the chamber before
the vote. After President Fujimori signed the bill into law, the president of the Con-
fess suspended the plenary session and called a closed session, which granted the
Permanent Commission of Congress extraordinary powers to legislate for 180 days.
At year's end, the majority and the opposition were still negotiating terms and con-
ditions to reinstate the plenary session and resume full congressional activity.
A signature drive to petition for a national referendum on whether President
Fujimori should be allowed to run again continued throughout the year. The drive,
which began in 1996, had gathered some 400,000 of the 1.25 million signatures nec-
essary by the time the MKTA hostage crisis pushed it out of public attention. How-
ever, the drive regained momentum toward year's end and had reportedly gathered
900,000 of the needed signatures.
Opposition suspicions of possible fraud in the 2000 election were highlighted by
charges in November by Congresswoman Townsend that the National Intelligence
Service had planted undercover agents inside the National Voter Registration Bu-
reau. Congress appointed a subcommittee to investigate these charges, but it had
not published its report by year's end.
634
The right of citizens to elect local officials received a boost in small towns when,
on November 23, 62 localities successfully carried out the country's first recall elec-
tions. Approximately 120,000 citizens participated in the elections, voting to remove
from office 43 mayors and 85 council members, and to retain in office 18 mayors
and 44 council members. So many officials were removed that special elections need
to be called in 17 of these municipalities to constitute new councils that would serve
until the October 1998 municipal elections.
Women and some minorities are represented in government and actively partici-
pate in politics. There are 13 female members of Congress. In addition, 1 of 15 cabi-
net ministers and several vice ministers are women, as are 3 of the 32 Supreme
Court justices. A nationwide drive was conducted to replace the citizenship papers
and voter registration cards lost by women who were displaced by the internal con-
flict and who returned to their original communities, in time for the 1998 municipal
elections and for the 2000 general elections. In addition, Congress passed two new
laws governing general elections and municipal elections, which mandate that at
least 25 percent of all party candidate lists for congressional and municipal elections
be composed of women.
Peruvians of Asian descent hold leadership positions in government; President
Fujimori is of Japanese descent. There are several indigenous members of Congress
and a recent vice president was a Quechua speaker. However, it is rare for indige-
nous people, who make up 45 percent of the population, to reach the highest leader-
ship rants in the public sector. The black minority, unofficially estimated at 8 to
10 percent of the total population, is not at all represented in the leadership of any
branch of the Government, and there are no blacks in the Congress.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
In general, the Government permitted numerous nongovernmental organizations
(NGO s) dedicated to monitoring and advancing human rights to operate freely.
However, in response to the MRTA hostage crisis, the Government suspended ICRC
and other human rights monitors' visits to all prisoners held for terrorism and trea-
son offenses (see Section I.e.). The visits were reinstated by year's end.
Apart from the MRTA hostage situation, government, military, judicial, and police
officials continued to criticize human rights groups for their alleged bias against the
authorities and toward the "leftist guerrillas." With the exception of the police, gov-
ernment officials usually ignored requests by human rights groups for information
and prohibited many monitors from visiting certain prisons. Military authorities
often limited the freedom of local and international human rights workers to inves-
tigate abuses in the emergency zones.
Most nongovernmental human rights groups are independent, thorough, and gen-
erally objective. A number of them joined forces in 1985 to form an umbrella organi-
zation, the National Coordinating Committee for Human Rights. The Coordinadora,
which comprises 50 member organizations, strictly adheres to a policy of not mixing
politics with human rights, although its constituent members may do so in their
own names. The Coordinadora has embarked on a gradual process of integrating its
Lima-based and province-based member organizations into a more cohesive body
that would be more able to act quickly and forcefully and speak with a unified voice.
The Coordinadora has intensified its collaborative efforts with the Human Rights
Ombudsman. Some of its member organizations conduct intensive human rights
education and citizen empowerment workshops to train local community leaders
throughout the country in human rights problem-solving and citizen use of the Om-
budsman's services. A number of the Coordinadora's members have continued to
work closely with the Pardons Commission, submitting for its consideration the doc-
umented cases of innocent prisoners unjustly charged and convicted of terrorism
and treason offenses (see Section I.e.).
Since Jorge Santistevan de Noriega was appointed as the first Human Rights Om-
budsman in April 1996, his office has steadily grown in stature and is considered
to be the most effective force in the country for bringing justice to the people. At
its Lima headquarters and various field offices, the Ombudsman receives citizen
complaints, identifies patterns of human rights abuse by officials and of inefficient
or unresponsive administration of services, and intercedes with the offending gov-
ernment agencies to bring about appropriate remedies. In addition, as he did in the
case of tortured SIE officer Leo nor La Rosa (see Section I.e.), the Ombudsman inde-
pendently initiates investigations of alleged official wrongdoing and negotiates or
calls for the implementation of corrective policies and procedures.
Legitimate fears of physical attack by Sendero Luminoso seriously hampered the
ability of human rights monitors to carry out their work in some parts of the coun-
try, while documenting human rights abuses by the security forces, these groups
635
have, at the same time, repeatedly labeled Sendero Luminoso as the principal viola-
tor of the people's rights. In both its annual reports and periodic press commu-
niques, the Coordinadora hsis regularly criticized the violence perpetrated by
Sendero Luminoso as well as by the MRTA.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal rights for all citizens, and specifically pro-
hibits discrimination based on ethnic origin, race, sex, language, religion, opinion,
or economic condition. Nevertheless, discrimination against women, the disabled, in-
digenous people, and racial and ethnic minorities continued.
Women. — Violence against women, including rape, spousal abuse, and the physical
and sexual abuse of women and girls, is a chronic problem, according to local human
rights groups and law enforcement offices. Such abuses have been aggravated by in-
sensitivity on the part of law enforcement and judicial authorities toward female
victims of abuse and by a media image of the traditional relationship between the
sexes that encourages a controlling attitude by the husband toward his wife. Nation-
wide statistics on the extent of the problem of domestic violence are not available.
However, in Lima, 6,294 cases of domestic violence were reported in 1996. Between
1990 and 1996, 32,030 cases were reported. Human rights organizations believe
that, whether for fear of retaliation from the accused spouse, because of the cost in-
volved in pursuing a complaint, or for some other reason, a large number of domes-
tic violence cases remain unreported.
Although a basic statute criminalizing spousal abuse has existed since December
1993, significant improvements in the law were enacted in March, which simplified
the procedures for reporting cases of domestic violence, made the process less expen-
sive, and broadened the judicial remedies available. The new law gives not only
judges but also prosecutors the power to protect a victim of domestic violence from
furwier abuse by enjoining the convicted spouse or parent from returning to the
family's home. In the past, when abusive spouses argued that their home was jointly
owned by both husband and wife and that they should therefore be allowed to re-
turn to it, judges tended to let that argument outweigh the interest of the abused
victim. Whereas victims of domestic violence previously had to pay for a medical re-
f)ort certifying the existence of their injuries, the new law eliminates the required
lee. Many women have complained that their charges of domestic violence were
brushed aside with indifference by police officers who either did not understand the
issue or wrongly assumed that complaints of spousal abuse could be filed only at
one of the handiul of "women's police stations" exclusively dedicated to processing
charges of domestic violence. The new law clearly mandates all police stations to
receive such complaints. The Ministry of Women's Affairs and Human Development,
in conjunction with a nongovernmental women's rights organization, is preparing a
national program to sensitize police to the problem of domestic violence and to train
officers in all police stations in the processing of domestic violence cases.
The Human Rights Ombudsman was investigating numerous complaints by rape
victims that court-appointed medical examiners inappropriately delved into their
past sexual histories. They also accused judges of looking more favorably on rape
victims who had been virgins prior to the rape and of believing that a woman who
was raped must have somehow enticed her attacker to commit the crime. In March
Congress repealed a statute whereby convicted rapists could be absolved of their
crime by marrying their victims. In October allegations appeared that a number of
physicians in hospitals and family planning clinics had enticed female patients to
opt for sterilization, either by promising them quantities of food or by not providing
them with complete information about the alternatives available. At year's end, the
Ministry of Health and the Human Rights Ombudsman were investigating the va-
lidity of these charges. The Health Minister declared that anyone found to have
committed any such acts would be punished.
The Constitution provides for equality between men and women, and the 1995
amendments to the Employment Promotion Law as well as other laws relative to
marriage, divorce, and property rights prohibit discrimination against women. In
the area of professional employment, Congress passed legislation in March that re-
pealed the old disqualification of unmarried individuals for judgeships in the family
courts. Since these positions have, in the past, been predominantly filled by female
candidates, the legislation was regarded as broadening employment opportunities
for single women.
The first 28 women permitted to enroll as cadets in the national police academy
graduated as officers in 1995; the second class of women graduated in 1997. The
army academy enrolled its first 50 female cadets in 1997; they are destined to serve
636
in combat-support assignments only. The naval and air force academies are sched-
uled to enroll their first female cadets in 1998.
Nevertheless, traditional assumptions and misconceptions often impede access by
women to leadership roles in both the public and private sectors. Because of societal
prejudice and discrimination, women historically have suffered disproportionately
more than men from the country's pervasive jjoverty and unemployment. The gov-
ernment-supported "Mibanco" program represents an effort to improve women's
ability to generate income by providing credit to small businesses started by enter-
prising women.
Children. — The government provides free, compulsory education through second-
ary school. Of those children enrolled in primary school, 12 to 15 percent abandon
their education, while 17 percent of secondary school students do so. In educational
achievement, both primary and secondary school children are, on the average, 2
years behind their chronological age, while children who work as well as study are
4 years behind.
Following the World Summit on Children, in May the Government approved a na-
tional plan for the protection and development of children, covering the years 1997-
2000. The plan, which includes broad strategies for such sectors as health and edu-
cation, places particular emphasis on the care and advancement of girls, and assigns
to local community organizations special responsibility for finding ways to alleviate
poverty.
The Ministry of Women's Affairs and Human Development has a Children's Bu-
reau that coordinates child- and adolescent-related policies and programs through-
out the Government. At the grassroots level, 400 children's rights and welfare pro-
tection offices receive and resolve complaints ranging from physical and sexual
abuse to malnutrition, abandonment, and undetermined guardianship. Seventy-five
percent of these offices are operated by provincial or district governments, and the
remaining 25 percent by NGO's. Most of the units are staffed by law students; only
the offices in the wealthiest districts of the country have professionally trained law-
yers, psychologists, and social workers. Cases that cannot be resolved by these of-
fices are typically referred to family courts. Nationwide, these offices receive and re-
solve an average of 30,000 cases annually; an additional 1,000 to 1,500 cases are
referred to the courts for resolution.
The National Initiative on the Rights of the Child is the largest NGO of its kind
and coordinates the work of 24 Lima-based and province-based groups concerned
with the problems of children. It is estimated that only 10 to 20 percent of incidents
of mistreatment and sexual abuse are reported, since many people believe that such
problems belong within the family and must be resolved privately. Violence against
children is a serious problem. According to some estimates, approximately half of
all rapes are perpetrated against minors.
In 1996 the infant mortality rate was 43 per 1,000, down from 70 per 1,000 in
1992. However, this figure masks wide regional disparities: 23 per 1,000 in Lima
and its environs, compared with 109 per 1,000 in Huancavelica. Twenty-seven per-
cent of children under age 5, and 48 percent of children ages 6 to 9, suffered from
chronic malnutrition.
As many as 1.2 million children work to help support their families. Of this total,
some 500,000 are under the age of 14, while 700,000 are between the ages of 15
and 17 (see Section 6.d.). In 1996 there were 219,000 orphans in the country, of
whom 25,000 were orphaned for reasons related to political violence.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution provides that severely disabled per-
sons have "the right to have their dignity respected and to be provided bv law with
protection, care, rehabilitation, and security." However, the Government devotes few
resources to assisting the disabled, and they and the private agencies serving them
must generally rely on the public's charity. The Government also makes little effort
to ensure full and equal participation by the disabled in the political, economic, and
social life of the country. The recent decision not to give the 1996 Paralympics swim-
ming gold medalist recognition equal to that accorded all the country's nondisabled
sports heroes reflected a widespread view of the disabled as separate and inferior.
The 1993 census counted 288,526 disabled persons, or 1.3 percent of the popu-
lation. However, the Ministry of Health and the Pan American Health Organization
believe that most disabled persons either do not wish to acknowledge their disability
to census takers or do not know what constitutes a disability, and that the actual
percentage of disabled people within the population is 13 percent. Accordingly, the
Government, in conjunction with the country's hospitals, plans to implement a na-
tional register of disabled persons. However, there is only one rehabilitation hos-
gital, and 10 of the 24 departments have no hospitals with a rehabilitation unit,
ince the privatization of the social security and national health insurance systems,
637
it has been difficult for many disabled persons to insure against the inevitable loss
of income or compensate for the extra costs of disability.
There is no law mandating ramps and elevators to ease access to sidewalks and
public buildings for people with physical disabilities. Nor do accommodations exist,
such as barrier-free polling stations, interpreters for the deaf at government service
offices, and Braille or recorded versions of the Constitution, which would permit the
disabled to participate in the basic processes of democracy and citizenship.
Many people with disabilities are channelled into a restricted number of tradi-
tional occupations, such as the blind into telephone switchboard operation and mas-
sage therapy. However, some progressive programs do exist: Two leading super-
market chains have initiated the employment of mentally retarded adolescents and
young adults, while Lima's Center for Rehabilitation of the Blind has pioneered the
training of the blind for computer-related occupations. Nevertheless, in general,
even well-qualified disabled persons face serious discrimination by employers.
Sedapal, the government-owned water utility, dismissed all its blind telephone
switchboard operators, ostensibly as part of a nondiscriminatory, across-the-ooard
budget-cutting measure. However, the chief advocate for the disabled in Congress
reports that all the blind operators were immediately replaced by younger sighted
recruits. People with disabilities have only recently begun to organize and demand
equal rights and opportunities as a minority.
Indigenous People. — The 1993 Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race
and provides for the right of all citizens to speak their native language. Neverthe-
less, the large indigenous population faces pervasive discrimination and social preju-
dice. Accordmg to mdigenous rights groups, the provisions in the Constitution and
in subsequent implementing legislation regarding the treatment of native lands are
less explicit about their inalienability and unmarketability than were earlier con-
stitutional and statutory protections. In addition, many other factors have contrib-
uted to the marginalization of indigenous people in society. Poor transportation and
communications infrastructure in the highlands and in the Amazon jungle region
makes political mobilization and organization difficult. The geographic isolation of
much of the indigenous population and the centralization oi government action in
Lima further marginalize indigenous people. All these factors impede the ability of
indigenous people to participate in, and facilitate their deliberate exclusion from, de-
cisionmaking directly affecting their lands, culture, traditions, and the allocation of
natural resources. Pervasive duscrimination and social prejudice intensify feeUngs of
inferiority and second-class citizenship. Many indigenous people lack such basic doc-
uments as a birth certificate or a voter's registration card that would normally iden-
tify them as full citizens and enable them to play their part in society.
Amerindians who live in the Andean highlands speak Aymara and Quechua,
which are recognized as official languages, and are etnnically distinct from the di-
verse indigenous gTt)ups who live on the eastern side of the Andes and in the tropi-
cal lowlands adjacent to the Amazon basin. Recent regulations requiring all school
teachers to have professional teaching certification caused many indigenous teachers
to be replaced by teachers who do not speak any of the indigenous languages. As
a result, the continued use of Aymara and Quechua as languages of instruction, as
well as the very survival of indigenous cultures, have been put in jeopardy.
In many jungle areas, colonists and coca gixjwers in search of livelihood and profit,
guerrillas in search of new bases of opieration, and business interests in search of
exploitable natural resources continue to encroach upon native lands. The 45,000
Aguaruna-Huambisa people, who inhabit the frontier area where the 1995 Peru/Ec-
uador border conflict took place, are just one of many indigenous groups that com-
plain about intolerable living conditions and inaccessible public services. In the
same region, along the Pastaza river, the 50,000 Achuar people live in 36 commu-
nities, only 12 of which have title to their land. In addition, the Achuar are fighting
what they fear may be a losing battle against an incursion by oil exploration and
drilling interests, as well as against a govemment-spxinsored influx of colonists.
Typically, the commercial exploitation of the land causes environmental damage and
negatively affects the health of indigenous p>eople.
The two main organizations representing the interests of the 200,000 indigenous
people of the Peruvian Amazon are the Inter- Ethnic Asociation for the Development
of the Peruvian Jungle (AIDESEP) and the Confederation of Amazonian Nationali-
ties of Peru (CONAP). In accordance with local culture and tradition, most indige-
nous people have a spiritual relationship with their land, and the concept of land
as a marketable commodity is alien to tnem. Both the AIDESEP and the CONAP
are critical of the 1995 land law, which permits Amazonian land to be bought and
sold if no one is living on it or otherwise making use of it. However, the CONAP
beUeves that mining and other development operations are inevitable and therefore
wants indigenous communities to share appropriately the benefits of that develop-
638
ment. The AIDESEP, on the other hand, remains opposed to territorial encroach-
ments by government, commercial, and other interests.
All indigenous rights advocates protest the low priority assigned by the Govern-
ment to the economic and social condition of indigenous people and the lack of con-
sultation regarding matters affecting their welmre. According to one indigenous
rights group, this official neglect is reflected in a government decision to wind down
the operation of the National Indigenous Institute and transfer its functions to a
small bureau within the Ministry of Women's Affairs and Human Development.
Sendero Luminoso continued to be a leading violator of indigenous rights. As a
result of terrorist harassment and abuse, thousands of Ashaninkas in the central
jungle area remain displaced. In addition, there were continued reports of enforced
recruitment of Ashaninkas by Sendero Luminoso.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Peru's population includes several racial mi-
norities, the largest of which are persons of Asian and African descent. Blacks, who
tend to be concentrated along the coast, face particularly pervasive discrimination
and social prejudice and are among the poorest groups in the country.
Blacks do not hold leadership positions in government, business, or the military.
Both the navy and the air force are widely believed to follow unstated policies that
exclude blacks from the officer corps. Employment advertisements in newspapers,
which are not prohibited from specifying the color of the candidates sought and
often find discreet ways to do so, typically segment the labor market into manage-
rial and professional positions, which are reserved for white job seekers, and low-
Eajdng service jobs, wnich are set aside for black applicants. According to two black
uman rights organizations, police routinely detain persons of African descent on
suspicion of having committed crimes, for no other reason than the color of their
skin, and rarely act on complaints of crimes against blacks. Blacks are
unflatteringly portrayed in television comedies as individuals of questionable char-
acter.
Although Peruvians of Asian descent have historically suffered discrimination,
their social standing has improved markedly during the past decade, as Peru has
sought to emulate Asia's economic growth, and as the Asian community has
achieved financial success. Besides President Fujimori, who is of Japanese descent,
many other Peruvians of Asian descent hold leadership positions in business and
government.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — It is estimated that only 5 percent of the total work
force of 8.5 million belong to organized labor unions. More than half of all workers
are in the informal sector of the economy. Workers are not required to seek author-
ization prior to forming a trade union, nor can employers legally condition employ-
ment on union membership or nonmembership. However, labor rights advocates
claim that many workers are reluctant to organize for fear of dismissal.
Unions represent a cross section of political opinion. Although some unions have
traditionally been associated with political groups, the law prohibits unions from en-
gaging in explicitly political, religious, or profitmaking activities. The several union
leaders who ran unsuccessfully for Congress in 1995 all did so in their own names,
without official union sponsorship. Nevertheless, it is believed that some union ac-
tivists who run for public office receive unofficial backing from their unions.
In 1995 and 1996 Congress passed legislation amending the 1992 Employment
Promotion Law, which all the main union confederations publicly criticized for re-
stricting the rights of workers, including the freedom to bargain collectively and the
right to work. Unions also complained that the new legislation eliminated the right
of dismissed workers to compulsory reinstatement, if it was proven that they had
been unjustly dismissed. As in the case of legally dismissed employees, such workers
have the right to normal compensation of 1 year's pay for each year of service. In
addition they have the right to be compensated for up to 8 years of service, at a
rate of IV2 years' pay for each year worked, or a maximum supplementary award
equivalent to 12 years' pav. In practice, the legislation has had a negative impact
on the right of association by making it easier for companies to fire workers involved
in union activities.
In June 1996, the International Labor Oivanization (ILO) called on the Govern-
ment to adopt new legislation to enhance freedom of association, including a re-
quirement that reductions of personnel allegedly for economic reasons not be used
as a device for neutralizing unionization campaigns, and the provision of the right
to join a union to new workers on probation.
There are no restrictions on the affiliation of labor unions with international bod-
ies. Several major unions and labor confederations belong to international labor or-
639
ganizations such as the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, its aflili-
ated trade secretariats and regional body.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The 1993 Constitution recog-
nizes the right of puolic and private sector workers to organize and bargain collec-
tively. However, it states that this right must be exercised in harmony with broader
social obiectives. Labor regulations promulgated prior to the Constitution provide
that workers may form umons on the basis of their occupation, employer afTuiation,
or geographic territory. However, the regulations prohibit temporary, probationary,
apprentice, and management employees from union membersnip. In addition, the
regulations require a minimum of 100 members for the formation of professionally
or occupationally based unions, and a minimum of 20 workers for the formation of
a company-based union. In April the management in PetroPeru's Piura plant
claimed that a group of workers seeking to form a union at the plant did not nave
the requisite number of prospective members to be recognized. However, when the
workers petitioned the Ministry of Labor to verify the numbers, the Ministry found
in favor of the workers and a union was certified.
According to the regulations, union officials must be active members of their
union, although they set limits on the number of individuals each union may des-
ignate as "official" and on the amount of time officials mav devote to union business
on company time. No legal provisions exist requiring employers to reinstate workers
who are found to have been unjustly fired for union activities.
To become an official collective bargaining representative, a union must represent
at IcEist 20 workers. Labor regulations stipulate that representatives may partici-
pate in collective bargaining negotiations and establish negotiating timetables. Man-
agement negotiating teams cannot exceed the size of union teams, and both sides
are permitted to have attorneys and technical experts present as advisers.
For a strike to take place, a majority of all workers in a company, whether union
members or not, must approve it by a secret ballot. A second vote must be taken,
if petitioned by at least 20 percent of the workers. However, labor rights advocates
complain that many temporary workers are understandably reluctant to participate
even in secret ballots, for fear of retaliation by their employers. The labor movement
has criticized provisions in the new amendments to the Employment Promotion Law
that make it easier for employers to dismiss employees and thereby to impede the
right of workers to bargain collectively. However, there are no legal restrictions pre-
venting unions from negotiating for workers higher levels of protection than the
baseline standards provided for by law.
In response to a complaint regarding the right to organize and bargain collec-
tively, an ILO committee has noted that the new legislation fails to protect workers
and their organizations against acts of antiunion discrimination and interference by
employers. In addition, the committee found that the goal of voluntary collective
bai^aming negotiation is impeded by the requirement that, for an agreement to be
concluded covering a particular occupation or profession, it must be approved not
only by an overall majority of the workers but also by the workers in a majority
of the enterprises affected.
Labor regulations also permit companies unilaterally to propose temporary
changes in work schedules, conditions and wages, and to suspend collective bargain-
ing agreements for up to 90 days, if obliged to do so by worsening economic cir-
cumstances or other unexpected negative developments, provided Lhey give their
employees at least 15 days notice of such changes. However, labor rights advocates
allege that, in practice, few employers respected this provision. If wonters reject an
employer's proposed changes, the Ministry of Labor is required to resolve the dis-
pute based on criteria of "reasonableness" and "economic necessity." Whether the
changes proposed by employers in such instances are upheld in full or in part, em-
ployers are required to adopt all possible measures, such as the authorization of
extra vacation time, in order to minimize the negative economic impact on their em-
ployees.
Although a conciliation and arbitration system exists to resolve management dis-
putes with unions, union officials complain that their proportionate share of the
costs of arbitration often exceeds their resources. In addition, union olTicials claim
that, since the law prohibits temporary workers from participating in union organiz-
ing elections, more and more companies have resorted to hiring workers on tem-
porary, personal-services contracts, as a means of preventing a possible increase in
union strength. Although the new legislation restricts the number of temporary
workers hired to 20 percent of a company's work force, labor rights advocates al-
leged that this quota was rarely respected. In response to the labor movement's per-
sistent lobbying on this issue in international forums, employers denied the charge
that they are biased against unions, arguing that the laoor-stability provisions of
the legislation have made long-term conunitments to workers too expensive.
640
Special regulations aimed at giving employers in export-processing and duty-free
zones a freer hand in the application of the new legislation provide for the use of
temporary labor as needed, for greater flexibility in labor contracts, and for setting
wage rates based on supply ana demand. Although, as a result, workers in such
zones have difficulty in unionizing, labor rights advocates admit that these zones
are few in number and do not contribute substantively to labor's unionizing difficul-
ties.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor. However, there are periodic reports of this practice in remote
Andean mountain and Amazonian jungle regions. In response to a complaint filed
with the ILO, the Government acknowledged in 1994 that forced labor exists but
stated that it had adopted measures to end the abuses. The Constitution does not
specifically prohibit forced or bonded labor by children, and there were reports of
forced labor by children in the gold mines of the remote Madre de Dios department
(see Section 6.d.). There is no forced labor in urban areas.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Education
through secondary school is compulsory and free. Nevertheless, because of wide-
spread poverty, a high percentage of school-age children work during daytime hours
rather than attend classes, and only a few of^these children attend classes at night.
Although the minimum legal age for employment is 16, children are pressed to help
support their families from a very early age by working in the informal economy,
which escapes government supervision of wages and working conditions. A recent
government study found that 8 percent of the work force is between the ages of 6
and 14 (see also Section 5). The (jovernment's National Institute of Family Welfare
cooperates with the United Nations Children's Fund and the Inter-American Devel-
opment Bank in assisting street children and other child laborers.
The legislation amending the Employment Promotion Law raised the upper age
limit from 21 to 25 for participants in the special youth labor program, which allows
employers to pay less tnan the statutory minimum wage as a means of encouraging
the provision of specialized training for new young workers. It also increased the
period of apprenticeship from 18 to 36 months. In addition, the legislation raised
the portion of an employer's work force that may legally be composed of workers
under these programs from 15 to 30 percent.
Although the Constitution includes a general prohibition of forced labor, it does
not specifically outlaw forced or bonded child labor (see Section 6.c.). Child labor is
heavily used in the agricultural sector and in informal gold mining but not in other
major export industries, such as petroleum and fisheries. Recent studies by NGO's
have found that approximately 4,500 youths under 18 years of age are employed in
harsh conditions in the informal gold mines of Madre de Dios. Many of these work-
ers are under age 15, and some are as young as 11. These child laborers were
pressed into service through a recruitment system known as "enganche," which is
f)racticed in Puno, Juliaca, Sicuani, and Cuzco. Under this system, they are provided
ree transportation to the mines and allegedly agree to work for at least 90 days
before being paid. In addition, these child workers lack proper medical care, are
forced to work long hours, are often subjected to beatings and rape, and at times
are deprived of their pay. The (jovemment has not exercised due supervision over
this child labor system, while the mine owners have failed to comply with the legal
provisions that do exist with respect tojuvenile workers.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Tne Constitution provides that the State pro-
mote social and economic progress and occupational education. It states that work-
ers should receive a "just and sufficient" wage to be determined by the Government
in consultation with labor and business representatives, as well as "adequate protec-
tion against arbitrary dismissal." However, labor rights advocates complain that,
while labor leaders have engaged in discussions with members of the Congress
Labor Committee, they have been refused access to senior executive branch officials
for the past 4 years.
On July 28, the (jovemment raised the statutory minimum wage to $130 (345
soles) a month. It is generally considered to be inadequate to support a worker and
family. According to some estimates, as much as half the country's work force earns
the minimum wage or below.
The Constitution also provides for a 48-hour workweek, a weekly day of rest, and
an annual vacation. In addition, it prohibits discrimination in the workplace. While
occupational health and safety standards exist, the (}ovemment lacks the resources
to monitor firms or enforce compliance. In cases of industrial accidents, the level of
compensation awarded to the injured employee is usually determined by agreement
between the employer and the individual worker involved. In 1993 the Government
introduced reforms that eliminated the need to prove an employer's culpability in
order to obtain compensation for work-related injuries. No provisions exist in law
641
for workers to remove themselves from potentially dangerous work situations with-
out jeopardizing their continued employment.
ST. KITTS AND NEVIS
St. Kitts and Nevis is a multiparty, parliamentary democracy and a member of
the Commonwealth of Nations. The Constitution provides the smaller island of
Nevis considerable self- government, as well as the right to secede from the Federa-
tion in accordance with certain enumerated procedures. The Government comprises
a prime minister, a cabinet, and a bicameral legislative assembly. The Governor
General, appointed by the British Monarch, is the titular head of state, with largely
ceremonial powers. After national elections in June 1995, Dr. Denzil Douglas ofthe
St. Kitts and Nevis Labour Party became Prime Minister and formed a government
with 7 of 11 seats in the legislature. The judiciary is independent.
Security forces consist oia small police force, which includes a 50-person Special
Services Unit that receives some light infantry training, a coast guard, and a small,
newly formed defense force.
The mixed economy is based on sugar cane, tourism, and light industry. Most
commercial enterprises are privately owned, but the sugar industry and 85 f)ercent
of arable land are owned by a state corporation. Per capita gross domestic product
was about $5 400 in 1995.
Human rights were generally respected. Poor prison conditions, apparent intimi-
dation of witnesses and jurors, government restrictions on opposition access to gov-
ernment-controlled media, and violence against women were tne principal problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no political or other
extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Law enforcement authorities abide by the constitutional prohibitions against the use
of torture or other forms of inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Family
members, attorneys, and clergy are permitted to visit detainees regularly.
Prison conditions are poor. St. Kitt's prison was built in the 1830's. Prisoners suf-
fer from severe overcrowding, poor food, and lax security. These conditions have con-
tributed to riots in the past, although none occurred in 1997.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention, and this provision is respected in practice. The law requires that
persons detained be brought before a court within 48 hours.
There were no reported cases of exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the judiciary is highly regarded. However, intimidation of witnesses and
potential intimidation of jurors in nigh-profile drug-related cases threatened this
traditional independence.
The court system comprises one high court and four magistrate's courts at the
local level, with the right of appeal to the Eastern Caribbean Court of Appeal. Final
app>eal may be made to the Privy Council in the United Kingdom. There are no mili-
tary or political courts. Legal assistance is available for indigent defendants.
The Constitution provides that every person accused of a crime must receive a
fair, speedy, and public trial, and these requirements are generally observed.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — There
were no reports of arbitrary government or police interference in the private lives
of individuals. The law requires judicially issued warrants to search private homes.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and, for the most part, the authorities respected these provisions in
practice. However, the Government owns the only radio and television station on St.
Kitts, and these media generally did not adequately publicize rallies and conven-
tions held by the opposition political party. Tnere is a religious television station
and a privately owned radio station on Nevis.
St. Kitts and Nevis does not have a daily newspaper; each of the major political
parties publishes a weekly or biweekly newspaper. A third weekly newspaper is
642
nonpartisan. The papers are free to criticize the Government and do so regularly
and vigorously. The nonpartisan paper claims that politicians both in opposition and
the Government have threatened to close it down; however, the paper recently cele-
brated its second anniversary without interruption of its publication. International
news publications are readily available.
The Govenunent does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly. Political parties organized demonstrations, rallies,
and public meetings during the 1995 election campaign without significant govern-
ment interference. Many meetings sponsored by the Nevis Island administration
and opposition parties were held in Nevis to discuss the secession question.
The Constitution provides for the right of association, and the Government re-
spects this ri^t in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for the free exercise of religion,
and religious practices are not restricted. All groups are free to maintain links with
coreligionists in other countries.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government does not restrict travel within or departure from the
country.
No formal government policy toward refugee or asylum requests exists. The issue
of provision of first asylum did not arise. There were no reports of forced expulsion
of anyone having a vaUd claim to refugee status; however, government practice re-
mains undefined.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens are free to change their government by peaceful means. A vigorous
multiparty political system exists in which political parties are free to conduct their
activities. Periodic elections are held in which all citizens 18 years of age and older
may register and vote by secret ballot.
The Legislative Assembly has 11 elected seats; 8 for St. Kitts and 3 for Nevis.
In the June 1995 elections. Dr. Denzil Douglas' St. Kitts and Nevis Labour Party
won seven of eight seats at stake in St. Kitts with 60 percent of the popular vote,
and Douglas became Prime Minister. The People's Action Movement (PAM), the
former ruling party, took only one seat, but received 40 percent of the vote. The
Concerned Citizens Movement won two of the three Nevis seats; the Nevis Reforma-
tion Party won the remaining one. The island of Nevis has considerable self-govern-
ment and its own legislature.
In accordance with its rights under the Constitution, the Nevis Island Assembly
in 1996 initiated steps towards secession from the Federation. After failing to obtain
the required two-thirds majority of the five-seat Assembly in 1996, a secession bill
was reintroduced following the elections, and passed its first reading in June. The
bill must clear a second and third reading before it is approved. Should the bill be
approved, a new constitution would have to be drafted, followed by an islandwide
referendum on secession in which two-thirds of the votes cast would have to favor
secession. All parties involved have adhered to constitutional procedures, and no
acts of violence have been recorded in connection with the secession question.
Although the Constitution prohibits discrimination on grounds of political opinion
or affiliation, the opposition PAM alleges widespread employment discrimination by
the St. Kitts and Nevis Labour Party against public sector employment of persons
perceived to be opposition supporters. PAM alleges that the ruling party dismissed
or demoted many PAM supporters from their jobs in order to replace them with its
own supporters. The Government acknowledged that it had withheld pension bene-
fits from opposition members of Parliament voted out of office and entitled to such
benefits.
There are no impediments in law or in practice to the participation of women in
leadership roles in government or political parties. St. Kitts and Nevis' sole female
member of Parliament chose not to run for reelection in the June 1995 elections,
and there were no other female candidates. However, women do hold such high gov-
ernment offices as permanent secretary and are active within the political parties.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
While there are no governmental restrictions, no local human rights groups have
been formed. There were no requests for investigations or visits by international
human rights groups.
643
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on grounds of race, place of origin, birth
out of wedlock, political opinion or affiliation, color, sex, or creed, and the Govern-
ment generally respects these provisions in practice.
Women. — According to a government official, violence against women is a problem,
but many women are reluctant to file complaints or pursue them in the courts. De-
spite this reluctance, there were publicly reported cases of both domestic violence
and rape, and a few convictions. A special police unit works closely with the Min-
istry 01 Women's Affairs and Health to investigate domestic violence and rape cases.
Ine role of women in society is not restricted by law but is circumscribed by cul-
ture and tradition. There is no overt societal discrimination against women in em-
plojrment, although sectoral analyses suggest that women do not yet occupy as many
senior positions as men. An active Women's Affairs Bureau is promoting change in
this area.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's rights and welfare and has
incorporated most of the provisions of the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the
Child into domestic legislation.
People With Disabilities. — Although there is no legislation to protect the disabled
or to mandate accessibility for them, the Government and the Constitution prohibit
discrimination in employment, education, and other state services.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of all work-
ers to form and belong to trade unions. The law permits the police, civil service, and
other oi*ganizations to have associations which serve as unions. TTie major labor
union, the St. Kitts Trades and Labour Union, is affiliated with the St. Kitts and
Nevis Labour Party and is active in all sectors of the economy. There is also an
independent teachers' union, a union representing dockworkers in the capital city,
and two taxi drivers' associations.
The right to strike, while not specified by law, is well established and respected
in practice. St. Kitts and Nevis joined the International Labor Organization in 1996
and assumed all its obligations for enforcement of labor standards. There were no
major strikes during the year.
Unions are free to form federations or confederations and to affiliate with inter-
national oi^anizations. The islands' unions maintain a variety of international ties.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Labor unions are free to orga-
nize and to negotiate for better wages and benefits for union members. The law pro-
hibits antiunion discrimination but does not require employers found guilty to rehire
employees fired due to antiunion discrimination. However, the employer must pay
lost wages and arrange for severance pay. There is no legislation governing the or-
ganization and representation of workers, and employers are not legally bound to
recognize a union, but in practice employers do so ii a majority of workers polled
wish to organize. Collective bargaining takes place on a workplace by workplace
basis, not industrywide. The Labor Commission mediates all types of disputes be-
tween labor and management on an ad hoc basis. In practice, however, few disputes
actually go to the Commission for resolution. If neither the Commission nor the
Minister of Labor can resolve the dispute, legislation allows for a case to be brought
before a civil court.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution forbids slavery
and forced labor, and they do not occur in practice. While neither the Constitution
nor law specifically addresses bonded labor, it has not been a problem in practice.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Trie 1966
Employment of Children Ordinance outlaws slavery, servitude, and forced labor,
and prescribes the minimum legal working age, which is 14 years. Although the law
does not specifically address bonded labor (see Section 6.c.), it has not been a prob-
lem in practice. The Labor Ministry relies heavily on school truant officers and the
community affairs division to monitor compliance, which they do effectively. The law
mandates compulsory education up to the age of 16.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — A 1984 law, updated in 1994, establishes mini-
mum wage rates for various categories of workers, such as domestic servants, retail
employees, casino workers, and skilled workers. The minimum wage varies from
$56.18 (EC$ 150) per week for full-time domestic workers to $74.91 (EC$ 200) per
week for skilled workers. These provide an adequate, though Spartan, living for a
wage earner and family; niany workers supplement wages by keeping small animals
sucn as goats and chickens. Ine Labor Commission undertakes regular wage inspec-
644
tions and special investigations when it receives complaints; it requires employers
found in violation to pay back wages.
The law provides for a 40- to 44-hour workweek, but the common practice is 40
hours in 5 days. Although not required by law, workers receive at least one 24-hour
rest period f>er week. The law provides that workers receive a minimum annual va-
cation of 14 working days. While there are no specific health and safety regulations,
the Factories Law provides general health and safety guidance to Labor Ministry
inspectors. The Labor Commissioner settles disputes over safety conditions. Workers
have the right to report unsafe work environments without jeopardy to continued
employment; inspectors then investigate such claims.
SAINT LUCIA
St. Lucia is a multiparty, parliamentary democracy and a member of the Com-
monwealth of Nations. The Government comprises a prime minister, a cabinet, and
a bicameral legislative assembly. A Governor General, appointed by the British
monarch, is the titular head of state, with largely ceremonial powers. In general
elections in May, the St. Lucia Labour Party (SLP) defeated the incumbent United
Workers Party (UWP), gaining 16 of 17 seats in the House of Assembly. Dr. Kenny
Anthony of the SLP assumed the prime ministership from the UWPs Dr. Vaughan
Lewis, who had taken over from long-serving UWP Prime Minister John Compton
in March 1996. The judiciary is independent.
The Royal Saint Lucia Police is the only security force and includes a small unit
caUed the Special Services Unit (which has some paramilitary training) and a coast
guard unit. Although the police have traditionally demonstrated a high degree of re-
spect for human rights, there were allegations of abuse by police and prison officials.
The economy is based on tourism and on the export of bananas, wnich represent
the principal sources of foreign exchange earnings. Saint Lucia is diversifying its
economy into other types of agriculture, light manufacturing, and construction. Un-
employment, estimated at 20 percent, remains a source of potential instability.
The authorities generally respected human rights. Government criticism of the
media and pressure on antigovemment radio stations under the UWP, occasional
credible allegations of physical abuse of suspects or prisoners, very poor prison con-
ditions, domestic violence against women, and child abuse represented the major
problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution specifically prohibits torture, and there were no reports of such
abuse. However, many criminal convictions
in recent years have been based on confessions, which may reflect an effort by
police to force confessions rather than rely on criminal cases, which could be subject
to long judicial delays and procedural obstacles. The Crusader newspaper reported
one such incident in February, in which the police severely beat a suspect while
Questioning him regarding a passenger van's stolen windscreen. The article included
tne medical examiner's report, which revealed multiple marks of violence.
The island's only prison, built in the 1800's to house a maximum of 101 prisoners,
was subject to severe overcrowding with over 400 inmates. Very poor prison condi-
tions led to a prison riot in June; prisoners set fires that destroyed over half the
antiquated prison. The inmates asserted that the fires were part of a protest for im-
provements in conditions at the prison. Following the fire, about 250 inmates were
transferred to a factory shell outside the capital pending repairs to the existing pris-
on. The Government appointed a new board whose function is to hear prisoners'
complaints of abuse. The Government also is considering construction of a new facil-
ity. Prison guards are generally well-trained.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Government adheres to the constitu-
tional provisions prohibiting arbitrary arrest or imprisonment and requiring a court
hearing within 72 hours after detention. However, the authorities have frequently
held prisoners for years "on remand" after charging them (there is no constitutional
requirement for a speedy trial).
645
There were no reports of forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and it is independent in practice.
There are two levels of courts: Courts of summary jurisdiction (magistrate's
courts) and the High Court. Both levels have civil and criminal authority. 'Hie lower
courts accept civil claims up to about $1,900 (EC$5,000) in value, and criminal cases
generally ciassiiied as "petty." The upper court has unlimited authority in both civil
and criminal cases. All cases can be appealed to the Eastern Caribbean Court of Ap-
peal. Cases may be appealed to the Privy Council in London as the final court of
appeal.
The Constitution requires public trials before an independent and impartial court
and, in cases involving capital punishment, provision oi legal counsel for those who
cannot afford a defense attorney. In criminal cases not involving capital punish-
ment, defendants must obtain their own legal counsel. Defendants are entitled to
select their own legal counsel, are presumed innocent until proven guilty in court,
and have the right of appeal. The authorities observe both constitutional and statu-
tory requirements for fair public trials.
There were no reports oi political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices. Government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanctions.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — St. Lucian governments have generally re-
spected constitutional provisions for free speech and press. However, the UWP Gov-
ernment occasionally demonstrated hostility to elements of the print and electronic
media, resulting in the closure of Radio St. Lucia and Radyo Koulibwi in 1996. Ac-
cording to the Observer newspaper, Radyo Koulibwi was seen as facilitating
antigovemment sentiments through its talk-show format. This government action
did not appear to affect the overall degree of press freedom.
Five privately owned newspapers, two privately owned radio stations, and one
partially government-funded radio station operate in St. Lucia. They carry a wide
spectrum of political opinion and are often critical of the Govenunent. The radio sta-
tions have discussion and call-in programs that allow people to express their views.
The two local television stations are also privately owned and cover a wide range
of views. In addition, people can subscribe to cable television service, which provides
programming from a variety of sources.
Tne Govenunent does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of association and assembly, and the Government generally respects these
rights in practice. The law requires permits for public meetings and demonstrations
if they are to be held in public places, such as on streets or sidewalks or in parks.
The police routinely grant such permits; the rare refusal generally stems from the
failure of organizers to request the permit in a timely manner, normally 48 hours
before the event.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
No formal government policy toward refugee or asylum requests exists. The issue
of the provision of first asylum did not arise. There were no reports of forced expul-
sion of anyone having a valid claim to refugee status; however, government practice
remains undefined.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government and exercised that right vigor-
ously in May when the SLP defeated the UWP, which had governed with only one
interruption since 1964. The SLP won 16 of 17 seats, campaigning on a platform
of job creation and economic diversification and appealing explicitly to women and
younger voters. In response to concerns about the size oi the SLPs parliamentary
maiority. Prime Minister Anthony publicly emphasized that the Government will
maKe efforts to reach out to the opposition to ensure that the country's democratic
traditions are not undermined by the small size of the parliamentary opposition.
The 1996 merger of smaller parties — the Concerned Citizens' Movement, the St.
Lucia Freedom Party, and the Citizens' Democratic Party — into the SLP left the
country with only two major political parties.
646
Under the Constitution, general elections must be held at least every 5 years by
secret ballot, but may be held earlier at the discretion of the government in power.
Two members of the Senate are independent, appointed by the Giovemor General.
The Governor General, George Mallet, who had been amliated with the UWP,
stepped down following the elections, and the Prime Minister has indicated his suc-
cessor should be nonpolitical.
There are no impediments to participation by women and minorities in govern-
ment. Two of the 13 members of the new Cabinet are women. However, women and
minorities are not represented in numbers proportional to their share of the popu-
lation.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
While there are no local human rights groups, there are no governmental restric-
tions that would prevent their formation.
Following the prison riot in June (see Section I.e.), the Government invited Carib-
bean human rights monitors, including Penal Reform International, to investigate
prison conditions. A report on the results of that investigation is expected in early
1998.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Government policy is nondiscriminatory in the areas of housing, jobs, education,
and opportunity for advancement. There are no legal restrictions on the role of
women or minorities.
Women. — There is increased awareness of the seriousness of violence against
women. The Government does not prosecute crimes of violence against women un-
less the victim herself presses charges. If the victim chooses for any reason not to
press charges, the Government cannot bring a case. Charges must be brought under
the ordinary Civil Code. The police force conducts some training for police ofTicers
responsible for investigating rape and other crimes against women. Police and
courts enforce laws to protect women against abuse, although police are hesitant to
intervene in domestic disputes, and many victims are reluctant to report cases of
domestic violence and rape or to press charges.
The 1994 Domestic Violence Act allows a judge to issue a protection order prohib-
iting an abuser from entering or remaining in the place where the victim is. It also
allows the judge to order that an abuser's name be removed from housing leases
or rental agreements, with the effect that the abuser would no longer have the right
to live in the same residence as the victim.
The Saint Lucia Crisis Center monitors cases of abuse (physical and emotional)
and helps its clients deal with such problems as incest, nonpayment of child sup-
port, alcohol and drug abuse, homelessness, custody, and visitation rights. The
group has publicized the plight of battered women and has protested the rare
deaths of women who were victims of domestic violence. The Crisis Center is also
working to establish a shelter for battered women and homeless girls. Some second-
ary schools address the problem of sexual harassment and battering in their cur-
riculum topics.
The Minister for Women's Affairs is responsible for protecting women's rights in
domestic violence cases and preventing oiscrimination against women, including
equal treatment in employment.
Children. — Since inaependence, successive governments have given high priority
to improving educational opportunities and health care for the nation's children.
Education is free and compulsory from age 5 through 15. Government clinics pro-
vide prenatal care, immunization, child health care, and health education services
throughout the island.
A broad legal framework exists for the protection of children through the Criminal
Code, the Children and Young Persons Act, the Family Court Act, the Domestic Vio-
lence Act, and the Attachment of Earnings Act. Although the Government adopted
a national plan of action in November 1991 for the survival, protection, and develop-
ment of children, the Government has not fulfilled this program by implementing
effective programs. The St. Lucia Crisis Center reports that the incidence of child
abuse remains high.
People With Disabilities. — There is no specific legislation protecting the rights of
the disabled, nor mandating provision of access to buildings or government services
for them. There is no rehabilitation facility for the physically disabled, although the
Health Ministry operates a community-based rehabilitation program in residents'
homes. There are schools for the deaf and for the blind up to the secondary level.
647
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution specifies the ri^t of workers to
form or belong to trade unions under the broader rubric of the right of association.
Most public sector employees are unionized; about 20 percent of the total work force
is unionized. Unions are independent of government, and are free to choose their
own representatives in often vigorously contested elections. There are no restrictions
on the formation of national labor federations. In 1994 several of the major unions
formed an umbrella grouping called the Industrial Solidarity Pact. Unions are free
to aHUiate with intemationalorganizations, and some have done so.
Strikes in both the public and private sectors are legal, but there are many ave-
nues throurfi collective bargaining agreements and government procedures which
may preclude a strike. The law prohibits members of the police and fire depart-
ments from striking. Other "essential services" woricers — water and sewer authority
workers, electric utility workers, nurses, and doctors — must give 30 days' notice be-
fore striking.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Unions have the legal right
to engage in collective bargaining, and they fully exercise this right. Union rep-
resentatives have reported attempts by government and other emproyers to under-
mine this process.
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers, and there are effective
mechanisms for resolving complaints. It also requires that employers reinstate
workers fired for union activities.
Labor law is applicable in the export processing zones (EPZ's), and there are no
administrative or legal impediments to union organizing or collective bargaining in
those zones. In practice, however, many firms resist union efforts to organize in the
EPZ's, even to the point of closing operations.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Government prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, and it is not known to occur. While there is no specific prohibi-
tion of forced or bonded labor by children, there were no reports of such practices.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Gov-
ernment does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but such
practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.c.). The Children and Young Persons
Act stipulates a minimum legal working age of 14 years. Ministry of Labor officials
are responsible for enforcing the law. There were no reports of violations of child
labor laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Wages Regulations (Clerks) Orders, in ef-
fect since 1985, set out minimum wage rates only for clerks. These office workers
receive a le^slated minimum wage of about $300 (EC$800) per month. The mini-
mum wage IS not sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker sup-
{)orting a four-person family, but some categories of workers receive more than the
egal minimum for clerks, which is used only as a guide for setting pay for other
professions.
There is no legislated workweek, although the common practice is to work 40
hours in 5 days. Special legislation covers hours which shop assistants, agricultural
workers, domestics, and young people in industrial establishments may work.
Occupational health and safety regulations are relatively well developed. The
Labor Ministry periodically inspects health and safety conditions at places of em-
Kloyment under the Employees Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1985. The
linistry enforces the act through threat of closure of the business if it discovers vio-
lations and the violator does not correct them. Workers are free to leave a dan-
gerous workplace situation without jeopardy to continued employment.
ST. VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES
St. Vincent and the Grenadines is a multiparty, parliamentary democracy and a
member of the Commonwealth of Nations. A prime minister, a cabinet, and a uni-
cameral legislative assembly compose the (Jovemment. The (jovemor General, ap-
pointed by the British monarch, is the titular head of state, with largely ceremonial
powers. Prime Minister Sir James F. Mitchell and his New Democratic Party re-
turned to power for an unprecedented third term in free and fair elections held in
Februaiy 1994. The judiciary is independent.
The Royal St. Vincent Police, the only security force in the country, includes a
coast ^ard and a small Special Services Unit with some paramilitary training. The
force IS controlled by and responsive to the Government, but police continued to
commit some human rights abuses.
648
St. Vincent has a market-based economy. Much of the labor force is engaged in
agriculture, in particular, banana production. Bananas are the leading export and
a major source of foreign exchange earnings. The tourism sector is growing. How-
ever, unemployment remains high at over 30 percent, and per capita gross domestic
product is low, at approximately $2,766.
Human rights are generally well respected. The principal human rights problems
continued to include occasional instances of excessive use of force by police, the Gov-
ernment's failure to punish adequately those responsible for such abuses, poor pris-
on conditions, and an overburdened court system. Violence against women and
abuse of children were also problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman, or degrading
treatment or punishment. However, a very high percentage of convictions (estimated
at 90 percent by the regional Caribbean Human Rights Network) continue to be
based on confessions. A local human rights group claims that some of these confes-
sions resulted from unwarranted police practices, including the use of physical force
during detention, illegal search and seizure, and not properly informing those ar-
rested of their rights. The Police Commissioner has dismissed or demoted officers
involved in extralegal activity.
There is no independent review board to monitor police activity and to hear public
complaints about police misconduct. The Caribbean Human Rights Networit has ad-
vocated such a board to protect the rights of citizens complaining of these activities.
Incidents of police brutality continued. In one case, in August police officers
dragged a man through the streets hanging from their jeep; ne suffered severe
bruises and contusions after he refused to be taken into police custody. The police
initially failed to provide a reason for taking the man into custody and never indi-
cated that the man was being placed under arrest. Subsequent to the incident, how-
ever, they charged him with resisting arrest and assaulting a police officer. These
charges were before the court at year s end. The police concluded investigations into
two cases of alleged police brutality brought to their attention in 1996 by the local
human rights association, maintaining that officers involved had done nothing
wrong. The human rights organization nas not accepted this conclusion, in view of
the evidence, including photographic evidence, of apparent brutality.
In the aftermath of a case of particular brutality in 1996 in which a 12-year-old
boy accused of stealing a radio was burned repeatedly by police officers but charges
were later dropped following payment to the child's guardian of a modest sum of
money, a bill was introduced in the House of Assembly to make it more difficult
for cases such as this to be compromised by the payment of compensation. The au-
thorities dismissed two officers following this incident and disciplined two others,
but conducted no criminal proceedings.
Prison conditions are poor. Antiquated and overcrowded prisons, with over 400 in-
mates in a prison designed for 75, result in serious health and safety problems.
These conditions are particularly harsh for juvenile offenders. There is a small facil-
ity for delinquent boys, but it is seriously inadequate and is generally used for those
already convicted through the criminal system. Although separate legal statutes
exist for youthful offenders, there are no separate magistrates or prosecutors to han-
dle such cases.
The local human rights organization brought a constitutional motion against the
superintendent of prisons for ordering corporal punishment with a "cat-o-nine tails"
against an inmate. The High Court found that the superintendent had no authority
to order corporal punishment, that the cat-o-nine tails should not be used in the
prison, and that its use represented an abuse of authority. The Government ap-
pealed the decision to the Eastern Caribbean Court of Appeal.
The Government permits prison visits by independent human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides for persons de-
tained for criminal offenses to receive a fair hearing within a reasonable time by
an impartial court. Although there are only two official magistrates, the registrar
of the Hi^ Court and the presiding judge of the family court now effectively serve
as magistrates when called upon to do so. While this reduced the backlog, com-
plaints remain regarding police practices in bringing cases to court. Some defense
649
attorneys claim this has caused 6- to 12-month delays in preliminary inquiries for
serious crimes.
There were no reports of instances of arbitrary arrest, detention, or exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent and
impartial court, and the judiciary is independent in practice.
The judiciary consists of lower courts and a High Court, with appeal to the East-
em Caribbean Court of Appeal and final appeal to the Privy Council in the United
Kingdom.
The Constitution provides for public trials. The court appoints attorneys for indi-
gent defendants only when the defendant is charged with a capital offense. Defend-
ants are presumed innocent until proven guilty and may appeal verdicts and pen-
alties. There is a large backlog of pending cases, because of delajdng tactics by law-
yers as well as the overburdened judicial system.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits arbitrary search and seizure or other government intrusions
into the private life of individual citizens, and there were no reports of such abuses.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties. Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press. There are two major newspapers and numerous smaller, partisan
publications; all are privately owned, and most are openly critical of the Govern-
ment's policies. There were no reports of government censorship or interference with
the operation of the press. However, individual journalists critical of the Govern-
ment have on occasion found themselves denied professional opportunities, including
training and advancement.
The lone television station in St. Vincent is privately owned and operates without
government interference. Satellite dishes are popular among those who can afford
them. There is also a cable system with mainly North American programming that
has about 300 subscribers. 'Hie Government controls programming for the govern-
ment-owned radio station.
The Government does not restrict academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The law provides for these rights, and the Government respjects them
in practice.
No formal government policy toward refugee or asylum requests exists. The issue
of the provision of first aslyum did not arise. There were no reports of forced expul-
sion of anyone having a valid claim to refugee status; however, government practice
remains undefined.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government through regularly scheduled
free and fair elections. St. Vincent has a long history of multiparty parliamentary
democracy. During the last elections in 1994, the two opposition parties united to
challenge the ruling New Democratic Party. The effort was successful to the extent
that the "Unity" coalition won 3 of 15 parliamentary seats — the NDP held all 15
prior to the election. The opposition continues to charge that the ruling party has
not complied with what the opposition asserts is a constitutional obligation to an-
swer questions it puts forth in the Legislative Assembly.
Two of the 15 members of Parliament are women. The same two women hold min-
isterial portfolios in the current Government.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Opposition political groups and the Vincentian press often comment on human
rights matters of local concern. The St. Vincent and Grenadines Human Rights As-
sociation, affiliated with the regional Caribbean Human Rights Network, closely
monitors government and police activities, especially with respect to treatment of
prisoners, publicizing any cases of abuse. The Government is generally responsive
to public and private inquiries about its human rights practices.
650
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal treatment under the law regardless of race,
sejL or religion, and the Government adheres to this provision.
Women. — Violence against women, particularly domestic violence, remains a
major problem. The Government took legislative steps to address this problem
through the Domestic Violence/Matrimonial Proceedings Act (1994) and the more ac-
cessible Domestic Violence Summary Proceedings Act (1995). Both laws provide for
protective orders, as well as occupation and tenancy orders, although the former is
only accessible through the High Court, whereas the latter can be obtained without
the services of a lawyer in family court. A local human rights group conducted nu-
merous meetings throughout the country during the year to familiarize citizens with
their rights under these acts.
Depending on the magnitude of the offense and the age of the victim, the penalty
for rape is generally 10 or more years in prison. In May 1995, the legislature
amended the Child Support Law to allow for payments ordered by the courts even
though notice of an appeal has been filed. Previously, fathers who had been ordered
to pay child support could appeal decisions and not pay while the appeal was being
heard. This resulted in a huge backlog of appeal cases and effectively reduced the
number of mothers and children receiving support payments.
The Ministry of Education, Youth, and Women's Affairs has a women's desk which
assists the National Council of Women with seminars, training programs, and pub-
lic relations. The minimum wage law specifies that women should receive equal pay
for equal work.
Children. — Education is not compulsory, but the (jovemment states that it inves-
tigates cases where children are withdrawn from school before the age of 16. Al-
though the Government has played a more prominent role in legislating health and
welfare standards since independence, the infant mortality rate is still very high.
One underlying cause is the large number of children bom to teenage mothers.
The Domestic Violence Summary Proceedings Act provides a limited legal frame-
work for the protection of children. Nevertheless, reports of child abuse remain high.
The Social Welfare Office is the government agency responsible for monitoring and
Protecting the welfare of children. The police are the enforcement arm — the Social
Welfare Office refers all reports of child abuse to the police for action. Marion
House, a social services agency established by the Catholic Church in 1989, provides
counseling and therapy services.
People With Disabilities. — ^There is no specific legislation covering persons with
disabilities, and the circumstances for disabled individuals are generally difiicult.
Most severely disabled people rarely leave their homes because of the poor road sys-
tem and lack of affordable wheelchairs. The (jovemment partially supports a school
for the disabled which has two branches. A separate, small rehabilitation center
treats about five persons daily.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides citizens the right to form
unions and to oi*ganize employees, while the Trade Unions and Trade Disputes Act
allows the right to strike. Employers often ignore the constitutional provisions that
provide for union rights, and claim that they have a constitutional right not to rec-
ognize a trade union. Some employers, however, seek a good industrial relations en-
vironment and cooperate with trade unions. There were no major strikes.
Unions have the right to affiliate with international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — There are no legal obstacles
to organizing unions; however, no law requires employers to recognize a particular
union as an exclusive bargaining agent. Some companies offer packages of benefits
with terms of employment better than, or comparable to, what a union can normally
obtain through negotiations. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employ-
ers against union members and organizers. G^enerally effective mechanisms exist for
resolving complaints. The authorities can order employers found guilty of antiunion
discrimination for firing workers without cause (including for participation in union
activities) to reinstate the workers or give them severance pay.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government prohibits forced
or compulsopr labor, and it is not known to occur. The Government does not specifi-
cally prohibit forced or bonded labor by children, but there were no reports tnat it
occurred.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
sets the minimum working age at 16 years of age, although a worker must be 18
years of age to receive a national insurance card. The labor inspection office of the
651
Ministry of Labor monitors and enforces this provision, and employers generally re-
spect it in practice. The age of leaving school at the primary level is 15 years; when
these pupils leave school, they are usually absorbed into the labor market disguised
as apprentices. The Government does not specifically prohibit forced or bonded labor
by cnildren, but there were no reports that it occurred (see Section 6.c.). There is
no known child labor except for cnildren working on family-owned banana planta-
tions, particularly during harvest time, or in family-owned cottage industries.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law sets minimum wages, which were last
promulgated in 1989. They vary by sector and type of work and are specified for
several skilled categories, including attendants, packers, cleaners, porters, watch-
men, and clerks. In agriculture the wage for workers provided snelter is $0.82
(EC$2.25) per hour; skilled industrial workers earn $7.36 (EC$20) per day, and un-
skilled wonters earn $3.68 (EC$10) per day. In many sectors the minimum wage
is not sufiicient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family, but
most workers earn more than the minimum. The Wages Council, according to law,
should meet every 2 years to review the minimum wage, but it has not met for the
last 7 years. There is no legislation concerning the length of the workweek; however,
the general practice is to work 40 hours in 5 days. The law provides workers a mini-
mum annual vacation of 2 weeks.
According to the Ministry of Labor, legislation concerning occupational safety and
heedth is outdated. The most recent legislation, the Factories Act of 1955, has some
regulations concerning only factories, but enforcement of these regulations is ineffec-
tive. Workers enjoy a reasonably safe working environment; however, the trade
unions have dealt with some violations relating to safety gear, long overtime hours,
and the safety of machinery. There were some repwrts oi significant visual deficiency
by visual display unit workers, and some reports of hearing impairment by power
station and stone crushing employees.
SURINAME
After over a decade of predominantly military rule, Suriname installed a freely
elected Parliament and inaugurated a democratically chosen president in 1991. That
president, Ronald Venetiaan, sought reelection in May 1996, but no candidate was
able to secure the two-thirds majority of the 51-member National Assembly nec-
essary to elect a president. In accordance with the Constitution, an 837-member
United People's Assembly, a broadly representative, democratically chosen body,
then voted in Jules Wijdenbosch of the National Democratic Party (NDP) as Presi-
dent in September 1996. Wijdenbosch formed a cabinet from members of the NDP,
the ethnic-Hindustani Grassroots Party for Renewal and Democracy, the ethnic-Jav-
anese party KTPI, and several smaller political parties. Although the Constitution
provides for an independent judiciary, tne effectiveness of the courts is limited in
practice.
The armed forces are responsible for national security, border, and immigration
control and are nominally under control of the civilian Minister of Defense. Civilian
police bear primary responsibility for the maintenance of law and order, and report
to the Ministry of Justice and Police. The Venetiaan government had taken steps
to reform the military in 1995—96 by purging military oflicers and supporters of
former dictator Desi Bouterse, who ruled the country in the 1980's. Althou^ this
action somewhat extended democratic civilian control over the military, since the es-
tablishment of the Wijdenbosch Government, Bouterse loyalists have returned to po-
sitions of responsibility. Moreover, in April President Wijdenbosch named Bouterse
as First State Adviser, formalizing his influence over the government. Prison offi-
cials and the military continue to be responsible for some human rights abuses.
The economy depends heavily on the export of bauxite derivatives. Unregulated
f[old mining is an increasingly important economic activity that highlights a lack of
and rights for indigenous and tribal people and has a serious environmental im-
pact. Trie Government and state-owned companies employ over half the working
population. Following 4 years of double-digit inflation, the rate dipped to 1 percent
m 1996 and remained under 5 percent for most of 1997. The estimated real eco-
nomic growth rate was about 4 percent, and per capita annual income is about
$1,372.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however,
endemic problems still remain in some areas. Police mistreat detainees, guards
abuse prisoners, and jails are overcrowded. The judiciary suflers from a huge case
backlog. Societal discrimination against women and indigenous and tribal people
persist, and violence against women is a problem. In view of the human rights
652
record of the Bouterse regime, many of whose members participate in the current
Government, human rights organizations remain concerned about the potential for
a deterioration of civil liberties. The Wijdenbosch administration has not addressed
calls to investigate human rights abuses by previous regimes, other than by appoint-
ing a committee in December to establish a framework for an investigative commis-
sion.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — ^There were no reports of political
killings. However, the human rights group Moiwana '86 began an investigation into
the death of a prisoner following complaints from the prisoner's family that he was
beaten to death by prison guards. Moiwana "86 also investigated the death of a pris-
oner by hanging, under what it characterized as suspicious circumstances, and criti-
cized prison authorities for not responding to requests for information. Both inves-
tigations were still pending at year's end.
The Government has not addressed past abuses, and thev continue to fester. The
authorities have not taken action against prison guards wno allegedly beat a pris-
oner to death in 1993. The Government undertook no investigation into the 1982
executions by the Bouterse regime of 15 opposition leaders and the 1986 massacre
of civiUans at the village of Moiwana.
However, on December 5, the Wijdenbosch administration appointed a "committee
to establish the framework for a commission to investigate past human rights
abuses." Human rights groups, which had been pressing since 1995 for an independ-
ent human rights commission to investigation violations committed during the
1980's, were neither informed nor consulted prior to the establishment of the com-
mittee. Moreover, the chairman of the committee is reportedly a member of
Bouterse's team of legal advisers; his appointment raised questions regarding the
objectivity of the group's work. The Organization for Justice and Peace, a non-
governmental organization (NGO), has initiated a process aimed at creating an
independent truth commission for the country, whicn would include national and
international experts.
Moiwana '86 unsuccessfully challenged in the lower court of Paramaribo the valid-
ity of the Amnesty Law passed in 1992, which pardoned members of the military
and the insurgents for crimes (except genocide) committed between January 1985
and August 1992.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
However, the Government took no action to investigate allegations of disappear-
ances that occurred under previous regimes.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits inhuman treatment or punishment, but human rights
groups continue to express concern about official mistreatment. Police mistreat de-
tainees and guards abuse prisoners.
Prison conditions are uneven. Human rights activists have complained that the
jails are overcrowded, that guards systematically mistreat prisoners, and that medi-
cal care and living conditions are inadequate. There are two state prisons and sev-
eral detention facilities, where arrestees are detained until they appear before a
judge. The completion of a new prison and renovation of existing jails have some-
what reduced overcrowding and improved overall health and safety conditions. The
older jails, however, remain seriously overcrowded, with as many as four times the
number of detainees for which they were designed. In addition, these older prisons
are unsanitary. At police stations, guards allow detainees no exercise and only rare-
ly permit them to leave the cells. Detainees also suffer from inadequate nutrition,
although families are permitted and encouraged to provide food to incarcerated rel-
atives.
In January 1996, the human rights group Moiwana '86 implemented a program
to monitor tne condition of prisoners. Representatives of the group report that in
general they have access to prisoners ana receive cooperation from prison officials
on routine matters.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law provides that the police may de-
tain for investigation up to 14 days a person suspected of committing a crime for
which the sentence is longer than 4 years. The law also permits incommunicado de-
tention during this period, which must be authorized by an assistant district attor-
ney or a police insp)ector. Within the 14-day period, the police must bring the ac-
cused before a prosecutor to be formally charged. If additional time is needed to in-
vestigate the charge, a prosecutor may authorize the police to detain the suspect for
an additional 30 days. Upon the expiration of the initial 44 days, a '^udge of instruc-
653
tion" may authorize the police to hold the suspect for up to 120 additional davs, in
30-day increments (for a total of 164 days), before the case is tried. The judge of
instruction has the power to authorize release on bail, but that power is rarely, if
ever, used.
FVetrial detainees, who constitute a large percentage of inmates, are routinely
held without being brought before a judge. They are often held in overcrowded de-
tention cells at local police stations. Of those held in police custody or detention
cells, 15 percent had already been convicted, but were not placed in prisons.
In October the authorities arrested about 25 men for allegedly attempting to over-
throw the Government. The detainees were accorded due process under the law and
were given access to attorneys and family members. Tliere were no reports of police
beatings or mistreatment. According to the Attorney General, the accused are ex-
pected to face trial in early 1998.
TTie military police observed the requirement to hand over civilians arrested for
committing a crime in their presence to the civil police. The military police contin-
ued to control the country's borders and airports but no longer investigated civilian
crimes.
While not specifically forbidden by law or the Constitution, exile is not practiced
as a means of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution provides for an inde-
pendent judiciary, the efTectiveness of the civilian and military courts is limited.
The judicial system consists of three lower courts and an appeals court; there is
no Supreme Court. The 1987 Constitution calls for the establishment of an inde-
pendent constitutional court. However, the Government has not taken any steps to
set up such a court, and the timing of its establishment remains unclear.
The Constitution provides for the right to a fair public trial in which defendants
have the right to counsel. The courts assign lawyers in private practice to defend
prisoners and pay them from public funds. However, the court-assigned lawyers
usually only show up at the trial, if they show up at all. The courts must, and in
practice do, free a detainee who is not tried within the 164-day period. Trials are
before a single judge, with the right of appeal. There are only nine judges to preside
over all court cases; consequently, there is a huge backlog in the judicial system.
Military personnel are generally not subject to civilian criminal law. A soldier ac-
cused of a crime immediately comes under military jurisdiction, and military police
are responsible for all such investigations. Military prosecutions are directed by an
officer on the public prosecutor's stafT and take place in separate courts before two
military judges and one civilian judge. The military courts follow the same rules of
procedure as the civil courts. There is no appeal from the military to the civil sys-
tem.
Foreign military instructors conducted human rights and military justice semi-
nars in 1997. These seminars provided unprecedented opportunities for civilian gov-
ernment ofiicials, private sector representatives, and military personnel to discuss
human rights and the role of the military in a democracy.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy. Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the right to privacy. The law requires warrants for
searches, which are issued by quasi -judicial ofTicers who supervise criminal inves-
tigations. The pohce obtain them in the great majority of investigations. There have
been complaints of surveillance of human rights workers by memoers of the military
police and the division of central intelligence.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects these rights. However,
there were reports of intimidation and harassment. Political leaders of the ruling
coalition have expressed their frustration, accusing the media of espousing
antigovemment rhetoric.
The parliamentary and extraparliamentary opposition criticize the government
freely. Media members continue to practice some self-censorship because of the re-
cent history of intimidation and reprisals by certain elements of the former military
leadership. On December 8, three men kidnaped, beat, and threatened a journalist
in broad daylight. The incident occurred on the anniversary of the 1982 murders
of 15 political opponents of the Bouterse regime and appeared aimed at stifiing criti-
cism in the local press. At year's end, the attack was still under investigation.
The two daily newspapers, three television stations, and most of the radio stations
are privately owned. Two television stations and two radio stations are publicly
owned. Three companies provide cable television, which includes international chan-
nels.
654
The Government did not attempt to abridge academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens may change their residence and workplaces freely and travel
abroad as they wish. Political dissidents who emigrated to the Netherlands and else-
where during the years of military rule are welcome to return. Few of them have
chosen to do so, generally for economic reasons. Citizenship is not revoked for politi-
cal reasons.
The Government cooperates with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The issue of
the provision of first asylum did not arise in 1997. There were no reports of forced
return of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for this right, but in the past the military prevented
its effective exercise. Although the military has twice handed over power to elected
civilian governments following coups, 1996 marked the first time since independence
from the Netherlands in 1975 that one elected government succeeded another in ac-
cordance with constitutional provisions. The (S)vernment is still in the process of
institutionalizing democratic, constitutional rule.
The Constitution stipulates that power and authority rest with the people and
provides for the right to change the government through the direct election by secret
ballot of a National Assembly of 51 members every 5 years. The National Assembly
then elects the President by a two-thirds vote. If the legislature is unable to do so,
as was the case both in the 1991 and 1996 national elections, the Constitution pro-
vides that a national people's assembly, comprising members of parliament and re-
gional and local officials, shall elect the President.
The Constitution provides for the organization and functioning of political parties.
Many parties and political coalitions are represented in the National Assembly.
There are historical and cultural impediments to equal participation by women in
leadership positions in government and political parties. In the past, most women
expected to fulfill the role of housewife and mother, thereby limiting opportunities
to gain political experience or position. Participation bv women in politics (and other
fields) was generally considered inappropriate. While women have made limited
gains in attaining political power in recent years, political circles remain under the
influence of traditional mate-dominated groups, and women are disadvantaged in
seeking high public office. In 1996 voters elected six women to the National Assem-
bly, compared with three who held seats in the previous assembly, and the assembly
appointed a woman as chairperson. The Cabinet includes one woman as Minister
oi Regional Development and another as Deputy Minister of Social Afl"airs.
Although the Constitution proscribes racial or religious discrimination, several
factors limit the participation of Maroons and Amerindians in the political process.
Most of the country's political activity takes place in the capital and a narrow belt
running east and west of it along the coast. The Maroons and Amerindians are con-
centrated in remote areas in the interior and therefore have limited access to, and
influence in, the political process. There is a small Maroon political party, which
holds three seats in the National Assembly and belongs te an opposition coalition.
Although there is no Amerindian political pari;y, voters elected the first
Amerindians to the National Assembly in 1996. There are ei^t Maroons and two
Amerindians in the National Assembly. There are no Maroons or Amerindians in
the cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights groups operate without government restriction, investigating and
publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials are, however,
generally not cooperative or responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and laws do not differentiate among citizens on the basis of their
ethnic origins, religious affiliations, or other cultural differences. In practice, how-
ever, severalgroups within society suffer various forms of discrimination.
Women. — Tne law does not differentiate between domestic violence and other
forms of assault. The Government has not specifically addressed the problem of vio-
655
lence against women. According to a national women's group, victims reported ap-
proximately 500 cases of violence against women, and complained of an inadequate
response from the Government and society to what appears to be a trend of increas-
ing family violence. Police are reluctant to intervene in instances of domestic vio-
lence, which remains a problem at all levels of society.
There are no specific laws to protect women against trafficking and sexual exploi-
tation. There are credible reports of trafficking m women and girls for prostitution.
Women have the right to equal access to education, employment, and property.
Nevertheless, social pressures and customs inhibit their full exercise of these rights,
Sarticularly in the areas of marriage and inheritance. Women experience economic
iscrimination in access to employment and in rates of pay for the same or substan-
tially similar work. The Government has not made specific efforts to combat eco-
nomic discrimination.
The National Women's Center is a government agency devoted to women's issues;
there is also a women's policy coordinator. Their eflectiveness is severely limited by
financial and staffing constraints. The principal concerns of women's groups are po-
litical representation, economic vulneraoility, violence, and discrimination.
Children. — School attendance is free and compulsory until 12 years of age, but
some school-age children do not have access to education because of a lack of trans-
Eortation, facilities, or teachers. There is no difference in the treatment of girls and
oys in education or health care services. Children face increasing economic pres-
sure to discontinue their education in order to work.
The Government makes only limited efforts to ensure safeguards for the human
rights and welfare of children. There are continuing reports of malnutrition among
poor children, but it is difficult to quantify the extent ot the problem. In the capitaH
where most of the country's population is concentrated, there are several orphan-
Mes, and a privately fianded shelter for sexually abused children opened in 1993.
sewhere, distressed children must usually rely on the resources of their extended
families.
There is no societal pattern of abuse directed against children; however, the legal
age of consent is 12 and some children are exploited for prostitution.
People With Disabilities. — There are no laws concerning disabled people and no
provisions for making private or public buildings accessible to them. There are also
no laws mandating that they be given equal consideration when seeking jobs or
housing. However, there are some training programs for the blind and others with
disabilities.
Indigenous People. — Most Amerindians and Maroons suffer a number of disadvan-
tages and have only limited ability to participate in decisions affecting their lands,
cultures, traditions, and natural resources. The nation's political life, educational op-
portunities, and jobs are concentrated in the capital and its environs, while the ma-
jority of Amerindians and Maroons live in the interior. Government services in the
interior became largely unavailable and much of the infrastructure was destroyed
during the 1986-91 domestic insurgencies; progress in reestablishing services and
rebuiHing the infrastructure has been very slow.
The Government appointed the Consultative Council for the Development of the
Interior in September 1995. This Council, provided for in the 1992 peace accords
that ended the insurgencies, includes representatives of the Maroon and Amer-
indian communities. T^e Government did not, however, consult with representatives
of these communities about the granting of gold and timber concessions on indige-
nous and tribal lands.
The World Council of Churches has condemned large scale commercial mining in
the country, claiming that it violates the human rights of the indigenous people who
live in the mining concession areas. Organizations representing Maroon and Amer-
indian communities also complain that the companies dig trenches that cut resi-
dents off from their agricultural land and threaten to drive them away from their
traditional settlements. Three meetings held in 1996-97 with the leaders of Nieuw
Kofliekamp, one of the principal villages involved in the indigenous community con-
flicts with mining concessionaires, have not resulted in a mutually approved agree-
ment. Several members of the villages are involved in small-scale mining and do not
want to lose access to areas where they have traditionally mined. In March an in-
digenous land rights organization accused a foreign mining company of hiring secu-
rity guards associated with the previous military regime, who have threatened and
intimidated villagers in Nieuw Kofliekamp.
Maroon and Amerindian groups continue to cooperate with each other in order to
exercise their rights more effectively. Two summits, or "gran krutus," bringing to-
gether Maroon and Amerindian tribal leaders, have been held, the most recent in
September 1996. During these summits, indigenous leaders reiterated their de-
mands for the right to participate in decisions concerning the use of natural re-
656
sources on land they claim as their own and for greater autonomy from the Govern-
ment.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution protects the right of workers to as-
sociate and to choose their representatives democraticallv. Nearly 60 oercent of the
work force is organized into unions, and most unions belong to one oi the country's
six major labor federations. Unions are indep>endent of the Government but play an
active role in politics. The small Labor Party has historically been a very influential
force in government.
The Constitution provides for the right of nongovernment employees to strike.
Civil servants have no legal right to strike or mount other labor actions, but in prac-
tice do so. Strikes in both the public and private sectors are common as workers
try to secure wage gains to protwt their earning power from inflation.
There are no restrictions on unions' international activities. Several labor federa-
tions were accepted once again as afliliates of international trade union organiza-
tions, after having been suspended for collaboration with the military regime in the
late 1980's,
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution explicitly
recognizes these rights, and the authorities respect them in practice. Collective bar-
gaining agreements cover approximately 50 percent of the labor force. The law pro-
hibits antiunion discrimination by employers, and there are eflective mechanisms
for resolving complaints of such mscrimination. Employers must have prior permis-
sion from the Ministiy of Labor to fire workers, except when discharging an em-
ployee for cause. The Labor Ministry individually reviews dismissals for cause; if it
iinds a dischsu'ge unjustified, the employee must be reinstated.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, and there were no reports that it occurred. However, there
were credible reports of trafficking in women and girls for prostitution (see Section
5). The law prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and such practices are
not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
sets the minimum age for employment at 14 years. However, the Ministry of Labor
and the police enforce this law only sporadically. Children under 14 years of age
work as street vendors, newspaper sellers, or shop assistants. Working hours for
youths are not limited in comparison with the regular work force. School attendance
is compulsory until 12 years of age. The law prohibits forced and bonded labor by
children, and there were no reports of such practices, although trafficking of girls
for prostitution does occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no minimum wage legislation. Follow-
ing a 50 percent pay raise, the lowest wage for civil servants is about $59.29 (SF
25,200) per month. This salary level makes it very difficult to provide a decent liv-
ing for a worker and family. Government employees, who comprise close to 50 per-
cent of the work force of 100,000, frequently supplement their salaries with second
or third jobs, often in the informal sector. The President and Council of Ministers
set and approve civil service wage increases.
Work in excess of 9 hours per day or 45 hours per week on a regular basis re-
quires special government permission, which is routinely granted. Such overtime
work earns premium pay. The law requires one 24-hour rest period per week.
A 10- to i2-member inspectorate oi the Occupational Health ana Safety Division
of the Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcing legislated occupational safety
and health regulations. Resource constraints and lack of trained personnel preclude
the division from making regular inspections of industry. Accident rates in local in-
dustry do not appear to be high, and the key bauxite industry has an outstanding
safety record. Tnere is, however, no law authorizing workers to refuse to work in
circumstances they deem unsafe. They must appeal to the inspectorate to declare
the workplace situation unsafe.
TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO
Trinidad and Tobago, a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, is a parliamen-
tary democracy in which there have been free and fair general elections since inde-
pendence from the United Kingdom in 1962. A bicameral parliament and a prime
minister govern the country. Parliament elects a president, whose office is largely
657
ceremonial. A 12-member elected House of Assembly handles local matters on the
island of Tobago. The judiciary is independent.
The Ministry of National Security controls the police service and the defense force,
which are responsive to civilian authority. An independent body, the Police Service
Commission, makes all personnel decisions in the police service, and the Ministiy
has little direct influence over changes in senior positions.
Oil and natural gas production and related downstream petrochemical industries
form the basis of the market-based economy. The service sector is the largest em-
ployer, although continued industrialization has created many jobs in the construc-
tion industry. Agriculture, while contributing only 2 percent to gross domestic prod-
uct, remains an important employer, both at the subsistence and commercial level.
Although per capita income is over $4,200 aimually, 16 percent unemployment con-
tributes to a skewed income distribution, which has not improved in spite of eco-
nomic growth of 3.1 percent. Government efforts to address this problem by further
diversification into manufacturing and tourism have been only partially successful.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, and the law
and judiciary provide effective means of dealing with individual instances of abuse.
Nonetheless, poor prison conditions, long delays in trials, and violence against
women remain problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killing.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, ana there were no reports that ofTicials
employed them.
ftison conditions at the women's prison and two of the three men's prisons meet
minimum international standards. However, conditions are worse in the Port of
Spain prison, which was designed for 250 inmates, but houses over 1,000. Diseases
such as chicken pox, tuberculosis, AIDS, and other viruses spread easily, and pris-
oners generally must purchase their own medication. A new maximum security fa-
cility to replace this prison was supposed to open in 1996, but had not been com-
pleted at the end of 1997.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest or detention, and the Government generally observes this prohibition.
A police ofiicer may arrest a person either based on a warrant issued or author-
ized by a magistrate or without a warrant when the ofiicer witnesses commission
of the alleged offense. For less serious ofTenses, the authorities typically bring the
accused before a magistrate within 24 hours; for indictable offenses, the accused
must appear within 48 hours. At that time the magistrate reads the charge and de-
termines whether bail is appropriate. Magistrates may deny bail to violent or repeat
offenders. If for some reason tne accused does not come before the magistrate, the
case comes up on the magistrate's docket every 8 to 10 days until a hearing date
is set. The courts notify persons of their right to an attorney and allow them access
to an attorney once they are in custody and prior to any interrogation. However,
the authorities do not always comply with these standards. Allegations of corruption
among justices of the peace also raised concerns about compliance with these laws.
The (jfovemment pledged to dismiss and prosecute any justice found to have violated
these standards.
The Minister of National Security may authorize preventive detention in order to
prevent actions prejudicial to public safety, public order, or national defense, and
the Minister must state the grounds for the detention. A person detained under this
provision has access to counsel and may have the detention reviewed by a three-
member tribunal established by the Chief Justice and chaired by an attorney. The
Minister must provide the tribunal with the gjrounds for the detention within 7 days
of the detainee's request for review, which shall be held "as soon as reasonably prac-
ticable" following receipt of the grounds. There have been no reports that the au-
thorities abused this procedure.
The Constitution prohibits exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiaary provides
citizens with a fair judicial process.
The court system consists of a court of appeal, a high court, and a ma^strate's
court. A crimmal ofTense is first sent to a magistrate's court for a prelinunary in-
658
quiry to determine if it can be heard before a magistrate without a jury. If the mag-
istrate determines that the offense is a serious one, it is referred to the hi^ court,
where it is heard before a judge and jury. All civil matters are heard by the high
court. Appeals can be filed with the local court of appeal, and ultimately to the
Privy Council in London. There was considerable support for abolishing appeals to
the Privy Council.
The Constitution provides the right to a fair trial, and an independent judiciary
vigorously enforces this right. All criminal defendants have the right to an attorney.
In practice the courts sometimes appoint attorneys for those persons charged with
indictable offenses (serious crimes) if they cannot retain one on their own behalf.
The law requires a person accused of murder to have an attorney. An indigent per-
son may revise to accept an assigned attorney for cause and obtain a replacement.
Despite serious efforts to improve the judiciary, severe inefficiency remains in
many areas. Several criminal cases were dismissed due to judicial or police ineffi-
ciency. In October 1996, the courts acquitted a defendant cnai^ed with murdering
a police officer in March 1982; the authorities had held him in custody for over 14
years. Progress was made in reducing the judicial backlog, but the number of crimi-
nal cases awaiting trial remained over 20,000.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect these prohibi-
tions, and violations are suDJect to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of the
press, and the Government respects this right in practice. An independent press and
a functioning democratic political system combine to ensure freedom of speech and
of the press, including academic freedom.
The three major daily newspapers freely and often criticize the Government in
editorials. Widely read weekly tabloids tend to be extremely critical of the Govern-
ment. All newspapers are privately owned. The two local television newscasts, one
of which appears on a state-owned station, are sometimes critical of the Government
but generally do not editorialize.
A Board of Film Censors is authorized to ban films it considers to be against pub-
lic order and decency or contrary to the public interest. This includes films which
it believes may be controversial in matters of religion, seditious propaganda, or race.
In practice films are rarely prohibited.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice. Registration or other
governmental permission to form private associations is not required. The police
routinely grant the required advance permits for street marches, demonstrations, or
other outdoor public meetings.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^l^e Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
There is no provision for persons to claim or be classified as refugees or asylum
seekers; any such cases are nandled on a case-by-case basis by the Ministry of Na-
tional Security's Immigration Division. The issue of the provision of first asylum did
not arise. There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they
feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this ri^t in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. Parliamentary elections are held
at intervals not to exceed 5 years. Elections for the 12-member Tobago House of As-
sembly are held every 4 years. The Constitution extends the right to vote to citizens
as well as to legal residents at least 18 years of age who hold citizenship in other
Commonwealth countries.
In the November 1995 general elections, the former opposition United National
Congress (UNC) and the ruling People's National Movement (PNM) each won 17
seats in Parliament. The National Alliance for Reconstruction (NAR) won two seats
and joined with the UNC to form a new government. Basdeo Panday became the
country's first Prime Minister of East Indian descent. The PNM is primarily but not
659
exclusively Afro-Trinidadian; the UNC is primarily but not exclusively Indo-
Trinidadian
There are no specific laws that restrict the participation of women or minorities
in government or the political parties. Women hold many positions in the Govern-
ment and political party leadership. Four of 36 elected members of the House of
Representatives and 8 of 31 appointed Senators are women, with 3 women serving
as ministers. Prime Minister Panday appointed the first woman to serve as Attorney
General; she has since moved to the position of Minister of Legal Affairs.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their nndings on human rights cases. Government officials
are very cooperative and responsive to their views. An independent ombudsman re-
ceives complaints relating to governmental administrative issues and investigates
complaints of human rights abuse. The Ombudsman can make recommendations
but does not have authority to force government offices to take action.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Government respects in practice the constitutional provisions for fundamental
human rights and freedoms to all without discrimination based on race, origin,
color, religion, or sex.
Women. — Physical abuse of women continued to be an extensive problem; murder,
rape, and other crimes against women are frequently reported. Tliere are several
shelters for battered women, and a rape crisis center offers counseling for rape vic-
tims and perpetrators on a voluntary oasis. Rape, spousal abuse, and spousal rape
are criminal ofTenses. However, some police officers are reputed to be unsympathetic
or reluctant to pursue such cases, which results in low reporting of crimes of^ vio-
lence against women. Inconsistent sentencing has exacerbated the public perception
of a senous problem. Media focus on the 100 percent increase in reported rapes gen-
erated a great deal of public attention, and there is heightened governmental aware-
ness of escalating violent crimes against women. At year's end, the Government was
preparing to implement legislation to strengthen the Domestic Violence Act.
Many women hold positions in business, the professions, and government, but
men tend to hold the most senior positions. There is no law or regulation requiring
equal pay for equal work.
The Division of Women's Affairs in the Ministry of Community Development,
Women's Affairs, and Culture is charged with protecting women's rights in all as-
pects of government and legislation. Several active women's rights groups also exist.
Children. — The Government's ability to protect children's welfare is limited by a
lade of funds and expanding social needs. Some parts of the public school system
seriously fail to meet the needs of the school age population due to overcrowding,
substandard physical facilities, and occasional classroom violence by gangs. There
is no societal pattern of abuse directed at children. The Domestic Violence Act pro-
vides protection for children abused at home. Abused children are usually placed
with relatives if they are removed from the home. If there is no relative who can
take them, there are several government institutions and nongovernmental organi-
zations (NGO's) that accept children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no legislation that specifically enumerates or
protects the rights of disabled persons nor mandates the provision of access to build-
ings or services, althou^ NGO's lobbied Parliament to pass such legislation. Lack
of access to transportation, buildings, and sidewalks is a major obstacle for the dis-
abled. The Government provides some public assistance and partial funding to a va-
riety of NGO's which, in turn, provide direct services to disabled members or clients.
Indigenous People. — Members of a very small group in the population identify
themselves as descendants of the original Amerindian population of^the island. They
maintain social ties with each other and other aboriginal groups and are not subject
to discrimination.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Various ethnic and religious groups live to-
gether peacefully, generally respecting each other'^s beliefs and practices. However,
at times racial tensions appear between Afro-Trihidadians and Indo-Trinidadians.
Each group comprises about 40 percent of the population. The private sector is
dominated by Indo-Trinidadians and people of European, Middle Eastern, or Asian
descent. Indo-Trinidadians also predominate in agriculture. Afro-Trinidadians tend
to find employment in disproportionate numbers in the civil service, police, and mili-
tary. Some Indo-Trinidadians assert that they are excluded from equal representa-
tion in the civil service due to racial discrimination. Since Indo-Trinidadians con-
660
stitute the mtyority in rural areas and Afro-Trinidadians are in the majority in
urban areas, competition between town and country for public goods and services
often takes on racial overtones.
In October 1996, there were reports that several popular recreational clubs were
refusing entry to Afro-Trinidadians and dark-skinned Indo-Trinidadians. The re-
ports led to criticism of racism by the local press, and the Government pledged to
implement a law banning racial discrimination in entry policies for private clubs.
However, the Government had not taken such action by year's end.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. TTie Right of Association. — The 1972 Industrial Relations Act provides that all
workers, including those in state-owned enterprises, may form or join unions of
their own choosing without prior authorization. Union membership has declined,
with an estimated 20 to 28 percent of the work force organized in 14 active unions.
Most unions are independent of the Government or political party control, although
the Sugar Workers' Union is historically allied with the UNC. Tne Prime Minister
was formerly president of the Sugar Workers' Union.
The law pronibits antiunion activities before a union is legally registered, and the
Ministry of Labor enforces this provision when it receives a complaint. A union may
also bring a request for enforcement to the Industrial Court. All employees except
those in essential services," such as government employees and police, have the
right to strike.
Junior doctors at Port of Spain and San Fernando general hospitals continued
their series of sick -outs and work-to-rule actions begun in 1996 to protest poor work-
ing conditions and insufficient pay. During these actions, several wards were fre-
quently out of service at the Port of Spain general hospital, including the intensive
care ward. Magistrates also launched a sick -out in Octooer and November to protest
poor working conditions and low pay.
The Labor Relations Act prohibits retribution against strikers and provides for
grievance procedures if needed. A special section of the Industrial Court handles
mandatory arbitration cases. Arbitration agreements are enforceable and appealable
only to the Industrial Court.
Unions freely join federations and affiliate with international bodies. There are
no restrictions on international travel or contacts.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Industrial Relations Act
establishes the right of workers to collective bargaining. The Ministry of Labor's
conciliation service maintains statistical information regarding the number of work-
ers covered by collective bai^aining agreements and the nurnoer of antiunion com-
plaints filed.
The Industrial Court may order employers who are found pailty of antiunion ac-
tivities to reinstate workers and pay compensation, or it can impose other penalties
including imprisonment. When necessary the conciliation service also determines
which unions should have senior status.
There are several newly organized export processing zones (EPZ's). The same
labor laws apply in the EPZ's as in the country at large.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Cornpulsory Labor. — The law does not explicitly pro-
hibit forced or compulsory labor, but there were no reports that it was practiced.
There were also no reports of forced or bonded labor by children.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum legal age for workers is 12 years. Children from 12 to 14 years of age may
only wont in family businesses. Children under the age of 18 may legally work only
during daylight hours, with the exception of 16- to 18-year-olds, who may work at
night m sugar factories. The probation service in the Ministry of Social Development
and Family Services is responsible for enforcing child labor provisions, but enforce-
ment is lax. The Government does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor
by children, but such practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.c.). There is
no oi^anized exploitation of child labor, but children are often seen begging or work-
ing as street vendors. Some are used by criminals as guards and couriers.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no national minimum wage. The Gov-
ernment has set minimum wages for 53 job categories in 5 nonunionized occupa-
tional groupings. The minimum pay ranges from $26 (TT$ 130.45) per week to $57
(Tr$285) per week. These rates were to be adjusted for cost-of-living increases at
regular intervals, but Parliament has only adjusted the rates once (in 1991) since
passing the law in 1986. The Ministry of Labor enforces the minimum wage regula-
tions. A minimum wage is not sufficient to support a worker and family, but most
workers earn more than the minimum.
The standard workweek is 40 hours. There are no restrictions on overtime work.
Daily rest periods and paid annual leave form part of most employment agreements.
661
For those sectors covered, the minimum wage laws also stipulate holiday pay, 2
weeks' vacation, and 14 days' sick leave per year.
The Factories and Ordinance Bill of 1948 sets requirements for health and safety
standards in certain industries and provides for inspections to monitor and enforce
compliance. The Industrial Relations Act protects workers who file complaints with
the Ministry of Labor regarding illegal or hazardous working conditions. Should it
be determined upon inspection tnat hazardous conditions exist in the workplace, the
woriter is absolved for refusing to comply with an order that would have placed him
or her in danger.
URUGUAY
Uruguay is a constitutional republic with an elected president and a bicameral
legislature. In November 1994, former President Julio Maria Sanguinetti won a nar-
row election victory. He began his 5-year term in March 1995. The judiciary is inde-
pendent.
The Interior Ministry administers the country's police departments and the prison
system and is responsible for domestic security and public safety. The police contin-
ued to commit human rights abuses.
The economy is a mixture of private and state enterprises and is heavily depend-
ent on agricultural exports and agroindustry. The Government resf)ects private
property rights. The economy grew by 4.9 percent in 1996, with estimated growth
of 5.0 percent for 1997. Annual per capita income was about $6,000 in 1996.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, and the law
and judiciary generally provide effective means of dealing with individual instances
of abuse. However, there were problems in some areas, principally continued police
abuse and mistreatment of detainees, and poor prison conditions. Low pay and con-
sequent lack of professionalism in police ranks continue to be a problem. Court
cases sometimes last many years, resulting in lengthy preverdict detention. Other
problems include violence against women and continued underrepresentation of
women and the black minority in the upper ranks of government and business.
RESPECT FOR HUMA.N RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
The case of Eugenic Berrios, whose body was discovered at a beach resort in 1995,
continued to be the subject of an unresolved judicial investigation. Berrios, a Chil-
ean chemist, had disappeared from Chile in 1992 after he was called to testify con-
cerning the assassination of former Chilean Foreign Minister Orlando Leteher.
Berrios reportedly entered Uruguay illegally under protective military custody. He
was last seen alive on November 15, 1992, when he snowed up at a Canelones police
station claiming that he had escaped from his captors. The police claimed that they
returned Berrios to the custody oimilitary oflicers.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
Repeated calls for investigations into past disappearances continued in 1997. As
in 1996, a silent march in memory of the persons who had disappeared occurred in
May with thousands of participants. The executive branch opposed a judicial action
brought by a Senator (whose father was killed in Argentina in 1976) reauesting an
investigation of the alleged removal of bodies from a military site, on the grounds
that the 1985 Amnesty Law, which was confirmed by a 1989 plebiscite, prohibited
such an inquiry. A court of appeals overturned a lower court ruling in favor of such
an inquiry.
The Government also cited the Amnesty Law to reject a formal petition for an in-
vestigation presented by relatives of persons who had disappeared. This group also
brought its case to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Although the
Amnesty Law obliges the executive branch to investigate the cases of citizens who
were detained ana then disappeared under the military regime, all three adnninis-
trations since the return to democracy have consistently refused to open official in-
vestigations into their fate. The only exception was a cursory, nonpublic inquiry con-
ducted by a military prosecutor that revealed nothing.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits brutal treatment oT prisoners, but the police continued
to commit abuses. Neither the Ministry of Interior nor human rights organizations
662
have received credible accusations of torture of prisoners under the current adminis-
tration.
The judicial and parliamentary branches of government are responsible for inves-
tigating specific allegations of abuse. An internal police investigative unit receives
complamts from any person concerning possible noncriminal poUce abuse of power,
but it is understafied and can issue only recommendations for disciplinary action.
While the courts seldom convicted and punished law enforcement omcials for such
abuse in the past, such prosecutions are occurring more frequently: For example,
in September a judge sentenced 4 police officers to prison for their involvement in
the August 1994 Filtro hospital demonstrations, in which police killed 1 person and
iigured 50. The court stated that the police had committed excesses and^that their
use of firearms was not justified. In a separate case, a court gave a conditionally
suspended sentence of 18 months in prison to a police officer charged with unlaw-
fuUy detaining and interrogating two minors.
Police officers charged with less serious crimes may continue on active duty; those
charged with more serious crimes are separated from active service until a court re-
solves their cases. A Ministry of Interior study reported that 179 police officers had
been investigated or convicted by a court and that 117 of these cases were directly
linked to the exercise of their jobs. The 1995 Public Security Law requires a propor-
tional use of force by the police and the use of weapons only as a last resort, in
accordance with United Nations codes regarding the use of force.
Conditions in prisons and juvenile detention facilities for the roughly 3,000 pris-
oners remain poor but not life threatening. In March a legislative human rights
comanission presented a report that criticized the "excessive use of force and abuse
of authorit)^ by prison guards and officials, and stated that sanitation and health
standards in the prison system were "unacceptable." This report reflects the work
of a previous commission that in June 1996 published a report to the government
citing overcrowding, lack of staff training, corruption, and physical violence as prob-
lems. A new facility with a capacity of 400 prisoners opened on December 8, and
prisoners were transferred to it.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution requires the police to
have a written warrant issued by a judge before making an arrest. The only excep-
tion is when the police apprehend the accused during commission of a crime. The
Constitution also provides the accused with the right to a judicial determination of
the legality of detention and requires that the detaining authority explain the legal
grounds for the detention. Police may hold a detainee incommunicado for 24 hours
before presenting the case to a judge, at which time the detainee has the right to
counsel. It is during this 24-hour period that police sometimes abuse prisoners, occa-
sionally resulting in forced confessions.
A 1980 law stipulates that police confessions obtained before a prisoner appears
before a judge and attorney (without the police present) have no validity. Further,
should a prisoner claim that he has been mistreated, by law the judge must inves-
tigate the charge.
If the detainee cannot afford a lawyer, the courts appoint a public defender. If the
crime carries a penalty of at least 2 years in prison, tne accused person is confined
during the judge's investigation of the charges unless the authorities agree to re-
lease the person on bail. This seldom happens. As a result, approximately 90 per-
cent of all persons incarcerated are awaiting a final decision in their case. Because
of the slowness of the judicial process, the length of time prisoners spend in jail be-
fore the judge issues a verdict may exceed the maximum sentence for their crime.
Human rights groups claim that the uncertainty as to how long one will be impris-
oned is a factor creating tension within the country's prisons.
In December the legislature approved a bill to reform and modernize the Criminal
Code. Among its provisions, the new law provides for more oral argument by pros-
ecution and defense attorneys, and less investigative responsibility forjudges, which
is expected to accelerate the pace of criminal trials.
The Government does not use forced exile as a means of punishment.
e. Denied of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The Supreme Court heads the judiciary system and supervises the work of the
lower courts. A parallel military court system operates under a Military Justice
Code. Two military justices sit on the Supreme Court but participate only in cases
involving the military. Military justice applies to civilians only during a state of war
or insurrection.
Trial proceedings are usually based on written arguments to the judge, which are
not routinely made public. Only the prosecutor and defense attorney have access to
all documents that form part of the written record. The courts introduced oral ar^-
663
ment in 1990, but individual judges use it at their option. Most judges choose to
retain the written method, a major factor slowing down the judicial process. There
is no legal provision against self-incrimination, and judges may compel defendants
to answer any Question they pose. The defense attorney or prosecutor may appeal
convictions to a ni^er court, which may acquit the f>erson of the crime, confirm the
conviction, or reduce or increase the sentence.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the right to privacy, and the Government generally re-
spects constitutional provisions and safeguards in practice.
Section 2. Respect for Civil liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, but the authorities may abridge these rights if persons are deemed
to be inciting violence or "insulting the nation."
All elements of the political sjjectrum freely express their viewpoints in both print
and broadcast media. Montevideo alone has 8 daily newspapers and 6 important
weeklies; there are also approximately 100 other weekly and a few daily newspapers
throughout the country. Montevideo has one govemment-afTiliated and three com-
mercial television stations. There are about 110 radio stations and 20 television sta-
tions in the country.
A 1989 law stipulates that expression and communication of thou^ts and opin-
ions are free, within the limits contained in the Constitution, and it outlines meth-
ods of responding to "inexact or aggravating information." The law calls for 3
months' to 2 years' imprisonment for "knowingly divulging false news that causes
a grave disturbance to the public peace or a grave prejudice to economic interests
of the State" or for "insulting the nation, the State, or thair powers." The authorities
use this law intermittently to set and enforce certain limits on freedom of the press.
In August a judge acquitted the director and the editor of a daily newspaper, who
had been convicted in 1996 on charges of offending the honor of a head of state (the
President of Paraguay) and sentenced to 2 years in prison. (The two were later con-
ditionally released from jail.) The judge based his ruling, in part, on the fact that
while the story had been critical and undoubtedly irritated the Paraguayan Presi-
dent, its publication had not put relations between Paraguay and Uruguay "in dan-
ger." An appellate court formally rejected the government prosecutor's appeal of this
ruling, thereby closing the case.
A June 1996 decree requires the Government's prior authorization for the duty
free import of newsprint. The Inter-American Press Association urged the Govern-
ment to repeal this decree, calling it a "serious threat to the preservation of freedom
of the press," inasmuch as it stipulates prior government authorization and grants,
in theory, the power to establish quotas. Since making the decree, however, the Gov-
enmient has never refused the duty free privilege.
The national university is autonomous, and the authorities generally respect aca-
demic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom (^Religion. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country. Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The Constitution provides for these rights, and the (jovemment re-
spects them in practice.
The Government grants refugee status in accordance with the 1951 U.N. Conven-
tion Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1961 Protocol. The CJovernment
grants asylum only for political crimes as set forth in the 1928 Treaty of Havana,
the 1889 Treaty of Montevideo, and the 1954 Caracas Convention. The Government
cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and
other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The issue of the provision
of first asylum did not arise in 1997. There were no reports of forced return of per-
sons to a country where they feared persecution.
In December 1996, an appellate court decided not to extradite to Peru two mem-
bers of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) and released them from
custody. The two then applied to the UNHCR for refugee status. Their refugee ap-
plications were suspended since both individuals later went into hiding and their
current whereabouts are unknown.
664
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right and ability peacefully to change their government. Uru-
guay is a multiparty democracy with mandatory universal suffrage for those 18
years of age or older, and there are no restrictions regarding race, sex, religion, or
economic status. The Colorado party, the National (Blanco) party, the Broad Front
coalition, and the New Space party are the four majorpoUtical groupings.
A constitutional reform approved by plebiscite in December 1996 did away with
the old "law of lemas," by wnich a party could run multiple presidential and legisla-
tive candidates for tne same offices. Ine candidate receiving the most votes from
the party receiving the most votes filled the presidency, and each party gained seats
in the wsnate and Chamber of Deputies according to the percentage of votes that
it received. The reform limits parties to one candidate, determined by intemalparty
primaries, per elected office. The top two presidential candidates face a runofl elec-
tion if no one wins a first-round majority vote.
Women and blacks face impediments to high-level participation in politics and
emplojnment in government. Only 1 of 12 cabinet ministers is a woman. In the legis-
lature, 2 of 30 Senators and 9 of 99 Deputies are women. There are no minority
representatives or cabinet officials.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing tneir nndings on human righte cases. Government officials
are generally cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and the law prohibit discrimination based on race, sex, religion,
or disability. Despite these provisions, discrimination against some croups exists.
Women. — Violence against women continues to be a serious problem. There were
more them 950 formal complaints of violent acts against women, reflecting both an
increased public awareness of the problem as well as a growing change in attitude
among women. The law provides for sentences of 6 montns to 2 years in prison for
a person found guilty of committing an act of violence or of making continuing
threats to cause Dodily injury to persons related emotionally or legally to the per-
petrator. The Montevideo city hall has a hot line for victims of violence.
The Government has established an office of assistance for victims of domestic vi-
olence which trains police how to receive complaints of violence against women. A
new directorate within the Ministry of Interior instituted a public awareness cam-
paign about domestic violence ana founded community assistance centers where
abuse victims can receive counseling and referrals to government and private orga-
nizations in their area that aid abused women.
Women enjoy equality under the law but face discrimination stemming from tradi-
tional attitudes and practices. The work force exhibits segregation by gender.
Women, who make up almost one-half the work force, tend to be concentrated in
lower paying jobs. However, one-half the students now entering universities are
women. They often pursue professional careers but are undeirepresented in tradi-
tionally male-dominated professions. In February the Government approved official
regulations to implement a 1989 law for equality in the workplace that had pre-
viously gone unenforced. In 1997 the Air Force Academy became the first armed
services academy to admit women. The Liceo Militar, a military-run secondary
school that prepares officer-candidates for all the services, admitted 54 women in
1997, for a total female enrollment of 115.
A small institute in the Ministry of Education coordinates government programs
for women. There are a number oi active women's rights groups, and many of their
activities in 1997 remained centered on followup to the platform of action of the
1995 U.N. Conference on Women.
Children. — The Government is generally committed to protecting children's rights
and welfare. An institute in the Ministry of Interior oversees implementation of the
Government's programs for children but receives only limited funding for programs.
The Government regards the education and health of children as a top priority and
believes it should do more to ensure free education and proper health care for all
children. Since 40 percent of children under the age of 5 live in 20 percent of the
poorest homes, the Government is attempting to extend proper health and education
to them with the help of the United Nations Children's Fund. The Government pro-
vides free, compulsory primary education, and 95 percent of children complete this
program.
665
There are no societal patterns of abuse of children. Minors under the age of 18
are not subject to criminal trial, but receive special treatment with special judges
and, when sentenced, stay in institutions run by the National Institute for Minors
(INAME) for the period determined by the judge. The (}ovemment currently houses
all its problem minors in INAME. The most controversial aspect of the 1995 Public
Security Law would allow the Government to put minors with a record of violent
crimes in adult prisons if INAME has no room in its own institutions. Even though
the law stipulates that minors would occupy separate facilities within the prisons,
human rights groups adamantly opjxjse this provision. As a result, INAME has de-
cided that it wul not send minors to adult prisons.
People With Disabilities. — The legislature passed a law covering the rights of the
disabled in 1989. A national disabilities commission oversees implementation of the
law. Although the law mandates accessibility only to new buildings or public serv-
ices for people with disabilities, the Government is providing access to a number of
existing buildings. The law reserves 4 percent of public sector jobs for the disabled.
The country has a generally excellent mental health system and an interest in the
rights of people with mental disabilities.
rJational I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The country's black minority, estimated at 5
f)ercent of the population, continues to face societal discrimination. The Government
acks adequate statistics on blacks, which contributes to a lack of awareness that
problems exist. The latest report (1993) put the number of black university grad-
uates at 65, and black professionals at fewer than 50. Blacks are practically unrep-
resented in the bureaucratic, political, and academic sectors of society. They lack the
social and political connections necessary for entry into these groups. The Govern-
ment is working with local minority organizations to address this problem and in-
vited the leading black minority organization to help prepare an official report on
racial discrimination.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution states that laws should promote
the organization of trade unions and the creation of arbitration bodies. In spite of
this provision, there is almost no legislation concerning union activities. Unions tra-
ditionally organize and operate free of government regulation. Civil servants, em-
ployees of state-run enterprises, and private enterprise workers may join unions. An
estimated 12 percent of tne work force is unionized. Labor unions are independent
of political party control but have traditionally associated more closely with the
Broad Front, the leftist pohtical coalition.
The Constitution provides workers with the right to strike, and there were numer-
ous strikes during the year. The Government may legally compel workers to work
during a strike if they perform an essential service which, if interrupted, "could
cause a grave prejudice or risk, provoking suffering to part or all of the society."
There are mechanisms for resolving workers' complaints against employers, but
unions complain that these mechanisms are sometimes applied arbitrarily. The law
f generally prohibits discriminatory acts by employers, including arbitrary dismissals
or union activity. Unions maintain that organizers are dismissed for other fab-
ricated reasons, thus avoiding penalty under the law.
There are no restrictions on the right of unions to form confederations or to affili-
ate with international trade union groups; however, the one national confederation
has chosen not to affiliate officially with any of the world federations. Some individ-
ual unions are affiliated with international trade secretariats.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining between
companies and their unions determines a number of private sector salaries. TTie ex-
ecutive branch, acting independently, determines public sector salaries. There are
no laws prohibiting antiunion discrimination, but a 1993 executive decree estab-
lished fines for employers engaging in antiunion activities. The law does not require
employers to reinstate workers fired for union activities. However, in cases of legal
chdlenges by union activists, courts tend to impose indemnization levels that are
higher than those normally paid to dismissed workers.
Union members continued to file claims of discrimination with the Ministry of
Labor, which has a labor commission that investigates all claims. In some of the
cases, employers agreed to reinstate workers, but other cases remained unresolved
at year's end.
AU labor legislation fully covers workers employed in special export zones. There
are no unions in any of these zones, but the few workers in these zones are not in
traditionally organizable occupations. Because of the protected status given many of
the companies in the free zones and the lack of union presence, occasionally compa-
nies will implement labor practices in violation of the law.
666
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, and there is no evidence of its existence. The law prohibits
forced or bonded labor by children, and the Government enforces this prohibition
effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Child
Labor Code protects children; the Ministry of Labor and Social Security is respon-
sible for enforcing the laws. Illegal child labor is not a problem. The law prohibits
forced or bonded labor by children, and the Government enforces this prohibition
effectively. A total of 95 percent of children complete primary school education,
which is compulsory and free of charge. By law children under 15 years of age are
not allowed to work unless granted a special permit; this is enforced in practice.
Children under the age of 18 may not perform dangerous, fatiguing, or night work.
Controls over salaries and hours for children are more strict than those for adults.
Children over the age of 16 may sue in court for payment of wages, and children
have the legal right to dispose of their own income. However, many children woric
as street vendors in the expanding informal sector or in the agrarian sector, which
are generally less strictly regulated and where pay is lower.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Ministry of Labor effectively enforces a
legislated minimum monthly wage which is in effect in both the public and private
sectors. The Ministry adjusts the minimum wage whenever it adjusts public sector
wages. The minimum wage, which was about $95 (900 pesos) per month, functions
more as an index for calculating wage rates than as a true measure of minimum
subsistence levels, and it would not provide a decent standard of living for a worker
and family.
The standard workweek is 48 hours in industry and 44 hours in commerce, with
a 36-hour break each week. The law stipulates that industrial workers receive over-
time compensation for work in excess of 48 hours and that workers are entitled to
20 days of paid vacation after a year of employment.
The Ministry of Labor and Social Security enforces legislation regulating health
and safety conditions in a generally effective manner. However, some of the regula-
tions cover urban industrial workers more adequately than rural and agricultural
workers. Workers have the right to remove themselves from what they consider haz-
ardous or dangerous conditions.
VENEZUELA
Venezuela is a republic with an active multiparty democratic system, a bicameral
congress, and a popularly elected president. Over three decades of two-party domi-
nance ended in 1994 when former president Rafael Caldera was sworn in as Presi-
dent with the support of a coalition of small and medium sized parties. The Con-
gress comprises seven major political groupings. In July 1995, the Government rein-
stated most of the constitutional protections for citizens' rights that it had sus-
pended in June 1994 to combat subversion and to address tne country's financial
crisis. In some border areas where guerrilla activity, drug trafficking, and kidnaping
were a continuing problem, suspension of freedom from arbitrary arrest and deten-
tion and search without warrant, as well as freedom to travel, remained in effect.
The judiciary is legally independent, but judges are subject to influence.
The security apparatus comprises civilian and military elements, both accountable
to elected authorities. The Justice Ministry controls the Judicial Technical Police
(PTJ), which conducts most criminal investigations. The Interior Ministry controls
the State Security Police (DISDP), which is primarily responsible for protecting pub-
lic oflicials and investigating cases of subversion and arms trafficking. The General
Directorate for Military Intelligence (DIM), under the Defense Ministry, is respon-
sible for collecting intelligence related to national security and sovereignty. The Na-
tional Guard, a branch of the military, has arrest powers and is largely responsible
for guarding the exterior of prisons and key government installations, maintaining
order during times of civil unrest, monitoring frontiers, and providing law enforce-
ment in remote areas. It also supplies the top leadership for the Metropolitan Police,
the main civilian police force in and around Caracas, and for various state and mu-
nicipal police forces. Both police and military personnel were responsible for human
rights anuses.
Venezuela has abundant natural resources, but a large proportion of its people are
poor. Oil accounted for 28 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), 61 percent of
government revenues, and 77 percent of the country's exports in 1997. Per capita
GDP of $3,5(X) is unevenly distributed. The public sector dominates the economy,
employing one out of six workers. Public sector iron, steel, aluminum, and petro-
667
chemical products constitute one third of the country's non-oil exports. The Govern-
ment privatized telecommunications and most of the steel sector, reprivatized most
of the financial sector, and opened the oil industry to foreign joint ventures. The
Government plans to privatize the aluminum industry and otner smaller public sec-
tor enterprises in 1998.
The Government's human rights record continued to be poor in certain areas and
includes extraiudicial killings of criminal suspects by the police and military, torture
and abuse of detainees, failure to punish police and security officers guilty of abuse,
arbitrary arrests and excessively lengthy detentions, illegal searches, and corruption
and severe inefficiency in the judicial and law enforcement systems. Overcrowding
and violence in the prisons were so severe as to constitute inhuman and degrading
treatment. Violence against women, abuse of children, discrimination against the
disabled, and inadequate protection of the rights of indigenous people continue to
be problems. Vigilante justice is a problem.
In an effort to address these problems and formulate a national human rights
agenda, the Government held a high-level symposium with nongovernmental organi-
zations (NGO's) in July. In addition, the Government announced the creation of a
National Police Committee and a human ri^ts office in the Defense Ministry to en-
sure better compliance with human rights norms. In October the Supreme Court
ruled that the Vagrancy Act, which permitted up to 5 years' detention without trial
of persons deemed a danger to society, was unconstitutional. In December Congress
approved a new Code of Criminal Procedure that provides for open public trials with
oral proceedings and jury participation.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of targeted
political killings, but extraiudicial killings, primarily of criminal suspects, by the se-
curity forces continued. The Venezuelan Program of Action and Education in
Human Rights (PROVEA), a highly respected nongovernmental human rights orga-
nization, documented 151 extrajudicial killings from October 1996 through Septem-
ber 1997. The killings involved summary executions of criminal suspects, indiscrimi-
nate or excessive use of force, and death resulting from mistreatment while in cus-
tody. According to PROVEA, the State Police were responsible for 69 of the killings;
the Metropolitan Police of the Federal District, 18; the PTJ, 17; the National Guard,
17; the Municipal Police, 15; the armed forces, 6; the DISIP, 4; and other branches
of the security apparatus or a combination of branches, 5.
The perpetrators of extrajudicial killings act with near impunity, as the Govern-
ment rarely prosecutes such cases. The police often fail to investigate crimes alleg-
edly committed by their colleagues and characterize incidents of extrajudicial
killings as "confrontations," even though eyewitness testimony and evidence strong-
ly inmcate otherwise. In addition, the civilian judicial system remains hi^ly inem-
cient and sometimes corrupt, and military courts are often biased in favor of mem-
bers of the armed forces accused of abuse. A special pretrial summary phase called
"nudo hecho," which is used in cases involving public officials and is conducted in
secret, often shields members of the security forces from prosecution, since cases can
languish in that phase for several years. In the small number of prosecutions in
which the courts convict perpetrators of extrajudicial killings and other abuses, the
sentences issued are frequently light or the convictions are overturned on appeal.
Unlike common criminals, members of the security forces charged with or convicted
of crimes rarely spend much time in prison.
Hundreds oi prison inmates died as a result of riots, fires, and other harsh condi-
tions in prison facilities (see Section I.e.).
In January members of the Metropolitan Police arrested and handcuffed two
young men in Guatire, Miranda state, in front of several witnesses. After the men
were led away, the witnesses heard gunshots and later found one of the men,
Freddy Rafael Toro Ramirez, dead from bullet wounds. The case was still under in-
vestigation at year's end.
There were no new developments in the June 1996 robbery and shooting in a Ca-
racas bakery in which a policewoman and a suspect were killed. Members of the
Metropolitan Police captured uninjured two other suspects, whom they handcuffed
and took away. A few hours later the police delivered the bodies of the two suspects
to the morgue, dead from bullet wounds. The authorities charged seven policemen
with killing the suspects, but a judge later released them on the grounds that the
case as filed was technically deficient.
In December 1996, a Sucre Municipal Police officer was released from jail after
charges against him for shooting U.S. citizen Barton Wilder were reduced from in-
668
tentional to negligent homicide. The officer, off duty and drunk, had fired into a
group of roller-bladers, killing Wilder and injuring another person. Four members
of the PTJ have been imprisoned for the 1995 execution-style killing of 21-year-old
Hector Rojas, but they have not been tried.
In Aumist a judge confirmed the charges of intentional homicide against two Na-
tional Griiard members and one prison guard for starting a fire that killed 25 in-
mates at La Planta prison in October 1996. However, he dropped charges against
the officer in command, National Guard Captain Osmer Martinez, because of insuf-
ficient proof that Martinez had authorized use of the tear gas that caused the fire.
There were no prosecutions or new information surrounding the 1994 discovery
of a common grave in the Sierra de Perija region of Zulia state, the 1992 killing
of at least 63 prisoners at Catia prison, or the 1992 killing of reporters Maria Veron-
ica Tessari and Vii^lio Fernandez by members of the security forces.
Minimal progress was made towards resolving some 300 alleged extrajudicial
killings by security forces during and after the civil unrest of Februai-y-March 1989.
There has been only one prosecution: A police officer was found guilty in 1991 of
killing 18-year-old Eleazar Ramon Mavares, shot by security force members some
20 times at close range. The courts released the officer from prison 1 year later. In
negotiations held with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (lACHR)
in 1995, the Government agreed to initiate a new investigation of the Mavares case,
punish those responsible, and provide indemnities to the victim's family, later deter-
mined to be $30,000 (15 million bolivars). The lACHR gave Venezuela until April
1997 to comply with the agreement, and in October it again called on the Govern-
ment to investigate this case, provide compensation to the victim's family, and bring
to tustice those responsible for the death. By year's end, the Government had par-
tially complied; it had investigated and made a payment, but it had not punished
any of those responsible. The Committee of Family Members of Victims oi the Un-
rest (COFAVIC) referred 44 cases surrounding the 1989 killings to the lACHR, as-
serting that the Government had not ensured justice.
In &ptember 1996, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights awarded $722,332
in damages to two survivors and the families of 14 fishermen Killed in 1988 by mili-
tary ana police officers near the border town of El Amparo, Apure state. The Gov-
ernment began to make payments in September but by year's end had not finished
paying the award. The military originally claimed that the deaths were the result
of military action taken against Colombian guerrillas, but the Government later ac-
knowledged culpability and agreed to pay indemnities to the survivors and the vic-
tims' families. In August 1994, a military tribunal overturned the conviction of 16
defendants in the case despite strong evidence that they had participated in a
planned ambush.
Mob lynching of supposed criminals is a significant problem. The victims are al-
most always known criminals who prey on residents of poor neighborhoods. Between
October 1996 and September 1997, PROVEA recorded 12 lynchings and 22 at-
tempted lynchings. In addition, vigilante groups known as "brigadas" are increasing
their activity in various parts of the country such as Lara state.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reliable reports of persons who disappeared
after being detained by the police or the armed forces.
There were no developments in connection with the 1995 disappearances of Julio
Rafael Tovar, Fidel Ernesto Croes Aleman, Luis Martin Sanchez Vargas, Juan Dan-
iel Monsalve, or Jose Ramos; or the 1994 disappearances of Elsida Ines Alvarez,
Benjamin Vasquez, and Fidel A. Sanabria. All had reportedly been detained by secu-
rity force members prior to their disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture, but credible human rights groups report that the security
forces continue to abuse detainees physically. This abuse most commonly comprises
beatings during arrest or interrogation, but there have been incidents when the se-
curity forces used near suffocation and other forms of torture that leave no telltale
signs. Most victims come from the poorest and least influential parts of society.
There were also cases of torture of political activists accused of subversion.
PROVEA documented 45 cases of torture from October 1996 through September
1997. A large number of cases were never reported because the victims feared ret-
ribution. According to PROVEA, the DISIP was responsible for 18 of the reported
torture incidents; tne PTJ, 8; the armed forces, 6; the State Police, 4; the Metropoli-
tan Police, 3; the National Guard, 3; the DIM, 2; and the municipal police, 1. Some
of these cases were in border areas where constitutional protections were sus-
pended.
Torture, like extrajudicial killings, continues because the Government does not
ensure the independent investigation of complaints needed to bring those respon-
sible to justice. In addition to lack of vigor by the judiciary, the fact that the Insti-
669
tute of Forensic Medicine is part of the PTJ also contributes to a climate of impu-
nity, since its doctors are unlikely to be impartial in their examinations of cases
that involve torture by members of the PTJ. Very few instances of torture have re-
sulted in convictions.
Some 50 Baruta Municipal Police officers, in search of the killer of a colleague,
attacked residents of the poor working class Caracas suburb of Petare in the pre-
dawn hours of December 25. The police shot their weapons wildly, broke into homes,
and beat, ^ot at, and threatened with death residents in their path. The operation
resulted in 43 persons injured, 8 of whom had gunshot wounds. At year's end, the
incident was being investigated by a criminal court. The chief of the Baruta Munici-
pal Police also ordered an mtemal investigation and promised to punish any officers
guilty of brutality.
In January two members of the Metropolitan Police in the Federal District alleg-
edly demanded $10 (5,000 bolivars) from Sergio Bolivar when he entered a bar.
When Bolivar refiised to pay, they hit him in the forehead and right cheek with a
gun and arrested him for possession of drugs. Bolivar was detained for 17 days.
In the Colombian border area where constitutional protections have been sus-
pended, the National Guard and army act with near impunity. The Support Net-
work for Justice and Peace has documented many human rights abuses in this re-
?'on by amassing detailed witness testimony. For example, in January at Fort
aruro, Apure state, brothers Leonardo and Luis Pena Rosales were allegedly tor-
tured by electric current applied between the toes and near suffocation witn a plas-
tic bag.
There has been no resolution of the border-area cases from 1995, in which mem-
bers of the military, in separate incidents in reaction to guerrilla attacks, tortured
23 rural workers near Cararabo and 19 peasant farmers in La Victoria, both in
Apure state.
Prison conditions continued to be extremely harsh due to underfunding, poorly
trained and corrupt prison staff and National Guard members, and overcrowding so
severe as to constitute inhuman and degrading treatment. As of August, the 32 pris-
on facilities administered by the Ministry of Justice held 25,658 inmates, of wnom
the courts had sentenced only 8,187.
The prisons contain more than 10,000 prisoners in excess ofcapacity. In letters
written to the Justice Minister in December, the Prosecutor General called attention
to excessive use of force by prison guards, inadequate medical care for prisoners,
and failure to meet the nutritional needs of inmates with the food provided by pris-
on kitchens. Inmates often have to pay guards as well as each other to obtain neces-
sities such as space in a cell, a bed, and food. Because of its low quality and insuffi-
cient quantity, only about 30 percent of inmates consume prison food. Guns, knives,
and illegal drugs are easily smuggled into most prisons, and violence among pris-
oners is very common.
In August a battle between rival inmate gangs in El Dorado prison in Bolivar
state left 29 inmates dead and 13 injured. The gangs, one from Bolivar state and
one from Zulia state, were competing for control ol^the 381 -inmate prison, which
had only 14 guards and no telephone service. Following this incident, the Justice
Minister said that "the jails were in the hands of the inmates." In September
searches of eight prison facilities in the central region of the country yielded 3 tons
of weapons. In October the former director of Sabaneta prison in Maracaibo was ar-
rested for demanding a monthly kickback from a prison food supplier.
In November a fire caused by an electrical short circuit in Sabaneta prison re-
sulted in the death of 16 inmates and injuries to 32 more. In October and Novem-
ber, prison riots resulted in multiple deaths and many injuries in Tocoron prison
in Aragua state, Los Llanos prison in Portuguesa state, and Tocuyito prison in
Carabobo state. In November during one of many riots at La Planta prison in Cara-
cas, a grenade blast seriously injured 11 inmates.
PROVEA documented 283 deaths from violence in the prisons from October 1996
through September 1997. The majority of deaths were perpetrated by other pris-
oners, but 59 inmates were killed by the authorities — 1 by a pnson guard under the
Ministry of Justice, and the other 58 by the National Guard. The Minister of Justice
told the press on December 15 that about 250 prisoners had been killed in prison
violence during the year. According to the annual report of a congressional commit-
tee, there were 266 deaths and 1,001 serious injuries from prison violence during
the year. Hundreds more died as a consequence of poor sanitary conditions, poor
diet, and inadequate medical care.
In January the Government transferred all inmates out of Caracas' notorious
Catia prison and demolished the facility. While two prisons had been expanded in
Decemjber 1996, none of the three new prisons under construction in the states of
Bolivar, Lara, and Merida were completed by year's end. They are expected to pro-
670
vide space for 5,730 prisoners when opened in 1998. Although the Government re-
peatedlv acknowledged the poor state of the prisons and stated its intention to im-
prove tne situation, funding for prisons remained extremely low, preventing signifi-
cant improvement in most penitentiaries.
There were no prosecutions of public oflicials for the corruption and neglect that
contributed to the January 1994 riot at Sabaneta prison, in which inmates killed
105 fellow prisoners and wounded scores of others.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — In 1995 the Government reinstated the
constitutionally protected freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention in all but 16
municipalities along the Colombian border where guerrilla activity, drug trafficking,
kidnaping, and extortion were a continuing problem. However, the security forces
arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens.
Following the August kidnaping by Colombian guerrillas of navy Lieutenant Car-
los Bastardo in Puerto Chorrosquero, the armed forces detained 227 persons, includ-
ing some minors, for questioning. According to the Paez municipality's Committee
for the Defense of Human Rights, they held many detainees incommunicado for sev-
eral days.
Outside the military theaters of operation, especially during anticrime sweeps in
impoverished sections of major cities, there continued to be arbitrary detentions by
the Metropolitan Police, the DISIP, the National Guard, and the PfJ. The authori-
ties detained persons during the sweeps for up to 2 days while they checked crimi-
nal records; most were released without charges. PROVEA documented 11,452 per-
sons detained in sweeps from October 1996 through September 1997. The DISIP
also occasionally detained political radicals who had conunitted no crimes.
The law provides for the right to judicial determination of the legality of deten-
tion; however, the police may hold persons without an arrest warrant for up to 8
days, and the courts may hold them for up to an additional 8 days in court custody.
In many cases, the police abused detainees physically and psychologically during the
initial 8-day period and illegally held them incommunicado. During the second 8-
day period a judge may, on the basis of the police investigation, order either the
formal arrest or the release of the suspect. Arbitrary arrests are common, and the
authorities sometimes exceed the time limits for holding suspects. Prison officials
often illegally demand payment from prisoners for transportation to judicial pro-
ceedings at which formal charges are made. Those who are unable to pay are often
forced to forgo their judicial hearings.
In November the DISIP arbitrarily detained eight Cuban exiles at gunpoint and
expelled them from Margarita Island, prior to the arrival of Cuban President Fidel
Castro to attend an Ibero-American summit meeting. Information Minister Fer-
nando Egana later described this "brutal" raid as a "mistake." The police on Mar-
garita Island also detained and harassed two other anti-Castro activists (also see
Sections 2.a. and 2.b.).
On October 14, the Supreme Court ruled the 1939 Vagrancy Law unconstitu-
tional. The law had permitted the detention for up to 5 years, without warrant,
trial, or judicial appeal, of people deemed by the police to be a danger to society
even though there was no evidence that they committed a crime. This law was used
chiefly against people with previous criminal records who were detained during po-
lice sweeps, but also against others, including squatters on public and private land.
Human rights groups welcomed the Court's decision. NGO's asserted that the law
was often used subjectively by the security forces and state authorities to settle per-
sonal scores, and that it was also used to target specific groups, including the poor,
S)rostitutes, and homosexuals. When the Court's ruling took effect in November upon
brmal publication, over 500 prisoners were released throughout the country.
Forced exile is illegal and is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial.— -The civilian judiciary is legally independent, but
judges are subject to influence from a number of sources.
Tne iudicial sector consists of the Supreme Court, which is the court of final ap-
peal; tne prosecutor general, who provides opinions to the courts on prosecution of
criminal cases and acts as public ombudsman to bring public employee misconduct
or violations of the constitutional rights of prisoners or accused persons to the atten-
tion of the proper authorities; the Ministry of Justice, which manages the national
police force and prisons and files complaints in criminal courts; and the Judicial
Council, which oversees the lower courts as well as the selection and training of
judges. The lower court system includes district and municipal courts as well as
trial and appeal courts that deal with civil and criminal matters.
The law provides for the right to a fair trial and considers the accused innocent
until proven guilty in a court. However, the presumption of innocence is ineffective
in the justice system, which is overburdened and inefTicient, suffers from widespread
671
corruption, and lacks public credibility. Judges are underpaid, poorly disciplined,
and susceptible to political influence. Tne judicial process is paper intensive, requir-
ing the costly and time-consuming production of voluminous reports at every stage
by judges, attorneys, and witnesses. Case backlogs and lengthy pretrial detention
averanrig 4Va years are the norm.
On December 10, Congress passed a new Code of Criminal Procedure that will
introduce for the first time open, public trials with oral proceedings and participa-
tion by juries. The new adversarial system of justice, which eliminates a secret sta^e
in the trial known as "secreto sumarial," is expected to give practical effect to the
presumption of innocence. The code is to take full effect in July 1999.
The law provides for public defenders for those unable to afford an attorney, but
there are not enough public defenders to handle the caseload. The Judicial Council
reported that there are 159 public defense attorneys for the entire country.
Military courts can try civilians in cases of armed subversion and whenever
armed forces members are involved. Military courts are subject to a requirement for
a speedy trial and a statute of limitations similar to that oi civilian courts. Persons
convicted by a military court have the same right of appeal to the Supreme Court
as do those convicted by the civilian system. Military courts, however, are signifi-
cantly different from civilian courts in that by law the President must review every
case after the initial investigation stage and decide if that case will go to trial. In
addition, the Supreme Court selects military judges from a list of candidates pro-
vided by the Minister of Defense, a process that links the careers of military judges
to the high command. The tendency of military judges to be responsive to the views
of their militeiry leaders, to maintain procedural secrecy, and to act slowly in high-
profile cases in which the military is implicated make impartial or timely trials for
defendants unlikely. As a result, military offenders evade punishment for
extrajudicial killings and other human rights abuses.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Con-
stitutional provisions prohibit arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home, and
correspondence. However, from June 1994 to July 1995, tne Government suspended
the constitutional protection of freedom from search without a warrant, along with
other freedoms. This suspension remained in effect in some border areas throughout
1997. Even after reinstatement of the provision in urban areas, security forces often
conducted searches of homes without warrants, especially during anticrime sweeps
in impoverished neighborhoods. In recent years, there have been some complaints,
especially by human rights monitors, of illegal wiretapping by the security forces.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects these rights in practice.
Individuals criticize the Government publicly; however, there were a few instances
of reprisal. The DISIP searched the ouice of newspaper columnist Alfredo Pena, £md
the DIM allegedly harassed television reporter Jose Domingo Blanco. In August the
military detained two newspaper reporters covering the Bastardo kidnaping (see
Section l.d.) and allegedly confiscated their work.
In November DISIP agents confiscated the informational material prepared by
eight detained Cuban exiles who planned to distribute it at the Ibero-American sum-
mit conference. The material was not returned. Interior Minister Jose Guillermo
Andueza later promised that they would be allowed to express their views, and they
held a press conference without government interference.
The charge of criminal defamation was sometimes used against the media to limit
coverage of sensitive issues. In June after serving 5 months of a 1-year sentence for
criminal defamation, William Ojeda, the author of the book "How much does a judge
cost?" (Cuanto vale un juez?), a compilation of accusations of judicial corruption, was
freed by a presidential pardon. In July a criminal judge issued a restraining order
against the newspaper Reporte Diario de la Economia to stop the publication of any
information concerning the bank Banesco and its president. The order was in reac-
tion to a defamation case brought by the bank president against the newspaper, but
preceded any hearing on the merits. In July a judge in Guarenas, Miranda state,
ordered the arrest of the publisher of the Caracas newspaper El Mundo, Luis Oscar
Pont, and of one of its editors, Miguel Arcangel, because a PTJ official had accused
them of criminal defamation. Pont was not detained, but Arcangel spent 6 days in
prison and was released only on condition that he not comment on the case. Neither
nad been tried by year's end.
The print and electronic media are independent. However, a 1994 law forbids per-
sons without journalism degrees to practice the profession and requires journalists
to be members of the National College of Journalists. Media owners, acting as the
672
Venezuelan Press Bloc, brought a case to the Supreme Court in November 1995
challenging the law as a violation of the freedom of expression provided for in the
Constitution and international agreements on human rights that have the force of
law. The Court had not ruled by year's end.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government generally re-
spects the constitutional provision for freedom of peaceful assembly. Public meet-
ings, including those of all political parties, are generally held unimpeded. The Gov-
ernment requires permits for public marches but does not deny them for political
reasons.
As in earlier years, some demonstrations turned violent and were quelled by secu-
rity forces. In February about 70 hooded youths threw rocks at police after the Fed-
eral District governor turned down a request by striking university professors to
march from the campus of the Central University of Venezuela to the Education
Ministry. The police responded with birdshot, water cannons, and tear gas. The po-
lice responded in a similar fashion during an authorized march through downtown
Caracas later in the month when some demonstrators veered ofT the approved route,
approached the Capitol, and confronted police. According to PROVEA, 58 people
were injured during demonstrations and 151 detained from October 1996 through
September 1997.
On November 3, armed DISIP agents detained eight Cuban exiles who had
planned a peaceful protest against Ciiban President Fidel Castro at the Ibero-Amer-
ican summit conference on Margarita Island. The authorities expelled the eight per-
sons from the island and confiscated their written material. President Caldera and
other government officials apologized for the actions of the security forces. Interior
Minister Andueza promised that they would be allowed to express their views, and
four members of the group returned to the island. The police also detained and har-
assed two members of another anti-Castro group on Margarita Island.
The Government respects the constitutional provision for freedom of association.
Professional and academic associations operate without interference.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, pro-
vided that a faith does not threaten public order or violate good custom. The au-
thorities generally respect this right in practice.
In September the Government denied legal status to the Unification Church of
Venezuela because it had sponsored the travel to Venezuela of more than 100 young
Japanese women who entered the country without proper visas.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for the right of citizens and legal residents
to travel within the country and to go abroad and return. The Government, how-
ever, can suspend the freedom to travel, as it did from June 1994 to July 1995. The
Government also restricts foreign travel for persons being investigated for criminal
activities.
Venezuela traditionally has been a haven for refugees, exiles, and displaced per-
sons from many European, Caribbean, and Latin American countries. The Govern-
ment cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refu-
gees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The Government
provides first asylum and provided it to approximately 20 persons in 1997.
There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they feared
persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right through periodic, free, and fair elections
neld on the basis of universal suffrage. An antiquated and inefficient system for
counting votes, however, gives rise to numerous and, in some cases, credible allega-
tions that the political parties that dominate electoral councils commit fraud.
In December Congress passed a new election law that contains three major re-
forms: Removal of political party representatives from all electoral organs, mecha-
nization of the voting process, and prohibition of campaign financing by anonymous
sources. Most legislators from all levels of government will continue to be elected
from party lists (which, under the new law, are supposed to have at least 30 percent
women). The top election officials, although not party members, will continue to be
selected by negotiation among the political parties in Congress.
Women and nonwhites participate fully in government and politics but remain
underrepresented in senior leadership positions. A bicameral Congressional Com-
mittee for Women's Rights focused on promoting political office-holding opportuni-
673
ties for women. Women hold 13 seats as Deputies in the 209-member lower house
of Congress, 4 seats in the 52-person Senate, and 2 of 27 ministerial positions.
Indigenous people traditionally have not been fully integrated into the political
system due to their limited knowledge of politics, low voter turnout, geographic iso-
lation, and lesser economic and educational opportunities. Few indigenous people
are in the Government, and only one is in Congress as an alternate deputy.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups generally operate without government re-
striction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Both
international and local human rights organizations were provided ready access to
the prison system. However, government officials were critical of some human rights
groups, accusing them of seeking to discredit the State and undermine the country's
imeige.
Amazonas state deputies and political party leaders criticized the human rights
office of the Apostolic Vicariate of Puerto Ayacucho, which defends the rights of the
indigenous communities, for waging a successful court challenge to the state politi-
cal boundary law. Vandals damaged Vicariate property in what the office believes
was an intimidation campaign by anti-indigenous elements in the state. When a
lawyer in the Vicariate's oflice asked the state police commandant to investigate an
alleged extrajudicial killing, the local prosecutor filed a criminal charge of "usurpa-
tion of fiinctions" against the office and the lawyer. In June, more than 6 months
after the filing, the Superior Court of Puerto Ayacucho dismissed the usurpation
case.
In July the Government held its first formal meeting with NGO's to be^n to for-
mulate a national human rights agenda. The Interior, Justice, and Family Ministers
took an active part in the discussion of some 40 proposals dealing with preventive
detention, prison conditions, and other human rights problems. The Interior Min-
ister announced the creation of a National Police Committee to monitor police con-
duct, receive complaints, and ensure implementation of disciplinary measures. In
September the Minister of Defense created a human rights ofiice to promote respect
for human rights in the armed forces.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination based on ethnic origin, sex, or disability. The
Government, however, does not adequately safeguard the rights of indigenous peo-
ple, protect women against societal and domestic violence, and ensure disabled peo-
ple access to jobs and public services. Very few resources are devoted to children's
welfare; young delinquents are locked in institutions that are unsafe.
Women. — Women face substantial institutional and societal prejudice with resp)ect
to rape and domestic violence. The law makes rape extremely difficult to prove, re-
quiring at a minimum medical examination within 48 hours of the violation. A pro-
vision in the Penal Code provides that anyone guilty of rape will not be punished
if, before sentencing, he marries the victim. Few police officers are trained to deal
responsibly with rape victims. A total of 7,561 sexual assaults, including rape, were
reported to the authorities in 1996. Women's organizations, however, assert that
such figures are very low and do not accurately portray the problem of rape and
sexual assault. They claim that many victims do not report tne incident or press
charges due to societal pressure and their own feelings of guilt.
Domestic violence against women is very common and has been aggravated by the
country's economic difiiculties. According to local monitors, the police are generally
unwilling to intervene to prevent domestic violence, and the courts rarely prosecute
those accused of such abuse. In addition, poor women are generally unaware of legal
remedies and have little access to them.
Women and men are legally equal in marriage. Women account for roughly half
the student body of most universities, have advanced in many professions, including
medicine and law, and have gradually surmounted many of tne barriers to their full
participation in political and economic life. Nonetheless, women are still underrep-
resented in the higher ranks of labor unions and private industry.
The Labor Code specifies that employers must not discriminate against women
with regard to pay or working conditions, must not fire them during pregnancy and
for a year after giving birth, must grant them unpaid leave and benefits for 6 weeks
before the birth of a child and 12 weeks after, and must provide them with 10 weeks
of unpaid leave if they legally adopt children under 3 years of age. According to the
Ministry of Labor and the major labor federation, these regulations are enforced in
the formal sector, although social security payments are often delayed.
674
The National Women's Council, an agency of the Presidency with representation
from the Ministries of Justice, Education, Family, Health, and Labor, in 1996 pre-
pared a manual on violence against women and children, which includes informa-
tion on where the victims mi^t obtain assistance. There are a number of NGO's
concerned with domestic violence, sex education, and economic discrimination. The
recommendations of these groups, however, have not been widely implemented by
the police and other concerned governmental agencies.
Children. — The Government scaled back its expenditure on education, health, and
social services. While the law provides for universal free education, primary and sec-
ondary education is chronically underfunded. Basic education fell from 20 percent
of the Ministry of Education budget in 1989 to 7.5 percent in 1994. FuUy a third
of the budget during that period was dedicated to post-secondary education. In addi-
tion, a large number of children are not eligible to receive government assistance,
including public education, because their birtn is not properly documented.
According to a study by two reputable NGO's, one in four children is malnour-
ished. The incidence of diarrhea-related and respiratory illnesses, caused in part by
poor sanitation and chronic malnutrition, has increased slightly over the last dec-
ade. Such preventable diseases are leading causes of infant mortality.
An increase in poverty has raised the level of stress within families and led to
a rise in the number of abandoned children and to more child abuse. A survey by
the National Institute for Minors determined that 206,000 children were involved
in illicit activities, principally begging but also petty theft, prostitution, and drug
trafficking. Some 40,000 cnildren were exploited sexually, according to a 1994 study.
There were also reports of trafficking in children from other South American coun-
tries to work in Caracas as street vendors and housemaids.
The authorities in Caracas and several other jurisdictions tried to cope with the
phenomenon of street children by imposing curfews for unsupervised minors. Chil-
dren's ri^ts advocates claim that curfews permit the police to act arbitrarily in de-
taining persons who have committed no crime. Because reform institutions are filled
to capacity, hundreds of children accused of infractions are confined in jails where
they are crowded into small, filthy cells, fed only once a day, and sleep on bare con-
crete floors.
Amnesty International reported deficiencies in law and practice with regard to the
detention of children. In particular, the 1980 Minors' Protection Act requires them
to be brought before a judge with 8 days of detention, but this may be extended to
3 months. In addition, security forces and law enforcement authorities often detain
children together with adults.
Reports of child abuse are rare due to a fear of entanglement with the authorities
and ingrained attitudes regarding family privacy. The overburdened judicial system,
although very slow, generally ensures that in most situations children are removed
from abusive households once a case has been reported. Public facilities for such
children, however, are inadequate and have poorly trained staff.
People With Disabilities. — The physically disabled have minimal access to public
transportation, and ramps are practically nonexistent, even in government build-
ings. According to local advocates, the disabled are discriminated against in many
sectors, including education, health care, and employment.
In 1993 the Government passed the first comprehensive law to protect the rights
of the disabled. That law requires that all newly constructed or renovated public
parks and buildings provide access for the disabled. Among other important provi-
sions, the law forbids discrimination in employment practices and in the provision
of public services. However, the Government did not make a significant effort to im-
plement the new law, to inform the public of it, or to try to change societal prejudice
against the disabled.
Indigenous People. — Although the law prohibits discrimination based on ethnic or-
igin, members of the country's indigenous population frequently suffer from inatten-
tion to and violation of their human rights. Many indigenous people live isolated
from modem civilization and lack access to basic health and eaucational facilities.
High rates of cholera, hepatitis-B, malaria, and other diseases plague their commu-
nities. There are about 316,000 indigenous people comprising 28 ethnic groups, ac-
cording to a special 1992 census.
The Constitution provides for special laws governing "the protection of indigenous
communities and their progressive incorporation into the life of the nation." None-
theless, local political authorities seldom take account of the interests of indigenous
people when making decisions affecting their lands, cultures, traditions, and alloca-
tion of natural resources. As farmers and miners intrude on their habitat, indige-
nous communities are threatened by deforestation and water pollution. Few indige-
nous people hold title to their land.
675
In May the President issued a decree permitting expansion of legal mining activi-
ties in tne 3.6 million hectaire Imataca Forest Reserve, located in an area plagued
by illegal mining and land invasion. Environmental and indigenous organizations
filed suit challenging the decree in the Supreme Court on the grounds that only
Congress can diange the nature of the reserve, that there was an inadequate public
review process prior to the change, and that expanded mining activities would ad-
versely affect the health of the Warao, Arawako, Karina, Akawaio, and Pemon in-
digenous communities that inhabit the Imataca watershed area. Supporters of the
decree contend that regulated mining would provide significant export and tax reve-
nue while reducing the environmental damage and abuse of indigenous residents
caused by illegal mining. In November the Supreme Court ordered the Government
not to issue any new mining concessions in the Imataca reserve until the Court
ruled on the constitutionality of the presidential decree.
In July a judge in Puerto Ayacucho ruled that some 80 to 200 nonindigenous fam-
ilies farming in an area traditionally inhabited by the Piaroa and Guajibo indige-
nous groups in Amazonas state must cease all agricultural activity pending an envi-
ronmental impact assessment. According to human rights activists, many farmers
did not comply with the order.
The Yanomami, among the most isolated of the indigenous people, have been sub-
ject to persistent incursions into their territory by illegal gold miners. The miners
nave not only introduced new diseases but social ills as well. In December 1996, a
number of human rights organizations, acting on behalf of the Yanomami commu-
nity of Haximu, petitioned the lACHR in connection with the 1993 massacre of 16
members of the community by Brazilian miners. The petition alleges that the Gov-
ernment failed in its obligation to protect the Yanomami and to seek appropriate
punishment of the killers, who were released by the Brazilian authorities after 3
months' detention. The last major operation to dislodge illegal miners was conducted
in August and September 1996; about 80 miners were arrested, but several hundred
more were believed to be still operating.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Both the Constitution and labor law recognize and
encourage the right of unions to organize. The comprehensive 1990 Labor Code ex-
tends to aU private sector and public sector employees (except members of the
armed forces) the right to form and join unions of their choosing. The Code man-
dates registration of unions with the Ministry of Labor, but it reduces the Ministry's
discretion by specifying that registration may not be denied if the proper documents
(a record of the founding meeting, the statutes, and the membership list) are sub-
mitted. Only a judge may dissolve a union, and then only for reasons listed in the
law, such as the dissolution of a firm or by agreement of two-thirds of the member-
ship.
One major union confederation, the Venezuelan Confederation of Workers (CTV),
and three small ones, as well as a number of independent unions, operate freely.
About 25 percent of the national labor force is unionized. The CTV's top leadership
includes members of several political parties. The majority are affiliated with the
country's largest party, Democratic Action (AD). The CTV and the AD exercise re-
ciprocal influence on each other.
The law recognizes the right of public and private sector employees to strike.
However, public servants may exercise it only if it does not cause "irremediable
damage to the population or to institutions." The Labor Code allows the President
to order public or private sector strikers back to work and to submit their dispute
to arbitration if the strike "puts in immediate danger the lives or security of all or
part of the population." During 1997 most strikes occurred among government em-
ployees such as university professors, teachers, judicial workers, telephone workers,
and physicians in public hospitals and clinics, who began their month-long strike
in December 1996. In addition, there was a nationwide work stoppage by both pub-
lic and private sector workers on August 6 to protest a gasoline price increase and
delays in expected private sector salary increases.
There are no restrictions on affiliation with international labor organizations, and
many union organizations are active internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code protects and
encourages collective bargaining, which is freely practiced. According to the code,
employers must negotiate a collective contract with the union that represents the
majority of their workers. The code also contains a provision stating that wages may
be raised by administrative decree, provided that the Congress approves the decree.
The law prohibits employers from interfering with the formation of unions or with
their activities and from stipulating as a condition of employment that new workers
must abstain from union activity or must join a specified union. Ministry of Labor
676
inspectors hear complaints regarding violations of these regulations, and can impose
a maximum fine of twice the minimum monthly wage for a first infraction. Under
the code, union officials enjoy special protection from dismissal. If a judge deter-
mines that any worker was nrea for union activity, the worker is entitled to back
pay plus either reinstatement or payment of a substantial sum of money, which var-
ies according to his years of seniority.
Labor law and practice is the same in the sole export processing zone as in the
rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code states that no one
may "obligate others to work against their will." However, there were credible re-
ports of prison labor being administratively imposed on persons detained under the
Vagrancy Law. Apart from the general prohibition of compulsory labor, the law does
not specifically prohibit forced and bonaed labor by children, but such practices are
not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The
Labor Code and the Tutelary Law for Minors contain provisions to protect children
from exploitation in the workplace. Apart from the general prohibition of compulsory
labor, tne law does not specifically prohibit forced and bonaed labor by children, but
such practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.c.).
The Ministry of Labor and the National Institute for Minors enforce child labor
policies effectively in the formal sector of the economy but much less so in the infor-
mal sector, which accounts for the vast majority of child laborers. A plan formulated
by the National Institute for Minors in 1996 to reach and better protect children
working in the informal sector was not implemented because of a lack of funding.
r*rimary school education is compulsory, free, and universal. However, 64 percent
of children leave school before the ninth grade. In a 1996 survey of working cmldren
conducted by the National Institute for Minors, 45 percent of those polled said they
were not in school. The actual figure is probably much higher considering that those
who said they attended school also reported that they worked on average 7Vi hours
a day 4 to 7 days a week.
The Labor Code allows children between the ages of 12 and 14 years to work only
if the National Institute for Minors or the Labor Ministry grants special permission.
It states that children between the ages of 14 and 16 years may not work without
permission from their legal guardians. Minors may not work in mines or smelters,
m occupations that risk life or health, that could damage intellectual or moral devel-
opment, or in public spectacles.
Those under 16 years of age must by law work no more than 6 hours a day or
30 hours a week. Minors under the age of 18 years may work only during the hours
between 6 a.m. and 7 p.m. The estimated 1.2 million children who work in the infor-
mal sector, mostly as street vendors, generally work more hours than the total per-
mitted under the law. In the National Institute for Minors 1996 survey of worlcing
children, half the children worked both morning and afternoon, and 64.5 percent
worked 6 or 7 days a week.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The monthly minimum wage was $149 (74,640
bolivars) in the private sector for urban workers and $136 (67,940 bolivars) for rural
workers effective in May. Total take-home pay in the public sector, the product of
collective bargaining, was at least equal to tnat received by private sector minimum
wage workers. Fringe benefits are added to these minimum figures; they vary with
the workers' individual circumstances, but in general increase wages by about one-
third. However, even with these benefits, the minimum wage is not sufficient to pro-
vide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. Unions point out that a
worker's income is often less than the cost of a family's basic food basket, estimated
by the Government at year's end at $192 (95,938 bolivars). The law excludes only
domestic workers and concierges from coverage under the minimum wage decrees.
Under the Labor Code, the rates are set by administrative decree, which Congress
may either suspend or ratify but may not change. The Ministry of Labor enforces
minimum wage rates effectively in the formal sector of the economy but generally
does not enforce them in the informal sector.
The 1990 Labor Code reduced the standard workweek to a maximum of 44 hours,
and requires 2 "complete days of rest each week." Some unions, such as the petro-
leum workers, have negotiated a 40-hour week. Overtime may not exceed 2 hours
daily, 10 hours weekly, or 100 hours annually, and may not be paid at a rate less
than time and a half. The Ministry of Labor eflectively enforces these standards in
the formal sector.
The authorities have yet to promulgate regulations to implement the 1986 Health
and Safety Law, which is not enforced. The delay is due largely to concern that the
law provides penal sanctions against management when violations of health and
safety occur and to ambiguity in the law over what constitutes a violation. The
677
Labor Code states that employers are obligated to pay specified amounts (up to a
maximum of 25 times the minimum monthly salary) to workers for accidents or oc-
cupational illnesses, regardless of who is responsible for the injury.
It also requires that workplaces maintain "sufficient protection for health and life
against sicknesses and acciaents," and it imposes fines of from one-quarter to twice
the minimum monthly salary for first infractions. In practice, however, unsafe job
sites are seldom closed down by Ministry of Labor inspectors. Under the law, woric-
ers can remove themselves from dangerous workplace situations without jeopardy
to continued employment.
i
EAST ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
AUSTRALIA
Australia has a federal system of government and a long history as a multiparty
parliamentary democracy. The judiciary is independent.
Federal, state, and local police are under the firm control of the civilian authori-
ties and carry out their functions in accordance with the law. There were occasional
reports that police committed abuses.
A highly developed economy, which includes manufacturing, mining, agriculture,
and services, provides most citizens with a high per capita income. A wide range
of government programs offers assistance for disadvantaged citizens.
The Government respects the human rights of its citizens, and the law and judici-
ary provide effective means of dealing with individual instances of abuse. There
were occasional reports that police beat or otherwise abused persons. The Govern-
ment administers many programs to improve the socioeconomic conditions of Aborig-
ines and Torres Straits Islanders, who together form about 2 percent of the popu-
lation, and to address longstanding discrimination against them. Societal discrimi-
nation and violence against women are problems which are being actively ad-
dressed.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — ^There were no reports of political
killings by government oflicials. However, persons died in custody or during police
attempts to detain them (see Section I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits all such practices. However, police commonly mistreat indigenous
people (see Section 5). Amnesty International reported several incidents that in-
volved such abuses. In one case in 1996, an Aboriginal woman who was a rape vic-
tim was held in custody for 15 hours and denied medical treatment. State ana terri-
torial police forces have internal affairs units that investigate allegations of abuse
and report to a civilian ombudsman.
During a 12-month reporting period ending in July, 17 Aboriginal people were re-
ported to have died in custody or during police attempts to detain them. The total
was 21 for 1995-1996. Aborigines account for 20 percent of such deaths, while con-
stituting 2 percent of the population. Aboriginal people are imprisoned at a rate 18
times that of the general population.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the (jovemment
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the government observes this prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the executive and legislative branches respect its provisions.
There is a well-developed system of federal and state courts, with the High Court
at its apex. Almost all criminal trials are conducted by courts established under
state and territorial legislation. The Federal Court and the High Court have very
limited roles to play.
The law provides for the right to a fair trial and an independent judiciary vigor-
ously enforces this right.
When trials are conducted in local courts, the magistrates sit alone. In higher
courts, namely the state district or county courts and the state or territorial su-
preme courts, trials are usually conducted by judge and jury. The jury decides on
the facts and verdict after a trial conducted by a judge.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
(679)
45-909 98-23
680
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect these prohibi-
tions, and violations are subject to efTective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^Australia does not have a bill of rights. In two
decisions the High Court has indicated that freedom of political discourse is implied
in the Constitution. The Government respects these rights in practice. An independ-
ent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system com-
bine to ensure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom,
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — ^Although these rights are not
codiiled in law, citizens exercise them without government restriction.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom, of religion and the
Government respects this right in practice. A provision of the Constitution precludes
the adoption of a state religion. Minority religions are given equad rights to land,
status and building of places of worship.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government encourages migration to Australia by skiUed migrants, family
members, and refugees.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. There is no provi-
sion for first asylum. The Government either grants a protection visa, with full resi-
dence and employment rights, or refuses it, with no in-between measures. The Gov-
ernment has continued to repatriate forcibly individuals who it has determined do
not have a valid claim to refugee status to accordance with relevant United Nations
convention definitions. Human rights and refugee advocacy groups maintain that
the Government's refugee and asylum adjudication process is applied inconsistently.
Under the Migration Reform Act of 1994, asylum-seekers, who arrive at the bor-
der without prior authorization to enter the country, are automatically detained, but
may be released from detention if they meet certain criteria — including age, ill-
he^th, and experiences of torture or other trauma. The majority of asylum-seekers
are detained for the duration of the often-prolonged asylum process. TTie detention
policy has led to extensive litigation initiated by human ri^ts and refugee advocacy
groups, which charge that the sometimes lengthy detentions violate the human
rights of the asylum seekers.
In 1996-97, Australia accepted 73,900 migrants, with 11,903 admitted under the
humanitarian program, which accepts refugees and those in refugee-like situations
in urgent need of resettlement. This figure included 2,251 persons already in Aus-
tralia who were granted refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage and mandatory voting. In March
1996, voters ended 13 years of Labor Party government at the federal level by elect-
ing a Liberal-National Party coalition Government.
No legal impediments exist to prevent women and indigenous people from holding
public office. However, historical patterns of bias against women have contributed
to their underrepresentation in government and politics. Approximately 22 percent
of federal parliamentarians are women. The percentage increased from 14 percent
as a result of the 1996 election. The Government and the opposition have both de-
clared their intent to increase the numbers of women elected to public office.
The deleterious effects of poor educational achievement and a generally inferior
socioeconomic status have contributed significantly to the underrepresentation of
Aboriginals among political leaders. There are no Aboriginal Members of Par-
liament.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction
(and in some instances with government funding), investigating and publishing
their findings on human rights cases. Government officials cooperate and respond
to their views.
681
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination based on these factors, and the Government and
an independent judiciary vigorously enforce the prohibition.
In July the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission awarded a record
$38,460 (A$55,000) to a Ugandan-bom factory worker whose company failed to pro-
tect him from racial taunts at his workplace.
Women. — Social analysts and commentators estimate that domestic violence may
aflect as many as one family in three or four. Wife beating is particularly prevalent
in certain Aboriginal communities. The Government recognizes that domestic vio-
lence and economic discrimination are serious problems and the statutorily inde-
pendent Sex Discrimination Conunissioner actively addresses these and other areas
of discrimination. Government statisticians state that, because of underreporting
and the lack of an agreed method for collecting statistics, it is impossible to provide
an accurate national profile of the number of women who are victims of domestic
violence.
In 1992 Australia's High Court made sterilization of retarded women and girls il-
legal if not medically required, unless permission was granted by a court or tribu-
ntu. In December, however, a report commissioned by the federal Human Rights and
Equal Opportunity Commission was released that reported that, since permission
has been granted only 17 times, surgeons in the public health system had illegally
sterilized more than 1,000 retarded women and girls since 1992. The report added
that the real figure might be several times higher, since the data did not included
eatients whose sterilization was concealed by being listed as another operation. The
[ealth Ministry responded that the figure was too nigh, and that the actual number
of cases was one-fourth or one-fifth of that total.
Women have equal status under the law, and the law provides for pay equity.
There are highW organized and effective private and public women's rignts organi-
zations at Une federal, state, and local levels. There is a federal-level Ofiice of the
Status of Women that monitors women's rights. The federal Sex Discrimination
Commissioner receives complaints and attempts to resolve those that are deemed
valid. A 1994 U.N. report estimated that women receive approximately 90 percent
of wages paid to men for substantially similar work.
Chudren. — The Government demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems ol^public education, day care,
and medical care. The Government recently decided to remove subsidies to children
under the age of 18.
The federal Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission receives com-
plaints and attempts to resolve those it finds valid. Similarly, the six states and two
territories investigate complaints of neglect or child abuse and institute practical
metisures aimed at protecting the child when such complaints prove founded. The
Government has enacted strict legislation aimed at restricting the trade in, and pos-
session of, child pornography, and which further allows suspected pedophiles to be
tried in Australia regardless of where the crime was committed. There is no societal
pattern of abuse.
People With Disabilities. — Legislation prohibits discrimination against disabled
persons in employment, education, or other state services. The Disaoility Discrimi-
nation Commissioner promotes convpliance with federal laws prohibiting discrimina-
tion against disabled persons. The Commissioner also promotes energetic implemen-
tation and enforcement of state laws that require equal access and otherwise protect
the rights of disabled persons.
There is no federal legislation mandating the uniform provision of accessibility for
the disabled. It is lawful to deny employment or services to those with disabilities
if there are reasonable grounds for believing that the disabled person would be un-
able to carry out the work or would require the employer or service provider to fur-
nish services or facilities that could not reasonably be provided.
Indigenous People. — The Racial Discrimination Act of 1975 prohibits discrimina-
tion on grounds of race, color, descent, or national or ethnic origin. The Ministry
for Abon^al Affairs, in coniunction with the Aboriginal and Torres Straits Islander
Commission (ATSIC), has the main responsibility for initiating, coordinating, and
monitoring all governmental efforts to improve the quality of life of indigenous peo-
ple. A wide variety of government initiatives and programs seek to improve all as-
pects of Aboriginal and Torres Straits Islander life.
In practice, however, indigenous Australians continue to experience significantly
higher rates of imprisonment, inferior access to medical and educational institu-
tions, greatly reduced life expectancy rates, elevated levels of unemployment, and
general discrimination, which contribute to an overwhelming feeling of*^ powerless-
ness.
682
NationaUy, indigenous people are imprisoned at 18 times the rate of nonindige-
nous people. Over 45 percent of Aboriginal men between the ages of 20 and 30 years
have been arrested at some time in their lives. The prison incarceration rate for in-
digenous juvenile offenders is 21 times that of nonindigenous juveniles. Indigenous
groups claim that the Government's lack of response to a series of recommendations
by the 1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody contributes to
these disturbing statistics. Human rights observers claim that socioeconomic condi-
tions give rise to the common precursors of indigenous crime, e.g. unemployment,
homelessness, and boredom.
Indigenous groups charge that police harassment of indigenous jjeople is pervasive
and that racial discrimination among police and prison custodians persists. A
human rights delegation that visited Australia in 1996 alleged a pattern of iU-treat-
ment and arbitrary arrests occurring against a backdrop of systematic discrimina-
tion. In one study, 85 percent of juvenile indigenous suspects reported being hit,
punched, kicked, or slapped by police. Most of the juveniles interviewed had com-
plained about violence occurring after apprehension and during questioning about
alleged offenses. Government statistics confirm the common perception among indig-
enous people that they are systematically mistreated by police. Government reports
have suggested that the pursuit of economic self-determination for indigenous peo-
ple would greatly assist in solving the crime problems in indigenous communities
and the differences in rates of imprisonment.
The average life expectancy of an indigenous person is 20 years less than that
of a nonindigenous person. The infant mortality rate for indigenous children is 3
times that of nonindigenous children. The maternal mortality rate for indigenous
women is 5 times that of nonindigenous women. The incidence of illnesses such as
tuberculosis, leprosy, hepatitis, and of sexually transmitted diseases is 10 times
greater among indigenous people than nonindigenous people. Data indicate that
22.5 percent of indigenous children complete secondary education compared with
76.2 percent of nonindigenous children. Government statistics for 1995 show that
the pfirticipation rate in university education for Aborigines is 2.4 percent (up from
1.8 percent in 1991) compared with 2.7 percent for non-Aborigines.
Government programs, including a $750 million indigenous land fund and a "Fed-
eral Social Justice Package," aim at ameliorating the real challenges faced by indig-
enous Australians. The Government is also seeking ways to improve upon 1993 Na-
tive Title Legislation which has been largely unsuccessful in assisting Aborigines to
establish and pursue title to land. The December 1996 High Court Wik decision,
which ruled that native title to land could coexist with pastoral leases, complicated
an already confused situation. The Government's "Ten-Point Plan" response to the
decision, if passed in Parliament, would give states and territories the right to con-
vert leasehold to freehold, and thus finally extinguish native title to lands.
In May, after an inquiry, the Government's Human Rights and Equal Opportunity
Conunission declared that the country's former policy of forcibly separating Aborigi-
nal children from their parents, which was in effect from 1910 until the early
1970's, was a form of genocide. The policy was based on the belief that Aborigines
were a doomed race, and saving the children was the only humane alternative. In
a 1994 survey, the Government found that 10 percent of Aborigines older than 25 —
approximately 100,000 persons — had been separated from their parents in child-
hood. The Commission and Aboriginal leaders called for a government apology and
compensation for the children uprooted under the assimilation policy. The Govern-
ment initially ruled out any compensation, and blocked an opposition Labor Party
motion for an ajwlogy to the "stolen generation" of Aborigines. However, in Decem-
ber the Government announced a $40 million aid package to, among other things,
establish a national networic of "family link-up" services, fund 50 counselors to help
those affected by the jwlicy, and expand a network of regional support centers. How-
ever, the Minister for Aboriginal Affairs reiterated Prime Minister Howard's earlier
rejection of calls for an apology as "asking one generation to accept legal responsibil-
ity for the acts of earlier generations."
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Although Asians make up less than 5 per-
cent of the population, they account for 40 percent of recent immigrants. Public
opinion surveys indicate growing criticism of immigration, and there were reports
of a sharp increase in incidents of racial harassment, with Asians, as well as Aborig-
ines, reporting that they have been spat on, shoved, and threatened. In a survey
published in 1996 by the Chinese-language newspaper Sing Tao, more than half the
respondents said that they had been abused verbally or physically in the previous
2 months.
683
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law and practice provide workers, including
public servants, freedom of association domestically and internationally. Approxi-
mately 32 percent of the work force is unionized.
Unions carry out their functions free from government or political control, but
most local affiliates belong to state branches of the Australian Labor Party (ALP).
Union members must m^e up at least 50 percent of the delegates to ALP con-
gresses, but unions do not participate or vote as a bloc.
Prior to 1997, there were no restrictions on the right to strike. However, the
Workplace Relations Act, which went into effect on January 1, restricts the ri^ht
to strike to the period when a new wages and working conditions contract is being
negotiated. Legislation that went into force in 1994 for the first time legalized what
had always been a de facto right to strike.
Laws and reflations prohibit retribution against strikers and labor leaders, and
they are effectively enforced. In practice employers tend to avoid legal remedies
(e.g., secondary boycott injunctions) available to them in order to preserve a long-
term relationship with their unions.
Unions may freely form and join federations or confederations, and they actively
peirticipate in international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law and practice provide
workers with the right to organize and bargain collectively, and tne law protects
them from antiunion discrimination.
The Workplace Relations Act contains curbs on union power, restrictions on
strikes, and a new unfair-dismissal system. Several unions are considering challeng-
ing the 1997 law on the grounds that it violates the right to assembly provided for
in several International Labor Organization conventions that Australia has signed.
The primary curb on union power is abolition of closed shops and union demarca-
tions. Although unions are weakened, this provision could create many small and
competing unions at an individual worksite. The restrictions on strikes include
heavy fines for labor unrest during the life of an agreement and tougher secondary-
boycott provisions. The new unfair-dismissal system further limits redress and com-
pensation claims.
The negotiation of contracts covering wages and working conditions is gradually
shifting away from the centralized system of the past. Previously legislation pro-
vided for the negotiation of simpler "enterprise agreements," which were negotiated
by individual companies with their workers or with the relevant union(s). The fed-
eral and state governments administered centralized minimum-wage awards and
provided quasi -judicial arbitration, supplemented by industrywide or company-by-
company collective bargaining. The Workplace Relations Act also provides for the
negotiation of "Australian Workplace Agreements" (AWA's) between employers and
inmvidual workers. These agreements are subject to far fewer government regula-
tions than the awards. At present the AWA's are required to be roughly equivalent
to basic working conditions in the award that would apply to the sector to which
the firm belongs.
There are no export processing zones. The Darwin Trade Development Zone,
Northern Territory, attempts to increase exports via a geographically defined free
trade zone. In practice the Darwin initiative is focused almost exclusively on its
Asian neighbors to the north and west.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Although there are no laws pro-
hibiting it, forced labor, including forced and bonded labor by children, is not prac-
ticed.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The law
does not prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but such practices are not
known to occur (see Section 6.c.).
There is no federally mandated minimum age of employment, but state-imposed
compulsory educational requirements, monitored and enforced by state educational
authorities, effectively prevent most children from joining the work force until they
are 15 or 16 years of age. Federal and state governments monitor and enforce a net-
work of laws, which vary from state to state, governing minimum school-leaving
age, minimum age to claim unemployment benefits, and minimum age to engage in
specified occupations.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Although a formal minimum wage exists, it
has not been relevant in wage agreements since the 1960's. Instead, 80 percent of
workers are covered by differing minimum wage rates for individual trades and pro-
fessions, all of which are sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a work-
er and family.
Most workers are employees of incorporated organizations. For them, a complex
body of government regulations, as well as decisions of applicable federal or state
684
industrial relations commissions, prescribe a 40-hour or shorter workweek, paid va-
cations, sick leave, and other benefits, including at least one 24-hour rest period per
week.
Federal or state safety laws apply to every workplace.
The Occupational Health ana Safety (Commonwealth Employment) Act of 1991
provides federal employees with the legal right to cease work if they believe that
K articular work activities pose an immediate threat to individual health or safety,
[ost states and territories have laws that grant similar rights to their employees.
At a minimum, private sector employees have recourse to state health and safety
commissions, which will investigate complaints and demand remedial action.
BRUNEI
Brunei Darussalam, a small, wealthy monarchy located on the north coast of Bor-
neo, is a sultanate ruled by the same family for 600 years.
The 1959 Constitution provided for the first delegation of political power by the
late Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin to an appointed council of state, but in 1962 the
then Sultan invoked an article of the Constitution that allowed him to assume emer-
gency powers for 2 years. These powers have been regularly renewed, most recently
by the current Sultan in July 1996. Although not aU of the articles of the Constitu-
tion are suspended, the state of emergency places few limits on the Sultan's power.
He also serves as Prime Minister, Minister of Defense, Minister of Finance, chan-
cellor of the national university, superintendent general of the Royal Brunei Police
Force, and leader of the Islamic faith.
The police force, which has responsibility for internal security, reports to the
Prime Minister's office, which includes an Internal Security Department, and is
firmly under the control of civil authorities.
Brunei's large oil and natural gas reserves, coupled with its small population, give
it one of the world's highest per capita gross national products.
Human rights remain broadly circumscribed. In practice citizens do not have the
right to change their government, and they generally eschew political activity of any
kind. Nor, constitutioned provisions notwithstanding, do thev genuinely exercise the
freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and association. Other human rights problems,
including discrimination against women and restriction of religious freedom, contin-
ued.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There were no reports of police mistreatment oi prisoners. Any report of police mis-
treatment of prisoners would be investigated as a violation of the law. In 1988
caning became mandatory punishment for 42 drug-related and other criminal of-
fenses and for vandalism. Since then, sentences of caning have been handed down
and carried out in the presence of a doctor who monitors implementation and has
the authority to interrupt and postpone the punishment for medical reasons. Caning
is generally included as part of the sentencing in 80 percent of the criminal convic-
tions. Many convicted persons reportedly prefer caning rather than lengthy incarcer-
ation.
In October 1996, the authorities arrested two policemen for the rape of a waitress
from the Philippines. In November the policemen were convicted of the kidnap and
rape of the waitress. They were sentenced to 14 years in prison and given 12 strokes
of the cane.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards. There is no overcrowd-
ing, however, there is a growing prison population and a new facility to replace the
60-year-old prison is under construction. Prisoners receive regular medical check-
ups. Remand cells at police stations are Spartan.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law provides for a prompt judicial
determination of the validity of an arrest. However, those provisions, like the Con-
stitution itself, may be superseded, either partially or wholly, through invocation of
the emergency powers. The Internal Security Act (ISA) permits the (jovemment to
detain suspects without trial for renewable 2-year periods. The Grovemment occa-
sionally has used the ISA to detain persons suspected of antigovemment activity;
685
however, information on the detainees is only published after they are released. Two
former rebel leaders were pardoned and released, after undergoing "religious indoc-
trination" and swearing loyalty to the Sultan (see Section I.e.). As far as is known,
all former rebel leaders are out of prison; there may, however, be a few political de-
tainees arrested subseauent to the 1962 rebellion who are stiU in detention.
Police officers have Tbroad powers to make arrests without warrants of persons
caught in the act of committing a crime. However, under normal circumstances, a
magistrate must endorse a warrant for arrest. Warrants are issued without this en-
dorsement on rare occasions, such as when police are unable to obtain the endorse-
ment in time to prevent the flight of a suspect.
Under the colonial-era Banishment Act of 1918, any person deemed to be a threat
to the safety, peace, or welfare of Brunei, may be forcibly exiled either permanently
or temporarily by the Sultan. Since independence, there have been no cases of ban-
ishment of citizens.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution does not specifically provide for
an independent judiciary. In September 1996, in a landmark legal decision, how-
ever, the appellate-level. High Court ruled that the Court has powers independent
of the prosecution, and ordered a discharge in a car theft case under review, which
amounted to an acquittal under the Criminal Procedure Code. So far the Govern-
ment has not challenged the court's finding that magistrates have the legal power
to discharge and acquit a defendant, even when the discharge is not requested by
the prosecution.
The judicial system consists of five levels of courts, with final recourse in civil
cases available through the Privy Council in London. In January 1995, Brunei ter-
minated appeal to the Privy Council in criminal cases. Procedural safeguards in-
clude the right to defense counsel, the right to an interpreter, the right to a speedy
trial, and the right to confront accusers. There were no known instances of govern-
ment interference with the judiciary and no trials of political opponents.
The civil law, based on English common law, provides citizens with a fair and effi-
cient judicial process. Shari'a (Islamic law) supersedes civil law in some areas, in-
cluding divorce, inheritance, and some sexual crimes. Shari'a law is not applied to
non-Muslims.
Two "returnees" (individuals accused or convicted of participating in the 1962 re-
bellion, who fled or escaped the country, and subsequently returned) were released
after going through "religious indoctrination," and swearing loyalty to the Sultan.
As far as is known, all former rebel leaders are out of prison; there may, however,
be a few political detainees arrested subsequent to the 1962 rebellion who are still
in detention (see Section l.d.).
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Al-
though the law permits government intrusion into the privacy of individual persons,
families, or homes, this rarely happens. There were no reports of mail having been
opened prior to delivery during the year. The Government at times prevents the im-
portation of foreign newspapers and magazines (see Section 2.a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — While there are no laws restricting freedom of
speech and freedom of the press, the Government has used its authority to protect
public safety, morals, health, and domestic security to restrict these freedonos. Edi-
tions of overseas newspapers or magazines with articles that are found objection-
able, embarrassing, or critical of the Sultan, royal family, or government are not al-
lowed into the country. Magazine articles with a Christian theme are reportedly in-
variably censored. However, the growing use of fax machines, the Internet, and ac-
cess to satellite transmissions make it increasingly difficult to keep such material
from entering. The independently owned local newspaper appears to practice self-
censorship in its choice of topics so as not to anger the Government but it has insti-
tuted a new feature of letters to the editor by which citizens — some by name and
some anonymously — criticize the Government's handling of certain social, economic,
and environmental issues. The (jovemment's reactions to the letters have been
mixed. On the one hand, it has clearly been responsive to public opinion on some
issues such as dealing with social or environmental problems. On the other hand,
the Internal Security Department allegedly has been unsuccessfully attenipting to
obtain the names of people who have written to the newspaper to complain about
government services. In 1997 the newspaper expanded its letters column to reflect
the increase in letters.
Although the only Brunei-based television station is government-owned, three Ma-
laysian television channels are also received locally. A 10-channel cable network of
television stations is widely available. This network includes the Cable News Net-
686
work, the British Broadcasting Corporation World News, and several entertainment
channels.
The Government's tolerance of political criticism has not been tested recently be-
cause there is no organized opposition. Moreover, citizens generally make almost no
criticism of their government. In the past, the Government has not hesitated to ar-
rest those who attempted to propagate unwelcome political views.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Freedom to assemble for politi-
cal purposes has not been seriously tested in recent years.
Following a 1967 ban on political parties, the Government allowed two parties to
form in 1985 and 1986. It disbanded one of the parties in 1988. Political parties are
allowed but they are not to engage in activities that endanger people. Membership
is open to all citizens, except civil servants and security forces, who make up 60 per-
cent of all employed citizens.
The remaining party, the Brunei Solidarity National Party, which had been inac-
tive for several years, held an assembly in February 1995, reportedly with the con-
sent of the Government. About 50 people attended. In May 1995, the party presi-
dent resigned. In a September 1995 interview in a local newspaper, he said that he
had resigned after the Home Affairs Ministry warned him not to involve himself in
political activity because he is a former political detainee. He told the interviewer
that he was seeking authorization from the Government to resume political activity.
There has been no public party activity since the February 1995 assembly.
The activities of international service organizations such as Rotary, luwanis, and
the Lions, continued to be constrained by the Government, which in 1995 reminded
local leaders of these organizations that Muslims may not be members.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution states that, 'The religion of Brunei
Darussalam shall be the Muslim religion according to the Shafeite sect of that reli-
gion: Provided that all other religions may be practiced in peace and harmony by
uie person professing them in any part of Brunei Darussalam." The Government
sporadically voiced alarm about "outsiders" preaching radical Islamic fundamental-
ist or unorthodox beliefs. Citizens deemed to have been influenced by such preach-
ing (usually students returning from overseas study) have been "shown the error of
their ways" in study seminars organized by mainstream Islamic religious leaders.
The Government seems more concerned about these so-called Islamic * opportunists"
than unwelcome political views. Moreover, the Government does not hesitate to in-
vestigate and to use its internal security apparatus against these purveyors of radi-
cal Islam.
In 1991 the Government began to reinforce the legitimacy of the hereditary mon-
archy and the observance of traditional and Muslim values by reasserting a national
ideology known as the Malayhu Islam Beraja (MIB) or "Malay Muslim monarchy,"
the genesis of which reportedly dates back to the 15th century. The Government in
1993 participated in issuing the Kuala Lumpur Declaration, which confirms the
right of all persons to a wide range of human rights, including freedom of religion.
Despite this and constitutional provisions providing for the full and unconstrained
exercise of religious freedom, the Government routinely restricts the practice of non-
Muslim religions by: Prohibiting proselytizing; occasionally denying entry to foreign
clergy or particular priests, bisnops, or ministers; banning the importation of reli-
gious teaching materials or scriptures such as the Bible; and refusing permission
to expand, repair, or build new churches, temples, and shrines.
The Ministry of Education has also restricted the teaching of the history of reli-
gion or other courses in religion in non-Islamic schools while requiring courses on
Islam or the MIB in all schools. Currently only the Bandar Seri Begawan and
Jerudong International Schools are exempted from these restrictions.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government restricts the movement of former political prisoners
during the first year of their release. Otherwise, generally, the Government does not
restrict freedom of movement of its citizens, visitors, and permanent residents. Gov-
ernment employees, both citizens and foreigners working on a contractual basis,
must apply for approval to go abroad; it is routinely granted.
Brunei has no legal provision for granting temporary refuge, first asylum, or refu-
gee status to those seelcing such refuge or asylum. Under the law, persons arriving
without vaUd entry documents and means of support are considered illegal immi-
grants and are deported. There were no reported cases of individuals seeking tem-
porary refuge in 1997.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens are unable to change their government; Brunei is a monarchy and there
are no established democratic processes. Under the continuing state of emergency.
687
there is no parliament, and political authority and control rests in the hands of the
ruling monarch. Individuals may seek to express their views or to influence govern-
ment decisions and policies by writing letters to the local newspaper or by petition-
ing the Sultan or handing him letters when he appears in public.
A form of popular representation lies in a tra<fitional system of village chiefs who,
since 1992, are elected by secret ballot by all adults. These leaders communicate
constituents' wishes through a variety of channels, including periodic meetings
chaired by the Home Affairs Minister, with several ofiicials appointed by the Sultan.
In May 1996, the Sultan officiated at the first General Assembly of the "mukim"
(a group of villages) and village consultative council. Over 1,000 village chiefs from
150 villages and 35 mukim participated as delegates. The delegates were elected
from among individual villagers, and the Government described the Assembly as "a
grass roots level political system." The council's advisers, however, are all appointed
y the Sultan. The Government insists that ordinary citizens actually use these
councils to present their grievances and to obtain redress.
The lack of representative democratic government seriously limits the role of men
and women in government and politics; however, women are making progress. In
1997 the Sultans sister, Princess Masna, was confirmed as the number two oflicial
in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and for the first time two women were appointed
as permanent secretaries in the Ministries of Education, and Culture, Youth and
Sports.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no government or private organizations that deal specifically with the
protection of human rights. However, in 1997, for the first time, the Government
entered into a human rights dialog with a foreign embassy. There were no known
allegations of abuses or requests to visit by international human rights groups.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Except for religion (see Section 2.c.), the Constitution does not contain specific
provisions prohibiting discrimination based on the factors listed above.
Women. — The extent to which spousal abuse may occur and go unreported is not
known. However, in response to a perception that domestic violence is a serious
problem, the police established a special unit to investigate allegations of spousal
abuse in October 1994. Approximately 16 cases of domestic abuse were reported to
police in the first half of 1995. The Government has established a shelter for abused
women, and reportedly there were four residents there in 1995. In general Islamic
religious authorities oppose divorce and encourage spouses to return even to fla-
grantly abusive husbands. However, they recognize wife beating as grounds for di-
vorce. In 1995 the Government initiated a well-publicized telephone hot line to re-
port abusers.
The criminal penalty for a minor domestic assault is 1 to 2 weeks in jail and a
fine. An assault resulting in serious injury would be punished by caning and a
longer jail sentence. One area of apparent abuse involves female domestic servants.
While the level of violence in society is low, beating of servants — or refusing them
the right to leave the house on days off, sometimes on grounds that they "might
encounter the wrong company" — is less socially unacceptable behavior. Since most
female domestics are foreign workers who are highly dependent on their employers,
those subject to abuse may be unwilling or unable to bring complaints, either to the
authorities or to their governments' embassies. When such complaints are brought,
however, the Government is generally quick to investigate allegations of abuse and
impose fines and punishment as warranted.
m accordance with Koranic precepts, women are denied equal status with men
in a number of important areas, such as divorce, inheritance, and custody of chil-
dren. Under the Brunei Nationality Act, citizenship is transmitted throu^ males
only. Female citizens who are married to foreigners or bear children by foreign fa-
thers cannot transmit citizenship to their children, even when such children are
bom in Brunei. This has resulted in creation of a sizable population of stateless chil-
dren, estimated at more than 5,000 residents, who are entitled to live in the country
and be documented for travel by the Government, but who cannot enjoy the full
privileges of citizenship, including the right to own land.
Although men are eligible for permanent positions in government service whether
or not they hold university degrees, women who do not nave university degrees are
eligible to hold government positions only on a month-to-month basis. While recent
changes eliminated some previous inequities, women in month-to-month positions
688
continue to receive slightly less annual leave and fewer allowances than their male
and female counterparts in permanent positions.
Religious authorities strongly encourage Muslim women to wear the tudong, a tra-
ditional head covering, and many women do so. Some Muslim women do not, how-
ever, and there is no oflicial pressure on non-Muslim women to do so. All female
students in government-operated schools are required to wear the tudong; students
in nongovernment schools are encouraged to wear it. All public schools are secular.
There are no separate pay scales for men and women, and in recent years there
has been a major influx of women into the worit force. Women serve in a wide vari-
ety of capacities in the armed forces, although they may not serve in combat. The
number of female university graduates is increasing, and nearly two-thirds of
Brunei University's entering class is female.
Children. — ^There are no published statistics regarding the welfare of children.
The strong commitment to family values within society, the hi^ standard of living,
and government funding for children's welfare provides most children a healthy and
nurturing environment. With a few exceptions involving small villages in extremely
remote areas, nutritional standards are high, and poverty is almost unknown. There
were 18 reported cases of child abuse in the first naif of 1995. In 1997 Brunei rati-
fied and acceded to the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child. In October
1996, the Brunei High Court convicted a father of 11 of child abuse. The Chief Jus-
tice sentenced him to 20 years in prison and ordered him caned with 20 strokes of
the rattan for causing the death of his 3-year-old daughter and grievous hurt to an-
other 2 of his children.
People With Disabilities. — No legislation mandating accessibility or other assist-
ance for disabled persons has been passed. The Government is attempting to provide
educational services for children with disabilities, although these efforts are not yet
adequate to address the situation. Teachers are still being trained to deal with dis-
abled children and some children have no educational opportunities. A special facil-
ity with trained educators is needed to accommodate the disabled children who can-
not be assimilated into normal classrooms, and the Ministry of Education is study-
ing the problem.
Indigenous People. — ^The 6 percent of the population that is composed of indige-
nous peoples has long been integrated into society, and enjoys the same rights as
other citizens.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — Some members of non-Malay minorities,
such as ethnic Chinese, including those bom and raised in Brunei, are not automati-
cally accorded citizenship and must travel abroad as stateless persons. Brunei's colo-
nial-era naturalization laws are widely viewed as out of date and in need of reform.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Trade unions are legal in Brunei but must be reg-
istered with the Government. There are three registered trade unions, one passive
and two generally inactive, all of them in the oil sector, and with a total member-
ship amounting to less than 5 percent of that industry's work force. All workers,
including civil servants other than those serving in the military and police, may
form or ioin trade unions. Unions are independent of the Government. The Trade
Unions Act of 1962 permits the formation of trade union federations, but forbids af-
filiation with labor organizations outside Brunei. An individual contract is required
between an employer and each employee, but legal trade union activities cannot be
deemed to violate employee contracts. Local legal experts interpret this provision as
conferring the right to strike, but there have been no strikes. Brunei is not a mem-
ber of the International Labor Organization.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^The Government has not pre-
vented the legal registration of trade unions, nor has it dissolved any. The Govern-
ment did not interfere with lawful union activity. It is illegal to refuse employment
or discriminate against an employee on the basis of membership or nonmembership
in a trade union. While unions are legal and easy to register, conditions are not con-
ducive to the development of trade unions. There is little interest on the part of
workers in forming trade unions, and existing unions are not very active. The law
is silent on collective bargaining, and it occurs in only a few industries. There are
few industries of the kind in which unions have traditionally developed. Also, cul-
tural tradition favors consensus over confrontation. Wage and benefit packages are
based on market conditions and tend to be generous.
There is a free trade zone in Muara Port, known as the Muara Export Zone
(MEZ), established in May 1994.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced labor in-
cluding forced and bonded labor by children, and it is not practiced.
689
During the year, a foreign beauty contest winner brought suit in a foreign court
against members of the Brunei royal family filleging that she and others were
brought to Brunei and subseauently held against their wiU for purposes of sexual
exploitation. A statement by tne royal family called the case "frivolous and ground-
less." At year's end, the case had not been resolved.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The
Labor Enactment Laws of 1954 prohibits employment of children below the age of
16. Parental consent and approval by the Labor Commission is required for those
below the age of 18. Female minors under age 18 may not work at night or on off-
shore oil platforms. The Department of Labor (DOL), which is a part ofthe Ministry
of Home Affairs, effectively enforces laws on the employment of children. There were
no reports of violations of the child labor laws. Forced and bonded labor by children
is prohibited and it is not practiced (see Section 6.C.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Skilled labor is in short supply, and maiket
forces enable most citizens to command good salaries. There is no minimum wage.
The standard workweek is Monday through Thursday and Saturday, with Frioay
and Sunday off, allowing for two 24-hour rest periods each week. Overtime is paid
for work in excess of 48 hours a week, and double time is paid for work performed
on legal holidays. Occupational health and safety standards are established by gov-
ernment regulations. The DOL inspects working conditions on a routine basis and
in response to complaints. The DOL generally enforces labor regulations effectively.
However, in the unskilled labor sector enforcement is lax, especially for foreign la-
borers (see also the subsection on Women in Section 5). The DOL is empowered to
close any workplace where health, safety, or working conditions are unsatisfactory,
and it has done so in the past.
BURMA
Burma continued to be ruled by a highly authoritarian military regime. The mili-
tary Government known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)
seized power in September 1988 after harshly suppressing massive prodemocracy
demonstrations. In November the SLORC announced that the military Government
had been renamed the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). The regime
is headed by armed forces commander General Than Shwe and composed of top
military officers. Retired dictator General Ne Win, whose idiosyncratic policies had
isolated Burma and driven the country into deep economic decline, may continue to
wield considerable influence. The judiciary is not independent of the executive.
The SLORC permitted a relatively free election in 1990, but it failed to honor the
results — which were an overwhelming rejection of military rule — and cede power to
the victorious prodemocracy forces. Instead, the SLORC attacked the coalition of
wirming parties and their leaders through intimidation, detention, and house arrest,
and redoubled efforts to consolidate and perpetuate its rule. In 1993 the SLORC es-
tablished the "National Convention," a body ostensibly tasked with drafting a new
constitution. The SLORC carefully handpicked the delegates, overwhelmingly made
up of military officers, and stage-managed the constitutional convention's proceed-
ings, ignoring even limited opposition views. Although the National Convention has
not been reconvened since 1996, the military government appears detennined to
draft a constitution that will ensure a dominant role for the military services in the
country's future political structure.
The Government reinforces its firm military rule with a pervasive security appa-
ratus led by the military intelligence organization, the Directorate of Defense Serv-
ices Intelligence (DDSI). Control is buttressed by selective restrictions on contact
with foreigners, surveillance of government employees and private citizens, harass-
ment of political activists, intimidation, arrest, detention, and physical abuse. The
Government justifies its security measures as necessary to maintain order and na-
tional unity. However, most major insurgent groups have reached individual accom-
modations with the SLORC in recent years, which provide varying levels of stability
and autonomy from central government control. Members ofthe security forces com-
mitted numerous, serious human rights abuses.
Burma is a poor country, with an estimated average per capita income of $200
to 3(X) per year on an exchange rate basis and $700 to $9(X) on a purchasing-power-
parity basis. Primarily an agricultural country, it also has substantial mineral, fish-
ing, and timber resources. Since 1988 the Government has partly opened the econ-
omy to permit expansion of the small private sector and attract foreign investment.
Some economic improvement has ensued, but major obstacles to economic reform
persist. These include extensive overt and covert state involvement in economic ac-
690
tivity, state monopolization of leading exports, a bloated bureaucracy prone to arbi-
trary and opacjue governance, corruption, poor human and physical infrastructure,
and disproportionatelv large military spending.
The Government's longstanding severe repression of human rights continued dur-
ing the year. Citizens continued to live subject at any time and without appeal to
the arbitrary and sometimes brutal dictates of the military dictatorship. Citizens do
not have the ri^t to change their government. The SLORC has given no sign of
a willingness to cede its hold on absolute power. There continue to be credible re-
ports, particularly in ethnic minority-dominated areas, that soldiers committed seri-
ous humem ridits abuses, including extrajudicial killings and rape. Disappearances
continued, ana members of the security forces beat and otherwise abused^ detainees.
Prison conditions remained harsh. Arbitrary arrests and detentions continued for
expression of dissenting political views. Many hundreds — if not more — political pris-
oners remained in prison, including approximately 31 parliamentariems elected in
1990. Since May 1996, at least 340 persons have been arrested and imprisoned for
political reasons, and may remain in prison at year's end. The judiciary is subject
to executive influence, and the Government infringes on citizens' ri^ts to privacy.
The SLORC maintained and at times intensified its restrictions on basic rights
of free speech, press, assembly, and association. Political party activity remained se-
verely restricted. Although the authorities recognize the chief opposition party, the
National League for Democracy (NLD), as a legal entity, they prevented the party
from conducting normal day-to-day political activities. The Government closed many
party offices throughout the country with no apparent legal justification. The regime
refiised to recognize the legal political status oi key NLD party leaders, such as its
General Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi and the two party cochairmen, and it severely
constrained their activities through security measures and threats. The regime
stopped a party conference held on May 27 to mark the seventh anniversary of the
1990 elections by the use of physical restraints on NLD party members. The au-
thorities detained or threatened to detain as many as 300 Members of Parliament-
elect (M.P.''s-elect) and party activists from outside Rangoon to deter attendance.
They also progressively tightened restrictions imposed in late 1996 on Aung San
Suu Kyi's freedom to leave her compound and her ability to receive visitors. Al-
though the Government eased restrictions on NLD gatherings in September that al-
lowed the party to hold a congress marking the ninth anniversary of its founding,
this action was only temporary, as authorities blocked subsequent meetings.
The SLORC's repression oi the NLD continued with the forcible closure of NLD
offices upcountry and harassment of NLD members for petty offenses. It forced NLD
members to work as military porters and arrested and convicted NLD supporters
of political crimes, especially those associated personally with Aung San Suu Kyi.
The Government imposed restrictions on certain religious minorities. In March
the authorities did little to halt attacks on Muslims by Buddhist monks. The au-
thorities initially did little to stop the rioting, and in some cases stood by and
watched the looting of Muslim property, although they did deter physical harm to
Muslims themselves. An estimated 42 mosques were damaged or destroyed through-
out the country. The Government restricted freedom of movement. Thousands of
citizens fled army attacks against insurgents, and remained in refugee camps in
Thailand at years end. Discrimination against women and ethnic minorities, vio-
lence against women, trafficking in women and girls, and widespread adult and
child prostitution are problems. The Government restricts worker rights, bans
unions, and uses forced labor for public works and to produce food for military garri-
sons. The forced use of citizens as porters by the army — with attendant maltreat-
ment, illness, and even death for those compelled to serve — remained a common
practice. The Government did not enforce 1996 military directives to cease the prac-
tice of forced civilian labor, and the practice remains widespread. Child labor is also
a problem. The use of forced civilian labor on projects appeared to decrease.
During the SLORC's antiinsurgency operations, military forces were responsible
for arbitrary killings, rape, village relocations, the destruction of homes and prop-
erty, and forced labor inflicted on ethnic minorities.
msurgent forces committed numerous abuses, including killings, rapes, and other
atrocities.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There continued to be many credible
reports of brutality and the killing of civilians by soldiers, particularly in areas
dominated by ethnic minorities. Brutal treatment by soldiers also caused deaths
among those impressed as military porters in areas held by ethnic insurgents. In
691
February soldiers detained approximately 50 NLD leaders and members from
Toungoo in Rago Division. Of this group, 14 persons were forced into porterage;
three persons reportedly died as a result. In May in Bago Division, soldiers detained
a group of 36 NLD members from Kyaukyi. Eight persons were taken eis porters;
one of them died while working as a porter. The Government's general disregard
for human rights has created a climate that is clearly conducive to such abuses.
TTie military forces disregard the safety of noncombatants, and thousands of refu-
gees continue to flee into nei^boring Thailand.
Various insurgent groups also committed extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — As in previous years, private citizens and political activists
continued to "disappear^ temporarily, for periods ranging from several hours to sev-
eral weeks. DDSI officials usually apprehended individuals for questioning without
the knowledge of their family members. In many, although not all cases, they re-
leased them soon afterward. Such action was usually intended to prevent free politi-
cal expression or assembly. At the same time, large numbers of persons continued
to be forcibly seized by soldiers for porterage or related duties, often without the
knowledge of their family members. The whereabouts of those conscripted, as well
as of prisoners transferred for labor or porterage duties, remain unknown.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The authorities routinely subjected detainees to harsh interrogation techniques de-
signed to intimidate and disorient. The most common forms of mistreatment were
sleep and food deprivation coupled with around-the-clock questioning; some detain-
ees were also kicked and beaten. Political detainees were held incommunicado for
long periods. Credible reports continue that prisoners are forced to squat or assume
stressful, uncomfortable, or painful positions for lengthy periods.
There continued to be credible reports that security forces subjected ordinary citi-
zens to harassment and physical abuse. The military forces routinely confiscated
property, cash, and food, and used coercive and abusive recruitment methods to pro-
cure porters. Those forced into porterage or other duties faced extremely difficult
conditions and mistreatment that sometimes resulted in death (see Section l.a.).
There were many reports that soldiers raped women who were members of ethnic
minorities
Prison conditions remained harsh. The regimen at Insein Prison near Rangoon re-
mained extremely harsh including the lack of exercise, mosquito nets, and reading
materials for some prisoners, poor nutrition, inadequate medical care, and the use
of solitary confinement and "doggie cells," (small enclosures that remind citizens of
kennels used during World War II) as punishment. A small number of prominent
political prisoners were housed in separate bungalow accommodations on the prison
compound. All prisoners were usually permitted to receive medicine as well as sup-
plemental food brought by their families during 15-minute visits permitted every 2
weeks, although there are occasional reports that guards demand bribes for that
privilege.
Concutions for political prisoners were reported to be much harsher at some
upcountry locations than in Rangoon; Thayet and Thayawaddy prisons are cited
most often in this regard. In April the authorities transferred approximately 150
prisoners — including 59 NLD members — from Insein to upcountry prisons. The inev-
itable consecjuence for most prisoners of the transfer from Rangoon was additional
hardship in the form of reduced access to family support, food, medicine, and cloth-
ing. However, there have been reports that prison conditions for a number of politi-
cal prisoners improved late in the year.
U Tin Shwe (Monywa), a former NLD central executive committee member, died
in Insein prison on June 8. A founding member of the NLD, Tin Shwe had been
arrested in 1990 and was serving an 18-year sentence when he died of heart disease
at age 68. After receiving cardiac treatment at Insein Hospital in April, his family
asked the authorities to allow specialists to see Tin Shwe outside the prison; how-
ever, authorities denied permission. After prolonged deterioration, he died in cus-
tody, the sixth NLD member to die in prison since 1988. In September the authori-
ties did provide timely medical treatment to NLD founding member U Win Tin,
Aung San Suu Kvi's cousin, Cho Aung Than, Dr. Aung Sint, and three other politi-
calprisoners at Rangoon General Hospital.
The Government does not permit prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — There is no provision in the law for judi-
cial determination of the legality of detention. The SLORC routinely practiced arbi-
trary arrest and incommunicado detention. Prior to being charged, detainees rarely
had access to legal counsel or their families and political detainees have no oppor-
tunity to obtain release on bail. Political detainees are held incommunicado for long
periods. Even after being charged, detainees rarely have benefit of counsel.
692
As in 1996, the authorities carried out a campaign of detention and intimidation
to prevent the NLD from holding a party conference. Prior to the NLD's planned
celebration on May 27 to mark tne seventh anniversary of the 1990 election, the
SLORC detained more than 300 NLD Members of ParUament-Elect (M.P.'s-Elect)
and activists outside Rangoon and threatened others to prevent them from attend-
ing the event. Although the authorities subsequently released all the detainees,
their detentions violated the NLD's right as a legal party to hold a political gather-
ing (see Section 2.b.).
In February the authorities arrested four prominent NLD M.P.'s-Elect — all of
whom are medical doctors — on charges that appeared designed to harass them be-
cause of their afliliation with the NLD. One doctor, who is also a party organizer
for Rangoon Division, was jailed for 40 days on charges of operating a clinic without
a license; eventually he was able to prove that he had applied for a license. While
charges against the physician and two of his colleagues were later dismissed for lack
of evidence, another physician with ties to the NLD was convicted on a suspected
false charge of "negligent homicide" and sentenced to 4 years in prison. He had
given an injection to a vagrant who ignored his advice to seek immediate treatment
in a hospital and subsequently died.
The military forces forcibly seized citizens to serve as porters during military op-
erations; at times the brutal treatment that they suffered caused the death of such
persons (see Sections l.a., l.b., and I.e.).
Forced exile is not used as a method of political control. However in 1990, when
the SLORC refused to recognize the results of the elections and pressured successful
candidates to resign, some candidates, as well as thousands of political activists, re-
sponded by going mto exile rather than face threats.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is not independent of the executive.
The SLORC names justices to the Supreme Court who, in turn, appoint lower court
judges with the approval of the SLORC. Pervasive corruption further serves to un-
dermine the impartiality of the justice system.
The court system, as inherited from the United Kingdom and subsequently re-
structured, comprised courts at the township, district, state, and national levels.
Throughout the year, the Government continued to rule by decree and was not
bound by any constitutional provisions providing for fair public trials or any other
rights. Although remnants of the British-era legal system were formally in place,
the court system and its operation remained seriously flawed, particularly in the
handling of political cases. Unprofessional behavior by some court officials, the mis-
use of overly broad laws, and the manipulation of the courts for political ends con-
tinued to deprive citizens of the right to a fair trial and the rule oi law.
Some basic due process rights, including the right to a public trial and to be rep-
resented by a defense attorney, were generally respected, except in political cases
that authorities deemed especially sensitive. Defense attorneys are permitted to call
and cross-examine witnesses, but their primary purpose is to bargain with the judge
to obtain the shortest possible sentence for their clients. Most court proceedings are
open to the public. However, in political cases, trials are held in courtrooms on pris-
on compounds emd are not open to the public. In these instances, defense counsel
appears to serve no purpose other than to provide moral support, since reliable re-
ports indicate that verdicts are dictated by higher authorities.
The arrest and conviction of three associates of Aung San Suu Kyi illustrates the
opaque nature of the judicial process under the SLORC regime, which denies de-
fendants in political cases the right to a fair public trial. In June the SLORC ar-
rested Cho Aung Than, his sister Nge Ma Ma Than, and her husband, Myint Swe.
Authorities tried and sentenced them to 10 years in prison on charges of Sinlawful
association" and of allegedly having assisted foreigners (representatives of non-
g)vemmental organizations (NGO's)) in transferring money to Aung San Suu Kyi.
ho Aung Than and Nge Ma Ma Than are Aung San Suu Kyi's cousins. A fourth
alleged coconspirator, Myo Aung Thant, was also sentenced to 10 years' imprison-
ment, in addition to life imprisonment for alleged involvement in terrorist attacks.
These included a package bomb killing of the daughter of SLORC official Tin Oo
in April. The closed and opaque judicial process in these cases cast serious doubt
on the legitimacy of the proceedings.
In December the SLORC commuted the sentences of those prisoners serving terms
longer than 10 years. Approximately 60 students and political prisoners arrested be-
tween 1988 and 1992 had their sentences reduced, making them eligible for release
within the next few years.
There are unconfirmed estimates of as many as 1,000 political prisoners. Since
May 1996, at least 340 political prisoners have oeen arrested; most remain confined.
Of the total, 93 are students, 18 are NLD parliamentarians-elect, and 229 are NLD
members, supporters, and activists. Of this total, 52 students, all the parliamentar-
693
ians-elect, and 110 NLD members and supporters have been tried and sentenced.
The status of the remaining persons in custody is not known.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
military authorities ruled unchecked by any outside authority, and the State contin-
ued to interfere extensively and arbitrarily in the lives of private citizens. Through
its extensive intelligence network and atmunistrative procedures, the Government
closely monitored the travel and activities of many citizens, particularly those
known to be politically active. Authorities sometimes enter homes during night
hours to check registration documents of occupants as a form of monitoring personal
movements. Security personnel selectively screened private correspondence and tele-
phone calls and conducted warrantless searches of private premises and other prop-
erty. At times the Government attempted to jsLva foreign radio broadcasts, and citi-
zens were generally unable to subscribe directly to foreign publications (see Section
2.a.). Government employees are generally required to obtain advance permission
before meeting with foreigners.
The military services forced citizens-including women and children-to work as
military porters under harsh conditions (see Sections l.a, l.b., and l.g.).
To maxe way for commercial or public construction, and in some cases for security
reasons, the SLORC continued to move people out of cities to peripheral new town
settlements, although on a smaller scale than during the early 1990's. While facili-
ties in some of these areas have improved over time, residents targeted for displace-
ment continued to be given no option but to move, usually on short notice. The mili-
tary authorities also continued the widespread and frequent practice of forcible relo-
cation of rural villages in ethnic minority areas in response to security concerns.
This practice was particularly widespread and egregious in the Shan, Kayah, and
Karen states, where tens of thousands of villagers were displaced or herded into
smaller settlements in strategic areas.
In a number of urban areas, residents were compelled to cede land for road- widen-
ing projects approved without any public consultation or endorsement. Other long-
term city residents were required to cede land for commercial redevelopment and
were compensated at only a fraction of the value of their lost homes. For example,
the Government forced residents in the Hledan market area of Rangoon to relocate
to make way for an apartment complex without paying compensation for their
homes; residents were given the option to buy new apartments outside the city. In
rural areas, military personnel at times confiscated livestock and food supplies. The
armed forces also forcibly relocated many villages and citizens during its campaign
against insurgents (see Section l.g.).
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— For nearly 5 decades, the army has battled diverse ethnic insurgencies.
These ethnic minority insurgent groups have sou^t to gain greater autonomy, or
in some cases, independence from the dominant ethnic Burman majority. In 1989
the SLORC began a policy of seeking cease-fire agreements with most ethnic insur-
gent groups along the borders.
FoUcwing the l)reakdown of its cease-fire with the separatist Karenni National
Progressive Party (KNPP) in 1995, the army began an offensive in 1996 against the
KNPP that continued through year's end. As pajrt of its campaign to deny the guer-
rillas local support, the military forces forcibly relocated hundreds of villages and
tens of thousands of Karenni civilians. In central and southern Shan state, the mili-
tary forces continued to engage the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), a
remnant of Khun Sa's narcotics-linked former Mong Tai Army, and began a cam-
paign of relocation against the villagers in the region. Many thousands have been
forced to move from tneir villages. There are credible reports of retaliatory killings,
rapes, and other atrocities committed by the army against civilians.
The Karen National Union (KNU) is the largest single insurgent group that con-
tinues to fi^t against central government rule. In January the fourth round of
cease-fire talks between the KNU and the SLORC broke down. In February the
army launched an offensive that pushed the KNU out of its last strongholds in
Karen state. The KNU lost control of most of its former territory along the Thai
border. As a result, over 20,000 Karen civilians fled to Thailand.
In coryunction with the military's campaigns against the Karen, Karenni, and
Shan insurgents, it was standard practice for the military forces to coerce civilians
into working as porters in rural areas in or near combat zones. According to testi-
mony collected by international human rights NGO's from refugees, the men — and
sometimes women and children as well — who were forced to labor as porters often
suffered beatings and, on occasion, died as a result of their mistreatment by soldiers
(see Sections l.a, l.b., and I.e.). There were reports that soldiers raped female mem-
bers of ethnic minorities in contested areas.
694
In the regions controlled by insurgent groups engaged in narcotics trafficking, ci-
vilians were reliably reported to have been subjected to forced labor as well by those
groups.
Antigovemment insurgent groups were also responsible for violence, including the
deployment of Ijind mines that caused both civilian and military deaths. The SURA
insurgents conunitted retaliatory killings, rapes, and other atrocities against civil-
ians.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government continued to impose severe re-
strictions on freedom of speech and of the press. The security services continued to
harass and repress those attempting to express opposition poUtical views, and many
more refrained from speaking out for fear of arrest, interrogation, and other forms
of intimidation. Since late 1996, the authorities have prohibited the weekend gath-
erings in front of Aung San Suu Kyi's residence at which she and NLD vice-chair-
men Tin Oo and Kyi Maung formerly responded to letters from the public and deliv-
ered speeches. Barriers blocking access to her residence remained in place during
the year, and her freedom to leave her compound or to receive visitors was severely
restricted.
The government monopoly television, radio, and newspaper media remained prop-
aganda instruments. These official media normally did not report opposing views ex-
cept to criticize them. Editors and reporters remained answerable to nulitaiy au-
thorities. While the English language daily New Li^t of Myanmar continued to in-
clude many heavily edited international wire service reports on foreign news, do-
mestic news hewed strictly to and reinforced government policy.
All forms of domestic public media were oflicially controlled or censored. This
strict control in turn encouraged self-censorship on the part of writers and publish-
ers. Citizens were generally unable to subscribe directly to foreign publications, but
a limited selection of foreign newspapers could be purchased in a few hotels and
stores in Rangoon (see Section l.f ). A limited supply of intemationsd news maga-
zines and a sizable number of private publications on nonpolitical issues were avail-
able to the public, but censors frequently banned issues or deleted articles deemed
unwelcome by the Government.
Monthly press conferences that had begun La August 1996 were suspended by the
Government in April. Prior to that time, most known foreign journalists, including
television crews, had been able to obtain visas to visit and report on developments,
although authorities sometimes monitored and restricted their movements. The
Government issued few visas to journalists after April.
Foreign radio broadcasts, such as those of the British Broadcasting Corporation,
Voice 01 America, Radio Free Asia, and the Norway-based Democratic Voice of
Burma, remained the principal sources of uncensored information. The authorities
at times attempted to jam or otherwise interfere with the reception of these broad-
casts (see Section l.f.). They also continued to restrict the reception of satellite tele-
vision broadcasts. Penalties of up to 3 years' imprisonment for operation of an unli-
censed satellite television receiver can be imposed. Licenses, however, were almost
impossible to obtain by citizens, although some ignored the licensing regulation.
A series of totalitarian decrees issued by the Government in 1996 designed to
strengthen its control over all forms of political expression and citizens' access to
information remained in force during the year. Order 5/96 in 1996 prohibited
speeches or statements that "undermine national stability" as well as the drafting
of alternative constitutions. A 1996 amendment to the television and video law im-
posed additional restrictions and stiffer penalties on the distribution of videotapes
not approved by the censor. Also in 1996, the Government decreed that all comput-
era, software, and associated telecommunications devices would be subject to govern-
ment registration. The law required government permission for all communications
by computer. The Government bars most Internet services to citizens. During the
year, the authorities granted permission to one Internet service company to provide
only electronic mail services to any citizen on a fee basis.
University teachers and professors remained subject to the same restrictions on
freedom of speech, political activities, and publications as other government employ-
ees. These included warnings against criticism of the Government; instructions not
to discuss politics while at wore; strictures against joining or supporting political
parties; engaging in political activity; or meeting foreigners. Teachers continued to
be held responsible for propagating SLORC political goals among their students and
for maintaining discipline and preventing students from engaging in any unauthor-
ized political activity.
Following student demonstrations in December 1996, the Government closed the
universities and even primary and secondary schools to prevent further demonstra-
695
tions. While the primary and secondary schools reopened in August, most univer-
sities remained closed at year's end.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government restricts free-
dom of assembly. Its prohibition of unauthorized outdoor assemblies of more than
five persons remained in effect, albeit unevenly enforced. The 10 existing legal polit-
ical parties remained formally required to request permission from the authorities
to hold internal meetings of their members, although some members still met with-
out official permission.
The SLOnC's repression of the NLD continued; it forcibly closed NLD offices
upcountry and harassed NLD members for petty offenses, forced NLD members to
work as porters, and arrested and convicted NLD supporters for political crimes, es-
Eeclally those associated personally with NLD General Secretary Aung San Suu
In May the authorities blocked the NLD's attempt to hold a party congress on the
anniversary of the 1990 elections. It temporarily detained or threatened the deten-
tion of over 300 party members living outside Rangoon, and sealed off access to
Aung San Suu Kyi's compound.
However, in September the authorities abruptly suspended their policy and per-
mitted the NLD to convene a party congress on the occasion of the ninth anniver-
sary of the party's founding. Although the authorities barred several hundred per-
sons from attending, more than 700 delegates participated in the congress, the larg-
est gathering held by the NLD since 1990. The authorities permitted several public
gatherings of NLD members and supporters on various holidays, with little or no
interference. While the authorities allowed holiday celebrations to take place in
Aung San Suu Kyi's compound, police restricted the size of the gatherings. The sus-
eension of restrictions was temporary, however, and subsequent meetings outside
er compound were blocked. Most universities remained closed, and police prevent
student demonstrations.
The Government's mass mobilization organization, the Union Solidarity and De-
velopment Association (USDA), continued to hold large-scale rallies in support of
government policies. In many cases it coerced attendance, using implicit or explicit
uireats of penalties for those staying away. There were no reported incidents in
which the authorities interfered with religious groups' assemblies or other outdoor
gatherings during the year.
The Government restricts freedom of association. Aside from ofiiciaUy sanctioned
organizations like the USDA, the right of association existed only for organizations,
including trade associations and professional bodies, permitted by law and duly reg-
istered with the Government. Only a handful continue to exist, and even those are
subject to direct government intervention and take special care to act in accordance
with government policy. This group includes apolitical organizations such as the
Myanmar Red Cross and the Myanmar Medical Association. Only 10 political par-
ties remained at year's end, compared with 15 in 1992.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Adherents of all religions duly registered with the au-
thorities generally enjoyed freedom to worship as they chose; however, the Govern-
ment imposed some restrictions on certain religious minorities. In recent years,
Buddhists continued to enjoy a privileged position. The Government has made spe-
cial eflbrts to link itself with Buddhism as a means of asserting its own popular le-
gitimacy. Photographs of SLORC officials paying homage or making donations at
pagodas throughout the country appear regularly in the official newspaper.
The Government monitored the activities of members of all religions, in part be-
cause congregation members have in the past become politically active. The authori-
ties continued to regard the Muslim and Christian religious minorities with sus-
f)icion. Moreover, there is a concentration of Christians among some of the particu-
ar ethnic minorities against whom the army has fought for decades. Religious pub-
lications, like secular ones, remained subject to control and censorship. Christian bi-
bles translated into indigenous languages could not be imported or printed legally,
although this ban is not enforced in some areas. It remained difficult for Christian
and Muslim groups to obtain permission to build new churches and mosques. In
March authorities did little to halt attacks on Muslims by Buddhists monks (see
Section 5).
Religious groups of all faiths were able to establish and maintain links with core-
ligionists in other countries and travel abroad for religious purposes; however, the
Government reportedly monitored these activities. Foreign religious representatives
usually were allowed visas only for short stays but in some cases were permitted
to preach to congregations. Permanent foreign missionary establishments have not
been permitted since the 1960's, but seven Catholic nuns and four priests working
in Burma since before independence in 1948 have been allowed to continue their
work.
696
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^Although citizens have the legal right to live anywhere in the country,
Doth urban and rural residents were subject to arbitrary relocation (see Section l.f.).
Except for limitations in areas of insurgent activity, citizens could travel freely with-
in the country but had to notify local authorities of their whereabouts. The Govern-
ment restricted the freedom of movement of NLD General Secretary Aung San Suu
Kyi (see Section 2.a.). Those residents unable to meet the restrictive provisions of
the citizenship law, such as ethnic Chinese, Arakanese, Muslims, ana others had
to obtain prior permission to travel. The (jovemment carefully scrutinized prospec-
tive travel abroad. This produced rampant corruption as many applicants were
forced to pav large bribes to obtain passports to which they were otherwise entitled.
The official board that reviews passport applications denied passports in some cases
apparently on political grounds. All college graduates who oDtained a passport (ex-
cept for certain government employees) were required to pay a special education
clearance fee to reimburse the (jovemment. Citizens who had emigrated legally gen-
erally were allowed to return to visit relatives, and some who had lived abroad ille-
gally and acquired foreign citizenship were able to return to visit. The Government
on occasion restricts the issuance oi passports to young female applicants seeking
work abroad, reportedly to prevent young women from being enticed to travel
abroad to jobs that are in fact in the commercial sex industry.
Restrictions on foreign travelers have been eased as part of an effort to promote
tourism. Burmese embassies issued tourist visas, valid for 1 month, within 24 hours
of application. However, select categories of applicants, such as foreign human
rights advocates, journalists, and political figures, continued to be denied entry visas
unless traveling under the aegis of a sponsor acceptable to the Government, and for
purposes approved by the (jovemment. Although some areas of the country re-
mained closed to foreigners for security reasons, the authorities permitted travel to
most other destinations. Rangoon-based diplomats generally must apply 10 days in
advance for travel outside the capital.
At year's end, there were still 21,000 Rohingya Muslims remaining in refugee
camps in Bangladesh. The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees' (UNHCR's) repa-
triation program, which since 1992 had succeeded in returning approximately
238,0(X) refiigees to Burma and had been scheduled to end on August 15, halted pre-
maturely when the Rohingyas as a group rejected repatriation and demanded reset-
tlement in Bangladesh. The Rohingyas refused to return because they feared human
rights abuses, including religious persecution and other government restrictions.
The UNHCR reported that authorities cooperated in investigating isolated incidents
of renewed abuse of repatriated citizens. However, returnees complained of restric-
tions imposed by the (jovemment on their ability to travel and to engage in eco-
nomic activity.
A few thousand students and dissidents continued to live in exile in Thailand. The
more than 100,(X)0 Burmese residing in refugee camps in Thailand were joined dur-
ing the year by thousands of new arrivals fleeing army attacks against insurgencies
in the Karen, Karenni and Shan ethnic areas.
The (jovemment does not allow refugees or displaced persons from abroad to re-
settle or seek safe haven. The (jovemment has not formulated a policy concerning
refiigees, asylees, or first asylum, and it is not a party to the 1951 U.N. Convention
Relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 protocol.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Despite the overwhelming desire that citizens demonstrated in the 1990 elections
for a return to democracy, tney continued to be denied the right to change their gov-
ernment. Since 1988 active duty military officers have occupied most important po-
sitions throughout the Government, particularly at the policy making level, but also
extending to local administration. Despite the appointment of several civilians to
the Cabinet in 1992, the policy of placing military or recently retired military offi-
cers in most key senior level positions in all ministries has continued unabated. In
the SPDC (jovemment formea in November, only 12 of the 41 ministers appointed
are civilians.
Following the NLD's victory in the 1990 elections, the SLORC nullified the elec-
tion results and disqualified, detained, arrested, or drove into exile many successful
candidates. Since then, 236 of the 392 NLD deputies elected have either been dis-
qualified, resigned under pressure, gone into exile, been detained, or died. Approxi-
mately 31 successful candidates from the election remain in prison.
Rather than eiccept the will of the citizenry as expressed in the 1990 election, the
SLORC convened a National Convention in January 1993 to draw up principles for
a new constitution. The SLORC hand-picked most delegates, and carefully stage-
697
managed the proceedings; even limited opposition views were ignored. The SLORC
tasked the Convention with drafting a new constitution designed to provide a domi-
nant role for the military services in the country's future political structure. In No-
vember 1995, the NLD delegates withdrew from the Convention pending agreement
by the authorities to discuss revising the Convention's working procedures to permit
debate and meaningful participation in formulation of a new constitution. Two days
after its withdrawal the NLD was formally expelled. The National Convention con-
tinued its deliberations until it adioumed in March 1996. It has not reconvened. The
provisions that it adopted were designed to ensure the large-scale involvement of
the military services in all levels of government — including reserving 25 percent of
seats in the Parliament to appointed members of the military services, and reserv-
ing key government posts for military personnel as well. In addition, it adopted pro-
visions that prohibited, cmiong other things, anyone "under acknowledgment of alle-
giance" to a foreigner or who has received any type of assistance from a foreign
source, from participating in the Government, these provisions were apparently de-
signed to exclude Aung San Suu Kyi, who is married to an Englishman and who
won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991.
Women and minorities are underrepresented in the top ranks of government serv-
ices and excluded from military leadership. Members of certain minority groups con-
tinue to be denied full citizenship (see Section 5).
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not allow domestic human rights organizations to exist, and
it remained generally hostile to outside scrutiny of its human rights record. Dis-
turbed by the severe criticism contained in 1995 resolutions adopted by the U.N.
Human Rights Commission (UNHRC), the authorities refused to meet with UNHRC
representatives during the year. In his February report to the UNHRC, Special
Rapporteur for Burma, Rajsoomer Lallah, who was ref>eatedly denied entry into the
country, criticized the human rights violations committed against ethnic minorities
as a result of the SLORC's policy of forcible relocations and continued recourse to
forced labor and citizens' forced labor as porters.
Approximately 14 nonpolitical, humanitarian, international NGO's continued
project work. A few others established a provisional presence while undertaking the
protracted negotiations necessary to set up permanent operations in the country.
TTie International Committee of the Red Cross was unable to negotiate its return
after closing its office in 1995.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Government continued to rule by decree and was not bound by any constitu-
tional provisions concerning discrimination.
Women. — Violence against women, including spousal abuse, is infrequent. Married
couples often live in households with extended families, where social pressure tends
to protect the wife from abuse. Trafficking in women and girls remains a serious
problem.
There were reliable reports that many women and children in border areas, where
the (Jovemment's control is limited, were forced or lured into worising as prostitutes
in Thailand. It is unknown how many young women have been induced or coerced
into working as prostitutes, but a common practice is to lure young women to Thai-
land with promises of employment as a waitress or domestic servant. The military
forces continued to impress women for military porterage duties, and there were
many reports of rape of ethnic minority women by soldiers (see Sections I.e. and
l.g.).
In general women have traditionally enjoyed a high status, exercising most of the
same Dasic rights as men and taking an active role in business. Consistent with tra-
ditional culture, women keep their names after marriage and often control family
finances. However, women remained underrepresented in most traditional male oc-
cupations, and a few professions continued to be effectively barred to women. The
burden of poverty, which is particularly widespread in rural areas, fell dispropor-
tionately on women. The Gkjvemment restricts foreign travel by young women (see
Section 2.d.).
Women did not consistently receive equal pay for equal work. There were no inde-
pendent women's rights organizations, and no government ministry was specificaUy
charged with safeguarding women's interests. The Myanmar Maternal and Child
Welfare Association, a government-controlled agency, provided assistance to moth-
ers. A professional society for businesswomen, the Myanmar Women Entrepreneurs'
Association, formed in 1995, provided loans to new businesses. A government-con-
698
trolled agency, the All Myanmar Women's Affairs Committee, signed an inter-
national convention to eliminate discrimination against women.
Children. — Despite various child welfare programs, the Government allocated few
resources to programs for children. According to government studies conducted with
UJ^. assistance, although education is compulsory, 65 to 75 percent of children do
not finish primary school, and only 5 percent complete secondary school.
Child prostitution of young females, especially those from the ethnic minority
Shan state sent or lured to Thailand, continued to be a major problem. The rising
incidence of HIV infection has increased the demand for supposedly "safer" younger
prostitutes.
Religious Minorities. — Anti-Muslim violence erupted in March. Buddhist monks
attacked Muslims and their property in Mandalay, and the attacks spread to other
cities including Rangoon. Monks in Mandalay and Rangoon ransacked mosques,
businesses, and homes of Muslims, and the authorities did little to prevent such at-
tacks. Authorities reportedly killed one monk in Mandalay while the authorities
were dispersing rioters.
People With Disabilities. — Official assistance to persons with disabilities is ex-
tremely limited. There is no law mandating accessibility to buildings, public trans-
portation, or government facilities. While there are several small-scale organizations
to assist the disabled, most disabled persons must rely on their families to provide
for their welfare. Disabled veterans receive available benefits on a priority basis. Be-
cause of land mine detonations, Burma has a very high rate of amputee injuries.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Burma's myriad ethnic minorities have long
resented the dominance of the country's Burman majority. The minorities have been
lai^gely excluded from the military leadership. In recent years, the SLORC has
sought to pacify these ethnic groups bv means of negotiated cease-fires, grants of
limited autonomy, and promises of development assistance.
The Government included a large number of ethnic minority representatives in
the National Convention and permitted extended debate on the issue of minority au-
tonomy. However, the ethnic minority populations continue to complain that their
concerns have not been addressed adequately by the Government. Economic devel-
opment among minorities has continued to lag, leaving many persons living at bare-
ly subsistence levels.
Since the focus of hostilities against armed insurgencies has been in the border
areas where most minorities are concentrated, those populations have been dis-
proportionately victimized by the general violence associated with the military
lorces' activities. Even in areas pacified under cease-fire arrangements, forced labor,
village relocations, and other infringements on the rights of ethnic minorities con-
tinue to be imposed by local army commanders.
Since only people who can prove long familial links to Burma are accorded full
citizenship, ethnic populations, such as Muslims, Indians, and Chinese, continued
to be denied full citizenship and are excluded from government positions. Persons
without full citizenship are not free to travel domestically and are barred from cer-
tain advanced university programs in medicine and technological fields (see Section
2.d.). Anti-Chinese and anti-Muslim sentiment remained widespread.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Free trade unions do not exist, and even former gov-
ernment-controlled ones were dormant. Strikes are rare; however, in December,
workers in a foreign-owned textile factory in Pegu staged a successful 4-day strike.
Following the intervention of the Department of Labor, workers and management
reached a compromise that included higher wages and improved working conditions.
In July 1989, the United States suspended Burma's eligibility for trade concessions
under the Generalized System of Preferences program, pending steps to afford its
labor force internationally recognized worker rights.
Because of its longstanding violation of International Labor Organization (ILO)
Convention 87 on Freedom of Association, Burma was again cited for noncompliance
by the June 1997 ILO Conference which characterized the situation as "particularly
grave."
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers do not have the
right to organize and bargain collectively to set wages and benefits. The Govern-
ment's Central Arbitration Board, which theoretically provides a means for settling
major labor disputes, continued to exist but in practice was dormant. Township-level
labor supervisory committees exist to address minor labor concerns.
The Government unilaterally sets wages in the public sector. In the private sector,
wages are set by market forces. The Government pressures joint ventures not to pay
salaries greater than those of ministers or other senior employees. Some joint ven-
tures circumvent this with supplemental pay, including remuneration paid in for-
699
eign exchange certificates, as well as through incentive and overtime pay and other
fnnge benefits. Foreign firms generally set wages near those of the domestic private
sector but follow the example of joint ventures in awarding supplemental wages and
benefits.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^Forced or compulsory labor re-
mains a serious problem. In March following an investigation of the country's forced
labor practices, the European Union Commission revoked benefits under the Gener-
alized System of Preferences. In recent years, the SLORC has increasingly supple-
mented declining gross investment with uncompensated people's "contributions,"
chiefly of forcedlabor, to build or maintain irrigation, transportation and tourism
infrastructure projects. During 1996 the Government introduced an initiative to use
military personnel for infrastructure projects. This initiative and the increasing use
of heavy construction equipment resulted in a decline during 1996-1997 in the use
of unpaid labor on physical infrastructure projects, especially for irrigation projects
and railroad building. Nonetheless, there were credible reports that the use of forced
labor remained widespread throughout the country.
TTie army continued to force citizens — including women and children — to work as
porters, which led to mistreatment, illness, and death in military actions against
ethnic insurgents (see Sections l.a., I.e., and l.g.). The Government does not specifi-
cally prohibit forced and bonded labor by children. While bonded labor is practiced,
forced labor occurs in military porterage and in situations in which a family or
household is reqruired to contribute labor to a particular project, and the children
are called upon by parents to help fulfill that obligation, without opposition by the
Government.
In March the governing board of the ILO established a Commission of Inquiry to
investigate Burma for its violation of ILO Convention 29 on forced labor. The com-
plaint accuses the Government of the systematic use of forced labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Although
the law sets a minimum age of 13 for the employment of children, in practice the
law is not enforced. Working children are hi^ly visible in cities, mostly working
for small or family enterprises, and in family agricultural activities in the country-
side. Children are hired at lower pay rates than adults for the same kind of work.
Arts and crafts is the only sector producing for the export market that employs a
significant number of children. Despite a compulsory education law, almost 40 per-
cent of children never enroll in school, and only 25 to 35 percent complete the 5-
year primary school course. The Government does not specifically prohibit forced
and bonded labor by children. While bonded labor is not practiced, lorced labor by
children occurs (see section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Surplus labor conditions and lack of protection
by government authorities continue to dictate substandard conditions for workers,
despite recent annual economic growth of at least 5 percent. The Law on Fundamen-
tal Workers Rights of 1964 and the Factories Act of 1951 regulate working condi-
tions. There is a legally prescribed 5-day, 35-hour workweek for employees in the
public sector and a 6-day, 44-hour workweek for private and state enterprise em-
ployees, with overtime paid for additional work. The law also allows for a 24-hour
rest period per week, and workers have 21 paid holidays a year. Such provisions
actually affect only a small portion of the country's labor force.
Only government employees and employees of a few traditional industries are cov-
ered by minimum wage provisions. The minimum monthly wage for salaried public
employees is $2.50 (600 kyats). This sum is supplemented by various subsidies and
allowances. The minimum wage does not provide a worker with a decent standard
of living. The low level of pay in public employment fosters widespread corruption.
The government minimum wage for day labor is $0.08 (20 kyats). Workers in the
private sector are much better paid. The actual average wage rate for casual labor-
ers in Rangoon in 1997 was ten times the official minimum. Wage increases contin-
ued to lag far behind inflation.
Numerous health and safety regulations exist, but in practice the Government has
not made the necessary resources available to enforce the regulations, although
workers may in principle remove themselves from hazardous conditions, in practice
workers cannot expect to retain their jobs if they do so.
CAMBODIA
Cambodia's fourth year under democratic rule was disrupted by political violence
that undermined the principles of the 1991 Paris peace agreements, led to over 100
700
deaths, and cast serious doubt on the representative nature of the Government. Fol-
lowing the signing of the agreements in 1991, United Nations-sponsored elections
in 1993 produced a coalition government composed primarily of the royalist
FUNCINPEC (National United Front for a Neutral, Peaceful, Cooperative, and
Independent Cambodia) party, which won the plurality of votes in the 1993 elec-
tions, and the Cambodian People's Party (CPP), which had ruled the country since
the defeat of the Khmer Rouge by the Vietnamese army in 1979. On July 5 and
6, this coalition collapsed after months of escalating political tensions and partisan
violence, when forces loyal to Second Prime Minister Hun Sen of the CPP defeated
FUNCINPEC forces loyal to First Prime Minister Prince Norodom Prince Ranariddh
in Phnom Penh. The CPPs decisive military victory ousted Ranariddh from power.
The fiditing was followed by a period in which CPP militants sought out additional
FUNCINPEC security and political officials, some of whom they executed and others
they detained. In a campaign of fear and intimidation throughout many parts of the
country, CPP personnel searched many homes and offices and detained numerous
FUNCINPEC members. This led to widespread flight by other FUNCINPEC person-
nel who feared further retaliation. Some leading FUNCINPEC politicians and other
politicians allied with FUNCINPEC joined Prince Ranariddh, who had left the coun-
try just before the fighting began, in self-imposed exile abroad. In a process flawed
by political intimidation, remaining National Assembly members in August ap-
6 roved the choice of Foreign Minister Ung Huot (FUNCINPEC) to replace Prince
anariddh as First Prime Minister. King Norodom Sihanouk remains the constitu-
tional monarch and Head of State. Most power lies within the executive branch; the
National Assembly does not offer a significant check to executive power, and the ju-
diciary is not independent.
Although seriously weakened following massive defections in 1996, the Khmer
Rouge continued to wage a mostly low level guerrilla insurgency against the Gov-
ernment. FUNCINPEC-led negotiations nearly succeeded in securing the defection
of the remaining Khmer Rouge forces to the FUNCINPEC side by June, exacerbat-
ing political tensions with the CPP. Since the July violence, Khmer Rouge troops
have cooperated with resistance forces loyal to FUNCINPEC against government
troops in the northwest. Internal Khmer Rouge dissent appeared to increase. In
June top official Son Sen was killed during a internal Khmer Rouge purge and
Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot was purportedly subjected to a trial in July by a rival
Khmer Rouge faction.
The police have primary responsibility for internal security, but the Royal Cam-
bodian Armed Forces (RCAF), including the military police, also have domestic secu-
rity responsibilities, (jovemment efforts to improve police and RCAF performance
were hampered by political factionalism within the forces and by budgetary limita-
tions. Members of the security forces committed numerous human ri^ts abuses.
Cambodia has a mariiet economy in which approximately 80 percent of the popu-
lation of 10 million engage in subsistence farming, with rice as the principal crop.
Annual per capita gross domestic product is approximately $300. Foreign aid is an
important component of national income. Economic growth stalled following the July
violence, with decreases in business and tourist activity.
The human rigjits situation deteriorated markedly during and after the July
lighting. Military and police personnel were responsible for at least 55 extrajudicied
killings in connection with the violence. In addition 16 persons were killed and more
than 1(X) wounded in a grenade attack in March by unknown persons on an opposi-
tion political rally. No one was ofliciallv changed. There were credible reports that
memners of the security forces tortured, beat, and killed some detainees neld after
the events in July. The (jovemment rarely prosecuted members of the security
forces for human rights abuses. Prison conditions declined from already poor levels.
Arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, and infringement on citizens' privacy rights
were serious problems, particularly during the July fighting and in the month that
followed. Political factions engaged in violent attacks against journalists and intimi-
dation of the opposition. An atmosphere of political intimidation prompted a number
of the Government's opponents to flee the country, go into hiding, or exercise self-
censorship. The Government lacked the political will and the resources to act effec-
tively against persons, particularly members of the military services, suspected of
being responsible for human rights abuses. Democratic institutions, especially the
iudiciary, remain weak. The judiciary is subject to influence by the executive
>ranch, and is marred by inefficiency, a lack of training, a shortage of resources,
and corruption related to low wages. Politically related crimes were rarely brought
to court. Citizens were effectively denied the right to a fair trial. Some detainees
underwent particularly egregious violations of the protections against arbitrary de-
tention.
701
The Government sometimes limits press freedom and fear of Government-directed
violence against the press created a climate that encouraged self-censorship by some
journalists. The number of newspapers critical of the Government decreased imme-
diately after the July violence, although the number later increased and at year's
end exceeded the pre-July level. Some newspapers that continued to publish muted
their editorial views. A prominent opposition party, the Khmer Nation Party (KNP),
was subjected to a grenade attack in March. The Government limited freedom of
assembly. Domestic violence against women and abuse of children are common. The
ethnic Vietnamese minority faced widespread social discrimination and some acts of
violence by the Khmer Rouge; people with disabilities also faced discrimination. The
Government does not adequately enforce existing legal provisions against antiunion
discrimination. Forced labor, including forced labor by children, is a problem.
Citizens living in areas controlled by the Khmer Rouge were denied virtually all
}>olitical rights and were subject to serious abuses by its leadership. Khmer Rouge
brces committed numerous extrajudicial killings and were responsible for dis-
appearances, forced labor, and restriction of freedom of speech, the press, assembly,
association, religion, and movement.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — According to one human rights non-
governmental organization (NGO), during the first half of the year there were 25
reported killings. Military and police officials were implicated in approximately half
these attacks. For example, in a June incident in Kompong Cham town, a soldier
shot and killed a truck driver after sand from the driver's sand truck fell into his
food. Another NGO investigated 3 cases involving 6 victims during the first half of
the year, including a February incident involving five FUNCINPEC police officers
who were arrested, then shot by troops loyal to the CPP in Rattanak Mondul dis-
trict, Battambang province. The Rattanak Mondul incident took place during a pe-
riod of general partisan poUtical tension and violence in Battambang province.
During a March 30 grenade attack at a KNP rally protesting the legal system,
16 protesters were killed and over 100 were wounded. Approximately 200 dem-
onstrators had gathered in front of the National Assembly in Phnom Penh to join
the rally, which was approved by the Ministry of Interior. Unidentified attackers
threw four grenades into the crowd before fleeing on foot; security personnel sta-
tioned neeir the site allegedly prevented bystanders from pursuing the attackers.
The U.N. Center for Human Rights (UNCHR) documented at least 55 cases of po-
litically motivated extrajudicial killings countrywide between July 2 and year's end.
The UNCHR also identified up to 19 other cases of probable, but unconfirmed,
killings during the same period. Much of this information was corroborated by local
human rights NGO's. Although these killings were associated with the July political
violence, the figures cited exclude combat deaths.
There was no evidence to indicate a systematic countrjrwide government campaign
to purge political or military officials. However, FUNCINPEC miUtaiy officials loyal
to Prince Ranariddh constituted the majority of the victims. In particular, military
personnel associated with the pro-FUNCENPEC Moulinaka Resistance Force, which
had operated from 1979 until 1993 on the border with Thailand, appeared to be sin-
gled out for attack during the July violence. Although the Moulinaka group was ab-
sorbed into the RCAF following the 1993 elections, the majority of its members re-
mained loyal to FUNCINPEC.
Among the 41 confirmed FUNCINPEC officials killed during the July violence
was Interior Ministry Secretary of State Ho Sok, who 'vas arrested by government
security forces in Phnom Penh on July 7. Sok died later that day, reportedly from
two gunshot wounds while in government custody. Government officials have ac-
knowledged that Sok's death took place while he was in government custody. Fol-
lowing the establishment of a government commission on the Sok case on July 14,
three Interior Ministry officials were suspended for having providing inadequate se-
curity for Sok; they were later reinstated. No one has been arrested or prosecuted
in connection with Sok's murder, although CPP Interior Minister Sar Kheng stated
in late September that the identity of the murderer is known and that he intended
to have him arrested.
On June 17, local militia killed ethnic Vietnamese Huynh Van Nui, Nguyen Thi
Loi, and Huynh Van Non. They had apprehended the three on their fishing boat
on the Tonle Sap lake. No one was convicted in connection with the killings, due
in part to historical associations linking Vietnam with the CPP.
On July 8, RCAF intelligence official General Chao Samboth, Defense Ministry
Secretary of State General Krouch Yoeum and approximately 30 of their staff" were
702
captured by troops from the CPP-allied 911th paracommando regiment in Oudong
district, Kompong Speu province. Samboth and Yoeum, both of FUNCINPEC, were
separated from the group. Military sources informed human rights groups that the
two were shot and killed later that day by soldiers who acted on orders from the
RCAF general staff. No one has been chained in the killings.
On «mly 15, human rights workers discovered a cremation site in Konipong Speu
containing the remains of at least 6 — and possibly up to 22 — FUNCINPEC soldiers
killed during and after the July fighting. Ashes and manacles found at the site were
determined to be those of four FUNCINPEC soldiers whose bodies had been deliv-
ered to the area bv soldiers from the RCAF 44th regiment on July 11. The bodies
had been crematea on July 11. Later, human rights workers discovered the freshly
buried corpses of two other men at the site. Both had been handcuffed, blindfolded^
and had sustained bullet wounds to the head. According to human rights groups,
the 6 bodies were part of a group of up to 22 captured FUNCINPEC soldiers exe-
cuted and burned by Division 44 soldiers at the site on July 9.
In August provincial soldiers in Au district, Konipong Speu province, arrested four
men, villagers Sok Vanthom and Haim Bek and Khmer Rouge defectors Sou Si and
Sou Sal. Only Sou Si was armed. Two days after the arrest, local residents saw
Vanthom and Sal near their village, bound and bearing marics of torture. The
disemboweled and mutilated bodies of Vanthom and Sal were located by relatives
5 days after their arrest; Bek and Si reportedly escaped and are in hiding. No one
has been charged in connection with the Killings.
In December near Phnom Penh, human rights NGO's found the bodies of Chea
Chsmthoeun and Var Savath. Both were officers in the border police patrol and
FUNCINPEC members. They reportedly were beaten then strangled on December
24, after being summoned to their superior's office.
In December two men reportedly wearing military uniforms shot and killed police
official Kong Vannak in his home in Kompong Cham province.
Security and police forces were implicated in many of the July killings; however,
authorities made few arrests and prosecutions in connection with these extrajudicial
killings, due to a combination of ineffective law enforcement, intimidation of civilian
authorities by military personnel, political intimidation and pressure, and in some
cases flawed legal proceedings.
Security forces also killed journalists (see Section 2.a.).
In September KNP official Srun Vong Vannak and two other persons were tried
and convicted of the 1996 killing of Interior Ministry official Kov Samuth, the broth-
er-in-law of Mrs. Hun Sen. Both the arrest and the trial were characterized by nu-
merous violations of due process (see Section I.e.).
The Khmer Rouge continued to kill civilians, including 11 of the 15 members of
an official FUNCINPEC team sent to contact Khmer Rouge representatives in Siem
Reap province in February.
b. Disappearance. — There were at least 13 credible reports of politically motivated
disappearances during and following the July 5-6 fighting in Phnom Penh. This
group included six Khmer Nation Party provincial activists and two student leaders.
In cases of disappearance, some persons are believed to have been killed; others are
believed to be in hiding or to have escaped to the FUNCINPEC stronghold of
O'smach near the border with Thailand.
Those missing include General Chea Rithy Chhuth, a FUNCINPEC official who
served as governor of Kep city. Rithy Chhuth was arrested with other FUNCINPEC
officials on July 7 in Oudong district, Kompong Speu province, and has not been
seen since (see Section l.a.). The UNCHR considers Chhuth's disappearance a "pre-
sumed execution."
On July 7, FUNCD^EC Generals Ly Seng Hong and Maen Bun Thon and from
30 to 40 of their staff were captured by provincial army troops loyal to the CPP in
Oudong district, Kompong Speu province. The generals were subsequently trans-
ferred to the provincial military subdivision headquarters in Kompong Speu and
have not been seen since. The UNCHR classifies the two as victims of "presumed
execution."
Six KNP oflicials, including provincial activists Put Som Ang and Sam Sophan,
disappeared after being arrested by troops loyal to the CPP in Kandal Stoeng,
Kandal province, on July 4.
In September the Government reported that a total of 105 FUNCINPEC police
officials disappeared following the July violence. The Government's information was
based on reports from approximately one-half the provinces. For example, 66 police-
men were removed from police rolls in Kampot province after the July fighting; 50
of these were FUNCINPEC members, while 9 were from the Buddhist Liberal
Democratic Party. The Government list includes officials previously identified as
missing by the UNCHR and other human rights groups (see above). Human rights
703
workers believe that some of the 105 may have either left the police force or fled
the countrvfollowing the fighting. Others may have been killed or remain in hiding.
The UNCHR listed 199 persons as missing at year's end.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and physical abuse of prisoners; however, there
were credible reports that military and police officials used torture and severely
beat criminal detainees, particularly during interrogation. One human rights NGO
received credible reports of 30 incidents of torture or beatings in Battambang prov-
ince police stations during the first half of the year. Based on interviews with vic-
tims m Battamljang province, one NGK) identified 8 persons who had been tortured
while in police custody in Battambang from June tlm)ugh December. The UNCHR
investigated 32 cases of torture committed by security ofiicials in Battambang prov-
ince, 28 in late 1996 and 4 in 1997. Police interrogation of suspected criminals often
included torture, beatings, blows with rifle butts, and whippings. Another NGO doc-
umented 10 cases of torture during the 6 months ending September 1. A human
rights NGO said that 18 inmates of the Koh Kong provincial prison reported that
they had been tortured by police or prison officials, either in police custody or in
prison. The primary form of torture was beating.
In May police arrest and beat four residents of a dormitory at a Phnom Penh gar-
ment factory (see Section 6. a.).
After being arrested by local police for a traffic violation in Kompong Speu prov-
ince, auto mechanic Leang Kephal was detained in a 1.5-meter square outdoor cage
for over a month between March and May. He was subsequently released from the
cage and reportedly set free.
La the aftermath of the July violence, 33 FUNCINPEC soldiers were captured by
paratroopers aligned with the CPP; they were from RCAF special forces 911th Regi-
ment in Oudong district, Kompong Speu province (see Section l.a.). The soldiers
were taken to Regiment 911 headquarters, where they were confined in a 2-by-6
meter storage room for 10 days. The prisoners were allowed to leave the room twice
a day to bathe and use the toilets. Because of their unsanitary confinement in close
quarters, many of the prisoners contracted a skin disease. While imprisoned, indi-
vidual soldiers were interrogated by Regiment 911 in an effort to extract signed con-
fessions. Many of the soldiers reported various forms of torture inflicted by Regi-
ment 911 soldiers during the interrogations, including beatings by belt, plank, and
wooden table-leg, kicking with combat boots, punches, and an iron vice used on
hands and fingers.
There were also credible reports that FUNCINPEC military personnel arrested
during and after the July violence were tortured by royal gendarmerie forces at
their Phnom Penh headquarters. One FUNCINPEC official was severely beaten to
elicit a forced confession; he remains in military custody. One human rights NGO
estimated that as of August 1 there were approximately 2,200 prisoners taken dur-
ing or after the July fighting. This group was composed of soldiers, provincial offi-
ciSs and staff, party activists, and others.
Police used force to break up strikes in January and in March (see Section 6.a.).
Already-poor prison conditions deteriorated during the year, (jovemment efforts to
improve prison conditions have been hampered by lack of funds. Human rights orga-
nizations cited a number of serious problems, including overcrowding, food and
water shortages, malnutrition, and poor security. One human rights NGO reported
that Phnom Penh's judicial police prison, built to accommodate 30 prisoners, nor-
mally houses approximately 100 inmates. Use of shackles and the practice of hold-
ing prisoners in small, dark, cells continued in some prisons. At the Stung Treng
prison, some prisoners are held in 2-by— 2 meter metal cages inside the prison build-
ing. Government ration allowances for purchasing prisoners' food are inadequate,
exacerbating their malnutrition. One human rights group reported that at least four
prisoners were killed by prison authorities in escape attempts during the first half
of the year. Police shot and killed two inmates and wounded another following their
escape from Kompong Thom prison in April.
Although the Government continued to allow human rights groups to visit mili-
tary prisons on a selective basis, one NGO reported that access to some military
prisons was denied after July. It is unclear if this was centrally directed; one NGO
reported that access was denied for a short time because of the assignment of a new
prison director. Some prisons did not allow guards to participate in human rights
training provided by NGO's.
There was a reliable report that an illegal detention facility existed near Phnom
Malai in the Khmer Rouge defector zone in the northwest.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention; however, security forces continue to arrest and detain citizens
arbitrarily. A penal code drafted by the U.N. Transitional Authority for Cambodia
704
(UNTAC), and approved by the interim Supreme National Council, remains in ef-
fect, as does a criminal procedure law dating from the State of Cambodia period.
The criminal procedure law in principle provides for adequate protection for crimi-
nal suspects; however, in practice the Government frequently ignored these provi-
sions. One human rights NGO reported 17 cases of illegal detention and arrest com-
mitted by police, military, or local government authorities during the first half of
the year.
Wmle lengthy detention without charge is illegal, suspects are often held by au-
thorities for long periods before being charged. Accused persons are legally entitled
to a lawyer, altnough in practice they oft«n have no access to legal representation.
Many judges believe that lawyers must be appointed only in criminal felony cases.
In fanulv cases, parties are frequently not informed about their legal ri^ts by the
courts. Prisoners are routinely held for several days before gaining access to a law-
yer or family members. Although there is a bail system, many prisoners, particu-
larly those without legal representation, often have no opportunity to seek release
on bail. The introduction into the legal system of a corps of defenders who work
without fee, and who are trained by NGO's, resulted in significant improvements
for those defendants who were provided with counsel, including a reduction in their
pretrial detention period and improved access to bail.
According to one human rights NGO, at least 200 provincial FUNCENPEC offi-
cials were arbitrarily arrested and detained by government authorities allied with
the CPP during and aft«r the July violence. The U.N. Center for Human Ri^ts
(UNCHR) confirmed the arrests of at least 100 persons, including 31 in Prey Veng,
20 in Kompong Speu, and up to 100 in Siem Reap. For example, FUNCINPEC Colo-
nel Som Saroeun and his bodyguards Sim Sienh Vinh and Sotr Vuth were arrested
by security forces loyal to the CPP in Kompong Chhnang province on July 8. The
bodyguards were released on July 10, while Saroeun was set free on July 28. In
Battambang province, FUNCINPEC police commissioner Vom Chun Ly and 12
other policemen were arrested during the July violence, but were subsequently re-
leased. All the FUNCINPEC officials detained during and aft«r the July violence
were reportedly released within 2 weeks.
Over 600 troops loyal to FUNCINPEC were arrested and held in six locations in
Kandal province following the fighting. Most were reportedly well treated, and all
were subsequently released within 3 weeks.
The timing of at least one criminal imprisonment was politically motivated. On
July 23, FUNCINPEC General Sok Chantoeun and his wife were arrested by
Phnom Penh police and accused of having plotted the murder of CPP Interior Min-
istry official Mom Vuda in May. Chantoeun's wife was later released, but General
Chantoeun remains in prison and had not been brought to trial at year s end.
Despite a Constitutional ban on exile, the atmosphere of political fear and intimi-
dation fostered by the July violence prompted about 40 politicians either to flee the
country or remain abroad in a state of self-imposed exile. These politicians include
ousted first Prime Minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh (FUNCINPEC), KNP presi-
dent Sam Rainsy, BLDP leader Son Sann, and a number of FUNCINPEC, BLDP,
and KNP parliamentarians and officials. While some of those politicians who fled
later returned and resumed their political activity, others find government assur-
ances of their security unconvincing and remain abroad.
A total of 14 FUNCINPEC-allied parliamentarians, including Prince Norodom
Ranariddh and Prince Norodom Sirivudh remained outside the country at year's
end. At least 25 additional FUNCINPEC-allied political and military figures were
in self-imposed exile at year's end. However, two groups of FUNCINPEC-allied poli-
ticians visited the country in December. They were assisted by U.N. monitors and
did not encounter security problems. Most chose to leave the country following their
st^.
Also in December, a group of 57 FUNCINPEC-allied party members and their
families returned with the assistance of the UNHCR. All reportedly chose to remain
in the country.
Khmer Nation party leader Sam Rainsy conducted political activities, including a
peace march and other public demonstrations following his return in December.
Former foreign minister Prince Norodom Sirivudh left the country in 1995 rather
than face a prison sentence for plotting to assassinate second Prime Minister Hun
Sen. Prince Sirivudh's April attempt to return to Cambodia ended when staff of a
commercial airline deniea him permission in Hong Kong to board his Phnom Penh-
bound flight, based in part on concern for the security of Sirivudh and other pas-
sengers on the flight. The Government has stated that Sirivudh is free to return
and face his prison sentence.
No legal system is known to exist in Khmer Rouge zones. Khmer Rouge forces
often seize hostages in order to intimidate villagers to cooperate with them.
705
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, the Government does not respect this provision in practice. The
courts are subject to influence by the executive, and there is widespread corruption
among judges, virtually none of whom receives a living wage.
The court system consists of lower courts, an appeals court, and a supreme court.
The Constitution also mandates a constitutional council, which is empowered to re-
view the constitutionality of laws, and a supreme council of magistrates, which ap-
Klnts and disciplines judges. Establishment of these two bodies has been delayed
protracted political wrangling between the two major parties over their composi-
tfon.
The 1994 law on civil servants requires the courts to seek Ministry of Justice per-
mission to prosecute a member of tne civil service, which includes the police. The
Ministry of Justice is reqpiired, in turn, to forward requests for prosecution to the
relevant ministry. Although the military forces are not covered under this law, a
1995 letter from the Council of Ministers states that the civil servants' procedure
may also be followed for members of the military forces.
Human rights groups indicate that, in practice, ministries often decline to respond
to the courts, or refuse their requests for prosecution. Delays in responding to the
courts' requests sometimes allow those accused of crimes to flee or otherwise escape
prosecution, leading to de facto legal impunity for most government officials who
commit crimes.
Although the Minister of Justice and other senior government officials have ex-
pressed an interest in reforming the law to make it easier for the courts to prosecute
civil servants, the Government nas not taken any action.
Trials are public. Defendants have the right to be present and to consult with an
attorney, to confront and question witnesses against them, and to present witnesses
and evidence on their own behalf. However, trials are typically perfunctory, and ex-
tensive cross-examination usually does not take place, tne serious shortage of attor-
neys is somewhat alleviated by the provision of nonlawyer defenders trained by
international human rights organizations.
Defendants are also legally entitled to the presumption of innocence and the right
of appeal. Because of extensive corruption, however, defendants are oft^n expected
to bribe the judge for a favorable verdict and are therefore effectively denied the
presumption of innocence.
A senous lack of resources and poor training contribute to inefficiency in the judi-
cial branch, and in practice the Government does not ensure due process. For exam-
ple, judges often lack copies of the laws on which they are expected to rule. As a
result of these weaknesses, citizens were often effectively denied the right to a fair
trial.
Ongoing cooperation between the Government, foreign donors, and NGO's to im-
prove the legal system was hampered by the July violence and subsequent suspen-
sion of some assistance programs.
In September Khmer Nation Party official Srun Vong Vannak and two others
were tned in Phnom Penh for the 1996 killing of Interior Ministry official Kov
Samuth, the brother-in-law of Mrs. Hun Sen (see Section l.g.). Although all suspects
are required to be charged within 48 hours of arrest, Vannak was not charged in
court until more than 2 weeks following his mid-February arrest by police. In a vio-
lation of the criminal code, Vannak's trial was held after he had already been de-
tained for more than 6 months. In other legal violations, Vannak was arrested with-
out a warrant, detained in hotels and other private locations, threatened and forced
into making a confession, and denied access to a lawyer for over 20 days after his
arrest. Durmg the trial, the judge did not allow Vannak's lawyer to cross-examine
a key witness. Vannak received a 13-year jail sentence.
The courts often pressure victims of crimes to accept small cash settlements from
the accused. When a case does make its way to court, the verdict is often deter-
mined by a judge before the case is heard, sometimes on the basis of a bribe paid
by the accuser or the defendant. Sworn, written statements from witnesses and the
accused are usually the extent of evidence presented in trials. Often these state-
ments result from beatings or threats by investigation officials, and illiterate de-
fendemts are often not informed of the content of written confessions that they are
forced to sign. In cases involving military personnel, military officers often exert
pressure on judges to have the defendant released.
The military court system suffers from deficiencies similar to those of the civilian
court system.
There was at least one political prisoner. In a flawed September trial, Khmer Na-
tion Party official Srun Vong Vannak and two others were sentenced to prison for'
their alleged roles in the November 1996 murder of Kov Samuth, the brother-in-law
of Mrs. Ihin Sen.
706
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^The
Constitution contains provisions protecting the privacy of residence and correspond-
ence and includes a provision against illegal se£irch. However, there were credible
reports that the Government monitored private electronic communications, includ-
ing during police investigations of suspected criminal activity.
The police routinely conducted warrantless searches and seizures. In the after-
math of the July violence, police and military forces made numerous warrantless
searches for weapons in private homes. Police engaged in house-to-house searches
for journalists (see Section 2.a.).
Beginning during the July fighting, there were many unconfirmed reports that
government ofiicials and security personnel used threats to discourage citizens from
listening to Voice of America Khmer-language radio broadcasts.
The 1997 narcotics law included a provision allowing government authorities to
open private mail without a warrant if they suspected that the contents were con-
nectea with illegal drug activity.
In August Phnom Penh municipal authorities decreed that residents were re-
quired to report all out-of-town guests to local ofiicials. There were no punitive
measures associated with the regulation, however. Citizens were largely free to live
where they wished. There were, however, several reports of land disputes involving
residents, local authorities, and business people. For example, in January local offi-
cials reportedly forced some farmers off their land by selling 77 hectares of village
farmland to private businessmen. Since the forced collectivization and genocide of
Khmer Rouge rule, and the return of thousands of refugees, land ownership is often
unclear.
In September military ofiicials carried out a policy of forced conscription in Siem
Reap province (see Section l.g.).
The Government does not systematically coerce or forbid membership in political
organizations. However, there were credible reports that government officials used
intimidation and threats to force FUNCINPEC members to sign oaths of loyalty to
the CPP.
Membership in the Khmer Rouge, which is conducting an armed insurgency
against the Government, is illegal. Membership in political parties formed after the
UNTAC era, including the opposition Khmer Nation Party (KNP), was technically
illegal, but tolerated in practice (see Section 2.b.). In December the KNP applied to
the Interior Ministry for registrartion under a process outline in the Political Par-
ties Law promulgated in November. Since the KNP did not receive a written rejec-
tion from the Ministry within 15 days of its application, it is legally registered
under the law. After registration, however, all parties must provide the National
Election Commission with another application endorsed by 4,000 signatures. Sub-
mission of the signatures to the National Election Commission is required before a
party is allowed to participate in an election. The Commission had not been estab-
lished by year's end.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Con-
flicts.—At least 41 officials allied to FUNCINPEC were killed by forces loyal to the
CPP during the July 5-6 fitting and its immediate aftermath (see Section l.a.).
Following massive Khmer Rouge defections in 1996, skirmishing between govern-
ment and regular Khmer Rouge forces diminished during the first half of the year.
Following the July violence, however, fighting increased as Khmer Rouge soldiers
cooperated with FUNCINPEC troops loyal to First Prime Minister Prince Norodom
Ranariddh in opposing government forces in the northwest. Civilians were killed or
wounded by indiscriminate shelling and by land mines deployed by all sides.
The Khmer Rouge burned and looted villages.
Both troops loyal to FUNCINPEC and to the CPP engaged in widespread looting
in Phnom Penh during and after the July 5-6 military actions.
There were several credible reports that the (government used boys as soldiers in
combat. In July human rights and other observers identified boy soldiers in Siem
Reap and Banteay Meanchey provinces, including a 13-year-old who said that he
had been in the army for 3 years. There were reports of children being used in para-
military situations, including carrying ammunition. Provincial militia forces report-
edly recruited children.
In September military officials enforced a policy of forced conscription in Chikreng
and Bakong districts, Siem Reap province. Conscripts were sent to fight
FUNCINPEC resistance and Khmer Rouge forces in the northwest. There were
other credible reports of forced conscription in Battambang and Banteay Meanchey
provinces.
707
Section 2. Respect For Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech And Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of ex-
Sression, press, and publication, but the Government sometimes limits press free-
om in prac±ice. The Constitution implicitly limits free speech by requiring that
speech not adversely affect public security. The Constitution also declares that the
mng is "inviolable. A press law in effect since 1995 provides journalists with a
number of rights, including a prohibition on prepublication censorship and protec-
tion from imprisonment for expressing opinion. However, the press law also includes
a vaguely worded prohibition on publishing articles that affect national security and
political stability.
In November the Government allowed the opposition Khmer language Neak
Prayuth, Antarakum, and Sangros Khmer newspapers to continue to publish after
their editors apologized to the Ministry of Information for reporting alleged viola-
tions of the F*ress Law's "national security" clause. Neak Prayuth and Antarakum
had already been suspended by the Government for the alleged violations, while the
Government had threatened Sangros Khmer with suspension.
The press remained highly partisan, with most newspapers receiving financial
support from political parties. Following the July violence, many newspapers ceased
pUDUcation. According to government reports, roughly 80 percent of the staff from
the 19 non-CPP newspapers left Phnom Penh during and after the fighting.
Before July 5, approximately 40 Khmer-language newspapers were regularly pub-
lished in Phnom Penh. Of these, 19 were not affiliated with the CPP. These included
12 pro-FUNCINPEC newspapers, 6 supported by the KNP, and 1 allied with the
FUNCINPEC-led National United Front political alliance. At year's end, 43 Khmer
language newspapers were available, including 9 that were critical of the Govern-
ment. Some of the others occasionally criticizea the Government.
In December the Information Ministry announced that journalists were required
to cite at least two government sources in reports dealing with issues that could af-
fect national security or political stability.
Also in December, a government official publicly accused an expatriate journalist
of biased reporting and threatened to revoke his press credentials and residency
visa. There was no legal basis for the threat. The matter was resolved quietly, and
the journalist was allowed to continue his work.
Early in the vear, the Government denied a radio broadcasting license to the Son
Sann faction of'^the BLDP, stating that the frequency that the party wished to use
was already assigned to another station. After the BLDP station began broadcasting
without a license on the disputed frequency in March, the Government ordered the
station to stop broadcasting on two occasions. The BLDP station continued to broad-
cast until the July fighting, but has since gone off the air.
A FUNCENPEC-controlled radio station was surrounded by troops loyal to the
CPP during the July fighting. After the FUNCENPEC soldiers guaroing the station
surrendered and were disarmed, local residents looted the radio station, which has
not begun rebroadcasting. Also in July, FUNCINPEC-owned Channel 9 television
began receiving its news broadcasts from National Television of Cambodia, which
is now aliped with the CPP and operates with reduced broadcast hours.
The KNP, which was illegal prior to the passage of the political parties law in
October began the registration process. It had earlier been denied permission by the
Government to establish its own radio station. The Government stated that it will
allow opposition parties, including the KNP, to establish radio stations. None had
been established, however, at years end.
In September the Government used the press law to suspend publication of a
newspaper affiliated with the KNP. The Government suspended the Prayuth news-
paper, known as Neak Prayuth before July 5, for 30 days. The Government claimed
that the Prayuth had incorrectly inflated RCAF casualty figures in the ongoing
firfiting with resistance forces in the northwest loyal to the FUNCINPEC.
There were reports of several violent attacks against journalists. In January Leng
Sam Ang, editor of the Komnit Kon Khmer pewspaper, was beaten, shot, and
wounded by 1 1 men in military uniform while walking home from a party in Phnom
Penh. No convictions have been made in the case. There were no arrests. In the
March grenade attack against a KNP demonstration in Phnom Penh, 25 journalists
were kiUed or wounded (see Section l.a.).
Chet Duong Dara, former editor of Neak Prayuth and a member of the KNP steer-
ing committee, died of wounds incurred during the attack. The first two of the four
grenades thrown during the attack landed near the press pool reporting on the KNP
rally, resulting in a disproportionate number of victims who were journalists.
In May television technician Pich Em was killed, and two other p>ersons wounded,
when a group of armed men fired two rockets at the provincial television station
in Sihanoukville. No suspects have been identified in the case. Reports at the time
708
alleged that FUNCINPEC official Serei Kosal planned the attack because the sta-
tion refused to broadcast a speech by KNP president Sam Rainsy.
On July 7, Cambodian-Canadian newsreader Dok Sokhun, also known as Michael
Senior, was shot and killed by two soldiers while photographing government troops
looting in Phnom Penh.
There were several reports of threats or harassment against journalists. In Feb-
ruary deputy governor oi Battambang province Serey Kosal threatened to shoot the
directors of the provincial information and television services if they did not change
their editorial viewpoint. Also in February, Chum Chan Nan, son of the President
of the League of Cambodian Journalists, was threatened with death by 4 men in
military uniform on the outskirts of Phnom Penh. While reporting on violence in
Phnom Penh, journalist Than Vutha of the pro-FUNCINraC Sangkhro Khmer
newspaper was arrested by troops loyal to the CPP on suspicion of participating in
the fighting. He was later released from custody and reportedly left the country.
Alao in July, former Voice of America reporter Som Sattana of Radio Free Asia left
the country after receiving reports of threats against him.
During the July violence and through mid-August, there were numerous credible
reports that government security personnel attempted to intimidate journalists
through house-to-house searches for illegal possession of weapons. However, there
were no reports that any journalists were arrested or iry'ured during these searches.
Based in part on a 1996 government directive instructing teachers, including pri-
vate school teachers, not to talk about politics in class, the authorities inhibited dis-
cussion of some political issues at the University of Phnom Penh.
The Khmer Rouge do not allow freedom of speech or press in zones that they con-
trol.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly. Following the March grenade attack on a KNP rally
in Phnom Penh (see Section l.a.), however, the Interior Ministry cited security con-
cerns in issuing a temporary ban on public demonstrations. The ban was never im-
plemented. In August a peace march sponsored by religious figures took place in
Phnom Penh without incident. In December the KNP sponsored several large public
events, including a party congress, a peace march, and a march to Kompong Cham
province. AU took place without security problems.
In January Phnom Penh police officials and other security personnel disrupted a
strike outside the Tack Fat garment factory in P^nom Penh. KNP secretary general
Khieu Rada and the bodyguard of KNP president Sam Rainsy were both injured bv
police during the strike. In March municipal authorities used water cannon to break
up a union-oi^anized demonstration at Phnom Penh's Supreme Garment factory.
In February four local militia soldiers beat Suon^ Sun with an ax in retahation
for his recent participation in demonstrations involving a land dispute in Prek They,
Saang district, Kandal province. Other protests, including a February march by
workers from Phnom Penh's United Faith garment factory, were tolerated by au-
thorities, and took place without incident.
In May a group of citizens led by provincial officials destroyed a FUNCINPEC
party office in Ke Chong commune, Rattanakiri province.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, the Government
imposed some limits on this right. There were credible reports that government offi-
cials forced FUNCINPEC members to sign oaths of loyalty to the CPP (see Section
l.f.). Following the July violence, there were multiple reports that FUNCINPEC,
KNP, and Son Sann BLDP party offices had their signboards removed. Various mo-
tives were reported for these actions, including harassment by political opponents,
intrapartv disputes, and party officials' fear oi being identified with FUNCINPEC
and its afiies. Membership in the Khmer Rouge is illegal.
The National Assembly passed the Political Parties Law on October 28.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion and
prohibits discrimination based on religion. The Government respects this right in
practice. Buddhism is the state religion.
The Khmer Rouge have traditionally banned or discouraged religion, and contin-
ued to do so.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The (jovemment does not restrict international travel to or within the
parts of the country that it controls, although the presence of land mines and ban-
dits make travel in some areas perilous. There were credible reports that the Gov-
ernment urged Thai authorities to curtail visa services for Cambodians wishing to
travel to Thailand following the July 5-6 fighting, an action that the Thai govern-
ment took in August.
In August and September, the Government removed many of the illegal security
checkpoints along major highways.
709
Following partisan fighting in the north and northwest, approximately 50,000 ref-
ugees left tne country For temporary refugee camps in Thailand. There were no re-
ports of refugees being involuntarily forced by Thai authorities to return to Cam-
bodia. There were reports of approximately 5,000 people internally displaced by
fluting near Samlot in September. Internally displaced persons were allowed to re-
settle in other areas, while others crossed the boraer into Thailand.
In October the UNHCR agreed to facilitate the repatriation of Cambodians v/ho
fled to Thailand. At year's end, approximately 3,100 refugees had been voluntarily
repatriated by the UNHCR, and there were no reports of persecution or discrimina-
tion against those who returned.
Tens of thousands of ethnic Vietnamese fled Cambodia in early 1993 due to racial
violence directed against Vietnamese. Many returned after the elections of that
year, although 42 individuals still remain stranded on the border at Svay Rieng,
awaitiBg final resolution of their cases.
The Government allows noncitizens to apply to the UNHCR for refugee status.
The Government did not provide first asylum d.uring the year and has faued to take
action on UNHCR requests to issue refugee travel documents. The Government has
not yet fully formulated a policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first asylum. There
were no reports that the Government forced any persons to return to another coun-
try where tney feared persecution.
The Khmer Rouge, who refused to comply with the Paris Accords by opening the
areas they control, continued to restrict access to, from, and within these zones.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for the right of citizens to change their government,
and most citizens exercised this right in 1993 by participating in the U!N. -adminis-
tered elections. Citizens cannot exercise this right in areas controlled by the Khmer
Rouge.
National elections are scheduled to take place in July 1998. The Political Parties
law was passed in October, and the National Elections Law was passed in Decem-
ber.
The legislature was weak in comparison with the executive branch All legislation
considered or adopted by the National Assembly originated in the ministries. The
Government appointed the provincial governors and their deputies, who are gen-
erally divided between the two former coalition parties. District and commune offi-
cials are also appointed by the executive branch; most of these officials are ap-
pointees from the previous regimes, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and the
State of Cambodia. FUNCINPEC had complained that district chief positions were
not equally divided between the to major coalition parties. The Interior Ministry
sent the communal election law to the Council of Ministers, but at year's end it had
not been sent to the National Assembly.
Traditional cultural practices inhibit the role of women in government. There are
7 women among the 120 members of the National Assembly. Six of the seven are
in Cambodia. Although there are no female governors or cabinet ministers, there are
a few women at the state secretary level. Tnere are several members of ethnic and
religious minorities in the Cabinet and the National Assembly.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The international and domestic human rights community, which first began oper-
ating under UNTAC, operated in an environment of fear and apprehension following
the July violence. Human rights organizations conducted human rights training for
military officers, villagers, the legal community, and other groups. These activities
continued after the July violence. There are approximately 40 NGO's involved in
human rights activities, but only a small portion of these were actively involved in
organizing training programs or carrying out investigations of abuses.
Several human rights NGO provincial employees reported that government secu-
rity personnel followed them alter the July fighting. An atmosphere of intimidation,
combined with an unsettled security situation, prompted many human rights work-
ers to restrict their activities in the immediate aftermath of the July events.
There were credible reports that some humanitarian organizations encountered
bureaucratic obstruction in gaining access to emergency detention sites established
after the July violence.
On July 13, Second Prime Minister Hun Sen issued a public statement encourag-
ing respect for human rights and called on opposition newspapers to begin publish-
ing a^ain. Hun Sen's ofnce cooperated with human rights workers in performing
their investigations. However, in August, Hun Sen threatened to remove some ofli-
710
cials at the UNCHR ofTice in Phnom Penh; he claimed that they had frightened offi-
cials allied with FUNCINPEC into leaving the country following the July fighting.
He dropped this threat after a September meeting in Phnom Penh with 'niomas
Hammaroeiv, the U.N. Secretary GJeneral's Special Representative for Human
Ri^ts, in Phnom Penh. Hun Sen met with a group of human ri^ts NGO leaders
in September, and called for the creation of a government commission to investigate
an August UNCHR report. The Government later assigned an interministerial com-
mission to investigate the Hammarberg Report. At year's end, the commission had
not presented any of its findings. The national human rights commission had not
been established by year's end.
One NGO reported that in some provinces its workers were no longer aUowed to
talk with pretrial detainees. Legal officials stated that allowing the detainees to
speak with the NGO could interfere with the investigation in progress.
In August soldiers from RCAF Division 44 fired automatic weapons into the air
in an attempt to intimidate a UNCHR team investigating extrajudicial killings at
Pich Nil pass, Kompong Speu province (see Section l.a.).
The NGO law, in preparation since 1996, has not been presented to the National
Assembly.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, color, sex, language, reli-
gious beliefs, or political views. Although the Government does not systematically
engage in discrimination, if often fails to protect these rights in practice.
Women. — International and domestic NGO workers report that violence against
women, including rape and domestic violence, is common. There were reports of
rape, but there were no statistics available on this problem. Previous studies made
by international NGO's estimate that one in six wives is physically abused by her
husband, and half of those are injured. Authorities normally decline to become in-
volved in domestic disputes. There are some indications that stress and other psy-
chological problems originating during the Khmer Rouge period of the 1970's con-
tribute to the problem of violence against women. Prostitution and trafficking in
women were serious problems.
Due in part to lack of resources, the Government has not adequately enforced a
1996 law against prostitution and trafficking in women. In March, however, Phnom
Penh police arrested seven brothel operators in a crackdown on the capital's pros-
titution trade.
According to NGO reports, women comprise 55 percent of the population, 60 per-
cent of agricultural workers, 85 percent of the business work force, 70 percent of
the industrial work force, and 60 percent of all service sector workers. Women are
often concentrated in low-paying joos in these sectors and are largely excluded from
management positions, which remain dominated by men.
The Constitution contains explicit language providing for equal rights for women,
equal pay for equal work, and equal status in marriage. In practice women have
equal property rights with men, have the same status in bringing divorce proceed-
ings, and nave e<^ual access to education and some jobs. However, cultural traditions
continued to limit the ability of women to reach senior positions in business and
other areas. The Government's Secretariat of State for Women's Affairs is respon-
sible for women's issues. There are a large number of women's NGO's, which con-
centrated on training poor women and widows and addressing social problems such
as spousal abuse and prostitution.
children. — The Constitution provides for children's rights, and ensuring the wel-
fare of children is a specific goal of the Government's political program. However,
the Government relies on international aid to fund most social welfare programs
targeted at children, resulting in only a modest flow of fiinds to ameliorate problems
affecting children. Children frequently suffer from the inadequacy of the health care
system. Infant mortality is reported at 115 per thousand, and nearly 20 percent of
children do not live to the age of 5. Child mortality from preventable diseases is
hirfi.
Children are also adversely affected by the inadequate educational system. De-
spite an extensive government school construction program, schools are overcrowded
and short of equipment. Less than 5 percent of primary school teachers have com-
Eleted high school. The Government does not deny girls equal access to education,
ut in practice families with limited resources often give priority to educating bovs.
Chila abuse is believed to be widespread, although there are no statistics on the
extent of the problem. Child prostitution remained a serious problem. Although sex-
ual intercourse with a minor under the age of 15 is illegal, child prostitution was
common, due in part to a cultural preference for sex with virgins. There were reU-
711
able reports that children were kidnaped in several provinces and forced into the
illegal sex trade, both in Cambodia and abroad.
iTiere were credible reports that young boys served as soldiers (see Section l.g.).
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not require that buildings or gov-
ernment services be accessible to people with disabilities. According to the Govern-
ment, approximately 1 in 246 citizens is missing at least one limb. This figure re-
flects the continuing eflects of land mines on the population. Programs administered
by various NGO's have brought about dramatic improvements in the treatment and
rehabilitation of amputees. However, amputees face considerable societal discrimi-
nation, particularly in obtaining skilled employment.
Religious Minorities. — Muslims are the largest religious minority, and experience
little or no discrimination in practice. Cambodia's small Christian community has
not experienced serious or systematic discrimination. Although there were some re-
ports of tensions between Cambodian Christians and non-Christians at the local
level, these disputes have not resulted in physical violence. Christian missionary
groups have not encountered significant difficulties in performing their work.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Citizens of Vietnamese and Chinese eth-
nicity have long comprised the largest ethnic minorities. Ethnic Chinese are well ac-
cepted. However, fear and animosity continue toward ethnic Vietnamese people, who
are seen as a threat to the Cambodian nation and culture. The rights oi mmorities
under the 1996 nationality law are not explicit; constitutional protections are ex-
tended only to "TQimer people," that is, Cambodians.
There were credible reports that both security personnel and ordinary citizens sin-
gled out Vietnamese citizens for petty harassment. Many Vietnamese received
verbal death threats and other harassment from security personnel and ordinary
citizens in the aftermath of the July violence.
The Khmer Rouge, as well as some mainstream politicians, continued a calculated
campaign of inflammatory propaganda directed against ethnic Vietnamese and Viet-
namese nationals resident in Cambodia.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — In January the National Assembly passed a new
labor law drafted with the assistance of the International Labor Organization (ILO)
and the Asian American Free Labor Institute. Although the new law provides for
internationally accepted labor rights, including the right to organize and bargain
collectively, the Government has not ensured all of these rights in practice. The
Government's enforcement efforts were hampered by a dearth of qualified labor in-
spectors familiar with the new labor legislation.
Three female garment workers associated with the Free Trade Union of the King-
dom of Cambodia, Yung Sok Neuv, Yung Srey, and Yuos Seam were killed in the
March 30 grenade attack on a KNP rally in Phnom Penh (see Section l.a.). Other
union members were wounded in the attack.
Although the Government allowed several union-organized protests and rallies to
take place without incident, others were marred by violence. Police broke up strikes
at two garment factories, in January and in March (see Section 2.b.).
According to the Labor Law, workers have the right to form professional organiza-
tions of their own choosing without prior authorization, and all workers are free to
join the trade union of their choice. Membership in trade unions or employee asso-
ciations is not compulsory, and workers are free to withdraw from sucn organiza-
tions.
There were credible reports that management in some enterprises discouraged
employees from participating in partisan politics or joining unions. In May, four po-
lice omcers, accompanied by a management official, entered an employee dormitory
at a Phnom Penh garment factory. The police officers threatened dormitory resi-
dents and arrested 4 of the workers, claiming that they had stolen company prop-
erty. The police beat one of the four with their rifle butts; all 4 workers were later
released. In September union leader Sou Rotana was beaten and stabbed repeatedly
in the head with a screwdriver by company security personnel while coordinating
a job action at a Phnom Penh garment factory. The security personnel involved in
the incident were detained by local police and later released.
Article 268 of the Labor Law requires labor unions and employer organizations
to file a charter and lists of officers with the Ministry of Social, Labor, and Veterans
Affairs. Since the law's promulgation in March, the Ministry has refused to register
at least three unions on technical grounds.
There were 19 registered trade unions, although many had close ties with the
Government or company management and were not independent in practice. The
majority of salaried workers are employed by the State, altnough there is a growing
services sector. A large proportion of the urban population is engaged in low-level
45-909 98-24
712
commerce of self-employed skilled labor. The labor law does not apply to workers
in the public sector.
Unions may aflUiate freely, but the law does not explicitly address their right to
afHUate internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The new labor law gives aU
unions representing companies with more than eight employees the right to appoint
a shop steward from the ranks of the worker representatives. The steward rep-
resents the union to the company director, and has the right to sign the company s
collective bai^aining agreement.
In practice very little collective bargaining takes place. Some unions allowed polit-
ical figures to negotiate collective bargaining agreements on their behalf during the
first half of the year; many of these agreements are no longer honored. At least one
Phnom Penh garment factory refused to honor an existing collective bargaining
agreement following the July fighting.
The Government sets wages for civil servants. Wage rates in other sectors are
based largely on market conditions and are set by employers. Mechanisms for en-
forcing provisions against antiunion discrimination exist, but are not adequately en-
forced by the Government.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Law prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, including forced labor by children, in accordance with inter-
national convention. The Government does not adequately enforce this prohibition.
There were credible reports of mandatory overtime, as well as reports of women and
girls being forced to work as prostitutes. The most recent survey of this problem,
made by a human rights NGO in 1995, indicated that 31 percent of female pros-
titutes were between the ages of 12 and 17. Half the girls mvolved were sold into
prostitution by their families and forced to work as prostitutes. There were also re-
ports that children were kidnaped and force into the illegal sex trade (see Section
5). Military officers also implemented force conscription (see Section l.g.).
In December human rights workers investigated a forced labor operation in Koh
Kong province. With the complicity of some local officials and police, its operators
smuggled young men out of the country for forced labor in Thailand and Cambodia.
Interior Ministry officials in Phnom Penh and some local police assisted human
rights workers during the investigation.
There were credible reports of bonded labor in the wood-processing, rubber, and
brick manufacturing industries, although the institution of bonded labor did not ap-
pear to be a systematic practice.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The
Labor Law prohibits labor by children under 15 years of age, but tne Government
may authorize exceptions, and enforcement is lax (see Section 6.c.). The minimum
age for work deemed hazardous to the health, safety, or well-being of an adolescent
is 18 years. However, the Ministry of Social, Labor, and Veterans Affairs reserves
the right to authorize employment of children as young as 15 years of age in hazard-
ous joDs if their well-being is "fully guaranteed. Children as young as 14 years of
age may be authorized to perform "light work" under certain conditions. TTie Gov-
ernment has not established an apparatus to enforce this provision of the law.
Children under the age of 15 routinely engage in a variety of jobs, including street
trading, construction, agriculture, and manufacturing. According to an ILO study,
9.2 percent of Cambodian children between the ages of 5 and 14 may be classified
as economically active." More than 90 percent of working children live in rural
areas.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Law requires that a minimum wage
be established without distinction between different jobs. In January, for example,
a Ministry of Social, Labor, and Veterans Affairs decree established a minimum
wage of $40 (139,400 riel) per month for the garment industry. This provision is not
adequately enforced, and many workers receive less than the minimum wage. This
wage is not sufficient to provide a worker and family with a decent standard of liv-
ing.
The Labor Law provides for a standard legal workweek of 48 hours, not to exceed
8 hours per day. The law stipulates time-and-a-half overtime pay, and double over-
time pay if the overtime hours are worked at night or on the employee's day off.
The Government does not enforce these standaras, and workers commonly work
more than 48 hours per week. Some workers incur salary deductions if they do not
perform overtime or holiday work. The law states that the workplace should have
nealth and safety standards adequate to ensure workers' well-being. However, the
Government has not yet set specific standards, and work-related injury and health
problems are common. Penalties are specified in the law, but there are no provisions
to protect workers who complain about unsafe and unhealthy conditions. (Conditions
713
in factories and small-scale industries are generally poor and often do not meet
international standards.
CHINA
The People's Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which the Chi-
nese Communist Party (CCP) is the paramount source of jwwer. At the national and
regional levels, party members hold almost all top government, police, and military
positions. Ultimate authority rests with members of the Politburo. Leaders stress
the need to maintain stability and social order and are committed to perpetuating
the rule of the CCP and its hierarchy. Citizens lack the freedom to express peace-
fiiUy opposition to the party-led political system and the right to change their na-
tional leaders or form of government. Socialism continues to provide the theoretical
underpinning of Chinese politics, but Marxist ideology has given way to economic
pragmatism in recent years. Economic decentralization has increased the authoritv
of regional officials. The party's authority rests primarily on the Government's abil-
ity to maintain social stability, appeals to nationalism and patriotism, party control
of personnel and the security apparatus, and the greatly improved living standards
of most of China's 1.2 billion citizens. The Constitution provides for an independent
judiciary; however, in practice, the judicial system is subject to the "policy guidance"
of the CCP.
The security apparatus is comprised of the Ministries of State Security and Public
Security, the People's Armed Police, the People's Liberation Army, and the state ju-
dicial, procuratonal, and penal systems. Security j)olicy and jiersonnel were respon-
sible for numerous human rights abuses.
China has a mixed economy that continues to expand rapidly. Economic reforms
are raising living standards for many, providing greater independence for entre-
preneurs, diminishing state control over the economy and people's daily lives, and
creating new economic opportunities. Despite economic difficulties in the state sec-
tor, individual economic opportunities continue to expand rapidly in nonstate sec-
tors, resulting in increased freedom of employment and mobility. The Government
continues to adopt market-based policies and both state-owned and nonstate enter-
prises are benefiting from freedom to compete in domestic and overseas markets.
As economic opportunities grow the number of citizens living in absolute poverty
continues to decline; estimates range from official figures of 58 million to estimates
as high as 350 million. China faces growing problems, including state enterprise re-
form, unemployment, underemployment, and regional economic disparities. Accord-
ing to estimates, rural unemployment and underemployment range from 30 to 50
percent. During the year, the definition of employment was changed to working 5
or more hours per week from working 20 hours per week. Tens of millions of peas-
ants have left their homes in search of better jobs and living conditions. According
to estimates, as many as 100 million people make up this "floating population," with
many major cities counting 1 million or more such people. Urban areas are also cop-
ing with millions of state workers idled on partial wages or unemployed as a result
of industrial reforms. Workers in Liaoning, Sichuan, Jiangsu, and other provinces
increasingly organized public protests to press their demands.
There were positive steps in human rights, although serious problems remained.
The Government continued to commit widespread and well-documented human
rights abuses, in violation of internationally accepted norms stemming from the au-
thorities' very limited tolerance of public dissent, fear of unrest, and the limited
scope or inadequate implementation of laws protecting basic freedoms. The Con-
stitution and laws provide for fundamental human rights, but they are often ignored
in practice. Abuses included torture and mistreatment of prisoners, forced confes-
sions, and arbitrary arrest and lengthy incommunicado detention. Prison conditions
at many facilities remained harsh. The Government continued tight restrictions on
freedom of speech, the press, assembly, association, religion, privacy, and worker
rights. Discrimination against women, minorities, and the disabled, violence against
women, prostitution, trafficking in women and children, and the abuse of children
remain problems. The Government continued to restrict tightly worker rights. Seri-
ous human rights abuses persisted in minority areas, including Tibet and Xinjiang,
where tight controls on religion and other fundamental freedoms continued and, in
some cases, intensified.
In 1997 the Government took several positive actions to address international con-
cerns in the area of human rights. In October the Government signed the United
Nations Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and allowed the United
Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to visit China. The Government also
714
significantly expanded its dialog on human rights with a number of foreign inter-
locutors.
The Government's response to dissent was also somewhat more tolerant than in
recent years. Although authorities continued to use repressive measures such as in-
timidation, administrative detention, imposition of prison terms, house arrest or
exile to control tightly dissent, the Government exhibited some limited tolerance of
public expressions of opposition to government policies and calls for political reform.
During the year, a number of dissidents, academics, and former officials issued pub-
lic statements, letters or petitions challenging the Government's policies or advocat-
ing political reform. Some, including Fang Jue, Shang Dewen, and Lin Mu had no
action taken against them. Others, including Bao Ge, Qin Yongmin, and Shen
Liangqing were harassed, arrested or rearrested, left the country under pressure,
or were subjected to stricter forms of house arrest, as in the past.
China also released a few political prisoners on medical parole or before their
terms were over. Prominent dissident and democracy activist Wei Jingsheng was re-
leased from prison in November on medical parole and allowed to travel abroad for
medical treatment. Journalists Xi Yang and Zhao Lei, and labor activists Tang
Yuanjuan, Li Wei, and Zhou Guoqiang also were released before the end of their
grison terms. However, thousands of others, including Wang Dan, Liu Nianchun,
rao Yu, Pastor Xu Yongze, Bishop Zeng Jingmu, Chadrel Rinpoche, and Ngawang
Choephel remained in prison for tne peaceful expression of their political, social or
religious views and/or "counterrevolutionary" offenses despite official denials that
China holds political prisoners. Some of those who completed their sentences and
were released from prison were kept under tight surveillance and prevented from
taking employment or otherwise resuming a normal life. Others were released from
prison at tne completion of their sentences and subsequently allowed to leave China,
including Tong Yi and Zhang Lin.
China made progress in legal reform efforts in 1997. The judicial system continues
to deny defendants basic legal safeguards and due process because authorities at-
tach higher priority to maintaining public order and suppressing political opposition
than to implementing and enforcing legal norms. The Government, however, contin-
ued to take positive steps to strengthen its legal system by enacting and implement-
ing new legislation. Legislation passed in recent years includes laws with a potential
impact on citizens' — rights — e.g., the Administrative Procedure Law, Lawyers Law,
State Compensation Law, Prison Law, and Criminal Law — if they are enforced effec-
tively. The Government has initiated efforts to educate lawyers, judges, prosecutors,
and the public on the provisions of the new laws. China also has expanded its ef-
forts to increase bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the field of law. For exam-
ple, President Jiang agreed to increase such cooperation in October.
The revised Criminal Procedure Law, which came into effect on January 1, pro-
vided for the defendant's right to legal counsel, an active legal defense, and other
rights of criminal defendants recognized in international human rights instruments.
If fully implemented, the law would bring China's criminal law closer toward com-
pliance witn international norms.
Nonapproved religious groups, including Protestant and Catholic groups, experi-
enced varying degrees of official interference and repression as the Government con-
tinued to enforce 1994 State Council regulations requiring all religious organiza-
tions to register with the Government and come under the supervision of official,
"patriotic" religious organizations. There was evidence that authorities in some
areas, guided by national policy, made strong efforts to control the activities of un-
approved Catholic and Protestant churches, and some church leaders or adherents
were arrested or remained in detention or prison because of their religious activi-
ties. In other regions, registered and unregistered churches are treated similarly by
the authorities and congregants worship in both types of churches. Despite this
pressure, the number of religious adherents in many churches, both registered and
unregistered, continued to grow at a rapid pace. Citizens worshipping in officially
sanctioned churches, mosques, and temples reported little or no day-to-day inter-
ference by the Government. The Government estimates that China has 4 million
registered Catholics, 10 to 15 million registered Protestants, and 18 million Mos-
lems. They worship in some 12,000 churches and 30,000 mosques. Nongovernmental
estimates indicate that as many as 30 million Christians worship privately in hou.se
churches that are not registered with the Government. The Government released a
white paper on religion in October, which defended government practices and stated
that citizens' rights should conform to international conventions.
Chinese society continued to become more open and to diversify at a rapid pace.
New social groups with economic resources at their disposal have arisen and started
to play a role in community life. Although citizens still do not have the right to
change their national leaders or form of government, several hundred million Chi-
715
nese have participated in the Government's village elections program, which allowed
basic democratic expression in multicandidate elections for nongovernmental local
village committees. Satellite television broadcasts are widely available, particularly
in coastal provinces, despite the Government's efforts to regulate the sale and use
of satellite dishes. Cable television also is available in many cities, including access
to fflobal news networks. Increasing numbers of citizens have access to the Litemet
although the Government continued efforts to control the content of material avail-
able on the Internet. Average citizens go about their daily lives with more personal
freedom than ever before. They also continued to enjoy a higher disposable income,
looser economic controls, greater freedom of movement, increased access to outside
sources of information, greater room for individual choice, and more diversity in cul-
tural life. However, those Chinese who seek to express openly dissenting political
and religious views still live in an environment fflled with repression.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were reports of a number of
extrajudicial killings related to separatist activity in the Xinjiang region. In Feb-
ruary police dispersed a crowd of women in Yining during the Ramadan Festival.
In subsequent protests of this action, police killed at least 10, and perhaps as many
as 70, Uyghur demonstrators. On April 24, in Yining security forces killed two pro-
testers when they opened fire on a crowd that had surrounded a bus carrying indi-
viduals convicted of involvement in the February riots.
There is no reliable information about the number of extrajudicial killings nation-
wide. There continued to be numerous executions carried out after summary trials.
These trials can occur under circumstances where the lack of due process protec-
tions borders on extrajudicial killing (see Section I.e.).
In December 1996, the official press reported that four policemen in Zhejiang
province were sentenced to up to 11 years in jail for torturing a bank robbery sus-
pect to death.
Xinjiang separatist groups also committed killings. On February 25, three bombs
exploded on buses in the regional capital of Urumqi killing nine persons. Several
people were killed on March 7 when a bomb linked to Uyghur separatists exploded
aboard a bus in one of Beijing's busiest shopping districts. There were also reports
in September that nine officials in Xinjiang were killed in antigovemment attacks.
b. Disappearance. — There were no new reports of disappearances. The Govern-
ment, however, still has not provided a comprehensive, credible accounting of all
those missing or detained in connection with the suppression of the 1989
Tiananmen demonstrations. Long incommunicado detentions continued (see Section
l.d.), although there were fewer reports than in 1996.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture; however, both official Chinese sources and international
human ri^ts groups reported cases in which police and other elements of the secu-
rity apparatus employed torture or degrading treatment in dealing with detainees
and prisoners. Former detainees have credibly reported that officials used electric
shocks, prolonged periods of solitary confinement and incommunicado detention,
beatings, shackles, and other forms of abuse against detained men and women. Per-
sons detained pending trial were particularly at risk during pretrial detention due
to systemic weaknesses in the legal system, many of whicn were addressed by
amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law, which became effective on January 1.
In May prison officials placed labor activist Liu Nianchun in solitary confinement
for 10 days and beat him with an electric baton to punish him for refusing food.
Liu had started a hunger strike to protest beatings by prison guards who wanted
him to renounce his antigovemment views. Wei Jingsheng reported that he was
beaten by fellow inmates with the encouragement of prison authorities and that the
inmate who instigated these attacks was rewarded with a reduced sentence. In the
months before his November release, Wei was under 24-hour surveillance in a light-
ed, glass-walled cell. He was denied reading material. Relatives and friends of evan-
gelist Xu Yongze reported in March that he and other detainees with him were beat-
en by Henan authorities.
The Government has stated that "the Chinese judiciary deals with every com-
plaint of torture promptly after it is filed, and those found guilty are punished ac-
cording to law." The official media repwrts on torture cases, out many are believed
to go unreported. One central government prosecutor reported to a visiting delega-
tion that his office investigated hundreds of cases a year of alleged torture by secu-
rity personnel. On February 21, the Jilin Provincial People's Proiruratorate reported
that it had investigated 34 cases of "extorting confession by torture" during the pre-
716
vious year in that province alone. In December 1996, four policemen received sen-
tences of up to 11 years for torturing a suspect to death (see Section l.a.). According
to the Supreme People's Procuratorate, 5,214 cases of "^anethical activities" by po-
licemen were investigated between 1988 and mid- 1996. The Government has pro-
vided no information on convictions and punishment in these cases.
Conditions in penal institutions for both political prisoners and common criminals
are generally harsh, and frequently degrading. China's 1994 Prison Law was de-
signed, in part, to improve treatment of detainees and respect for their legal rights.
The Government's stated goal is to convert one-half of the nation's prisons ana 150
reeducation-through-labor camps into "modernized, civilized" facilities by the year
2010. According to credible sources, persons held in new "model" prisons receive bet-
ter treatment tSian those held in other prison facilities.
Adeqruate, timely medical care for prisoners continues to be a serious problem, de-
spite omcial assurances that prisoners have the right to prompt medical treatment
if they become ill. Nutritional and health conditions can be grim. Political prisoners
who reportedly had difficulties in obtaining medical treatment, despite repeated ap-
peals on their behalf by their families and the international community, included
Wang Dan, Liu Nianchun, Zhou Guoqiang, Gao Yu, Bishop Zeng Jingmu, Chen
Lantao, and Wei Jingsheng. According to one credible report, there have been in-
stances where women in reeducation-through-labor camps found to be pregnant
while serving sentences were forced to submit to abortions (see Section l.f.).
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of prisons or reeduca-
tion-through-labor camps, ana prisoners remain largely inaccessible to international
human ri^ts organizations. However, the Government took several steps toward
CTeater transparency in the prison system. A delegation of the United Nations
Working Group on Arbitrary Detention visited China for 10 days in October. The
group visited prisons and reeducation-through-labor camps in Beijing, Shanghai,
Chengdu, and Tibet. The Government allowed the U.N. team to choose at random
some of the prisoners interviewed at each facility. Interviews with certain prisoners
were conducted without the presence of Chinese officials. Talks between the Govern-
ment and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on prison visits re-
sumed in June. By year's end, no agreement had been reached. Finally, the Govern-
ment resumed cooperation with a prominent foreign businessman/human rights ac-
tivist on prisoner accounting, and the Ministry of Justice provided him with infor-
mation on more than 11 cases by year's end.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Arbitrary arrest and detention remain
problems. The amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law, which came into effect
on January 1, represented a significant improvement in the laws governing arrest
and detention. Among other things, the amendments provide for earlier and greater
access for defendants to legal counsel and the abolition of a 1983 regulation that
allowed summary trials in certain cases involving the death penalty. Under the old
system, defendants were not allowed to hire a lawyer until 7 days before trial, usu-
ally precluding the possibility of mounting an effective defense. The amended law
gives suspects the right to seek legal counsel from the time of their initial detention
and interrogation. The (Jovemment has initiated efforts to educate lawyers, judges,
prosecutors, and the public in the provisions of the new law and has undertaken
a well-publicized effort to establish legal aid centers for indigent defendants. Anec-
dotal evidence suggested, however, that in some cases implementing regulations
promulgated by the Public Security Ministry, Ministry of Justice, Supreme People's
Procuratorate, and Supreme People's Court have resulted in contraoictory ana in-
complete implementation of the new amendments.
Despite these reforms, the Criminal Procedure Law still would fall short of inter-
national standards in many respects if fully implemented. While an often criticized
form of administrative detention known as "shelter and investigation" that allowed
police to detain suspects for extended periods without charge was abolished, police
can still detain a person for up to 14 or 37 days, depending on the nature of his
alleged offense before formally placing him under arrest. Once a suspect is arrested,
the revised law still allows police and prosecutors to detain him for months before
trial while a case is being further investigated." On June 3, a court in Shenzhen
finally sentenced labor activists Li Wenming and Guo Baosheng to SVz years in pris-
on for "conspiring to subvert the Government." Li and Guo had already spent more
thsm 3 years in jail without sentencing. Both Li and Guo were released in late 1997
at the completion of their terms (see Section 6. a.). Two foreigners remained in jail,
without eitner a verdict or a sentence, over a year after their trials were concluded,
despite many interventions on their behalf by their government.
Under the revised Criminal Procedures Law, detained criminal suspects, defend-
ants, their legal representatives, and close relatives are entitled to apply for a guar-
antor to enable the suspect or defendant to await trial out of custody. The law pro-
717
vides that if the people's courts, people's procuratorates, and public security organs
decide to allow a criminal suspect or defendant to obtain a guarantor and await trial
out of custody, they should order the suspect or defendant to name a guarantor or
pay bail. The law stipulates that authorities must notify a detainee's family or work
unit of his detention within 24 hours. In practice, however, timely notification re-
mains a serious problem. Under a sweeping exception to the law, officials need not
provide notification if it would "hinder the investigation" of a case.
In theory, the Administrative Procedure Law of 1994 permits a detainee to chal-
lenge the legality of detention. In the past, however, lack of timely access to legal
counsel inhibited the eflective use of this law. The expanded rights to a lawyer pro-
vided for in the amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law are designed to im-
{)rove this situation. In addition, the State Compensation Law provides a legal basis
or citizens to recover damages for illegal detentions. Although the majority of citi-
zens apparently remain unaware of this 1995 law, there is evidence that it is having
some limited impact. The Supreme People's Procuratorate reported on March 11,
that in 1996 it had investigated 379 criminal compensation claims, reached a con-
clusion in 110 cases, and awarded compensation in 44 cases.
Because the Government tightly controls information, it is impossible to accu-
rately determine the total nunioer of people subjected to new or continued arbitraiy
arrest or detention but estimates are in the thousands. The Supreme People's
Procuratorate reported in March that it had reversed 570 "incorrect arrest deci-
sions" in the previous year. The Jilin Provincial People's Procuratorate report of
February 21 said that the office had investigated 80 cases of illegal detention during
the previous year in that province alone. There are documented cases where locsil
officials and business leaders illegally conspired to use detention as a means of ex-
erting pressure in commercial disputes involving Chinese and foreign businessmen.
There were other cases where foreign businessmen had their passports confiscated
during such disputes.
A major shortcoming of the recent amendments to the Criminal Procedure Law
is that they do not afiect the reeducation-through-labor system, which permits au-
thorities to sentence detainees to terms of 1 to 3 years in labor camps without trial.
The Labor Reeducation Committee, which determines the term of detention, may ex-
tend an inmate's sentence for an additional year. Wang Ming, a democracy activist
in Sichuan who had called for the release of Wei Jingsheng, was sentenced in Janu-
ary to 3 years of reeducation through labor. Activist Liu Huanwen was also sen-
tenced to 3 years of reeducation through labor on April 7. Catholic Bishop Zeng
Jingmu, Chen Longde, Hu Kesi and other dissidents remained in labor camps. The
sentences of Liu Nianchun and Zhou Guoqiang's were extended 6 days for every
month remaining in their sentences for refusing to prepare written confessions. In
December, however, the Ministry of Justice reversed the decision to extend their
sentences, and Zhou was released in January 1998.
Authorities continued the practice of detaining or tightening control over political
and labor activists or inviting then to take "vacations" at "sensitive" times during
the year, but there were fewer reports of this practice than in 1996. Shen Liangqing
was picked up by police officers at his home in Anhui province days before the open-
ing of the 15th Chinese Communist Party Congress. Shen had coauthored an open
letter to President Jiang Zemin and other senior leaders demanding justice for op-
Rressed workers" after reported police suppression of labor unrest in Sichuan's
lianyang city in July. Dissidents in Beijing were reportedly warned against causing
trouble during the August visit of a high ranking foreign official. The Government
also stepped up surveillance on family members of leading dissidents during the Oc-
tober visit of the U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. At year's end, the
authorities continued to detain citizens for political reasons (see Section I.e.).
The Government continued to refuse reentry into China by dissidents and activ-
ists (see Section 2.d.), but there were no reports of the Government forcibly exiling
citizens. However, the (Jovemment's denial of permission to some former reeduca-
tion-through-labor camp inmates to return to their homes constitutes a form of in-
ternal exile (see Section 2.d.).
e. Denial of Fair Public TYial. — The Constitution states that the courts shall, in
accordance with the law, exercise judicial power independently. However, in prac-
tice, the judiciary is subject to policy guidance from tne Government and the Chi-
nese Communist Party, whose leaders use a variety of means to direct courts on ver-
dicts and sentences in politically sensitive cases. Corruption and conflicts of interest
also aflect judicial decisionmaking.
The Supreme People's Court stands at the apex of the court system, followed in
descending order by the higher, intermediate, and basic people's courts. Judges are
appointed by the people's congresses at the corresponding level. There are special
courts for handling military, maritime, and railway transport cases.
718
Officials often have ignored the due process provisions of the law and of the Con-
stitution. For example, authorities can subject prisoners to severe psychological
Sressure to confess, and coerced confessions are ireauently introduced as evidence.
J Hiu-wai, an accused drug smuggler, was reportedly interrogated for 50 straight
hours in July before agreeing to sign a confession. Defendants who fail to show the
correct attitude by confessing their crimes are typically sentenced more harshly. The
conviction rate is over 90percent. There is an appeals process, but appeals generally
do not reverse verdicts. The law requires that all trials be held in public, but a 1988
law on state secrets provides for an exception in cases involving state secrets. This
provision has been used to keep proceedings closed to the public and, in some cases,
even family members in sensitive cases. Pastor Xu Yongze s family received no noti-
fication of his mid-1997 trial.
The revised Criminal Procedure Law is designed to address many of these defi-
ciencies and give defense lawyers a greater ability to argue their clients' cases, in
order to change the practice of holding trials that are essentially sentencing hear-
ings. The new amendments abolish the form of pretrial detention called "shelter and
investigation," expand the right to counsel, put limits on nonjudicial determinations
of guUt, and establish a more transparent, adversarial trial process. Coerced confes-
sions are expressly forbidden, although there is still no law barring coerced confes-
sions from being introduced into evidence. The amendments do not, however, bring
China into full compliance with international standards. For example, in "state se-
crets" cases the revised Criminal Procedures Law authorizes officials to deny sus-
pects access to a lawyer while their cases are being investigated. The definition of
state secrets is broad and vague and subject to independent interpretation by police,
prosecutors, and judges at different stages in a criminal case. Uncertainty regarding
the scope and application of this statute has created concern about a detainee s right
to legal assistance.
In what may turn out to be a landmark case in Chinese legal history, in June
a court in Jilin province overturned the convictions of four dissidents connected to
the Tiananmen protests of 1989, marking the first time a conviction for
counterrevolutionary crimes has been reversed. Tang Yuanjuan and Li Wei, who
were still in prison at the time they won their appeal, were released.
China's first Lawyers' Law, designed to professionalize the legal profession, took
effect January 1996. Accordingly, the Ministry of Justice drafted relevant regula-
tions to standardize professional performance, lawyer-client relations, and the ad-
ministration of lawyers and law firms. The new law recognized for the first time
that lawyers represent their clients, not the State. The bill also granted lawyers for-
mal permission to establish law firms, established educational requirements for
legal practitioners, encouraged free legal services for the general public, and pro-
vided for the disciplining of lawyers. Grovemment officials state that there is an in-
sufficient number of lawyers to meet the country's growing needs. A key element
in Justice Ministry eflbrts to encourage legal reform is a plan to have 150,000 law-
yers, 30,000 notaries, and 40,000 grassroots legal service centers by the year 2000.
Minister of Justice Xiao Yang stated in December that China currently has 114,000
lawyers, 18,000 notarial personnel, and more than 8,300 law offices. Lawyers are
oreanizing private law firms outside the framework of established government legal
offices that are self-regulating and do not have their personnel or budgets deter-
mined directly by the State.
During the first half of the year, attorneys handled 1 15,000 legal aid cases in six
provinces and municipalities, including Shan^ai and Guangdong. In the past, how-
ever, defendants have frequently found it difficult to find an attorney willing to han-
dle sensitive political and religious cases. It is unclear to what extent government
reform eflbrts and new legislation are changing the past practice of autnorities re-
voking the licenses of lawyers representing political defendants. Govemment-em-
ployea lawyers still depend on an official work unit for employment, housing, and
other benefits and therefore many may be reluctant to be seen as overzealous in
representing politically sensitive defendants.
The effects of the lack of due process are particularly egregious in death penalty
cases. A 1995 law raised the number of capital offenses from 26 to 65, and included
financial crimes such as counterfeiting currency, passing fake negotiable notes and
letters of credit, and illegal "pooling' of funds. In May 1996, the Supreme Court
ruled that crimes resulting in death should be punished by death regardless of ex-
tenuating circumstances. Amnesty International (AI) reported in August, based on
a review of Chinese press accounts, that in 1996 China sentenced more than 6,100
convicts to death and carried out 4,367 executions. More summary executions were
reported as officials continued to promote the "strike-hard," national anticrime cam-
paign. A high court nominally reviews all death sentences, but the time between ar-
rest and execution is often days, and reviews have consistently resulted in a con-
719
firmation of sentence. The AI report included one case in which a man was con-
victed on May 13, 1996 and executed on May 19, 1996. According to a Chinese news-
Saper, the Shyiazhuang Intermediate People's Court held a public sentencing on
une 26, at which seven previously convicted criminals were given the death pen-
alty. The convicts were "escorted to the execution ground and executed by shooting
after the meeting." No executions for political oflenses are known to have occurred
in 1997.
In recent years, credible reports have alleged that organs from some executed
prisoners were removed, sold, and transplanted. Officials nave confirmed that exe-
cuted prisoners are among the sources of organs for transplant, but maintain that
consent is required from prisoners or their relatives before organs are removed.
There is no national law governing organ donations, but a Ministry of Health direc-
tive explicitly states that bu)dng and selling human organs and tissues is not al-
lowed.
Government officials deny that China holds any political prisoners, asserting that
authorities detain persons not for the political or religious views that they hold, but
because they violate the Criminal Law. However, the authorities continue to confine
citizens for political and religious reasons. It is estimated that thousands of political
prisoners remain imprisoned or detained. Vice Minister of Justice Zhang Xiufu told
a press conference on May 30 that there were 2,026 prisoners in China jailed for
"counterrevolutionary crimes," a charge often lodged in the past against political dis-
sidents. Thousands more were charged with criminal oflenses, detained but not
charged, or sentenced in an extrajudicial process to 1- to 3-years in reeducation-
through-labor camps.
Defendants are legally entitled to challenge reeducation-through-labor sentences
under the Administrative Procedures Law. Some persons have gained a reduction
in, or suspension of, their sentences after reconsideration or appeal, but problems
such as short appeal times and inadequate legal counsel weaken the effectiveness
of the law in preventing or reversing arbitrary decisions. Few appeals are success-
ful. Liu Xiaobo's appeal was rejected in March.
The new Criminal Law, which came into effect in October, replaced
"counterrevolutionary" oflenses with provisions barring "treasonous acts designed to
threaten national security." Crimes that threaten national security are loosely de-
fined and some observers think they will be used to punish the same "crimes cov-
ered under the counterrevolutionary laws. Before this new law became effective, po-
litical dissidents Wei Jingsheng and Wang Dan were both sentenced for "conspiracy
to overthrow the government" to 14 years and 11 years respectively. Labor activists
Li Wenming and Quo Baosheng, who had been detained since 1994, were given
lighter sentences than the legalK^ prescribed minimum for the charge of subversion
when their sentences were handea down in May, 6 months after their trial. They
were released in late 1997. Those charged with counterrevolutionary crimes con-
tinue to serve their sentences.
The Government released early certain prisoners detained for their political or re-
ligious beliefs, including Xi Yang, Zhao Lei, Zhou Guoqiang, and Yu Znenbin. Other
Erisoners were released in 1997 upon completion of their sentences, including Zhang
in and Bao Ge. Bao Tong was released from house arrest, although forced to give
up his government quarters in Beijing and move with his family to an apartment
in the suburbs, where he remains closely monitored. Many others, including Liu
Nianchun, Liu Xiaobo, Li Hai, Bishop Zeng Jingmu, Ngawang Choephel, and
Ngawang Sandrol (see Tibet Addendum) remamed imprisoned or under otner forms
of detention during the year. Chen Ziming remained under house arrest at year's
end.
Criminal punishments can include "deprivation of political rights" for a fixed pe-
riod after release from prison, during which the individual is denied rights of free
speech and association. Former prisoners often also find their status in society, abil-
ity to find employment, freedom to travel, and access to residence permits and social
services severely restricted. Economic reforms and social changes have ameliorated
these problems for nonpolitical prisoners to some extent in recent years. Former po-
litical prisoners and their families, however, are frequently subjected to police sur-
veillance, phone taps, searches, and other forms of harassment, and also may en-
counter dimculty in obtaining or keeping employment and housing. Chinese security
personnel are posted at the homes of^ and follow the close relatives of prominent dis-
sidents such as Wang Dan and Chen Ziming, particularly during sensitive periods.
On occasion, Chen Ziming's wife was followed by 10 or more Public Security Bureau
personnel on motorbikes or in cars. Dissidents Xu Shuiliang, Bao Ge, and others
were prevented from taking employment following their releases and were under
constant surveillance. Bao Ge's mother sent an open letter to President Jiang Zemin
in September, pleading for an end to the police and municipal government narass-
720
ment that had made it impossible for Bao Ge to find a job afler his release from
a labor camp in June. Fearing rearrest, Bao Ge left China in October. Government
harassment nas prevented relatives of Chen Ziming, Liu Nianchun, Qin Yongmin,
and other dissidents from obtaining and keeping steady eniployment.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Govern-
ment interference in daily personal and family life continues to aecline for the aver-
age Chinese citizen. In urban areas, most people still depend on government-linked
work units for housing, permission to have a child, approval to apply for a passport,
and other aspects of ordinary life. However, the worlc unit ana the neighbornood
committee, which were originally charged with monitoring activities and attitudes,
have become less impwrtant as means of social or political control. Political "study
sessions," meant to instill in all citizens k common, party-approved political line, no
longer play a meaningful role in shaping attitudes and are infrequent, if held at all.
Work units reportedly have refused to cooperate with police requests to provide de-
tention for employees.
However, despite legal protections, authorities often do not respect the privacy of
citizens in practice. Although the law requires warrants before security forces can
search premises, this provision can be ignored by authorities; moreover, the Public
Security Bureau and tne procuratorate can issue search warrants on their own au-
thority. The Constitution states that "freedom and privacy of correspondence of citi-
zens are protected by law." In practice, however, authorities often monitor telephone
conversations, fax transmissions, electronic mail, and Internet communications of
foreign visitors, businessmen, diplomats, and journalists, as weU as Chinese dis-
sidents, activists, and others. Authorities also open and censor domestic and inter-
national mail. In November 1996, Han Chunsheng, a Voice of America (VGA) lis-
tener who allegedly sent over 20 letters critical of China to the VGA mailbox in
Beijing between the summer of 1995 and May 1996, was sentenced to 8 years' im-
prisonment on the charge of counterrevolutionary incitement and propaganda.
Around mid-year, Wang Dan's family stopped receiving foreign mail. Government
security organs monitor and sometimes restrict contact oetween foreigners and citi-
zens. Rules implementing the State Security Law define as a violation of the law
"activities of individuals outside the country (including non-Chinese citizens resi-
dent in China) who disregard dissuasion and meet with personnel in the country
who have endangered state security or who are seriously suspected of endangering
state security." Dissidents are routinely warned not to speak with the foreign press.
The Government encouraged expansion of Internet and other communications in-
frastructure. Internet use among Chinese is expanding exponentially, creating a po-
tentially powerful channel of information to the computer-literate. Estimates of the
number of Chinese connected to the Internet vary from 200,000 to over 600,000, al-
though the majority of users are on e-mail only accounts. Chinese authorities con-
tinue to try to control Internet content by blocking politically sensitive web sites,
including those of some major foreign news organizations and dissident groups. A
number of human rights web pages are, however, accessible, including that of the
Tibet govemment-in-exile. The Government's efforts to block content and control
usage nave limited effectiveness because users can easily use browser "proxies" to
bj^ass site blocking. E-mail and e-mail publications are more difficult to block, and
there is no indication that the Government has attempted to do so. Chinese dis-
sident groups abroad have successfully used e-mail to send publications to readers
in China. In May the State Council issued regulations requiring those involved in
international networking to apply for licenses and provide details regarding the
scope and nature of their activities. In December the State Council promulgated a
comprehensive list of prohibited Internet activities, including using tne Internet to
"incite the overthrow of the Government or the Socialist system" and "incite division
of the country, harming national unification." The regulations, which came into ef-
fect on December 30, provide for fines and other unspecified punishments to deal
with violators.
The authorities continue to jam VGA broadcasts, but the effectiveness of this in-
terference varies considerably by region, with audible signals of VGA and other
short-wave broadcasters reaching most parts of China, including the capital. Radio
Free Asia began operation in Chinese and Tibetan in 1996. In August monitors in
Beijing and Hong Kong reported that for the first time some Radio Free Asia trans-
missions in Mandarin were being jammed.
The Government continued to implement comprehensive and often intrusive fam-
ily planning policies. The State Family Planning Commission formulates and imple-
ments policies with assistance from the Family Planning Association, which has 83
million members in 1.02 million branches. Chinese demographers at an October con-
ference predicted that the population would reach almost 1.56 billion in the year
2044 if tne current fertility rate continued. Most estimated fertility at 2.1 births per
721
woman — indicating that the "one-child policy" is not applied to the majority of Chi-
nese couples. Couples in urban areas are most afliected, seldom receiving permission
to have more than one child, although the Government maintains that urban cou-
ples who themselves were only children may now receive permission to have two
children. Outside the cities, exceotions to the "one-child policy" are becoming the
norm. The average number of children per family in rural areas, where 70 percent
of the people live, is slightly over two. In rural areas, couples are allowed to have
a second child if the first is a girl, an exception that takes into account both the
demands of farm labor and the traditional preference for boys. Some ethnic minori-
ties, such as Muslim Uyghurs and Tibetans, are subject to less stringent population
controls. Minorities in some rural areas are permitted to have as many as four chil-
dren. In remote areas, such as rural Tibet, there are no effective limits at all.
Population control policy relies on education, propaganda, and economic incen-
tives, as well as on more coercive measures, including psychological pressure and
economic penalties. Rewards for couples who adhere to the policy include monthly
stipends and preferential medical and educational benefits. Disciplinary measures
against those who violate the policy can include fines, withholding of social services,
demotion, and other administrative punishments that sometimes result in loss of
employment. Penalties for excess births can also be levied against local officials and
the mothers' work units, thus creating multiple sources of pressure. Fines for giving
birth without authorization vary, but they can be a formidable disincentive. Accord-
ing to the State Family Plannmg Commission 1996 family planning manual, over
24 million fines were assessed fctween 1985 and 1993 lor children bom outside
family planning rules. In Fujian, the standard fine has been calculated to be twice
a family's gross annual income; additional, unauthorized births incur fines assessed
in increments of 50 percent per child. In Guangzhou the standard fine is calculated
to be 30 to 50 percent of 7 years' income for the average resident. In some cases
a "social compensation fee" is also imposed. Unpaid fines have sometimes resulted
in confiscation or destruction of homes and personal property by local officials.
Central government officials acknowledge that such inciaents occur, but insist that
cases like these are neither the norm nor in line with official policy; they attribute
such behavior to ignorance or "unsophisticated thinking" on the part of local offi-
cials. In September several dozen people in the town of Changbo, Guangdong prov-
ince, reportedly clashed with local police because they blamed the death of a village
woman on an intrauterine device tnat had been inserted as part of the official fam-
ily planning program. Several hundred peasants in Gaozhou city, Guangdong prov-
ince, and neighboring villages staged protests in September against fines imposed
by the local government for family planning violations.
The Government prohibits the use of force to compel persons to submit to abortion
or sterilization, but poor supervision of local officials who are under intense pressure
to meet family planning targets can result in instances of abuse, including forced
abortion and sterilization. During an unauthorized pregnancy, a woman is often vis-
ited by family planning agents and pressured to terminate the pregnancy. There
were credible reports in 1996 that several women were forced to undergo abortions
of unauthorized pregnancies in Fujian. Officials maintain that, when discovered,
those responsible for such coercion are disciplined and undergo retraining, but they
have not provided any data or examples that confirm this assertion. Individuals also
can sue officials who exceed their authority in implementing family planning policy,
and there are instances where individuals have exercised this right. The Chinese
press reported in November a case in Yongshan township, Jiangxi province, in
which a 15-year-old girl and her mother took local authorities to court for forcing
the girl to undergo a pregnancy test. Citing the girl's "psychological and economic
losses," the court ordered the Yongshan township government to make a formal
apology to the girl and pay her $323 in compensation. Not satisfied with the judg-
ment, the girl's family said that it would file an appeal to seek higher compensation.
According to one credible report, some women in reeducation-through-labor camps
found to be pregnant while serving sentences were forced to submit to abortions,
despite the official prohibition on forced abortion.
Regulations forbid the termination of pregnancies based on the sex of the fetus,
but because of the traditional preference for male children, particularly in rural
areas, some families have used ultrasound to identify female fetuses. Use of
ultrasound for this purpose is specifically prohibited by the Maternal and Child
Health Care Law, which calls for punishment of medical practitioners who violate
this provision. According to the State Family Planning Commission, a handful of
doctors have been charged under this law. The Chinese press has reported that the
national ratio of male to female births is 114 to 100; in September the World Health
Organization estimated the ratio to be 117 to 100. The statistical norm is 106 male
births to 100 female. Official statistics may exclude many female births, especially
722
the second or third in a family. Such births are unreported so that the parents can
keep trying to conceive a boy. These statistics also probably reflect, however, the
abuse of sonography and the termination of pregnancies based on the sex of the
fetus. Female infanticide, abandonment, or neglect of baby girls may also be a factor
in some areas.
The Maternal and Child Health Care Law, which came into effect in 1995, calls
for premarital and prenatal examinations to determine whether couples have acute
infectious diseases, certain mental illnesses (not including mental retardation), or
are at risk for passing on debilitating genetic diseases. The Ministry of Health, not
the State Family Planning Commission, implements the law, which mandates abor-
tion or sterilization in some cases, based on medical advice. The law also provides
for obtaining a second opinion and states that patients or their guardians must give
written consent to such procedures (see Section 5). At least five provincial govern-
ments have implemented local regulations seeking to prevent people with severe
mental disabilities from having children.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Although the Constitution states that freedom
of speech and freedom of the press are fundamental rights enjoyed by all citizens,
the Government interprets the Communist Party's "leading role," as mandated in
the preamble to the Constitution, as circumscribing these rights. It does not permit
citizens to publish or broadcast criticism of senior leaders or opinions that contradict
basic Communist Party doctrine. The party and (jovemment continue tx) control
tightly print and broadcast media and use them to propagate the current ideological
line. There are 10,000 openly distributed publications in China, including 2,200
newspapers. During the year, the Central Propaganda Department instructed all
provinces and municipalities to set up a special team to review publications. All
media employees are under explicit, public orders to follow CCP directives, and
"guide public opinion" as directed by political authorities. Both formal and informal
guidelines continue to require reporters to avoid coverage of sensitive subjects and
negative news. Journalists also must protect state secrets in accordance with the
State Security Law (see Section I.e.). These public orders, guidelines, and laws
greatly restrict the freedom of broadcast journalists and newspapers to report the
news and leads to a high degree of self-censorship. In October leading dailies in
China carried a translation of a major policy speech by a foreign ofiiciaJ; however,
a lengthy section on human rights was dropped from the translation.
In January the State Council issued new regulations governing the publishing in-
dustry that provided for citizens' rights to "freely express their view on state affairs
and publish academic and literary works" but stipulated that people cannot publish
any material that is contrary to the Constitution, reveals state secrets, endangers
the national security, or harms the country. The effect of these regulations at year's
end was unclear.
In September President Jiang called for increased supervision over the media and
the arts to check the spread of "decadent ideas." On October 1, regulations banning
foreign ownership or management of theaters, music halls, radio stations, networks,
production studios, booking agencies, and publishing and printing enterprises went
into effect. Foreign films face strict quotas and censorship.
During the year, a number of Chinese spoke out publicly to criticize the Govern-
ment or express views contrary to the official line. The Government's response to
these dissenters varied, but, overall, was somewhat more tolerant than in recent
years. Zhang Lin, who was released from prison in June and subsequently co-au-
thored an open letter to Jiang Zemin calling for better treatment of "oppressed
workers," was granted a passport and allowed to leave the country. The other co-
author of the letter, Shen Liangqing was briefly detained. After his release in June,
democracy activist Bao Ge publicly lobbied the (jovemment in support of a series
of controversial causes, including war reparations from Japan, reassessment of the
Tiananmen incident, and the cremation of Mao's corpse. Bao also filed a case in the
Shanghai courts arguing that his rights had been violated during his 3 years in a
labor camp because prison administrators had denied him writing materials and ac-
cess to visitors. Bao was allowed to carry nut these activities under tight surveil-
lance for several months until the eve of the Communist Party Congress in Septem-
ber, when public security officials beat and briefly detained nim. Fearing rearrest,
Bao Ge left, China in October. Lin Mu, the secretary of the late Communist Party
leader Hu Yaobang, in September sent an open letter to the 15th Party Congress
calling for a reassessment of the Tiananmen Square Massacre. No action was taken
against him. A former party leader reportedly approved sending a letter on political
issues under his name to party leaders; as a result, the conditions of his house ar-
rest were tightened.
723
There were other calls from those "within the system" for greater political reform.
In August Beuing University Professor Shang Dewen publicly advocated a 25-year
program of (Miitical reform that would include the phased adoption of direct elec-
tions for senior govenmient officials, a directly elected parliament, an independent
judiciary, and a free press. In a September speech before the foreign press corps,
author Wang Shan called on the Government to ease controls on the news media.
A new book of essays by senior academics, entitled "A Critical Moment," called for
direct elections of leaders "when conditions are ripe." Beijing intellectual Fang Jue
oublished and disseminated an article advocating elections, freedom of press, and
faster economic reforms. These authors were not punished or harassed by the Chi-
nese authorities. Since the release of Wei Jingsheng in November, there were more
demands for legal and political reform and a review of the Tiananmen Incident. In
private conversations among family and friends, citizens generally feel freer than
m the past to express personal views on politics, even if those views are critical of
the Government.
The Government continued, however, to control tightly dissenting views and pun-
ish those who voiced such views when it felt that its authority was directly chal-
lenged or that social stability was threatened. Shen Liangqing, who was released
from a labor camp in June, was briefly detained in Anhui province in September
after sending an open letter to Chinese leaders demanding justice for oppressed
workers and action against corrupt officials. Shen also had written a series oi letters
calling for the release of Wang Dan and Wei Jingsheng. During the 15th Communist
Party Congress, authorities censored editions of the International Herald Tribune
that carried a photograph of police arresting a protester outside the Great Hall of
the People where the Congress was taking place. The state-owned media also
blocked at least one foreign news report showing footage of then party secretary
Zhao Ziyang addressing student protesters in Tiananmen Square during the 1989
protests.
The Government initiaUy denied but subsequently issued a visa to a foreign jour-
nalist who had written stories critical of the country. Repwrters were subjected to
surveillance and, on occasion, harassment. A German journalist was held for several
days under loose house arrest in a hotel in Anhui province for conducting an "illegal
interview" with the younger brother of Wei Jingsheng. He subsequently resumed his
journalistic activities in China.
Despite these government controls, uncontrolled information about the nation and
the world is flowing into the country at an increasing rate. Residents in Guangdong
and other parts oi southern China have access to Hong Kong television programs
and newspapers. Throughout China, a lively tabloid sector continues to flourish.
Radio talk shows remain popular, and, while avoiding politically sensitive subjects,
they provide opportunities for citizens to air grievances about public issues. Despite
licensing requirements, a small but rapidly growing segment of the population nas
access to satellite television broadcasts and most sites on the Internet. Most citizens
have the means to own and use short-wave radios, and the Government does not
place any restrictions on their use.
Fierce competition and dwindling government subsidies have increased opportuni-
ties for private publishers and booksellers, but the Government continued efforts to
control the production and dissemination of publications. Despite efforts to limit the
number of books published by controlling book registration numbers issued to offi-
cially approved publishing houses, books continued to be published through
unsanctioned channels.
The Government continues to impose ideological controls on political discourse at
coUeges, universities, and research institutes. In June, just prior to the Tiananmen
anniversary, academics in Beijing were required to inform police in advance if they
planned to hold conferences attended by more than 20 people in or out of the cap-
ital. Academic discussions are often unrestricted but scholars and researchers report
varying degrees of control regarding the issues that they may examine and the con-
clusions that they may draw. Censorship of written material comes at the time of
publication, or when intellectuals and scholars, anticipating that books or papers on
political topics would be deemed too sensitive to be pubUsned, exercise self-censor-
ship. In areas such as economic policy or legal reform, there was far greater official
tolerance for comment and debate.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly, but the Government severely restricts this right in
f)ractice. The Constitution provides, for example, that such activities may not chal-
enge "party leadership" or infringe upon the "interests of the State." Protests
against the political system or its leaders are prohibited. Authorities deny permits
and quickly move to suppress demonstrations involving expression of dissenting po-
litical views. In March Beijing police arrested a man for aistributing leaflets aoout
724
Tiananmen Square that demanded a government apology for the violent suppression
of the 1989 student demonstrations. At least eight protesters were picked up by po-
lice in Tiananmen Square during the 15th Party Congress. Police reportedly sup-
pressed large-scale labor demonstrations in several provinces, inclumng Sichuan.
Estimates of the number of protesters in Mianyang, Sichuan, ranged from several
hundred to several thousand. Approximately 1,000 rickshaw drivers in Zigong,
Sichuan, protested in December (see Section 6.a.). In May security officials in a
major northeastern city responded to worker unrest by issuing a public notice ban-
ning all demonstrations.
The Government, however, showed greater tolerance in a number of instances of
peaceful, public protest. In September the wife of jailed labor activist Liu Nianchun
unfurled a protest banner in front of the Justice Ministry, demanding her husband's
release on medical parole. Oflicials listened to her case and promised an investiga-
tion. There are credible reports that small, peaceful protests that do not challenge
the regime occur daily across the country. Demonstrators frequently gathered at the
front ^ate of the State Family Planning Commission building and were left alone
by police as long as they remained peaceful. Protests on a wide range of issues occur
at the Beijing city government heaaauarters every week or two.
The Constitution provides for freeaom of association, however, the Government re-
stricts this right in practice. Communist Party regulations require that all profes-
sional and social organizations officially register and be approved. Ostensibly aimed
at secret societies and criminal gangs, these regulations also deter the formation of
political, religious, and labor organizations that directly challenge government au-
thority.
Nevertheless, there are 1,500 national-level quasi-nongovernmental organizations
and 200,000 similar lower level organizations registered with the Ministry of Civil
Affairs. Although these organizations all come under some degree of government
control, they are nonetheless increasingly able to develop their own agendas. The
number of such organizations and the scope of their activities are growing rapidly.
Many have support from foreign secular and religious nongovernmental organiza-
tions. Some seek advocacy roles in public interest areas such as women's issues, the
environment, and consumer rights. Before he fled China in October, Bao Ge joined
with journalist Feng Yingzi, a member of the Shanghai Chinese People's Political
Consultative Conference Standing Committee, to form a group to demand war rep-
arations from Japan. The two wrote a letter in August to the Ministry of Civil Ai-
fairs seeking registration of their new organization.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religious belief.
Although there is no comprehensive legislation governing religious affairs, the
Criminal Law states that government employees who illegally deprive citizens of
this right may, if the case is serious, be sentenced to up to 2 years in prison. There
are no known reports of persons being punished under this law. The Government,
however, seeks to restrict religious practice to government-controlled and -sanc-
tioned religious organizations and registered places of worship.
The State Council is responsible for monitoring religious activity. During the year,
the Government continued a national campaign to enforce 1994 State Council regu-
lations that require all religious groups to register with government religious affairs
bureaus and come under the supervision of official "patriotic" religious organiza-
tions. Some religious groups were subjected to increased restrictions, although the
degree of restrictions varied significantly from region to region and the numner of
reugious adherents, in both unregistered and registered churches, continued to grow
rapidly.
In certain regions, government supervision appears to have loosened, but local im-
plementing regulations, such as those for Shanghai, Chongqing, and Guangxi, caU
for strict government oversight. In some parts of the country registered and unregis-
tered churches are treated similarly by authorities and congregants worship in both
tjrpes of churches. In other areas, particularly in regions where considerable unoffi-
cial and unregistered religious activity has taken place, authorities closely monitor
places of worship and the relationship between unregistered and registered church-
es is tense.
At the end of 1996, the Government reported that more than 70,000 places of wor-
ship had registered. During 1997 authorities continued the campaign to register all
rebgious groups. Some groups registered voluntarily, some registered under pres-
sure, while authorities refused to register others. LJnofficial groups claim that au-
thorities often refuse them registration without explanation. According to the Gov-
ernment, these refusals were mainly the result of inadequate meeting spaces. Many
religious groups have been reluctant to comply with the regulations out of principled
opposition to state control of religion or for fear of adverse consequences if they re-
veal, as required, the names and addresses of members and details about leadership
725
activities, flnances, and contacts in China or abroad. In April one of the largest
house churches in Zheiiang agreed under persistent pressure to apply for registra-
tion on the condition that it would not be required to join the Three-Self Patriotic
Movement or the Chinese Christian Council; however, provincial authorities judged
that this condition was not in accord with government regulations, declared it ule-
gal, and closed the church down.
The State Council's Religious Affairs Bureau is responsible for judging the legit-
imacy of religious activity. The Religious Affairs Bureau and the CCP United Front
Work Department, staffed by officials who rarely are religious adherents, provide
"^idance and supervision" over implementation of government regulations on reli-
gion and on the role of foreigners in religious activity.
The law does not prohibit religious believers from holding public office; however.
Communist Party omcials state that party membership and religious belief are in-
compatible. According to an April Hong Kong newspaper article, the Communist
Party issued a circular in early 1997 ordering party members not to adhere to reli-
gious beliefs. In January 1995, the CCP circulatea a document to party organiza-
tions at the provincial level ordering the expulsion of party members who oelong
to open or clandestine religious organizations. In November 1996, the People's Lib-
eration Army Daily's report on military "spiritual civilization" stated that it is nec-
essary to conduct education in atheism so that they (the military) believe in science
and oppose superstition. Participation in religious activities is forbidden." There is
no available evidence indicating whether party or PLA military personnel were ex-
pelled under the 1995 or 1996 regulations. According to government officials, 20 to
25 percent of Communist Party officials engage in religious activities, an increase
over estimates for 1995. Most officials who practice a religion are Buddhist or be-
lieve in a folk religion. Religious figures are included in national-level government
organizations. For example, the National People's Congress (NF*C) includes several
religious figures, including Pagbalha Geleg Namgyai, a Tibetan "living Buddha,"
who is a vice-chairman of the Standing Committee of the NPC. Religious groups are
also represented in the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conierence, a forum
for multiparty cooperation and consultation led by the CCP, which advises the Gov-
ernment on policy.
After forcefully suppressing all religious observances and closing all seminaries
during the 1966-76 tfultural Revolution, the Government began in the late 1970's
to restore or replace damaged or confiscated churches, temples, mosques, and mon-
asteries and to allow the reopening of seminaries. Implementation of this policy has
varied from locality to locality. According to a government white paper on religion
issued during the year, there are 100 million religious adOierents, more than 85,000
religious sites, over 3,000 religious organizations, 300,000 clergy and 74 religious
schools and colleges. Official religious organizations administer local Bible schools,
more than a dozen Catholic and Protestant seminaries, nine institutes to train
imams and Islamic scholars, and institutes to train Buddhist monks. Students who
attend these institutes must demonstrate "political reliability," and all graduates
must pass an examination on their theological and political knowledge to qualify for
the clergy. The Government permitted some Catholic seminarians, Muslim clerics,
and Buddhist clergy to go abroad for additional religious studies. In most cases
funding for these training programs is provided by host country organizations. Unof-
ficial churches, however, have significant problems training clergy or sending stu-
dents to study overseas, and many clergy receive limited and inadequate prepara-
tion.
The authorities permit officially sanctioned religious organizations to maintain
international contacts as long as these do not entail foreign control. What con-
stitutes "control" is not defined. Regulations enacted in 1994 codified many existing
rules involving foreigners, including a ban on proselytizing by foreigners, but aUow
foreign nationals to preach to foreigners, bring in religious materials for their own
use, and preach to Chinese at churches, mosques, and temples at the invitation of
registered religious organizations. Missionaries are currently teaching English on
college campuses in China with minimum interference from authorities as long as
their proselytizing is low key. In recent years, some local authorities have subjected
worship services of alien residents to increased surveillance and restrictions. In one
major city appointed Chinese clergy supervise worship services. In the northeast,
however, ethmc Korean Catholics freely practice their faith.
During the year, there was a new level of openness to international dialog on reli-
gious issues. China invited an increasing number of foreign religious organizations
to visit religious sites and talk to official religious leaders and figures. In July a del-
egation headed by the Director of the State Council Religious Affairs Bureau trav-
eled abroad and met with foreign church officials and NGO's. In October President
Jiang Zemin invited a delegation of foreign religious leaders to visit China in 1998.
726
In October the State Council released a white paper on freedom of religious belief.
The paper provided official information and statistics on religious practices and de-
fended government policies but stated the premise that legal protection of citizens'
rights should conform to relevant international documents and conventions. It was
publicized widely inside and outside China.
Buddhists make up the largest body of religious believers. The Government esti-
mates that there are more than 100 million Buddhists, most of whom are from the
dominant Han ethnic group. It is, however, difficult to accurately estimate the num-
ber of Buddhists because Buddhists often practice their faith without participating
in public ceremonies. The Government reports that there are 13,000 Buddhist tem-
ples and monasteries in China and more than 200,000 nuns and monks. Local gov-
ernments strictly enforced regulations on places of worship, particularly illegally
constructed Buddhist temples and shrines. According to an April Hong Kong news-
paper article, the United Front Work Department ordered ofncials in all localities
not to build temples and outdoor statues of Buddha for any reason. According to the
article, an official survey found that more than 40,000 unauthorized Buddhist tem-
§les had been discovered in recent years. Some local authorities have called for the
estruction of Buddhist places of worship, especially newly established sites. The
city of Miluo in Hunan province, for example, boasted that in the first 4 months
of the year, it dismantled 798 illegally erected temples and "converted" 31 others
for other uses. Traditional syncretic folk religion (worship of local gods, heroes, and
ancestors) which is the religion of 70 percent of the people, has been attacked as
"feudal superstition" and thousands of religious shrines have been destroyed. None-
theless, folk religion has revived in recent years, and is unofficially tolerated to
varying degrees as a loose affiliate of Taoism or as an ethnic minority cultural prac-
tice. (A discussion of government restrictions on Tibetan Buddhism can be found in
the Tibet addendum to this report.)
According to government figures, there are 18 million Muslims, 30,000 Islamic
places of worship, and more than 40,000 imams. In some areas where ethnic unrest
nas occurred, ofncials continue to restrict the building of mosques and the religious
education of youths under the age of 18. After a series of terrorist incidents in
Xinjiang province, police cracked down on Muslim religious activity and places of
worship. A number of extrajudicial killings were reported (see Section l.a.). A Janu-
ary Xinjiang Daily article quoted a provincial official as stating that religion must
be made to conform with socialism and that oflicials must "target separatism and
illegal religious activity." Local authorities issued regulations further restricting re-
ligious activities and teaching. China permits Muslim citizens to make the hay to
Mecca. According to government statistics, more than 40,000 Chinese Muslims have
made the pilgrimage in recent years. Muslim experts, however, state that the num-
ber is much higher. The Government subsidized these visits in some cases.
The number of Christians in both official and unofficial churches continues to
grow rapidly, particularly in rural areas. This has caused concern among govern-
ment and Communist Party officials who perceive religious gatherings as a chal-
lenge to their authority, a threat to public order, and an alternative to Socialist
thought. There was evidence that authorities in some areas, guided by national pol-
icy, made strong efforts to crack down on the activities of the unapproved Catholic
and Protestant churches. The Government officially permits only those Christian
churches affiliated with either the Catholic Patriotic Association or the (Protestant)
Three Self Patriotic Movement to operate openly. The (jovemment established both
orgemizations in the 1950's to eliminate perceived foreign domination of local Chris-
tian groups.
In some areas cooperation between official and unofficial churches has expanded
so as to blur the line between the two. In other areas, relations between the two
churches are hostile. The unofficial, Vatican-affiliated Catholic Church claims a
membership far larger than the 4 million persons registered with the official Catho-
lic Church. Precise figures are diflicult to estimate because many Catholics, particu-
larly in rural areas, attend both official and unofficial services. According to official
figures, there are 4,000 Catholic clergy and over 4,600 churches and meeting
houses. There is no Vatican representative in China. Bishops in the official Catholic
Church are not ordained by Rome but many have an unofficially acknowledged "re-
lationship with Rome." The (government maintains that there are between 10 and
15 million registered Protestants, 18,000 clergy, over 12,000 churches, and some
25,(X)0 meeting places, (government officials have noted a rise in Protestant wor-
shipers in the past year, but have not revised statistics to reflect this upward trend.
According to foreign experts, perhaps 30 million persons worship privately in house
churches that are independent of government control. One informed Chinese source
has put the number at 50 to 60 million.
727
This increase in worshipers has resulted in a corresponding increase in the de-
mand for Bibles. In 1997 the Gk)vemment supervised the printing of more than 3
million Bibles, a small increase over 1996. A printing company funded by overseas
Christian organizations also prints approximately 500,000 Bibles a year. Although
Bibles can be purchased at some bookstores they are not readily available and can-
not be ordered directly from publishing houses by individuals. However, they are
available for purchase at many Chinese Christian CouncU-afTiliated churches. Some
underground Christians hesitate to buy Bibles at official churches because such
transactions often involve receipts identifying the purchaser. Foreign experts con-
firm rewrts of chronic shortages of Bibles as well as logistical problems in dissemi-
nating Bibles to churches, especially churches in rural areas, but note that the situ-
ation nas improved in recent years due to the increase in distribution channels, in-
cluding to house churches.
Efforts to repster unauthorized groups are being carried out by police and reli-
gious affairs officials concurrently with other law enforcement actions. Police closed
many "Hinderground" mosques, temples, and seminaries, and hundreds of Protestant
"house church" groups, many with significant memberships, properties, financial re-
sources, and networks. Police were particularly active during sensitive periods, such
as in the aftermath of Deng Xiaoping's death in February and the reversion of Hong
Kong in July. Many leaders of unauthorized groups were targets of harassment, in-
terrogations, and detention (see Section l.d.).
In some areas security authorities used bribes, threats, demolition of unregistered
{)roperty, extortion of "fines," and interrogation to harass religious figures and fol-
owers. Implementing regulations, provincial work reports, and other government
and party documents continue to exhort officials to vigorously enforce government
policy regarding unregistered churches. Authorities particularly targeted unofficial
religious groups in Beijing and the provinces of Henan, Anhui, Shanxi, and
Zhejiang, where there are rapidly growing numbers of unregistered Protestants, and
Hebei, a center of unregistered Catholics. In some cases, public security officials
have used detention or arrest and reform-through-education sentences to enforce
regulations. In March Henan police detained evangelist Xu Yongze and eight of his
associates in an attempt to close down his church network. They were detained
without charge and without access to family or counsel, and reportedly suffered
beatings. In September Xu was sentenced to 10-years' reform through labor for dis-
turbing public order. In October his wife and two of his associates were given ad-
ministrative penalties of 1 to 2 V2 years of reeducation through labor. The Govern-
ment responoed to a foreign government's requests for information on Xu's case by
stating tnat Xu had promoted a cult and violated the law by preaching that the
apocalypse was near and asking worshipers to wail in public spaces for several con-
secutive days.
In Hebei, where perhaps half of China's Catholics reside, friction between unoffi-
cial Catholics and local authorities continued as police again prevented worshipers
from making an annual spring pilgrimage to Donglu to visit a religious icon by
erecting roadblocks and checkpoints. Harassment of unofficial Catholics continued
in the Baoding area, near Beijing. During the year, Hebei authorities forced many
underground priests and believers to make the choice of either joining the "patriotic"
church or facing punishment such as fines, job loss, and, in some cases, barring chil-
dren from school. In October the Cardinal Kung Foundation reported that Baoding
Bishop Su Zhimin was placed under detention by local security officials after the
closure of his unofficial seminary. Authorities asserted that Bishop Su had not been
detained and is free. In December he was sighted in Shanghai with government au-
thorities. There was no independent confirmation of his status at year's end.
In March Shanghai public security authorities broke into the home of Shanghai
underground Catholic Church Bishop Joseph Fan Zhongliang and seized religious
materials and currency. Prior to the incident Bishop Fan had oeen conducting mass
for hundreds of underground followers in his apartment. Subsequently he continued
services but for only 20 or so believers. Since the raid the police assigned an official
to live across the hall from Fan and to monitor his activities. Police also harassed
and detained several underground church lay people in the Shan^ai area. In Janu-
ary local police in Jiangxi province detained unofficial Catholic worshipers near the
township of Chongren, preventing perhaps 10,000 people from gathering for reli-
gious observances.
There has been an upsurge of apocalyptic teaching in orthodox as well as hetero-
dox millennial sects as the year 2000 approaches. Such religious groups, which
preach beliefs outside the bounds of officially approved doctrine, are being singled
out for harassment. A Ningxia Daily account detailing the reasons for arresting
three missionaries variously cited their membership in an "heretical" organization,
attending an illegal gathering, preaching that Jesus can heal, and conducting activi-
728
ties that disrupted the public order. In 1997 police continued their eflbrts to close
down an underground evangelical sect called the "Shouters," a branch of a pre— 1949
indigenous Protestant group. The sect has been deemed an antigovemment,
counterrevolutionary organization, and since the early 1980'8, authorities repeatedly
have detained, fined, and imprisoned its members. An indigenous offshoot of Bud-
dhism, the Yi Guan Dao, which was banned in 1949, has become newly active in
the 1990's. In a June press conference, the head of the Religious Affairs Bureau
spoke of a "government crackdown on a small number of cults, which threaten the
social and public interest."
d. Freedom, of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The effectiveness of the Government's identification card system, used
to control and restrict the location of individual residences, continued to erode. Esti-
mates of the "floating population" of economic migrants leaving their home areas
to seek work elsewhere in the country range from tens of millions to over 100 mil-
lion. This group comprises not only migrant workers, but also includes a growing
number of middle-class professionals attracted to large cities by better paying jobs
in their fields. This itinerant population enjoys increased economic opportunities but
lacks official residence status, which provides full access to social services and edu-
cation. Unless such persons obtain resident status they must pay a premium for
these services.
Under the "staying at prison employment" system applicable to recidivists incar-
cerated in reeducation-through-labor camps, authorities have denied certain inmates
permission to return to their homes. Those inmates sentenced to more than 5 years
in reeducation-through-labor camps may also lose their legal right to return home.
For those assigned to camps far from their residences, this practice constitutes a
form of internal exile. The number of prisoners subject to tnis restriction is un-
known. Authorities have reportedly forced others to accept jobs in state enterprises
where they can be more closely monitored after their release from prison or deten-
tion. Other released or paroled prisoners returned home but were not permitted
freedom of movement. Chen Ziming, who was paroled on medical grounds in Novem-
ber 1996, remained confined to his home except for police -escorted visits to doctors.
Zhao Ziyang, a former senior party leader, remains under a form of house arrest.
Bao Tong was released after being held under house arrest for 11 months at a gov-
ernment work unit. He and his family, however, were subsequently forced to vacate
their government quarters, in an area where high-ranking Chinese officials lived,
and move to a house in the Beijing suburbs. They remain closely monitored.
The Government routinely permits legal emigration and foreign travel for most
citizens. Students and business travelers wishing to go abroad can obtain passports
relatively easily. Permission for couples to travel abroad was sometimes conditioned
on agreement to delay childbirth; noncompliance triggered fines for the couple or
their work unit. The Government continued to use political attitudes as a criterion
in selecting people for government-sponsored study abroad, but it did not control
privately sponsored students, who constitute the majority of students studying
abroad, in similar fashion. The Government continued efforts to attract persons who
have studied overseas back to China. Oflicial media have said that people who have
joined foreign organizations hostile to China should quit them before returning
nome and refrain while abroad from activities that violate China's law.
During the year, the Government showed greater willingness to allow dissidents
to leave the country. In July Tong Yi, the former secretary of Wei Jingsheng, was
issued a passport and allowed to travel to New York, where she enrolled at Colum-
bia University. Authorities also issued a passport and exit permit to dissident Chen
Xiaoping. He is currently at Harvard University. Democracy activist Xu Shuiliang
was also issued a passport in July. Shanghai dissident Bao Ge was granted a visa
and exit permit and was allowed to leave China in October. Wei Jingsheng was
granted a medical parole and was allowed to leave the country for medical treat-
ment in November. By contrast, authorities confiscated the passport of film director
Zhang Yuan, preventing him from traveling to the Cannes Film Festival for the
screening of his film "East Palace West Palace." There were also instances when the
authorities refused visas or entry on apparent political grounds. International ob-
servers reported that they had documents that substantiated claims that border con-
trol stations keep background records of certain citizens who were to be denied
entry. Authorities have dismissed reports of blacklists as "sheer rumor." Perhaps
the most prominent case of a dissident refused reentry is labor activist Han
Dongfang, whose passport was revoked in 1993 because he allegedly engaged in ac-
tivities hostile to China while overseas. He remains in Hong Kong. Han Xiaorong,
the wife of Human Rights in China Chairman Liu Qing, was reportedly refused
entry in March, and, in May, Hou Xiaotian was denied entry. Prodemocracy activ-
ists and politicians in Hong Kong, including leading members of the Democratic
729
Party, were denied permission to travel to China. Foreign academics with contacts
with China's dissident community have also been refusea entry visas.
Since the late 1980's, China has adopted a de facto policy of tolerance toward the
small number of persons — fewer than 100 annually — ^irom other nations who have
registered with the Beijing office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees (UNHCR) as asylum seekers. The Government has permitted these persons
to stay in China whUe the UNHCR makes determinations as to their status and —
if the UNHCR determines that they are bona fide refugees — while they await reset-
tlement in third countries. As yet China has no law or regulations that authorize
the authorities to grant refugee status, but the Government is reportedly drafting
working rules on granting such status.
The Government continued to accept the repatriation of Chinese citizens who had
entered other countries or territories illegally. The authorities have accepted the re-
turn of would-be illegal emigrants to the United States, Hong Kong, ana Australia,
provided that their identity and willingness to return voluntarily can be verified.
China has worked successfully with Laos and Cambodia to facilitate the return
of resettled individuals who have decided to return to their home countries, and it
is using the UNHCR's good offices to negotiate an agreement with the Vietnamese
to ficcept 9,000 persons seeking to repatriate to Vietnam. The Government denies
having tightenea its policy on accepting Vietnamese asylum seekers. In recent
years, very few such asylum seekers have found resettlement in China.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens lack the means to change their government legally and cannot freely
choose or change the laws and officials that govern them. Citizens vote directly for
local nongovernmental village committees and party-reviewed candidates for dele-
gate positions in county-level people's congresses. People's congress delegates at the
provincial level, however, are selected by county-level peoples congresses, and in
turn provincial-level people's congresses select delegates to the National People's
Conp^ss (NPC). Althou^ the CCP approves the candidates, many county and pro-
vincial elections are competitive, with more candidates running than there are seats
available.
According to the Constitution, the NPC is the highest organ of state power. For-
mally it elects the President and Vice President, selects the Premier and vice pre-
miers, and elects the Chairman of the State Central Military Commission. The NPC
Standing Committee oversees these elections and determines the agenda and proce-
dure for the NPC under the direct authority of the Politburo Standing Committee.
At the 1997 session of the NPC, nearly 40 percent of the delegates — the largest neg-
ative vote ever — took the unusual step of voting against or abstaining on the Su-
preme People's Procuratorate work report. Thirty-two percent failed to endorse the
work report of the Supreme People's Court. Most observers interpreted these votes,
which expressed delegate unhappiness about the problems of crime and corruption,
as reflecting the NPC s increased willingness in recent years to question the Govern-
ment's performance. The NPC has not in practice demonstrated the power to set
policy or remove government or partv leaders.
The election and agenda of people s congresses at all levels remain under the firm
control of the Communist Party, the paramount source of political authority. A num-
ber of small "democratic" parties that date from before the Communist takeover in
1949 play only a minor consultative role and pledge their allegiance to the Com-
munist Party. The CCP retains a tight rein on political decisionmaking and forbids
the creation of new political parties.
There has been continued growth, however, of democratic decisionmaking at the
local village level. Under the 1987 Organic Law of the Village Committees, all of
China's approximately 1 million villages are expected to hold competitive, direct
elections for village committees. Both the Government and foreign observers esti-
mate that more than 90 percent of these villages have participated in elections for
local leaders. According to the Ministry of Civil Affairs, tne majority of villages have
carried out at least two rounds of elections. Foreign observers who have monitored
local elections, including the Carter Center and the International Republican Insti-
tute, have judged the elections they observed, on the whole, to be fair. Although
many villages have yet to hold truly competitive elections, the central Government
continued efibrts to expand the election process and make it more competitive and
fair. Successful village committee elections have included campaigning by multiple
candidates, platforms, and the use of secret ballots.
Candidates favored by local authorities have been defeated in some elections, al-
though in general the party dominates the electoral process and most members of
the village committees are party members. The final ballot is the culmination of an
730
election process that includes government screening of candidates and an indirect
vote that eliminates some candidates. Many local observers caution that the village
election system is not necessarily a precursor for democracy at higher levels of gov-
ernment, and village elections — as currently practiced — are under tight political con-
trols and do not threaten to undermine the implementation of unpopular central
policies or endanger the leading role of the Communist Party. The elected commit-
tees are not statutorily part of the Government. The powers of elected village com-
mittees vary from region to region. Most committees nave the authority to mediate
disputes between villagers, improve public order, authorize small expenditures, and
implement policies as directed by the indirectly elected representative committees.
The village committees have no power to tax, set fines or punishments independ-
enUy, or hire or fire village enterprise managers.
The Government places no restrictions on the participation of women or minority
groups in the political process. Women freely exercise their right to vote in village
committee elections, but only a small fraction of elected members are women. The
Government and party organizations include approximately 12 million female offi-
cials. Women and ethnic minorities constitute 21 percent and 15 percent, respec-
tively, of the National People's Congress. All of Cnina's 56 nationalities are rep-
resented in the NPC membership. The 15th Party Congress elected 22 women and
38 members of ethnic minorities to serve on the Central Committee, both increases
over that of the previous committee. Women and minorities, however, still hold few
positions of significant influence at the highest rungs of the party or government
structure. There is currently one woman in the Politburo, and women hold 3 of 41
ministerial-level positions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no independent domestic NGO's that publicly monitor or comment on
human rights conditions, although the press has printed with increasing frequency
stories of officials exceeding their authority and abusing citizens. The Government
is reluctant to accept criticism of China's numan rights situation by other nations
or international organizations and criticizes reports by international human rights
monitoring groups, maintaining that they are inaccurate and interfere with China's
internal anairs.
The Government vigorously lobbied against a resolution on China's human rights
record at the 1997 session of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights (UNHRC). As
in previous years, the Chinese delegation introduced a preemptive motion to take
no action on the resolution. China's motion was passed by tne Commission, and
there was no debate on the China human rights resolution. The Government retali-
ated against Denmarit, which tabled the resolution, by canceling high-level visits be-
tween the two countries, and threatening other repercussions in Sino-Danish rela-
tions.
Since 1991 the Government has promoted limited academic study and discussion
of concepts of human rights. In 1993 it formed the China Society for Human Rights
Studies as a "nongovernmental organization." The organization's efforts have fo-
cused, however, largely on improving China's image abroad by improving its public
relations handling of the human rights issue and responding directly to criticism of
the Government's human rights record. The Society published a book that included
eight white papers on human rights released by the State Council since 1991 as well
as four commentaries on human rights conditions in the United States. Two of these
white papers were issued in 1997. In March the State Council released a white
paper entitled "Progress in China's Human Rights Cause in 1996," and in October
a white paper on religion.
Officials no longer dismiss all discussion of human rights as interference in Chi-
na's internal affairs. The Government showed increased willingness to discuss
human rights with other nations. It has expanded the number of its bilateral
human rights dialogs and in some instances t^en the initiative by proposing meet-
ings. Countries that started or resumed human rights dialogues with China in-
cluded Great Britain, Australia, Norway, Brazil, Japan, and Canada. In September
China and the European Union announced the resumption of their human rights
forum, which had been suspended since 1996. Chinese officials met with Amnesty
International in Norway in July. China has publicly acknowledged the universality
of human rights and tne Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, they
add that there are legitimate, differing approaches to human nghts based on each
country's particular history, social situation, and level of economic development.
China hosted a 10-day visit in October of the U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary De-
tention. The group held discussions with senior officials at the Foreign and Justice
Ministries and visited prisons, labor camps, and police detention centers, where its
731
members were allowed to interview some prisoners without government officials
present.
China reacted to the U.N. Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization's
(UNESCO) decision to award the first UNESCO Guillermo Cano prize for world
press freedom to jailed dissident and journalist Gao Yu by calling the prize "iUegal"
and threatening to withdraw from UNESCO. In September China denied accredita-
tion to attend the World Bank meeting in Hong Kong to two international human
rights organizations that had been critical of its human rights record.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
There are laws designed to protect women, children, the disabled, and minorities.
In practice, however, societal discrimination based on ethnicity, gender, and disabil-
ity persists. The concept of a largely homogeneous Chinese people pervades the
thrnxing of the Han majority.
Women. — Violence against women can be grounds for prosecution under the law.
Chinese sociologists note that there has been no detailed research on the extent of
physical violence against women. Anecdotal evidence suggests, however, that report-
ing domestic abuse is on the rise, particularly in urban areas, because greater atten-
tion has been focused on the problem. Informal surveys by women's groups indicate
that 20 percent of women may have been beaten by their husbands. Actual figures
may be higher because spousal abuse still goes largely unreported. According to ex-
perts, the percentage of households in which domestic abuse has occurred is higher
in rural areas than in urban centers.
In recognition of the seriousness of spousal abuse, some localities have taken
measures to address the problem. There is, however, no national spousal abuse law.
In October a national symposium on domestic violence was held in Beijing. While
NGO's have taken action to increase awareness of domestic abuse, a severe shortage
of funds has affected these efforts. In Shanghai a women's shelter was closed after
12 months because its funding ran out. In September a women's abuse hot line in
Beijing ceased operating because its grant had elapsed. However, other projects that
addressed domestic abuse were established. In Shenzhen a hot line was started to
respond to calls from battered women. In Guangxi province, a radio station featured
a call-in talk show that addressed women's issues, including domestic violence.
No statute outlaws sexual harassment in the workplace, a problem that is
unaddressed in the legal system and often in society. Chinese experts state, how-
ever, that more women are raising their concerns about sexual harassment because
of greater awareness of the problem. In May the head of the All China Women's
Federation called on "Chinese government organizations at all levels" to further and
more effectively protect women's rights. She also called on government units to
eliminate gender preference in their hiring practices.
The increased commercialization of sex and related trafficking in women has
trapped tens of thousands of women in a cycle of crime and exploitation. These
women face a hi^ risk of drug addiction, AIDS, and other sexually transmitted dis-
eases. According to media reports, 80 percent of Beijing's massage parlors offer sex-
ual services. In 1996 the Beijing municipal government announced a crackdown on
massage parlors in the capital. The effect on the sex trade appeared marginal, how-
ever, as many of the massage parlors continued to operate or moved to areas within
a short distance of the capital. The long-term effectiveness of any crackdown on this
lucrative business, which involves organized crime groups and business people, as
well as the police and military, is uncertain. Unsafe working conditions are rampant
among the saunas, massage houses, and hostess bars that nave sprung up in num-
bers in large cities. According to one source, police own and operate brothels employ-
ing some 70,000 prostitutes in one large area of Shanxi province.
The abduction of women is a serious problem. The Government continued to con-
demn and to take steps to prevent and punish the abduction and sale of women for
marris^e or prostitution. In April the Government acknowledged that the kidnaping
and sale of women was a human rights abuse that warranted severe punishments
for criminals involved with the trade. Amnesty International's August report on cap-
ital punishment in China cited numerous cases in which individuals received the
deatn penalty for the crime of abducting women. Some research indicates that a key
reason for the abduction and sale of women is a serious imbalance in sex ratios in
certain localities (see Section l.f.). This has created a situation in which the demand
by men for marriageable women cannot be met by local brides. Some families ad-
dress the problem by recruiting women in economically less advanced areas. Others
seek help from criminal gangs, which either kidnap women or trick them by promis-
ing them jobs and an easier way of life and then transport them far from their home
areas for delivery to buyers. Once in their new "family," these women are "married"
732
and raped. Some accept their fate and join the new community; others struggle and
are punished.
The authorities have enacted laws and conducted educational campaigns in an ef-
fort to eradicate the traditional preference for sons; however, this preference re-
mains strong in rural China. A number of provinces have sought to reduce the per-
ceived higher value of boys in providing old-age support for their parents by estab-
lishing or improving pensions and retirement homes.
Crime experts say that many of the kidnapings also occur in provinces, such as
Sichuan and Guangxi, where the male to female ratio is generally balanced. The
Government reported that some of its eflbrts to end the illegal trade were success-
ful. In June the Government said that the number of women kidnaped in Sichuan
province had declined for the past 2 years. Guangdong province reported that it had
sentenced 79.6 percent of the criminals convicted of harming women to more than
5 years in prison.
The Constitution states that "women enioy equal rights with men in all spheres
of life," including ownership of property, inheritance rights, and access to education.
In 1992 the NPC enacted legislation on the protection of the rights and interests
of women, which was designed to assist in curbing gender-based discrimination.
Women have continued, however, to report discrimination, sexual harassment, un-
fair dismissal, demotion, and wage discrepancies.
Women are sometimes the unmtended victims of economic reforms. The press re-
ported that in 1997 59.2 percent of laid-ofi" workers were women. Women oetween
the ages of 35 and 50 were the most affected, and the least likely to be retrained.
In addition, female employees were more likely to be chosen to take pay cuts when
a plant or company was in financial trouble, m Sichuan where women are bearing
the brunt of state-owned enterprise layoffs, women have played a key role in labor
protests and disputes. Discriminatory hiring practices appear to be on the rise as
unemployment rises. Increasingly, companies are p>ermitted to discriminate by both
sex and age, although such practices violate labor laws. A recent television broad-
cast of a job fair in Tianjin revealed repeated instances of job announcements stipu-
lating that no women over age 30 should apply. Of the over 100 companies rep-
resented at the job fair, only 3 did not have such restrictions.
Many employers prefer to hire men to avoid the expense of maternity leave and
chUd care, and, some even lower the effective retirement age for female workers to
40 years of age. (The official retirement age for men is 60 years and for women 55
years.) Although the law promises equal pay for equal work, a 1990 survey found
that women's salaries averaged 77 percent of men's. Although dated, these statistics
still appear to be accurate. Most women employed in industry work in lower skilled
and lower paid jobs.
While the gap in the education levels of men and women is narrowing, men con-
tinue to constitute the majority of the relatively small percentage of the population
that receives a university-level education. In 1996 5 million students were enrolled
in colleges and graduate schools. According to the State Education Commission,
women made up 36.4 percent of these students. Educators in the large cities have
reported, however, that there is a trend toward greater gender balance in univer-
sities. Some academics have reported that in some departments women are begin-
ning to outnumber men — even in some graduate schools. Women with advanced de-
grees, however, report an increase in discrimination in the hiring process as the job
distribution system has opened up and become more competitive.
In 1996 the Government outlined its 5-year Plan for the Advancement of Women.
The main priority is to increase the literacy of rural women, 80 percent of whom
are wholly or partially illiterate. Overall, women make up about 70 percent of
illiterates in the country. The All China Women's Federation, the country's largest
organization devoted to women's issues, stated that one goal of the plan was to de-
crease the number of female illiterates by 3 million every year. Some women's advo-
cates, however, were skeptical that the goal could be realized because of a lack of
resources.
Children. — The 1992 Law on the Protection of Juveniles forbids infanticide, as
well as mistreatment or abandonment of children. TJiis law also prohibits discrimi-
nation against disabled minors, emphasizes the importance of safety and morality,
and codifies a variety of judicial protections for juvenile offenders. The physical
abuse of children can be grounds for criminal prosecution. The Constitution provides
for 9 years of compulsory education for children (see Tibet addendum).
The extensive health care delivery system has led to improved child health and
a sharp decline in infant mortality rates. According to 1997 official figures, the in-
fant mortality rate was 33 per 1,000 in 1996. According to the U.N. Children's Fund
(UNICEF), in 1995 China's mortality rate for children under 5 years of age was 47
per 1,000 live births.
733
There were credible reports of female infanticide. The use of ultrasound tests to
determine gender has also resulted in decisions to terminate pregnancies of female
fetuses, but no reliable statistics are available to demonstrate tne extent of the prob-
lem. One newspaper article quoted a doctor as saving that as many as 97.5 percent
of pregnancies terminated in nis hospital were of female fetuses. A September World
Health Organization paper reported that the national ratio of male to female births
in 1994 was 117 to 100. (The worldwide statistical norm is 106 to 100.) Part of the
statistical gap may be attributable to female infanticide, sex-selective termination
of pregnancies, and abandonment or neglect of girls, but some foreign experts be-
lieve that a larger factor may be underreporting of female births by couples trying
to evade family planning laws to try to have a son.
According to tne latest available figures, compiled in 1994, the number of children
abandoned in China each year is approximately 1.7 million, despite the fact that
under the law child abandonment is punishable by fines and a 5-year prison term.
The vast majority of those eventually admitted to Chinese orphanages are female
or disabled and in poor health. Essentially all children put up for foreign adoption
are girls. The treatment of children at these institutions varies from adequate to
deplorable. There have been reports of children being restrained for long periods of
time and being denied basic care and feeding. Accurate determination of infant mor-
tality rates in orphanages is difficult, but rates appear to be very high at many, es-
pecially among new arrivals.
According to several sources, orphanage workers in some facilities reserve basic
medical care and even nutrition for children who are deemed to have the best
chances for survival. Some sources report that children whose prospects of survival
are determined to be poor are placed in rooms separate from other children and sub-
jected to extreme neglect. Claims that government policies, as opposed to lack of re-
sources, were to blame for the lack of care of children placed in orphanages could
not be verified. Human Rights Watch reported in 1996, however, that many institu-
tions, including those with the highest death rates, have budgets that provide for
adecruate wages, bonuses, and other personnel-related costs, but that budgets for
chUaren's food, clothing, and other necessities are low throughout the country.
The Government denies that children in orphanages are mistreated or refused
medical care but acknowledges that the system is hard pressed to provide for those
children who are admitted with serious medical problems. Perhaps recognizing the
need for improvements, the Civil Affairs Ministry announced in April that the Gov-
ernment's top social welfare priority for 1997 would be to improve conditions in or-
phanages. Over $30 million was reportedly allocated for this program. A government
white paper on women and children issued in March stated that the central Govern-
ment had spent $25.7 million between 1990 and 1994 to improve "children's welfare
institutions," the ofiicial term for orphanages. During the same period, local govern-
ments apparently allocated almost $18 million to these institutions.
Despite government efforts to prevent kidnaping and the buying and selling of
children, the problem persists in some rural areas.
People With Disabilities. — In 1990 the Government adopted legislation protecting
the rijghts of the country's approximately 60 million disabled persons. According to
the oificial press, all local governments subsequently drafted specific measures to
implement tne law. The central Government reported in 1996 that, in the 3 preced-
ing years, the NPC Standing Committee conducted nationwide inspections to verify
compliance with the law; it "found that the handicapped generally received good
services and help in both their dealings with officials and in pubUc life." The press
publicizes both the plight of the disabled and government efforts to assist them. A
rehabilitation program launched in 1988 has reportedly treated 2.32 million people
who sufTer from cataracts, polio, or deafness. Beijing city's rehabilitation program
was said to have trained 5,000 disabled people in 1997, of whom 1,000 were ex-
pected to obtain jobs within the year.
However, reality for the disabled lags far behind legal dictates. Misdiagnosis, in-
adequate medical care, pariah status, and abandonment remain common problems.
The latest available statistics, compiled in 1993, show that approximately 50 per-
cent of the disabled lack adequate food and clothing. The same figures show that
68 percent of the disabled are illiterate; 67 percent require family support; 49 per-
cent are unemployed; only 6 percent of blind and deaf children enter school; and
only 0.33 percent of mentally retarded children enter school.
Deng Pufang, son of the late paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, heads the China
Welfare Fund for the Handicapped, the government organization tasked with assist-
ing the disabled. In a June speech, Deng Pufang said that the Government had
helped 600,000 disabled citizens solve their food and clothing problems in 1996. The
Government reportedly spent some $24 million in 1996 to carry out these poverty-
relief measures. In May the official press noted that the Government's goal was to
734
clothe and feed all of the country's disabled by the end of the century, as well as
to provide rehabilitation services for 3 million disabled citizens, educate 80 percent
of disabled children, and find jobs for 80 percent of disabled adults. The (jovemment
requires all state enterprises to hire a certain number of disabled workers, but au-
thorities estimate that nearly half of all disabled persons are jobless. According to
Beijing municipal authorities, however, 75 percent of the disabled population in the
capital have jobs.
The Maternal and Child Health Care Law forbids the marriage of persons with
certain specified contagious diseases or certain acute mental illnesses such as schiz-
ophrenia. If doctors find that a couple is at risk of transmitting disabling congenital
defects to their children, the couple may marry only if they agree to use birth con-
trol or under^ sterilization. This law mandates premarital and prenatal examina-
tion for genetic or contagious diseases, but it specifies that medically advised termi-
nation of pregnancy or sterilization requires the signed consent of the patients or
their guardians.
Standards adopted in 1994 for making roads and buildings accessible to the dis-
abled are subject to the 1990 Law on the Handicapped, which calls for their "grad-
ual" implementation. Lax compliance with the law nas resulted in only limited ac-
cess to most buildings.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — According to 1995 government statistics, the
total population of the country's 55 ethnic minorities was 108.46 million, or 8.98
percent of the national population. Most minority groups reside in areas they have
traditionally inhabited, many of which are mountainous or remote. The (jovem-
ment's policy on minorities calls for preferential treatment in marriage regulations,
family planning, university admission, and employment. Programs provide low-in-
terest loans, subsidies, and special development funds for minority areas. Minori-
ties, in practice, are discriminated against.
Government development policies nave helped improve minority living standards.
Official figures state that the Government investea $12.6 billion in infrastructure
development for minority areas during the period 1991 to 1995. The ninth 5-Year
Plan announced in March stated that the Government would raise this figure to
$27.8 billion for the period from 1996 to 2000. According to government statistics,
between 1991 and 1996 the economies in minority regions grew by nearly 11 percent
annually, surpassing the national average in each year. Real incomes in minority
areas, especially for non-Han groups, however, remain well below those in other
parts of the country. Many development programs have disrupted traditional living
patterns of minority groups, including Tibetans and the Muslim Uyghur majority
of western Xinjiang. For example, there is some evidence that official poverty allevi-
ation programs include the forced evacuation of persons from the poorest mountain
areas. Plans to develop tourism in Xiniiang have also often focused on marketing
and investment opportunities but paid little attention to how minority cultures and
the environment might be adversely affected. Some projects, however, have been
dropped for environmental reasons — for example, a proposal to build a railway
around Lake Tianchi near Urumqi. Since 1949 central government and economic
policy have resulted in a significant migration of Han Chinese to Xinjiang. In 1997
there were 8 million Uyghurs and 7 million Han in Xinjiang, up from 300,000 in
1949.
According to government statistics, 15.34 million minority students attended
schools between 1994 and 1996. A March white paper stated that 98.16 percent of
all school-age children in the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region were enrolled in
schools in 1996. In many areas with a significant population of minorities, there are
two-track school systems using either Mandarin or the local minority language. Stu-
dents can choose to attend schools in either system. One acknowledged side effect
of this policy, originally designed to protect and maintain minority cultures, has
been reinforcement of a segregated education system. Under this divided education
system, those graduating from minority schools are at a disadvantage in competing
for jobs in government and business, which require good Chinese-language skills.
These graduates must take Chinese-language instruction before attending univer-
sities and colleges (see Tibet addendum).
The Communist Party has an avowed policy of boosting minority representation
in the Government and the party. In May the official press reported that there were
2.48 million minority officials in the Government. According to government statis-
tics, there are 163,000 minority officials in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region.
Minority officials constitute 23.3 percent of the region's total, exceeding the ratio of
the minority population to Han Cfhinese in the region. Many members of minorities
occupy local leadership positions, and a few have positions of infiuence at the na-
tional level. In most areas, however, ethnic minorities are shut out of positions of
real political and decisionmaking power. In Xinjiang the job of county party sec-
735
retary is typically reserved for Han Chinese, even in counties that are close to 100
percent Uyghur. Many minorities resent Han officials holding key positions in mi-
nority autonomous regions.
Tensions between ethnic Han citizens and Uyghurs in Xinjiang intensified. In
February police dispersed a crowd of women in i ining city (see Section l.a.). In re-
sjwnse to the subsequent protests of this action, police allegedly ordered to use any
means necessary to suppress the demonstrators killed at least 10, and perhaps as
many as 70; many others were wounded or arrested.
According to some estimates, the migration of ethnic Han into Xinjiang in recent
decades has caused the Han-Uyghur ratio in the capital of Urumqi to shift from
20:80 to 80:20, contributing to Uyghur resentment. According to the 1990 census,
the ethnic Uyghur population was nearly 50 percent of Xinjiang's total population.
Han control oi the region's political and economic institutions has also been a factor
in the growth of tension. The testing of nuclear weapons in Xinjiang in past years
is another source of tension because of health concerns and environmental degrada-
tion. There has been no testing of nuclear weapons in Xinjiang since July 1996,
after which China signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Although govern-
ment policies have brought tangible economic improvements, Uyghurs maintain that
they receive only a small share of the benefits. The majority of Uyghurs are poor
farmers and 25 percent are illiterate. A campaign to stress ethnic unity and to con-
demn "splitism" and religious extremism began in April. This campaign pervades
the Chinese-language media and reaches into the province's 1,500 schools. Authori-
ties maintained tight control over separatist activities, announced tightened security
and antiterrorist measures, and several campaigns to crack down on opposition dur-
ingthe year.
The educational system provides Chinese for Han students and the Uyghur lan-
guage for Uyghur students until fourth grade and then gradually switches to Chi-
nese as the principal language of instruction. Graduation from the Uyghur school
system leaves Uyghurs poorly educated, with an inadequate command of the Chi-
nese language. Possession of separatist publications is not permitted, and, according
to reports, possession of such materials has resulted in lengthy prison sentences. A
Uy^ur-language press exists in Xinjiang, but it has a very small circulation, and
much of the population depends on international broadcasts for information. In gen-
eral, central authorities made it clear that they do not tolerate opposition to Com-
munist Party rule and responded to unrest and terrorist incidents with force and
heightened security measures.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for "freedom of associa-
tion," but qualifying language makes it clear that this right is subject to the inter-
ests of the State and the leadership of the Communist Party. The country's sole offi-
ciallyrecognized workers' organization, the All China Federation of Trade Unions
(ACFTU), is controlled by the Communist Party. Independent trade unions are ille-
gal. The 1993 Trade Union Law required that the establishment of unions at any
level be submitted to a higher level trade union organization for approval. The
ACFTU, the highest level organization, has not approved the establishment of inde-
pendent unions. There were more attempts to form or register independent unions
in 1997 but none was successful. Under China's planned economv, the ACFTU's
main task was to improve labor discipline, mobilize workers to achieve party and
government objectives, and to dispense social welfare funds. As increased efforts to
reform state-owned enterprises have resulted in greater unemployment, the ACFTU
has more actively begun to represent workers and defend their rights. In May the
ACFTU publicly called upon tne Government to devote greater resources to unem-
ployment insurance funds and reemployment projects.
The ACFTU's primary attention remains focused on workers in the state sector,
where it has over 90 million members. The Trade Union Law mandates that work-
ers may decide whether to join the union in their enterprises. By official estimate,
approximately 8 percent of workers in collective and state-owned enterprises have
chosen not to join. There have been no reports of repercussions for workers who
have not joined ACFTU unions. In 1994 the ACFTU actively began recruiting work-
ers in the private sector, including in township and village enterprises (TVE's), as
well as in foreign joint ventures. According to orficial statistics reported in mid-1996,
4.54 million workers in enterprises with foreign investment, 75 percent of the total,
were trade union members.
Despite these recruiting efforts, over half of the non agricultural work force is still
largely unorganized and outside the state industrial structure. In TVE's, one of the
fastest growing sectors of the economy, only a tiny percentage of workers are orea-
nized in ACFTU affiliates. Although some TVE's have local branches of the ACFTU,
736
most TVE managers maintain that an ACFTU presence is not feasible because their
employees continue to be classified as "farmers' rather than "workers." Some Com-
munist Party secretaries in TVE's, however, take it upon themselves to establish
union representation and then affiliate with the ACFTU.
Credible reports indicate that the Government has attempted to stamp out illegal
union activity. Li Bifeng, a veteran Sichuan dissident, is reportedly in hiding after
sending a letter to local authorities protesting the ban on three-wheel motorized taxi
cabs in Dujiangyan. Labor activist Liu Nianchun, who was detained in 1994 and
1995, was sentenced to 3 years of reeducation through labor in 1996. Labor rights
activists Li Wenming and Guo Baosheng, after each spending over 3 years in prison,
were both sentenced on May 30 to 3y2 years in prison for subversion. Both were
released late in the year upon completion of their terms.
In October China signed the International Convention on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights. This Convention, which has not yet been ratified by the NPC, pro-
vides for the ridit to form independent unions, to strike, and to demonstrate. Since
the signing of this convention, a group of Chinese activists has started a campaign
to promote independent labor unions. In December labor activists Qin Yongmin and
Xu Wenli publicly issued a prounion letter calling on state workers to form inde-
f)endent unions. Authorities encouraged Qin Yongmin to depart China, but he re-
used to do so.
Beginning in 1993, the Ministry of Labor stopped officially denying the existence
of strikes. Strikes still are not officially sanctioned, and accurate statistics on strike
incidents are not available. There have been numerous reports from both foreign
and Chinese sources that, despite the ban, there has been an increase in the num-
ber of work stoppages. In the spring, workers in the port of Dalian staged a slow-
down to protest a reduction in the number of workers. There were other incidents
in which workers held sanctioned, brief, and orderly demonstrations in the north-
east. In the southwest there was a series of strikes, including a large protest in
Mianyang, Sichuan province. Estimates of the number of people reportedly arrested
following this incident ranged from several hundred to several thousand. More than
500 laid-off workers demonstrated in front of Dujiangyan city's government building
in late August. According to a Sichuan provincial spokesman, "there were several
waves of demonstrations in Chengdu (the capital of Sichuan) on September 2." In
Nanhai, Guangdong province, approximately 300 workers staged a sit-in to demand
back wages. Tnese demonstrations and strikes were directed at specific enterprises
or local governments and did not target the central Government or national eco-
nomic policies.
The Trade Union Law assigns unions the role of mediators or go-betweens with
management in cases of work stoppages or slowdowns. In addition, a workers' dis-
pute settlement procedure, in effect since 1987, provides for mediation, two levels
of arbitration committees, and a final appeal to the courts. The Ministry of Labor
has established a nationwide organizational network for handling labor disputes,
consisting of 270,000 enterprise labor dispute mediation commissions and 3,159
labor dispute arbitration commissions. There are 1,569,000 full- and part-time en-
terprise mediators and more than 17,000 labor arbitrators. The Ministry of Labor
stated in July that the country is in a period of frequent labor disputes. The Min-
istry said that in 1996 it dealt with about 196,700 cases of infringements of the
labor law, an increase of 264 percent over 1995. Employees were reportedly paid
over $160 million in back wages. According to Ministry of Labor officials, the major-
ity of arbitration cases are filed by contract workers or their employers.
There are no provisions allowing for individual workers or unofilcial worker orga-
nizations to affiliate with international bodies. The ACFTU, however, has actively
tried to foster relations with other international trade unions, the International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) in particular. In September a delega-
tion of ICFTU members traveled to Beijing to meet with ACFTU ofticials.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The 1995 National Labor Law
permits collective bargaining for workers in all types of enterprises. The law also
provides for workers and employers at all types of enterprises to sign individual as
well as collective contracts. Collective contracts are to be worked out between
ACFTU or worker representatives and management and specify such matters as
working conditions, wage distribution, and hours of work. Individual contracts are
then to be drawn up in line with the terms of the collective contract. Collective con-
tracts must be submitted to local government authorities for approval within 15
days. According to an official report, 96 percent of urban state-sector workers had
signed contracts by the end of 1996.
According to union and labor officials, there have been only a few experiments in
collective bargaining. Official sources have explained that sufficient ideological and
practical difficulties remain to preclude drawing clear distinctions between labor
737
and capital in the state-owned enterprise sector. In September the Ministry of Per-
sonnel launched a program to train its supervisors in collective bargaining tech-
niques.
The Ministry of Labor sets a total wage bill for each collective and state-owned
enterprise according to four criteria: 1) as a percentage of profits, 2) as a contract
amount with the local labor bureau, 3) as a state-set amount for money-losing enter-
prises, or 4) as an enterprise-set amount subject to Labor Ministry review. Individ-
uai enterprises determine how to divide the totad among woricers, a decision usually
made by^e enterprise manager in consultation with the enterprise party chief and
the ACFTU representative. In practice, however only a small numoer of workers
with high technical skills can negotiate effectively on salary and fringe benefits.
Worker congresses are held once or twice a year in all unionized enterprises. They
are attended either by all enterprise employees or their representatives, who discuss
union plans, the enterprise budget, factory management, and the distribution of
benefits. Since 1989 union leaders have attempted to make worker congresses more
responsive to the basic welfare concerns of ordinary workers and reduced the em-
phasis on purely ideological concerns. In spite of the renewed emphasis on party
control over the unions in the post-Tiananmen period, worker congresses have main-
tained some enhanced powers, most notably the ri^t to examine and discuss bread-
and-butter issues affecting the enterprise, including the distribution of benefits, sal-
ary reform, and the right to remove incompetent managers.
The use of these rights varies widely, however. Many worker congresses continue
to act largely as rubber stamps for deals hammered out by the manager, union rep-
resentative, and the party secretary. In smaller enterprises it is not unusual to find
these three posts held by the same person. The Trade Union Law prohibits
antiunion discrimination and specifies that union representatives may not be trans-
ferred or terminated by enterprise management during their term of office. Union-
ized foreign businesses generally report pragmatic relations with ACFTU represent-
atives.
Laws governing working conditions in special economic zones (SEZ's) are not sig-
nificantly different from those in the rest of the country. Wages in the SEZ's, how-
ever, and in southeastern China generally, are significantly higher than in other
parts of the country because high investment has created a great demand for avail-
able labor. As in other areas of^the country, officials admit that some foreign inves-
tors in SEZ's are able to negotiate "sweetheart" deals with local partners that effec-
tively bypass labor regulations.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government prohibits forced
and bonded labor by children and enforces the prohibition effectively.
Some penal facilities contract with regular industries for prisoners to perform
light manufacturing and assembly work. In 1991 the Government published a reit-
eration of its regulations barring the export of prison-made goods.
In 1992 the U.S. and Chinese Governments signed a Memorandum of Under-
standing (MOU) prohibiting trade in prison labor products. A statement of coopera-
tion (SOC) detailing specific working procedures for implementation of the MOU
was signed in 1994. Although the signing of the SOC initially helped to foster a
more productive relationship with the authorities, cooperation has been limited in
the past few years. U.S. Customs has formally requested to visit 20 sites suspected
of exporting forced labor products to the United States. The Government has grant-
ed permission to visit 13 of the sites. There were repeated delays in arranging site
visits during most of 1997. In a positive development in November the Government
granted permission to visit two more facilities.
In addition to prisons and reform-through-labor facilities, which hold inmates sen-
tenced through judicial procedures, the Government also maintains a network of re-
education-through-labor camps, where inmates are sentenced through nonjudicial
procedures (see Section I.e.). Inmates of reeducation-through-labor facilities are gen-
erally required to work, but the authorities assert that the facilities are not prisons
and have denied access to them under the 1992 prison labor MOU with the United
States. Reports from international human rights organizations and the foreign press
indicate that at least some persons in pretrial detention are also required to work.
Most anecdotal reports conclude that work conditions in the penal system's light
manufacturing factories are similar to those in other factories, but conditions on the
penal systems farms and in mines can be very harsh. As in many Chinese work
places, safety is a low priority. There are no available figures for deaths and injuries
in prison industries.
a. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Na-
tional Labor Law specifies that "no employing unit shall be allowed to recruit juve-
niles under the age of 16," 2 years older than the International Labor Organization
(ILO) standard of 14 for developing countries. Administrative review, fines, and rev-
738
ocation of business licenses of those businesses that hire minors are specified in the
Labor Law. The law also provides for children to receive 9 years of compulsory edu-
cation and to receive their subsistence from parents or guardians. Laborers between
the ages of 16 and 18 are referred to as "juvenile workers," and are prohibited from
engaging in certain forms of physical work, including labor in mines.
Neither the ILO nor UNICEF believe that there is a significant child labor prob-
lem in China. Good public awareness, a cheap, abundant supply of legal young adult
workers, nearly universal primary schooling, and labor law enforcement all serve to
reduce opportunities and incentives to hire child workers. Given this ample supply
of adult laborers, most employers in China choose not to risk fines and possible ar-
rest by hiring underage workers. Furthermore, many foreign businesses in China's
more developed areas follow codes of conduct that set standards for labor conditions
and provide for independent inspections.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and enforces the
prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
The Ministry of Labor is responsible for the enforcement of labor-related regula-
tions. The Labor Law mandates the establishment of labor inspection corps at all
administrative levels above county government. The rapid growth of the nonstate
sector, however, has outpaced the evolution of government regulatory structures and
resulted in inadequate labor inspection and enforcement regimes. In poorer, isolated
areas, child labor in agriculture is widespread, given the few employment options
available to minors who have have completed their primary school eaucation at ap-
proximately 13 years of age. Rising dropout rates at secondary schools in some prov-
inces and anecdotal reports suggest that children may increasingly be entering un-
regulated sectors of the economy.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Law codifies many of the general
principles of labor reform, setting out provisions on employment, labor contracts,
working hours, wages, skill development and training, social insurance, dispute res-
olution, legal responsibility, supervision, and inspection. There is no national mini-
mum wage. Rather, the Labor Law allows local governments to determine their own
standards on minimum wages. In general, minimum wage level determinations are
higher than the local poverty relief ceiling but lower than the current wage level
of the average worker.
In December the monthly minimum wage in Beijing, set in December 1996, re-
mained $32.50 (270 rmb). In the Shenzhen and Zhuhai SEZ's in south China, the
monthly minimum wage was approximately $29 (240 rmb). For other parts of
Guangdong province, the minimum monthly wage was $39 (320 rmb). In November
the Grovemment instructed all provinces to develop a minimum wage rate. These
rates vary from province to province. For example, tne monthly minimum wage rate
in Hebei province is $17 (140 rmb) in urban areas and $12 (^^100 rmb) in rural re-
fions. In contrast, Jiangsu province wage rate is $34 (280 rmb) for urban areas and
25 (210 rmb) for all rural regions. Although these wage levels may be slightly high-
er than average living expenditures according to some official statistics, tney would
provide only a very basic standard of living for a worker and family. Minimum wage
figures do not, however, include free or heavily subsidized benefits that some state-
sector employers may provide in kind, such as housing, medical care, and edu-^ation.
In poor rural areas, monthly minimum wage levels are as low as $12. Official gov-
ernment estimates put the number of people living in absolute poverty at 58 million;
World Bank estimates range as high as 350 million.
The Government reduced the national standard workweek in 1995 from 44 hours
to 40 hours, excluding overtime. The Labor Law mandates a 24-hour rest period
weekly and does not allow overtime work in excess of 3 hours a day or 36 hours
a month. It also sets forth a required scale of remuneration for overtime work. En-
forcement of regulations governing overtime work varies according to region and
type of enterprise.
Occupational health and safety are constant themes of posters and campaigns.
Every work unit must designate a health and safety officer, and the ILO has estab-
lished a training program for these ofiicials. Although the Constitution does not pro-
vide for the right to strike, the Trade Union Law explicitly recognizes the right of
unions to "suggest that staff and workers withdraw from sites of danger" and par-
ticipate in accident investigations. It is unclear, however, to what extent workers
can actually remove themselves from such dangerous situations without risking loss
of employment.
Pressures for increased output, lack of financial resources to maintain equipment,
lack of concern by management, and workers' traditionally poor understanaing of
safety issues have contributed to a continuing high rate of accidents. In 1996 accord-
ing to Ministry of Labor statistics, the number of industrial accidents dropped. Total
accidents stood at 18,181, 13.5 percent less than in 1995, with total fatalities at
739
17,231, a 13.9 percent drop from 1995. Of these, 9,974 occurred as a result of mine
accidents. According to the Ministry of Public Health, over 75 million workers are
at risk from occupational respiratory diseases such as pneumoconiosis due to poor
working conditions. Less than half of rural enterprises meet national dust and poi-
son standards. Many factories using harmful products, such as asbestos, fail not
only to protect their workers against the ill effects of such products, but also to in-
form them about the potential hazards.
Poor enforcement by local officials of occupational safety and health regulations
continues to put workers' lives at risk. Work safety issues have, however, attracted
the attention of senior government leaders. In 1997 the Ministry of Labor was close
to completion of new national occupational safety and health legislation. The Min-
istry 01 Labor has been working with the ILO and others to improve safety and in-
spection procedures.
TIBET
(This section of the report on China has been prepared pursuant to Section 536
(b) of Public Law 103-236. The United States recognizes the Tibet Autonomous Re-
gion— hereinafter referred to as "Tibet" — to be part of the People's Republic of
China. Preservation and development of Tibet's unique religious, cultural, and lin-
guistic heritage and protection of its people's fundamental human rights continue
to be of concern.)
Respect for the Integrity of the Person. — The Chinese Government strictly controls
access to and information about Tibet. Thus, it is dilTicult to determine accurately
the scope of human rights abuses. However, according to credible reports, Chinese
government authorities continued to commit serious human rights abuses in Tibet,
including instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, detention without public trial, and
long detention of Tibetan nationalists for peacefully expressing their political views.
Tight controls on religion and on other fundamental freedoms continued and in
some cases intonsified.
The authorities permit many traditional religious practices, and public manifesta-
tions of belief. Those activities viewed as vehicles for political dissent, however, are
not tolerated and are promptly and forcibly suppressed. Individuals accused of polit-
ical activism faced serious persecution during the year, as the Government pro-
ceeded with its largely unsuccessful campaign to discredit the Dalai Lama as a reli-
gious leader and limit the power of religious persons and secular leaders sympa-
thetic to him. The campaign was carried out under the slogan "Buddhism must con-
form to Socialism and not Socialism to Buddhism." Efforts to reeducate monks and
nuns continued as part of the campaign. The ban on photographs of the Dalai Lama
continued. There were reports of imprisonment and abuse or torture of monks and
nuns accused of political activism, as well as the closure of several monasteries.
The authorities in Tibet were concerned about potential violence and demonstra-
tions at the time of the Hong Kong reversion in July, and security restrictions were
increased then on both internal and external travel. Tb?re was, however, no unrest
in Tibet during the reversion and there were no confimjed reports of bombings or
other political violence in Tibet in 1997. Foreigners, including international NGO
personnel, experienced increased restrictions on access to Tibet that began mid- 1997
and, in some cases, continued until the end of the year.
Legal safeguards for ethnic Tibetans detained or imprisoned are the same as
those in the rest of China and are inadequate in design and implementation. Lack
of independent access to prisoners or prisons makes it difficult to assess the extent
and severity of abuses and the number of Tibetan prisoners. Nonetheless, there are
many credible reports that prisoners are tortured, beaten, and otherwise mistreated.
In October Physicians for Human Rights published a report based on 1996 inter-
views with 258 Tibetan refugees living in India. According to the report, 38 of those
interviewed stated that they personally had been subjected to beatings, electric
shocks, suspension in painful positions, and other forms of torture or abuse.
Several foreign delegations visited Tibetan prisons. In April an official Norwegian
delegation visited Tib«t to discuss human rights issues and was allowed to visit
Drapchi prison in Lhasa. The delegation met with ordinary prisoners, but was not
given access to political prisoners. In August a delegation from Switzerland also vis-
ited Drapchi prison. In September seven German parliamentarians from the Bun-
destag Subcommittee for Human Rights and Humanitarian Aid also made a prison
visit. In October the U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary Detention visited Drapchi
prison, where group members were allowed to interview certain prisoners without
the presence of Chinese officials.
Ngawang Choephel, the 29-year-old Tibetan ethnomusicologist who was sentenced
to 18 years in prison on charges of "espionage" in late 1996, had his appeal denied
740
\\\ Kohr\>rt»v n\u\ w\\\>\i\\it nt nii »(n>l«r»» I>>mo»1 piir)oi\ In April ll\o liutiuM' (tbU^t nf t.l\o
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l'i»nil\«ni Ijinm, liU't'n )«i<k\Mu) Ixi^jho-tt »x'l)f;u<i\r» loiuloi ThiMX- «:>i ni> i>l1'i>u»l infor
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i\\\\\ ix'stiuli'd U' hii« »vll
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lvl«'«r»»Hl >MlltU:«l pil-iiMU'ls tll:»t th»'\ ('l.-IIUIiil to S«'iul )»lM\'.l.l hi S<'pl«MnlHM K\',i
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or.
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0V IVoplo'i* I'oviH. in U>;><» tho vAMut,-* hiuuUovl 4'i' I'^itoit (owK'4«v>t 5>»H |H>»"»ons ch««>5xHi
wUh t'«in\oi« (hwt "«>nii«n>;x')xHl nut ions*! r»«H\mtv "
Knnith phinnin^ ixMUjiini nn in\poit;»nt ^\»!»1 Tor thr> wiithoritios in Tilyt. hwt t'iitn
il^V phinnuifj )y<h»'i«'-> !«ix- :n>pht'>l nuMx' U-niontlx ti' t-tluiu Pihi^trtiis, rtiuJ «'thnio IMvt
AW* \\>nliiiM<' to ho hUowovI to hwM" nv«>ix' ihiKhxMi th.-ui H;ui Thnnv'^o
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tivit.v in 'IMvt It tU>0!» not tolor«t«* txMifjiovis u\rtn\lost.Mtion!* th:*t rtdv\vo.-Ato IMvtwn
tn\io|HM\>UMuv «M «nv o\p»viSh>n of "■•i>h(i!«nv " At a S*«pton\hor nows \\M\loixn\vv. a H-
IxMrtn >;\<\vinnvon( on\o\;»l »\Mnprt«xsl t hin<\"«o .titton^ in IMyt to loixn^jn j;\vvtMnn>«>ntV
»v«^H*ni»or» t>> \\ilt fiotiMtx riio iI*>\vM nnvont vn>iuUm\iii!» tho PjiImi lj»nin'!« )\»h(u'rtl rti^
(ivitioit rtiul U^rttliM^hip »^l rt >{\>\vM\nH'nt in rxilo Thr »^(Vu•l;«l oix^ss intoiisil^oii »-<\o(
oru' n|;!»iiiMt hini i«n>l ix<fH':»t«>iUv il«*rH-nhokl hini «t» m '\'nniin;»r iU>t»Mnun«Hl to spht
lM\in« in «ii rtttiMiipt t»> nnvioinnno th«" »-ix>>hhihtv >>l his ix>h>;ioi>s .•mthvMitv OtVl»irtlr»
insiHt thrtt dijilogMO with tho P:ilju U-uurt is 0!«»tM\(iall> iiwpossihlo juuI clrt\ni thrtt
ht« MotuMiM U'ho In* »vvH»rtto\l t>\»hhc «!»>»«»^n*v* t}<«t ho »W>» not mlNtv^tP indot^onvi-
on»v Um IMM't
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TOM^trtii uv'xovnnxMit »>n\vi;ils miwI l\>ninninist r;»rt> nuMivKM^s S*>n\o l.tHH^ ix^h^ums
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lN\«pU''s l\>hturtl l\Mis\iU«tixv I v>nliMXMUv l\< In^UtcM lo\«h\ tv> th«' prtilv. tho lJv<v
oniniont «toot>«sl vio oHoits to oiisiux> thrtt p«Hv irt^hx^s in Tilvt. ovxM' TO )>oi\x>nt ol"
whvxin rtix' otiiiiiv ruH-trtiis, rt>Hi«Mx< to tho prti-<>'i« »\>*lo v>ri»thoism
lUnUUnvt ii\oi\rtst«Mios juul pi\nn»lotHMivUMUV rt»tixisiii rtix^ olo!*t^l,v rts^virtttnl u\
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v"hrtnn\iv>j riUMrtiis' rttt\tn\)os, rtix> .■»inu\l rtt ix>ntiMllinf; tho nH>nrtstov>os rtOvl oxjH'U»iv>J
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rt* tho llth ix'invrtinrttivMi »>l t)vo Prtn\hon l.rtn\rt, ix\»«vt rtiwl vloi\»>uiiix* tho Prtlrti
l^iwrt, Ms\Nf;iii5o tho nnitv >xl Thiiirt rtiul Tilvt, miivJ n»>t hston to tho \'ouv ol AnuM^
u'rt A»\\Mxlii\); to kixshhlo ix>js>i^s, i\\»>nks xvho ixMusisi ti< s\);n woix' ovtvllovi iWm
thoir uHMirtstoMO!* «nvl xxxmx' not ^HMinittoil to ixMiun homo to \\\>t^ Hv tho onui of
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ni;xv»
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ovninont, hoxxx^xxM. hrt* n»o\xs< to o\>H> tho |Mx»hrorrttion of IMvtAix HntlnUxxst «mn»
Ai»torxo*, whioh aiv jHH^n a* a vlrAin on KvaI »x**>\u\V!» An^i a \Mn\Uiit lov jvhtXK'*! in-
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741
forces limits on the number of monks in major monasteries. Following disturbances
in Ganden in May 1996, and the subsequent campaigns, the number of monks there
reportedly decreased from 700 to 500.
TTie Government continues to oversee the daily operations of major monasteries.
Although the Government generally contributes only a small percentage of the mon-
asteries' operational funds, it retains management control of the monasteries
through the government-controlled democratic management committees and the
local religious affairs bureaus. In April 1996 regulations restricted leadership of
management committees of temples to "patriotic and devoted" monks and nuns.
Continued antigovemment sentiment indicated, however, that these government ef-
forts were largely unsuccessful.
The Government continued to insist that the boy it selected and enthroned in
1995 is the Panchen Lama's 11th reincarnation. The boy appeared publicly in
Beijing in August to preside over Tibetan Buddhist rites marking the 10th anniver-
sary 01 the founding of the China Advanced Tibetan Buddhism College. At all other
times he was held mcommunicado by Chinese authorities. Meanwhile, the Govern-
ment also continued to detain the boy selected by the Dalai Lama as the Panchen
Lama's reincarnation. The boy's family was also detained. The Government refused
to provide access to either of the boys or their families, whose exact locations were
unknown. Tibetan monks have claimed that they were forced to sign statements
pledging allegiance to the boy the Government selected as the reincarnation of the
Panmen Lama. There is widespread sentiment in Tibet in favor of the boy selected
by the Dalai Lama. The party also urged its members to support the "oflicial" Pan-
chen Lama, and the Shigatse city Communist Party Committee's Propaganda De-
partment had pictures of the boy printed for use in public and private religious dis-
plays.
The Government continued to restore Buddhist sites, many of which were de-
stroyed during the Cultural Revolution. The Government has contributed significant
sums towards these restoration efforts, in part to promote the development of tour-
ism in Tibet. The monasteries continue to house and train voung monks, making
possible the transmission of Tibetan Buddhist traditions to mture generations. Al-
though by law monks are prohibited from joining a monastery prior to the age of
16, many younger boys in fact enter monastic life.
In December the International Commission of Jurists, a nongovernmental organi-
zation, issued a report that criticized the Government's repression of religious free-
dom in Tibet.
Economic Development and Protection of Cultural Heritage. — Tibetans receive
preferential treatment in marriage and family planning policies, as do China's 54
other minority ethnic groups. However, discrimination against Tibetans is wide-
spread, especially in the area of employment.
The central Government and other provinces of China heavily subsidize the Ti-
betan economy, which has grown by an average annual rate of 10.5 percent during
1989-1996. Over 90 percent of Tibet's budget income comes from outside sources.
Tibet also benefits from a wide variety of favorable economic and tax policies. These
policies, however, have attracted growing numbers of ethnic Han and Hui immi-
grants from other parts of China, that are competing with — and in some cases dis-
placing— Tibetan enterprises and labor. Overall, government development policies
have helped raise the economic living standards of many ethnic Tibetans but many
benefits of development accrue to Han Chinese. Rapid growth, the expanding tour-
ism industry, ana introduction of more modem cultural influences have also dis-
rupted traditional living patterns and customs, causing environmental problems and
threatening traditional Tibetan culture.
Illiteracy levels are high. The current rate for all Tibetans is approximately 40
percent, and in some areas it reaches 80 percent. Chinese officials have over the
past few years downgraded the use of Tibetan in education. Primary schools at the
village level teach in Tibetan, but these schools usually have only two or three
grades. Approximately 70 percent of eligible children attend primary school, but
most pupils end their formal education after graduating from village schools. The
Government recently announced that it would abandon efforts to keep elementary
education entirely in Tibetan and begin teaching Chinese to Tibetan children start-
ing in the first grade. The Government stated that this step was taken in order to
make Tibetan children more competitive with their Han counterparts, and provide
more educational and employment opportunities in the long run. According to local
education officials, Tibetan is the main language of instruction in middle schools,
although there are special classes offering instruction in Chinese. Most, but not all,
of the students in these Chinese classes are ethnic Han. Experimental Tibetan mid-
dle schools, which had been established in the 1980's, and were reportedly success-
ful, closed down. Most of those who attend regional high schools continue to receive
742
some of their education in Tibetan, but knowledge of Chinese is necessary to receive
a higher education.
Tibet University is a small university with 1,300 students established to train Ti-
betan teachers for the local educational system. Ethnic Tibetans resent dispropor-
tionate Han representation in the student body and faculty. Tibetans constitute ap-
proximately 95 percent of the population, but only 80 percent of Tibet Universitvs
student body, and 30 percent of all university faculty in the Tibet Autonomous Re-
gion. Although Tibetans are given admission preferences, Han Chinese students fre-
quently gain admission because they score higher on admission exams due to
stronger Chinese language skills and educational backgrounds. Authorities report-
edly require professors, particularly those from Tibet University's Tibetan Language
Department, which is viewed as a potential source of dissent, to attend political edu-
cation sessions and limit course studies and materials in an effort to prevent "sepa-
ratist" political and religious activity on campus. Some ancient texts are banned for
political reasons.
The Dalai Lama and Tibetan experts have expressed concern that development
projects and other central government policies adopted at a 1994 work conference
in Tibet encourage a massive influx of Han Chinese into Tibet, which has the effect
of overwhelming Tibet's traditional culture and diluting Tibetan demographic domi-
nance. In recent years, in Lhasa and other urban areas, freer movement of people
throughout China, government-sponsored development, and the prospect of economic
opportunity in Tibet, have led to a substantial increase in the non-Tibetan popu-
lation (including China's Muslim Hui minority as well as Han Chinese). An in-
creased number of immigrants from China's large transient population seek to take
advantage of these new economic opportunities. Most of these migrants profess to
be temporary residents, but small businesses run by ethnic Han and Hui citizens
(mostly restaurants and retail shops) are becoming more numerous in almost all Ti-
betan towns and cities. In Lhasa between one-third and one-half of the population
is Han Chinese; elsewhere, the Han percentage of the population is significantly
lower. In rural areas, the Han presence is often negligible. Chinese officials assert
that 95 percent of Tibet's officially registered population is Tibetan, with Han and
other ethnic groups making up the remainder. This figure, however, does not in-
clude the large number of "temporary" Han residents including military and para-
military troops and their dependents, many of whom have lived in Tibet for years.
China's economic development policies, fueled in Tibet by central government sub-
sidies, are modernizing parts of Tibetan society and changing traditional Tibetan
ways of life. Although the (jovemment has made efforts in recent years to restore
some of the physical structures and other aspects of Tibetan Buddhism and Tibetan
culture damaged or destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, repressive social and
political controls continue to limit the fundamental freedoms of ethnic Tibetans and
risk undermining Tibet's unique cultural, religious, and linguistic heritage.
HONG KONG
Hong Kong, a small, densely populated territory that reverted from British to Chi-
nese sovereignty on July 1, remains a free society with legally protected rights. Its
constitutional arrangements until June 30 were defined by Letters Patent and Royal
Instructions from London; thereafter. Hong Kong became a Special Administrative
Region of the People's Republic of China as prescribed by a 1985 Sino-British Joint
Declaration and tne Basic Law, a "mini-constitution" approved in 1990 by China's
National People's Congress. Executive powers, until June 30 were vested in a gov-
ernor appointed by Britain; after July 1, such powers were vested in a chief execu-
tive selected by a 400-person selection committee chosen bv a China-appointed pre-
paratory committee. Fundamental rights before June 30 ultimately rested on over-
sight by the British Parliament. Thereafter, such rights were provided by the Basic
Law, under which Hong Kong is to have a high degree of autonomy except in de-
fense and foreign affairs. In practice. Hong Kong has largely controlled its internal
affairs. The judiciary is an independent body adhering to the Basic Law and to Eng-
lish common law.
In 1995 Hong Kong completed the process of moving from an appointed to an
elected legislature, and all 60 seats in the Legislative Council, which served until
June 30, were open to direct or indirect balloting for the first time. The elections
were widely considered to be fair and open. The Legislative Council served as a
forum for vigorous debate and planning for the period after retrocession. However,
China, objecting to the electoral rules instituted by (jovemor Patten and the Hong
Kong Government for the Legislative Council, district board, and municipal council
743
elections dissolved these bodies at midnight on June 30. The selection committee
that named the Chief Executive also chose a 60-member provisional legislature to
take office after the handover. Of the elected legislative councilors, 33 of^34 who
sought seats were named to the Provisional Legislature. No Democratic Party legis-
lators who as a group had drawn the most oopular support in the 1995 elections,
sought seats on the Provisional Legislature. Many popular independent le^slators
ioined the Democrats in refusing to serve on an appointed provisional legislature.
Critics contended that the selection of the Provisional Legislature had no basis in
law, was unnecessary, lacked transparency, was not based on open elections, and
excluded groups or individuals critical of China. Court cases challenged the constitu-
tionaUty of the Provisional Legislature and the validity of its laws but the High
Court upheld the authority of the National People's Congress to estabbsh the legis-
lature and the laws. ,
China promised that the Provisional Legislature would serve no more than a year
and committed to legislative council elections before July 1, 1998, based on a new
election law. It also said that a broad spectrum of candidates and parties could isar-
ticipate in the elections. In September the Hong Kong Government introduced an
election bill based on recommendations by the Preparatory Committee. As specified
in the Basic Law, 20 seats are to be elected on a geographic basis through universal
suffrage 30 seats through functional (occiipational) constituencies, and 10 seats
througii' indirect election. The Preparatory Committee and Hong Kong administra-
tion decided that the 20 geographic seats should be chosen by a proportional rep-
resentation system and redefined 9 of the functional constituencies, reducing the
number of voters in these constituencies from over 2.5 million to less than 200,000.
Some observers criticized the proportional method as favoring pro-China parties in
the geographic races, and they also criticized curtailment of the franchise for func-
tional constituencies. However, as of yeai^s end, all political parties have indicated
that they expect the elections to be democratic, and none has said that it would boy-
cott the elections, which the Government has set for May 1998. In December the
Democratic Party chose 19 candidates to run in the elections, while leaders ol other
prodemocracy parties made plans to give up their British passports in order to qual-
ify as candidates in geographic constituencies. , ,, r- 4. i r •
A well-organized police force maintains pubhc order under the lirm control ot ci-
vilian authorities. Fears that Chinese troops sent to Hong Kone to replace the Brit-
ish military garrison after the handover would intervene in pohce duties have thus
far proved to be unfounded. There were reports that some members of the police
committed human rights abuses. , , , /- ^ t* •
Hong Kong is a major regional and international trade and finance center. It is
the principal gateway for trade and investment with China. A thriving free niarket
economy operates with minimal government interference (a system provided for by
the Basic Law for 50 years). Per capita gross domestic product surpassed $24,000
in 1996 and continued to grow in 1997. After reversion. Hong Kong continues to
enjoy economic autonomy and to function as a separate customs territory from
mainland China. , . , , • • i j j
Human ri^ts problems before and after the July 1 reversion included excessive
use of force by some members of the police against persons in custody, some in-
stances of media self-censorship, limitations on citizens' ability to change their gov-
ernment violence and discrimination against women, and discrimination against
the disabled and ethnic minorities. The human rights community criticized the out-
going colonial government for opposing proposals to enact laws against discnnuna-
tion based on race, age, and sexual orientation. However, the Legislative Council on
June 26 passed the government-sponsored Family Status Discrimination Ordinance,
which protects people who have children, whose marital status changes, or who are
responsible for caring for a particular family member. Human nghts observers were
concerned that revisions to the Public Order and the Societies ordinances would un-
dermine fundamental human rights; however, to date these fears have been un-
founded.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing.— There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
In 1997 there were 10 instances of death of detainees in pohce custody.
b. Disappearance.— There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances,
c Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.—
The law forbids torture and other extreme forms of abuse by the police; however,
there were reports that police at times used excessive force. The law stipulates pun-
45-909 98-25
744
ishment for those who break the law, and disciplinary action can range from
warnings to dismissal. Criminal proceedings may be undertaken indepencfently of
the disciplinary process of the police force. Allegations of excessive use of force are
investigated by the Complaints Against Police Office, whose work is monitored and
reviewed by the Police Complaints Council, a body composed of public members ap-
pointed by the Chief Executive.
Although excessive use of force by police is not widespread, there are occasional
complaints of force being used to coerce information or confessions during interroga-
tions. Some human rights monitors are concerned that this may be a growing prob-
lem and have documented complaints of beatings. In 1996 the Government reported
1,600 assault complaints, of which 3 were substantiated by the Complaints Council.
From January to June, there were 521 assault complaints; 4 were substantiated.
Critics contrast the relatively large number of complaints with the very small num-
ber substantiated and urge changes to a system whose review process appears to
favor the police. The Complaints Council in May announced that the force had
agreed to a lower standard of proof for less serious complaints. However, many ob-
servers criticized the Government for withdrawing on June 23 a bill to strengthen
the Complaints Council after the legislature added an amendment expanding the
Council's oversight of the Complaints Against Police Office to include investigative
powers. The Government argued that the amendment would have severely dis-
rupted effective operation of the police complaints system.
The Basic Law provides that military forces stationed by China in Hong Kong for
defense purposes "shall not interfere in the local affairs of the region. Although
many persons worried about the dispatch of 4,000 People's Liberation Army (PLA)
troops to Hong Kong at the time of handover to replace British forces, the Govern-
ment pledged that tney would play no police role. The PLA troops have assumed
a very low profile. Under the authority of the Basic Law the Chief Executive may
request their assistance in cases of natural disaster or civil disturbance that local
forces cannot handle.
Although conditions vary among facilities, prisons conform to international stand-
ards.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors. After one such
visit in June, Human Rights Watch/Asia and Human Rights Monitor noted that the
system "had much to recommend it," although also noting that it showed the strains
of overcrowding. Terming the visit a benchmark of prison conditions just before re-
version, these groups recommended that an independent prisons inspectorate pro-
vide future outride oversight of conditions in Hong Kong's penal and detention fa-
cilities. The Government, nowever, decided against establishing such an inspection
system.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Until reversion, British legal practice
and common law traditions governed the process of arrest and detention to ensure
substantial and effective protection against arbitrary arrest or detention.
Afler reversion, common law, precedents previously in force, and the Basic Law
(which incorporates the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights) pro-
vides such protections. The Government has stated that these protections are equal
to those applicable prior to July 1, 1997.
Exile is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Until June 30, the judicial and legal systems were
organized by principles of British constitutional law and legal precedent and pro-
vided for an independent judiciary, which the Government respected in practice. An
independent judiciary endured after Hong Kong's reversion, underpinned by the
Basic Law's provision that Hong Kong's common law tradition be maintained.
Hong Kong's ultimate judicial body, the Court of Final Appeal, was established
on July 1, inheriting, in large part, the power of final judgment formerly held by
the Pnvy Council in London. Incoming government officials were responsible for set-
ting up the court. Judges are nominated by an independent commission; the Chief
Executive is required to appoint those nominated, subject to endorsement by the leg-
islature. By late July, the Chief Executive had appointed a chief justice, three other
permanent justices, and several nonpermanent jurists from Hong Kong and other
Commonwealth jurisdictions to serve on a case-by-case basis.
Beneath the Court of Final Appeal is the High Court, composed of the Court of
Appeal and the Court of First Instance. Lower judicial bodies include the district
court (which has limited jurisdiction in civil and criminal matters), the magistracy
(exercising jurisdiction over a wide range of criminal offenses), the coroners court,
the juvenue court, the lands tribunal, the labor tribunal, the small claims tribunal,
and the obscene articles tribunal.
According to the Basic Law, the Hong Kong courts have "no jurisdiction over acts
of state sucn as defense and foreign affairs." The Basic Law also vests in the Stand-
745
ing Committee of the National People's Congress the power to interpret the Basic
Law on matters that are the "responsibility of the Central People's Government or
concern the relationship between the central authorities and tne Special Adminis-
trative Region." If broadly applied and loosely interpreted, these exceptions to the
Court of Final Appeal's power of final jurisdiction could be used to limit the inde-
pendence of the judiciary. No such limitations have occurred.
The law provides for the right to a fair public trial, and this is respected in prac-
tice. Trial is by jury.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitraiy Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
provides for the right of privacy, and the Government generally respects this right
in practice. For more than 20 years, the Independent Commission Against Corrup-
tion was vested with powers, including the right to authorize searches and detain
suspects, that are normally exercised only by a judicial officer. Amendments to ordi-
nances governing the Commission were enacted in July 1996 and took effect on
June 20, depriving the Commission of the independent authority to issue arrest or
search warrants (it must now go to the courts). However, it still does not apply the
presumption of innocence in corruption cases, and criminal convictions are obtained
by regarding any excessive, unexplainable assets held by civil servants as ill-gotten
until proven otherwise.
In December 1996, the Government established a privacy commission under the
Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance to prevent misuse and disclosure of data such
as medical and credit records. By May 9, the commission had received 3,800 inquir-
ies and 70 complaints. In August the commission proposed a code to prevent banks
and other companies from keeping photocopies of customers' identity cards. A new
clause in the ordinance also prohibited matching sets of personal data without the
consent of the subject individual or the commissioner, although some government
departments were exempt in order to combat social welfare abuse and tax evasion.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Hong Kong has a tradition of free speech and
of a free press, and there was little apparent change in these freedoms ailer rever-
sion. However, some journalists practiced self-censorship for fear of running afoul
of the new authorities. People continued to speak freely to the media. Political de-
bate remained vigorous. Numerous viewpoints, including stories and opinions criti-
cal of the Hong Kong and Chinese Governments, were aired in the mass media, in
fmblic forums, and by political groups. International media organizations operated
reely. Hong Kong's 16 major daily newspapers, 2 commercial television stations,
and 2 commercial radio stations functioned with virtually no government control.
There were no special visas needed for foreign reporters to work in Hong Kong, and
no government-issued press cards.
Tlie media continued to operate as they had earlier. Newspapers published with-
out obvious reprisals. There was neither a sharp increase nor decrease of critical
coverage. Some stories that were sensitive for China, such as a bombing in Xinjiang,
were first reported in the Hong Kong newspapers. However, China continued to re-
quire ioumalists — both foreign and those from Hong Kong — to apply for permission
to make reporting trips to the mainland. Those wno bypassed official channels —
which many felt they must do to get the stories they wanted — ran a risk of violating
Chinese regulations. At least one Hong Kong publication, Apple Daily (whose owner,
Jimmy Lai, offended China's leadership several years ago) subsequently was unable
to get official permission for his reporters to cover events on the mainland. Lai also
ran into problems in arranging for an initial public offering of stock in his compa-
nies. Investment banks and brokerage firms, wary of offending Beijing, reportedly
refused to handle Lai's stock fioatation. For the most part, however. Hong Kong re-
¥orters continued to enter China to cover sensitive stories related to Hong Kong,
aiwan, or the mainland.
The Basic Law provides for freedom of speech, of the press, and of publication,
but it also directs Hong Kong to pass laws prohibiting "treason, secession, sedition,
subversion against the Central People's (jovemment, or theft of state secrets." The
Hong Kong administration has said it does not plan to submit proposals for such
legislation until after the election of a new legislature next year. On October 10,
which was National Day in China before 1949 and continues to be observed in Tai-
wan, police removed fiags of the pre-1949 Chinese government (still used by the
Taiwan authorities) that appeared in public places, and the Chief Executive warned
that laws would be enactea making it a crime to advocate Taiwanese or Tibetan
independence. Hong Kong observations of the October 10 National Day were allowed
and were held without incident. Stories about removal of the fiags, as well as photos
of flags that were not removed, ran prominently in the media. Shortly after rever-
746
sion, the Hong Kong Journalists Association criticized the Government for giving
China Central Television favorable treatment in covering handover events and spe-
cial access to the Chief Executive's early official appearances.
Some polls suggest that both journalists and the public believed that there was
self-censorship: Over one-third of journalists interviewed in May said that they
practiced sell-censorship in muting criticism of China or large Hong Kong compa-
nies. According to a September poll, nearly half the public thought that the media
practiced self-censorship, and two-thirds believed that the media were reluctant to
criticize China. However, it was difficult to verify specific instances in which self-
censorship killed a story. The pressures on journalists were subtle — there were no
direct orders to refrain from writing, but there was a wide perception of a need for
special care toward topics of particular sensitivity to China: Leadership dynamics,
military activity, or advocacy of Taiwanese or Tibetan independence. Chinese-lan-
guage journalists reported a pervasive, if tacit, understanding that editors expected
tnose reporting on China to be particularly certain of their facts and careful in their
wording. Another source of pressure came from the belief by some publishers and
editors that advertising revenues could suffer if they were seen to be too antagonis-
tic to China in their editorial judgments. In spite of censorship concerns, the film
"Gate of Heavenly Peace," banned in China because of its graphic and critical cov-
erage of the Tiananmen incident, continued to play in Hong Kong after June.
In 1994 Ming Pao journalist and Chinese national Xi Yang was taken into custody
in China for reporting economic data that China deemed state secrets. His arrest
was widely cited as having had a chilling effect on Hong Kong media. He was re-
leased from prison in February, 9 years oefore the end of his sentence. The next
day, Ming Pao ran an editorial thanking China for showing "leniency" and added
that Xi Yang's release "has dispelled misgivings." However, local newspapers re-
ported that after a document leaked from tne 15th Chinese Communist Party Con-
gress in September, two Beijing correspondents for Hong Kong newspapers were de-
tained. One, a Hong Kong resident reporting for Ming Pao was reportedly held for
2 days, and the other, a mainland resident with Ta Kung Pao, for 2 months. The
stories were not confirmed by the reporters' employers. However, journalists ex-
pressed concern about continuing control of Hong Kong-affiliated reporters working
on the mainland, and about Hong Kong self-censorship in reporting on the Septem-
ber incident.
In 1995 the Government introduced a code on access to information to govern the
provision of information by government agencies. The code was extended to the en-
tire Government in December 1996. It specifies what information must be made
available routinely to the public and provides rules for dealing with requests for ac-
cess to government information. Previously, no laws existed to clarify wnat informa-
tion would be made available. The code requires that government departments re-
lease information to the public unless there is a valid reason to withhold it. A de-
partment may withhold "sensitive" information in such areas as defense, security,
external affairs, or law enforcement. Guidelines for access to information are pro-
vided to the public on an Internet web page.
Delays in screening three commercial films critical of China led some observers
to cite the local movie industry for cultural self-censorship — a charge the industry
denied. A distributor said on December 3 that the film "Red Corner would play in
February or March 1998, and the Motion Picture Industry Association, stressing
that decisions were made on a commercial basis, stated that distributors were also
making bids to bring in "Seven Years in Tibet" and "Kundun" by March. Secretary
for Broadcasting, Culture, and Sport Brian Chau stated in October that there was
nothing to prevent these movies from being shown in Hong Kong.
The Government respects academic freedom. There is a wide range of opinions in
lively debate on campuses, and the issue of academic freedom has not generally
caused much public comment. Prior to reversion. Professor Nihal Jayawickrama,
chairman of the Hong Kong section of the International Commission of Jurists and
an eminent authority on human rights law, applied to extend his appointment at
Hong Kong University beyond retirement age but his request was rejected. Some
persons suggested that Jayawickrama was denied because of his political activism.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Freedom of assembly and of
association are practiced without significant hindrance.
In March unaer a provision of the Basic Law, the Standing Committee of the Na-
tional People's Congress made a determination as to which existing Hong Kong laws
were contrary to the Basic Law and would not apply after July 1. Its move to alter
the 1991 Bill of Rights Ordinance and scrap recently liberalized laws on demonstra-
tions and political parties caused an outcry. After public consultations, the Chief Ex-
ecutive-designate announced proposals for amending the ordinances concerned in a
manner less restrictive than in initial plans or older colonial laws. The Public Order
747
Ordinance reintroduced licensing for demonstrations and empowered the police to
raise objections on national security grounds, but in practice it resembled a notifica-
tion system. The Societies Ordinance reintroduced registration of jparties and
banned ties between them and foreign political groups. Critics acknowledged the im-
provement on earlier plans but attacked the ban on foreign funding of political par-
ties and the inclusion of national security grounds for prohibiting demonstrations
or parties. They also faulted changes in the Bill of Rights Law stripping it of its
overriding status in jurisprudence, although lawyers noted that it and the common
law would still protect civil rights.
Many persons feared that the Government mi^t use the Public Order Ordinance
to curtail freedom of assembly. However, demonstrations continued to take place
regularly after July 1. The night of the handover, the Democratic Party organized
a speech from the balcony of the legislative council building, and nobody was de-
tained. The Government noted on September 15 that 150 demonstrations had oc-
curred since reversion, averaging 2 a day, without any arrests. There was some
scuffling with police and five demonstrators were arrested during World Bank meet-
ings on September 22. Some Hong Kong activists note that police personnel some-
times outnumber demonstrators at a demonstration. However, residents continued
to exercise their right of assembly.
Many persons also feared that the Government would use the Societies Ordinance
to restrict political activity by forcing parties to sever ties with political groups
abroad or curtailing activities of nongovernmental organizations (NGO's). In turn.
Chief Executive Tung expressed concern lest Hong Kong be used by foreign groups
as a base of subversion against China. After the handover, however, the Govern-
ment took no action to restrict the operations of parties, other political organiza-
tions, or NGO's. Freedom of association continues.
However, Democratic Party officials, independent politicians, and human rights
advocates continued to be concerned tnat restrictions in the revised statutes could
later be used to curtail freedom of assembly and association, particularly in dealing
with critics of the Government or of China.
Tlie Basic Law provides that Hong Kong shall enact laws on its own to prohibit
subversion, secession, treason, and sedition against the Chinese government. In No-
vember 1996, the Government introduced an amendment to the Crime Ordinance
addressing these infractions. China objected because it had not agreed to the lan-
guage, adding that the new government, not the pre-handover government, should
enact the new provisions. The outgoing Legislative Council on June 23 defeated
crime ordinance provisions on subversion and sedition, but on June 24 passed lan-
guage on treason. The Chief Executive-designate said that the new ^vemment
would not accept the legislation, and that the potentially controversial task of
amending the Crime Ordinance to comply with the Basic Law would fall to the Leg-
islative Council elected in May 1998.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Bill of Rights Ordinance prohibits religious discrimi-
nation. Following the handover, the Basic Law provides that the Government re-
spect religious freedom and activities. Government policy and general practice en-
sure freedom of religion. The Chief Executive has pledged that the Government
would restrict neither religious belief nor religious social and educational activities.
Some religious leaders noted that the Basic Law, which calls for ties between
Hong Kong and mainland religious organizations to be based on "nonsubordination,
noninterference and mutual respect," could be used to limit such contacts. Following
a visit to China in June, local Catholic leaders expressed increased confidence in the
situation in Hong Kong and hoped for closer ties with the church on the mainland.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There is freedom of movement within Hong Kong, and travel docu-
ments are freelv and easily obtained. The Special Administrative Region passport
became Hong Kong's ofiicial passport on July 1. Demand for the passport far out-
strips the Government's output, but every effort is made to fill applications for pass-
Sorts for emergency travel and priority is given to applicants whose previous travel
ocuments have expired. Present production is 2,000 passports a day. The British
National Overseas passport is still valid. However, tne British Dependent Terri-
tories Citizen passport ceased to be valid on June 30. Those holding that document
were advised to apply for British National Overseas Passports before July 1. Indi-
viduals eligible to receive the British document but who missed the deadline and
are Chinese nationals with the right of abode in Hong Kong may apply for the Hong
Kong Special Administrative Region passport.
Persons from Taiwan must apply to Hong Kong immigration through specified air-
lines for an entry permit valid for 1 year or 3 years. Those persons from Taiwan
but residing elsewhere must secure a declaration of identity issued by a notary pub-
lic or apply to a Chinese diplomatic or consular mission for a Chinese travel f)ermit;
748
Chinese missions issue visas to those with either of these documents. Procedures
are the same for official and nonoflicial travelers from Taiwan. As was the case be-
fore July 1, the Taiwan passport is not recognized as valid for visa endorsement
purposes.
Chinese authorities do not permit a number of Hong Kong human rights activists
to visit the mainland. A well-known Chines<e labor oreanizer and political dissident,
Han Dongfang, remains in Hong Kong. The Chinese Gk)vemment continues to refuse
him entry into China as it has ever since his expulsion from China in 1993.
On July 9, the Provisional Legislature passed a bill requiring mainland-bom chil-
dren claiming the right of abode through their parentage to obtain prior endorse-
ment by China. About 2,000 minors in this category were already in Hong Kong;
an estimated 66,000 remained in China. Human rights activists claimed that the
statute violated the Bill of Rights Ordinance and the Basic Law. The Government
responded that the issue was at the heart of Hong Kong's immigration policy and
orderly admission program, and that the Basic Law gives China the duty of screen-
ing all mainland Chinese admitted to Hong Kong. The High Court found for the
Government on October 9; further appeal is expected.
Hong Kong has never refused first asylum to Vietnamese boat people. Prior to
June 1988, refugee status was automatically accorded them. Since then asylum
seekers have been screened to determine their status and held in detention centers
awaiting resettlement in other countries or repatriation to Vietnam. From October
1996 to September 1997, 6,225 persons were voluntarily repatriated to Vietnam
through the auspices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. There
were 4,887 people repatriated under the (involuntary) Orderly Return Program from
October 1996 to September 1997.
Some 2,350 Vietnamese remained in Hong Kong camps in October 1,300 were
screened-in as refugees who, mostly for reasons of nealth or criminal acts, had not
been resettled. Over 1,000 are Vietnamese illegal migrants who are not screened-
in and thus awaiting repatriation.
There are also 2&B Vietnamese illegal migrants who were formerly in China in
Hong Kong. Ten of them sued against their detention; on September 26, a Hong
Kong judge ruled in their favor. Another court ruling on October 15 freed the other
278. Their future is uncertain because the Government wants to repatriate them to
the mainland, but China has said it would not take them back. The number of ille-
gal mainland Chinese immigrants has been estimated to be at least 15,000. During
1997 the Government returned illegal Chinese immigrants to China at the rate of
54 per day. Only rarely, when a person qualifies as a refugee under the inter-
national agreement on the status of refugees, is permission to remain in Hong Kong
granted.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although the prehandover Government moved to democratize district and munici-
pal boards and the Legislative Council, residents did not have the right to change
the government. Residents ability to exercise this right remained limited after the
handover. In the prehandover Government the governor was appointed by and
served at the pleasure of the British Crown. He was advised on policy by an Execu-
tive Council, which he appointed. Until 1985 the Legislative Council was also an
advisory body whose memoers were either appointed oy the Governor or served in
their capacity as senior civil servants. Hong Kong remains a free society with most
individual freedoms and rights protected by law and custom.
The Legislative Council enacted and funded legislation and also debated policy
and questioned the administration. Although the Legislative Council's power to ini-
tiate legislation was limited (all bills with budgetary implications had to be ap-
proved by the Government before introduction), it became increasingly assertive.
The Governor had ultimate control of the administration of Hong Kong but, by con-
vention, rarely exercised his full powers. In practice, decisions were reached by con-
sensus. Political parties and independent candidates were free to contest seats in
free and fair elections. Representative government employing universal franchise ex-
isted at the local district board level.
China opposed the Hong Kong Government's 1994-95 election reforms, through
which all aistrict and municipal board members were chosen by direct elections, and
all seats in the Legislative Council were chosen by direct or indirect balloting. Cit-
ing Britain's unilateral decision on the reforms, China said that the Legislative
Council would "terminate" on June 30, along with the district and municipalboards.
In March 1996, China's Preparatory Committee said that a provisional legislature
would be formed to serve for up to 1 year after reversion until a new legislature
could be elected. In December 1996, a selection committee of 400 named C. H. Tung
749
as Chief Executive and chose a 60-seat provisional legislature, including 33 of 34
sitting lawmakers who sought inclusion. Hong Kong's Democratic Party, which de-
clined to seek seats in what it deemed an illegitimate body, believed that the proc-
ess did not have a legal foundation, lacked transparency, was not based on a free
and fair election, and excluded groups, parties, and individuals critical of China.
In April the Provisional Legislature began working across the border in Shenzhen.
The Preparatory Committee and Chief Executive-designate directed it to focus on
urgent transition business: To organize 1998 legislative elections, determine nation-
ality and right of abode, and enact the new versions of laws voided by the Standing
Committee of the National People's Congress (Societies and Public Order statutes).
The period from April to June saw much political tension and legal uncertainty as
the Legislative Council, the Provisional Legislature, the prehandover government,
and the Chief Executive-designate's ofiice contested these issues, as well as legisla-
tion concerning labor, subversion, secession, and treason.
The Legislative Council was dissolved at midnight on June 30. The Provisional
Legislature, sworn in shortly after midnight, passed an Omnibus Reunification Or-
dinance before dawn on July 1 to enact new laws that it had drafted and passed
earlier and to provide for administrative and legal continuity. Court cases chal-
lenged the constitutionality of the Provisional Legislature and the validity of its
laws, but the High Court on July 23 upheld the new government's position that the
legislature and laws were valid. The Court of Final Appeal is also expected to rule
on the case.
The Chief Executive pledged to hold elections in May 1998 for a new legislative
council, and the Provisional Legislature in September passed a bill based on govern-
ment proposals. As in 1995, 20 seats are to come from geographic districts through
universal suffrage, 30 from functional (occupational) constituencies, and 10 from
votes by a committee of local elected officials. Hong Kong's Democratic Party and
independents criticized the bill for replacing the 1995 single-vote, single-seat system
for geographic seats with a proportional system which they claim will cut down on
the number of their members elected and help smaller, pro-China parties win seats
in the geographic constituencies. They also criticized the replacement of nine broad
1995 functional constituencies with more narrowly drawn groups akin to pre-1995
groups, cutting the total number of potential voters in functional constituencies from
2.7 million to 180,000. However, the Chief Executive's appointment in September
of an electoral affairs commission to supervise the elections was well received; two
of the three nominees, including a distinguished jurist as chair, had served on the
Election and Boundary Commission for the previous government. Similarly, there
was general acceptance of the electoral districts proposed in October by the (Commis-
sion. The Constitutional Affairs Bureau prepared for May elections and initiated a
campaign to increase voter turnout, which had been just below 1 million in Septem-
ber 1995, well below the more than 4 million potential voters. Under this system,
and in the current circumstances, it is unlikely that any single party could win con-
trol of the legislature through the electoral process.
The Basic Law provides for elections for chief executive in 2002 and 2007, by a
"broadly representative election committee" of 800 local residents appointed by
China. The Basic Law also permits amendment of the chief executive selection proc-
ess after 2007 by a two-thirds majority of the Legislative Council, with the consent
of the Chief Executive and the Standing Committee of the National People's Con-
gress, with a goal of universal suffrage.
The prehandover (Government continued efforts to place local persons in senior
government positions and fulfilled its commitment to fill all "principal official" posts
with local officers by 1997. All 23 principal officer posts (Chief Secretary, Financial
Secretary, Secretary for Justice, 15 branch secretaries, Commissioner of the Inde-
gendent C!ommission against Corruption, Director of Audit, Commissioner of Police,
lirector of Immigration, and Commissioner of Customs and Excise) are now filled
by local officers. The last expatriate principal officer (Attorney General) was re-
placed by a local resident on July 1. All other principal officers continued in their
positions through July 1. As of July 1, 82 percent of^ the top directorate-level jobs
and 93 percent of administrative and other senior management positions were filled
by local staff.
Nevertheless, expatriates remain in key positions in the Legal Department and
the judiciary; at the same time, 76 percent of the government counsel positions and
83 percent of the police positions (police inspector and above) are filled by local offi-
cers.
Women are playing a larger role in politics, with larger numbers running for pub-
lic office in 1996 and 1997 than ever before. In early 1997, women constituted 12
percent of the Legislative Council; they make up 15 percent of the Provisional Legis-
750
lature. Women account for 25 percent of the top government directorate-level posts,
and 46 percent of government administrative omcers.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Until reversion, the international covenants on civil and political rights, and on
economic, social, and cultural rights applied, with certain restrictions, to Hong Kong
through the United Kingdom. The Basic Law provides that these covenants continue
to apply to Hong Kong. China stated in October 1996 that it did not consider itself
obligated to file reports to the United Nations on implementation of the agreements
in Hong Kong because China is not a signatory. However, on October 27, 1997,
China signed the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; and, on No-
vember 22, China announced that it would submit reports under both Covenants to
the United Nations under the principle of "one country, two systems." Procedures
for preparation and submission of the required reports are unclear. Hong Kong resi-
dents have expressed interest in participating in the drafting process and have ex-
pressed concern about the possible role of the National People's Congress in the
process.
The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women
was extended to Hong Kong in October; Hong Kong and China have agreed on re-
porting under both this convention and the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Racial Discrimination.
Dozens of local and international NGO's operated freely in Hong Kong before re-
version, and, despite earlier concerns about possible restrictions under the revised
Societies Ordinance, continued to operate without hindrance after the handover.
These organizations have thriving contacts with the Hong Kong community and
with groups overseas. Government officials are cooperative and responsive to their
views. In September China denied accreditation to attend the World Bank meeting
in Hong Kong to two international human rights organizations that had been criti-
cal of its human rights record.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
After the passage of laws in 1995 banning discrimination on the basis of sex and
disability, an Equal Opportunities Commission was established. The Commission
began its oversight of nonemployment and employment-related provisions in 1996.
Women's groups and others have criticized the Commission for passivity in combat-
ing discrimination and for emphasizing conciliation instead of acting as a watchdog
or pursuing court cases. However, the Government has begun to bring cases against
discriminatory employment advertisements.
On June 26, the Legislative Council enacted the Family Status Discrimination Or-
dinance, which protects people whose marital status changes, who have children, or
who are responsible for caring for another family member, such as a child or elderly
person; enforcement began in November. However, the Legislative Council voted
down bills banning discrimination on grounds of age, race, and sexual orientation —
the second time such legislation has been defeated since 1995.
Chinese has equal status with English in most government operations but not in
judicial proceedings, where almost all civil cases and most criminal cases are heard
in English. To help remedy this, the Government has increased the number of offi-
cers in the Legal Aid Department proficient in Chinese from 3 (of 9) to 10 (of 11).
A 1996 pilot scheme for simultaneous interpretation in some court proceedings
failed, but the Government extended the use oi bilingual prosecution documents and
indictments. All laws were translated into Chinese by the time of the handover, and
the High Court in August heard the first jury trial ever conducted in Cantonese.
By September 30, about 180 law clerks and legal aid counsel had attended Chinese
writing courses; training has also stressed advocacy in Chinese. According to the
Basic Law, English may be used as an official language by the executive authorities,
legislature, ana judiciary.
Women. — Violence against women remains a significant problem. The only law to
protect battered women is the 1987 Domestic Violence Ordinance, which allows a
woman to seek a 3-month injunction against her husband (extendible to 6 months).
Domestic violence may also be prosecuted as common assault. The Government en-
forces the laws and prosecutes violators. It also funds programs such as family life
education counseling, a hot line service, temporary housing, legal aid, and chilcl pro-
tective services.
Many women do not seek help when subjected to violence; it goes unreported be-
cause of cultural factors and inadequate information about available assistance and
resources. To address this, the Government set up a working group on battered
751
spouses in 1995; crafted multidisciplinary procedural guidelines on handling bat-
tered spouse cases in 1996; and initiated public education and media programs. A
statistical information system began in April to collect data on battered spouse cases
from concerned departments and NGO's. Women's action groups continue to urge
better legal protection for battered wives. A total of 334 new battered spouse cases
were handled by the Social Welfare Department and NGO's in 1996.
The general incidence of rape is low. There were 100 cases in 1994, 103 in 1995,
86 in 1996, and 56 from January to September.
Women have faced significant discrimination in employment, salary, welfare, in-
heritance, and promotion (see Section 6.e.). An October survey found that although
most employers no longer specify sex in recruitment advertising, they often reject
applicants of both sexes based on job stereotypes. According to government statistics
for 1996, unemployment in all age groups among female workers was lower than
for male workers. As a result of 1994 revisions to traditional inheritance statutes,
the law treats men and women equally in inheritance matters.
During 1991-95, the number of female secondary student candidates who took
university advanced-level examinations accounted for between 51 and 55 percent of
the total, and the number of female candidates who matriculated at universities ac-
counted for between 52 and 56 percent of all matriculating candidates. Women are
also entering fields such as medicine in greater numbers; at the University of Hong
Kong, the proportion of female medical students in 1996-97 was 41 percent, up from
32 percent the year before, although there continued to be few women in specialties
like surgery.
Children. — The Government is firmly committed to children's rights and welfare
through well-fijnded systems of public education, medical care, and protective serv-
ices. It supports programs for custody, protection, day care, foster care, shelters,
small group homes, and assistance to families.
Child abuse and exploitation have not been considered widespread. However, the
Government said in 1996 that the number of child abuse cases had almost doubled
in 2 years. In 1995 the police set up a child abuse investigation unit to improve
treatment of victims, and legislation was passed making it easier for abused chil-
dren to testify in court. Legal penalties for mistreatment or neglect of minors were
also substantially increased. In 1996 the Government set up an interviewing suite
for recording statements in a child-friendly environment and adopted multidisci-
{)linary measures for child sexual abuse cases. A witness support program was also
aunched in 1996 to help child witnesses in need. A child witness information kit
in Chinese, with books explaining legal and court proceedings was published in
April to help reduce anxiety, and a Child Care Center Bill was passed in May to
prevent unsuitable persons from providing child care services and to facilitate the
formation of mutual help child care groups.
People With Disabilities. — Advocacy groups claim that discrimination against the
physically and mentally disabled persists in employment, education, and the provi-
sion of some state services. Access to public buildings and transportation is a prob-
lem; a spot survey in 1996 found that of 20 footbridges, only 3 had ramps on both
sides, and that of 100 commercial buildings, half had inadequate facilities. Advo-
cates have urged the Government to do more to encourage greater public acceptance
of the physically and mentally disabled. The Government has been responsive, pur-
suing programs to promote public awareness. The 1995 Antidiscrimination Law
called for improved building access and sanctions against those who discriminate.
An amended buildings ordinance in 1997 updated design requirements. In October
the Government ordered a large shopping center to reinstate facilities for the dis-
abled after inspectors found handrails removed, a ramp blocked, and toilets locked.
The Government has also begun an integrated work extension program in sheltered
workshops, increased funding for the mentally disabled, expanded vocational assess-
ment and training, and conducted education programs on rehabilitation. There are
about 4,600 disabled persons employed as civil servants of a total civil service work
force of 184,638 — about 2.5 percent; there are approximately 9,000 disabled persons
in school of a total student population of 919,620— just under 1 percent. In 1997 the
Government started a special university admission scheme for the disabled.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Racial, sex, and class discrimination against
Filipino women, 136,000 of whom work under contract in Hong Kong, has been the
focus of news reports. In May the Asian Migrants' Coordinating Body, a newly
formed group representing Asian domestic workers, sought assurances of continued
protection for foreign workers' rights after the handover. The Chief Executive stated
that Filipino domestic workers would continue to be welcome members of Hong
Kong's work force, and no change in their status took place after reversion.
752
Ethnic Indians without Indian citizenship had been concerned about their future
nationality and right of abode status; however, the United Kingdom decided to issue
British citizenship and passports to several thousand stateless Hong Kong residents.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law provides for the right of association and the
right of workers to establish and join orcanizations of their own choosing. Trade
unions must be registered under the Trade Unions Ordinance. The basic pre-
condition for registration is a minimum of seven persons who serve in the same oc-
cupation. The Government does not discourage or impede the formation of unions.
During 1996, 22 new trade unions were registered. By the end of 1996, there were
552 trade unions: 535 employees' unions and 17 mixed organizations of employees
and employers. By year's end, over 22 percent of Hong Kong's 3.1 million salaried
employees and wage earners belonged to a labor organization.
Work stoppage and strikes are permitted. However, there are some restrictions
on this right for civil servants. In 1996 there were 17 strikes involving 1,763 woric-
ers. Even though employees have the freedom to strike and there is no legislative
prohibition of strikes, in practice, most workers must sign employment contracts
that typically state that walking off the job is a breach oi contract and can lead to
summary dismissal.
To date. Hong Kong has amended labor legislation and taken administrative
measures to apply 49 International Labor Organization (ILO) conventions. In the
Basic Law, China committed to adhere to these conventions.
Labor unions may form federations and confederations. In the past such afliliation
could not be cross-industry in scope. However, on October 29, the Provisional Legis-
lature passed a government-proposed legislative amendment lifting that prohibition.
Unions may affiliate with international bodies, although limitations exist. A bill
passed in the final days of the prereversion legislature removed a long-standing re-
quirement that unions must seek the Government's approval prior to aifiliating with
foreign organizations. However, the Provisional Legislature on October 29 passed
government-proposed amendments requiring unions to notify the Labor Depart-
ment's Registrar of Trade Unions within 1 month of joining a foreign labor organiza-
tion and to seek approval of the majority of their voting members before establish-
ing links to foreign labor organizations. The amendments also require that a union
first receive the approval of the Chief Executive before becoming a member of a for-
eign organization other than those for workers, employers and relevant professional
organizations. Finally, the amendments require that labor unions obtain the Chief
Executive's approval to contribute or donate funds to any trade union outside of
HongKong and prohibit the use of trade union funds for political purposes.
h.The night to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The ILO Convention on the
Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively has been applied to Hong Kong without
modification since 1975. Labor union representatives in the prehandover legislature
sought, shortly before the handover, to make collective bargaining — not a statutory
requirement under the convention — and related practices in Hong Kong a right of
labor unions for the first time, by passing an ordinance requiring that unions rep-
resenting 15 percent or more of a company's total work force in companies with over
50 employees have a right to collective bargaining procedures.
On October 29, the Provisional Legislature passed government-sponsored legisla-
tion to repeal the ordinance, which it arcued was not conducive to industrial har-
mony and was hastily passed without adequate consultation with affected parties.
The ILO has warned that it would look into any formal complaints lodged by union
members over government actions to repeal or amend collective bargaining and
other labor laws. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions also criti-
cized the Government's actions.
With the repeal of the short-lived collective bargaining legislation, the
prehandover framework continued: There were no laws that stipulated collective
bargaining on a mandatory basis. Wage rates in a few trades like tailoring and car-
pentry were determined collectively in accordance with established trade practices
and customs rather than as a statutory mechanism.
In practice, collective bargaining is not widely practiced. Unions generally are not
powerful enough to force management to engage in collective bargaining. The Gov-
ernment does not encourage it, since the Government itself does not engage in col-
lective bargaining with civil servant" unions but merely "consults" with them. Free
nonbinding conciliation services are afforded by the Labor Relations Division of the
Department of Labor to employers and employees involved in disputes that may in-
volve statutory benefits ana protection in employment as well as arrears of wages,
wages instead of notice or severance pay. The Department of Labor takes a positive
attitude towards the participation of trade unions in such dispute negotiations. In
753
1996 the Labor Relations Division handled 226 trade disputes and 22,840 claims,
more than half of which arose from termination of contract or dismissal cases. About
65 percent of these trade disputes and claims were settled through conciliation by
the Labor Relations Division.
The Employment Ordinance includes provisions protecting against antiunion dis-
crimination. Employees who allege such discrimination have the right to have their
cases heard by tne Department of Labor's Labor Relations Division. Violation of the
antiunion discrimination provisions is a criminal offense carrying a maximum fine
of $2,564. However, employers are not required to reinstate or compensate employ-
ees.
Another law passed by the prereversion legislature shortly before it was dis-
banded sought to strengthen the antidiscrimination clauses within the Employment
Ordinance. On October 29, however, the Provisional Legislature passed a govern-
ment-proposed bill to repeal the measure. The Government argued that existing law
alreatty offered adequate protection against unfair dismissal arising from antiunion
discrimination.
Critics also point to a lack of protection for over 164,000 Filipino, Thai, Indo-
nesian, and other foreign national domestic workers who face deportation if dis-
missed by their employers and are thus vulnerable to abuse.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The use of forced labor is prohib-
ited in the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance. While this legislation does not spe-
cifically prohibit forced or bonded labor by children, there are no reports of such
practices in Hong Kong.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Em-
ployment of Children Regulations prohibit employment of children under the age of
15 in any industrial establishment. Children 13 and 14 years of age may be em-
ployed in certain nonindustrial establishments, subject to conditions aimed at ensur-
ing a minimum of 9 years' education and protecting their safety, health, and wel-
fare. In 1996 the Labor Department conducted 115,877 inspections of industrial
workplaces and only 5 cases of underage workers were discovered. A total of 33,892
inspections of nonindustrial workplaces uncovered only 11 cases of child employ-
ment. While provisions against forced or compulsory labor do not specifically refer
to children, such practices appear not to exist (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no statutory minimum wage except
for foreign domestic workers. As of December 1996, the minimum wage for such
workers is about $500 (HK$ 3,860) a month. Because the law also requires employ-
ers to provide foreign domestic workers with housing, worker's compensation insur-
ance, travel allowances, and meals or a meal allowance in addition to the minimum
wage, foreign domestic workers have a decent standard of living.
Aside from a small number of trades where a uniform wage structure exists, wage
levels are customarily fixed by individual agreement between employer and em-
ployee and are determined by supply and demand. Some employers provide workers
with various kinds of allowances, free medical treatment and free subsidized trans-
port.
In order to comply with provisions in the Sex Discrimination Ordinance, as of
mid-July provisions in the Women and Young Persons (Industry) Regulations that
had prohioited women from joining dangerous industrial trades and limited their
workmg hours, including compulsory weekly rest days, were dropped. Work hours
for young people 15 to 17 years of age in the manufacturing sector remain limited
to 8 per day and 48 per week between 6 a.m. and 11 p.m. Overtime is prohibited
for all persons under the age of 18 in industrial establishments. Employment in
dangerous trades is prohibited for youths except in the case of males 16 to 17 years
of age. The Labor Inspectorate conducts workplace inspections to enforce compliance
with these regulations.
Hong Kongs Factory Inspectorate Division was restructured in May 1996 as part
of a government effort to strengthen its safety and health promotion and enforce-
ment program. The new division — part of a new occupational safety and health
branch of the Labor Department — comprises four units: An operations division cov-
ering field services such as safety and health advice; a support services division re-
sponsible for technical support services; a planning and training division; and a
legal services division charged with processing and conducting prosecutions.
The Factories and Industrial Undertakings Ordinance and its 27 sets of subsidi-
ary regulations regulate safety and health conditions. The Labor Department con-
ducted nearly 150,000 inspections of industrial and nonindustrial workplaces in
1996 as part of its enforcement efforts. In 1996 a total of 40,251 industrial accidents
were reported, of which 66 were fatal. Employers are required under the Employee's
Compensation Ordinance to report any mjuries sustained by their employees in
754
work-related accidents. There is no specific legal provision allowing workers to re-
move themselves from dangerous work situations without jeopardy to continued em-
ployment.
TAIWAN
With the popular election of President Lee Teng-hui in 1996, Taiwan completed
its transition to an open, democratic system. Lee, who is also the Chairman of the
Nationalist Party (KMT), appoints the Premier, who heads the Executive Yuan
(EY), or cabinet. Constitutional amendments adopted in July provided the Legisla-
tive Yuan (LY) with the authority to bring down the Cabinet with a no confidence
vote and removed the previous power of the LY to confirm the appointment of the
Premier. The current LY members were elected in a free and fair election in 1995.
While the ruling KMT remains the single most powerful political force, it now holds
only a razor-thin majority in the LY, where two opposition parties play increasingly
significant roles. The Juaicial Yuan (JY) is constitutionally independent of the other
branches of the political system, but corruption and political influence remain seri-
ous problems.
The National Police Administration (NPA) of the Ministry of Interior (MOD, the
NPA's Criminal Investigation Bureau, and the Ministry of Justice (MOJ) Investijga-
tion Bureau are responsible for law enforcement relating to internal security. The
police and security agencies are under effective civilian control. Some members of
the fwlice occasionally committed human rights abuses.
Taiwan has a dynamic, export-oriented, free-market economy. Liberalization of
the economy has undercut the dominant role that state-owned and party-run enter-
prises had plaved in such major sectors as finance, transportation, utilities, ship-
building, steel, telecommunications, and petrochemicals. As the economy has
evolved, services and capital- and technology-intensive industries have become the
most important sectors. Major exports include computers, electronic equipment, ma-
chinery, and textiles. Citizens generally enjoy a high standard of living and an equi-
table income distribution.
The authorities generally respect human rights; however, occasional problems re-
main in some areas. Principal problems include police abuse of detainees; physical
abuse of military inductees, which appears to be declining; prison overcrowaing; po-
litical and personal pressures on the judiciary; some restrictions on freedom of as-
sembly and association; discrimination and violence against women; child prostitu-
tion and abuse; restrictions on workers' freedom of association and on their ability
to strike. The authorities are also increasingly resorting to use of the libel law, ap-
parently to deter criticism of senior leaders.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution does not directly address the issues of torture and punishment.
The Code of Criminal Conduct, however, stipulates that no violence, threat, induce-
ment, fraud, or other improper means shall be used against accused persons. How-
ever, there were credible reports that police occasionally physically abused persons
in their custody. The law allows suspects to have attorneys present during interro-
gations, primarily to ensure that abuse does not take place (see Section l.d.). The
MOJ says that each interrogation is recorded and that any allegation of mistreat-
ment is investigated. Lawyers and legal scholars note that abuses most often occur
in local police stations where interrogations are not recorded and when attorneys
are often not present. Informed observers note that police forces emphasize the con-
fession of suspects as the principal investigative tool. Law enforcement agencies re-
main weak in scientific investigative skills so that, when political leaders demand
that cases be solved, there is pressure on the police to coerce confessions. Inter-
national observers have also noted that the judicial system sometimes accepts such
confessions even when they contradict available physical evidence or logic. The Na-
tional Police Administration denies that abuse of suspects by police takes place. It
asserts that regulations forbid such abuse and that any member of the police force
who abused suspects would be punished for doing so. Nevertheless, there are credi-
ble reports that the physical abuse of prisoners is a common investigative technique.
755
Detainees who are physically abused have the right to sue the police for torture,
and confessions shown to have been obtained through torture are inadmissible in
court proceedings. There were no such suits reported during the year.
TTie authorities state that they have made efforts to investigate, prosecute, and
punish officials responsible for torture and other mistreatment. Although the basic
responsibility for investigating mistreatment lies with prosecutors, the Control Yuan
(CY), a coequal branch of the poHtical system that investigates official misconduct,
also investigates such cases. The Control Yuan President complained that his
branch lacked the authority to do its job properlv. Human rights groups point to
the almost total lack of human rights training in the education of police officers and
security personnel. They believe that the measures that the authorities have taken
to protect human rights are not sustainable in the long term without the creation
of an ethos of respect for human rights in these institutions. Women's and children's
rights groups are active in monitoring police and judicial performance and periodi-
cally mount campaigns to correct abuses.
Although corporal punishment is forbidden under military law, there continued to
be reports of serious physical abuse of military personnel. The Ministry of National
Defense has addressed these complaints by promulgating regulations specifying the
appropriate treatment of lower ranking personnel and by conducting regular polls
of servicemen to discover any abuse. Ine authorities have also estaolished a tele-
6 hone hot line to report alleged abuses within the military. The Ministry of National
lefense has attributed some of the blame for abuse of recruits to a supposed soften-
ing of youth by modem life, which supposedly makes them less capable of accepting
the rigors of combat training. However, the Ministry also has recognized that some
trainers have used inappropriate methods to address these supposed deficiencies. In
order to standardize, rationalize, and make transparent the military basic training
program, the Ministry appointed professional researchers to design practical train-
ing and curriculums for all military personnel who have contact with new recruits.
Pressure from parents of recruits and a program to retain recruits have also contrib-
uted to an apparent reduction in the incidence of abuses.
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards. However,
overcrowding at the 45 prisons and detention centers remained a problem despite
the addition of one new facility and a 1994 Criminal Code amendment allowing pris-
oners to be paroled after serving one-third, rather than one-half of their sentences.
The 55,701 inmates detained as of November exceeded the facilities planned capac-
ity by 10,981. According to the MOJ, the number of prisoners has grown rapidly in
recent years because oi increased arrests of narcotics law violators. These violators
now make up more than 50 percent of the overall inmate population. The MOJ has
set up drug treatment facilities to reduce the number of addicts in the prison popu-
lation. Conditions in illegal immigrant detention centers are poor (see Section 2.d.).
The authorities permit visits by human rights group monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest and
detention, and the authorities generally observe this prohibition. Police legally may
arrest without a warrant anyone they suspect of committing a crime for which the
punishment would be imprisonment of 5 years or more and may question persons
without a formal summons. However, the authorities must, within 24 hours after
detention, give written notice to the detainee or a designated relative or friend, stat-
ing the reason for the arrest or questioning. Indicted persons may be released on
bail at judicial discretion.
The Criminal Procedure Code specifies that the authorities may detain a suspect
for up to 2 months during the investigative phase before filing a formal indictment.
The court may extend the investigative detention for an additional 2-month period.
A suspect may be held for up to 3 months during trial proceedings, and the court
may extend the trial detention for two additional 3-month periods. The authorities
generally have followed these procedures, and trials usually take place within 3
months of indictment.
The authorities generally respect a detainee's request to have a lawyer present
during the investigation phase, out defense lawyers continue to complain that peo-
ple often are not advised of their right to have legal representation during police
interrogation. While there is no legal requirement that the police advise suspects
of their ridit to counsel, arresting officers' checklists do provide for such notifica-
tion. The National Police Administration (NPA) says that the form a suspect signs
at the conclusion of interrogation includes a question as to whether the suspect
wishes legal representation. The NPA asserts tnat, under police procedure, a sus-
pect cannot be formally charged unless this form is signed. There is no legal require-
ment that indigent people be provided counsel during police interrogation, although
such counsel is provided during trials. Informed observers report that the "public
defense counsels' do not provide effective defense assistance. They are frequently
756
not fiillv qualified lawyers, they typically do not appear until the final debate hear-
ing of the trial, and they seldom spend a significant amount of time discussing the
case with their clients.
The "Antihoodlum" Law of 1985 was a departure from international standards of
due process in that it included a secret witness system that allowed police to con-
duct "sweeps" of suspected "hoodlums" and to use the testimony of unidentified in-
formants in detaining the suspects. Lawyers for the alleged hoodlums were not per-
mitted to cross-examine these informants. While defense lawyers have been given
the right to examine documentary evidence, critics charge that evidence in these
cases was ofl^n weak or fabricatea. In 1995, however, the Council of Grand Justices
(CGJ) declared unconstitutional the administrative procedures that had been used
to sentence hoodlums to reformatory education. The authorities have drafted new
antigang legislation, which is under consideration by the LY. This new legislation
requu^s that "secret" witnesses must testify openly but provides procedures for
their subsequent protection, "in exceptional cases."
The authorities do not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary and for equality before the law. In the past, some observers have characterized
the judiciary as not fully independent and as susceptible to political and personal
pressure and influence.
The Judicial Yuan is one of the five coequal branches of the political system. The
JY is headed by a president and a vice president and also contains the 16-member
Council of Grand Justices (CGJ), which interprets the Constitution as well as laws
and ordinances. Subordinate JY organs include the Supreme Court, high courts, dis-
trict courts, the Administrative Court, and the Committee on the Discipline of Pub-
lic Functionaries.
Dissatisfaction exists among judges and others about the slowness of strengthen-
ing the rule of law. Corruption within the judiciary remains a problem. During the
year, there were a number of indictments of judges for accepting bribes in exchange
for favorable judgments. In December 1996, the Judicial Yuan President invited
legal scholars to study and to recommend measures for judicial reform. In January
the Judicial Yuan, as a first step in the reform process, revoked the previous proce-
dure ^whereby the decisions of junior judges were automatically reviewed by senior
judges. A number of additional steps to improve judicial performance were also un-
dertaken, including promulgating a "judges code' and setting up evaluation teams
of independent scholars to examine judicial performance. However, investigative ef-
forts apparently have concentrated on people outside the judicial system who falsely
claim that they are able to influence judges in order to defraud defendants. A num-
ber of judges have called for even more significant changes, and a nongovernmental
judicial reiorm foundation, consisting of lawyers, legal scholars, and legislators, was
established in March to promote anamonitor the reform process.
The law provides for the right of fair public trial, and this is generally respected
in practice. Judges, rather than juries, decide trials, and all judges are appointed
by, and responsible to, the JY. In a typical court case, parties and witnesses are
interrogated by a single judge but not directly by a defense attorney or prosecutor.
The judge may decline to hear witnesses or to consider evidence a party wishes to
submit if the judge considers it irrelevant; refusal to hear evidence may be a factor
in an appeal. Trials are public, but attendance at trials involving juveniles or poten-
tially sensitive issues that might attract crowds may require court permission. In
addition, as the result of a CGJ ruling, legislation was passed in December giving
judges the sole authority to order pretrial detention of suspects, a power previously
shared by prosecutors.
A defendant has the right to an attorney. If the defendant is suspected of commit-
ting a crime for which the penalty is 3 or more years' imprisonment or if the defend-
ant is disabled, the judge may assign an attorney. A law passed in December states
that a suspect may not be compelled to testify. The Code of Criminal Procedure
states that a confession shall not be the sole evidence used to find a defendant
guilty; this requirement itself is not strictly enforced, with convictions frequently re-
sulting from a combination of a confession and circumstantial evidence of varying
Duality. Any convicted person has the right to appeal to the next higher court level,
'ersons sentenced to terms of imprisonment of 3 years or more may appeal beyond
that level. The Supreme Court automatically reviews life imprisonment and
deathsentences. Under the law, prosecutors have the right to appeal verdicts of not
guilty.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution and sections of the Criminal and Civil Codes contain provisions pro-
tecting privacy. A warrant, issued by a prosecutor or a judge, must be obtained be-
757
fore a search, except when "incidental to arrest." Critics, however, claim that the
incidental to arrest provision is not only unconstitutional but often interpreted
broadly by police to justify searches of locations other than actual arrest sites. More-
over, police continue to search cars routinely at roadblocks. According to the Na-
tional Police Administration, warrantless searches are allowed only in special cir-
cumstances, such as to arrest an escapee or if facts indicate a person is in the proc-
ess of committing a crime. In any such case, the police must file a report with the
prosecutor or court within 24 hours. A policeman who carries out an illegal search
may be sued for illegal entry and sentenced to up to 1 year's imprisonment. Few
prosecutors or judges did in fact file charges against policemen found to have ob-
tained evidence illegally. Furthermore, such evidence is not automatically excluded
from consideration by the court; instead, its admission is left to the discretion of the
judge. More often than not, such evidence is admitted and frequently provides the
basis for conviction.
According to Executive Yuan regulations, judicial and security authorities may file
a written request to a prosecutors office to monitor telephone calls to collect evi-
dence against a suspect involved in a major crime. However, according to the Con-
stitution, permission for telephone tapping and other such interference with privacy
of communications must be granted according to law, rather than by administrative
regulation.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the authorities generally respect these rights in practice. Al-
though these rights are formally circumscribed by a statute prohibiting advocacy of
communism or division of national territory, these provisions are not enforced in
practice.
Print media represent the full spectrum of views within society. Residual political
influence, however, still exists over the electronic media, particularly television sta-
tions. The KMT, the Taiwan Provincial Government, and the military continue to
be the largest shareholders in three island-wide broadcast television stations. Al-
though considerable progress has been made toward loosening KMT control of the
broadcast media, some critics still claim that coverage on these three stations has
been biased in favor of the KMT and against opposition parties. A fourth island-
wide broadcast television station, based in Kaohsiung and associated with the larg-
est opposition party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), opened in June. The
opemng of this station, known as Formosa Television, eliminated the KMT's monop-
oly of broadcast television and represents a significant move toward more complete
media independence. In any event, the proliferation of cable television stations,
some of which carry programming openly hostile to the ruling party, has greatly di-
minished the importance of KMT control over three of the four broadcast television
stations. Over 70 percent of households receive cable television, which includes local,
privately financed channels, as well as many major international networks. Several
mainland Chinese and Japanese channels are also widely carried on cable.
Controls over radio stations were more limited than those over television stations
and are being further liberalized. From 1993 to November 1997, the Government
Information Office (GIO) received 529 applications for radio broadcast frequencies.
A total of 169 freqpencies were made available and 118 of these were apportioned;
of the 51 still available, many are in remote areas. Many of the newly authorized
radio stations, however, have limited broadcast ranges, leading critics to charge that
the stations do not constitute a genuine counterweight to the authorities' monopoly
on island-wide radio broadcasting.
Observers have noted that licensing requirements oblige prospective radio station
owners to have more capital than is required to actually operate a station. This in
itself inhibits individuals or groups from applying for radio station licenses. There
are reportedly over one hundred unlicensed 'Kinderground" radio stations, many as-
sociated with opposition parties, operating illegally.
In 1992 the authorities revised sedition statutes to limit the purview of the Sedi-
tion Law and the National Security Law (NSL) and to remove prohibitions on "ac-
tions against the Constitution." However, the NSL and related statutes such as the
Civic Organizations Law and the Parade and Assembly Law still retain prohibitions
against advocating communism or espxjusing the division of national territory, even
though these provisions are no longer enforced in practice.
During the year there were three cases in which senior leaders charged publica-
tions witn Hbel. Liu Tai-ying, the Chairman of the ruling KMT's party-owned enter-
prises, sued Yazhou Zhoukan (Asiaweek) magazine and two of its employees for libel
for reporting that he had considered making a political donation to the campaign
of an American presidential candidate. In this case, the court ruled in favor of the
758
defendants. In another case, Tsai Chao-yang, the Minister Transportation and Com-
munications, sued a local magazine. Business Week, for alleging that he had spent
a large amount of public money renovating his residence. The court ruled that the
magazine's editor and reporter could not prove the accuracy of their story and sen-
tenced them to 4 and 5 months' incarceration respectively. In a third case, the head
of the National Security Bureau (NSB), Yin Tsung-wen, sued a Taipei newspaper
for reporting that he had ordered his agents to tap the telephones of National As-
sembly delegates who were protesting a proposed constitutional change. After the
newspaper printed a retraction, the NSB Director dropped his suit. To date, these
libel actions do not appear to have lessened the vigor witn which the media question
the actions of Taiwan's leaders.
There is a vigorous and active free press despite the Publications Law, which em-
powers the police to seize or ban printed material that is seditious, treasonous, sac-
rilegious, interferes with the lawful exercise of public functions, or violates public
order or morals. There were no reports of censorship of the print media during the
year, nor were there any seizures of materials on political grounds. The police do
sometimes conduct raids to seize pornographic materials.
The Government Information Office (GrlO) has demanded that any publications
imported from mainland China be sent to the GIO Publications Department for
screening before sale or publication in Taiwan. The GIO still seeks to ban the impor-
tation of publications that advocate communism or the establishment of united front
organizations, endanger public order or good morals, or violate regulations or laws.
However, few local publishing companies observe this regulation, and substantial
People's Republic of China-origin material is imported every year. Moreover, cable
television systems broadcast uncensored television channels from mainland China.
Among other restrictions regulating the media are those precluding people pre-
viously convicted of sedition from owning, managing, or working in television and
radio stations. Major opposition leaders, many of whom were convicted of sedition
after the December 1979 Kaohsiung incident, are nevertheless not affected because
their rights were restored through presidential amnesties.
There are few restrictions on academic freedom. The expression of dissenting po-
litical views is common.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, but the authorities restrict this right somewhat in practice.
The Parade and Assembly Law permits peaceful demonstrations as long as they do
not promote communism or advocate Taiwan's separation from mainland China and
are approved in advance by the police department in the locality of the demonstra-
tion. In practice the authorities do not interfere with demonstrators advocating
independence for Taiwan. In 1996 the authorities indicted a telecommunications
union leader, Chang Shi-chung, under the Parade and Assembly Law as a result
of a peaceful demonstration, which authorities charged was excessively noisy, held
outside the Legislative Yuan in January (see Section 6. a.). Two Aborigine dem-
onstrators, who were prosecuted under the law for an unauthorized demonstration
in 1995, served 1-year jail sentences. One of them, Lin Wen-hsiung, now works at
the Executive Yuan's Aboriginal Affairs Commission. Of the four senior leaders of
the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) who were prosecuted for leading
unauthorized demonstrations in 1992, two have paid a fine, one — a current LY
Member — served 41 days in jail, and the case of the fourth remains unresolved as
he has so far declined either to pay his fine or go to jail.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, but the authorities also re-
strict this right somewhat in practice. The Civic Organization Law requires all civic
organizations to register; however, the central authorities have refused to approve
registration of some groups — such as the Taiwan Association for Human Rights
(TAHR), the Taiwan Association of University Professors, and the Taiwan Environ-
mental Protection Alliance — which use the word "Taiwan" in their titles (a usage
that some authorities still frown on as promoting Taiwan independence). The au-
thorities note that the Civic Organization Law requires that the name of a civic or-
f[anization must correspond to the administrative district it covers; i.e., the "Repub-
ic of China" for island-wide organizations. The lack of registration entails some in-
convenience to the operations oT these groups. For example, they may not solicit do-
nations from the public, and contributors may not take income tax deductions for
their contributions. Nonetheless, they operate actively, freely, and efTectively. In
1997 the Taiwan Association for Human Kights registered with the DPP-led Taipei
city government, which does not impose such restrictions on the use of the word
"Taiwan." The registration removes most of the legal impediments but raises as yet
unanswered questions about the legality of the group's operations, such as fundrais-
ing, outside oi Taipei.
759
A 1992 revision of the Civic Organization Law removed from the Executive Yuan
the power to dissolve political parties. This power now resides in the Constitutional
Court. Grounds for dissolution include objectives or actions that are deemed to jeop-
ardize the existence of the "Republic of China." The Constitutional Court heard no
cases under this law in 1997.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
authorities respect tnis right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The authorities do not restrict freedom of internal travel. Foreign travel
Dy Taiwan passport holders is common.
Nonresident Taiwan passport holders are usually issued "overseas Chinese" pass-
ports and must seek entry permits for travel to Taiwan. According to 1992 revisions
to the National Security Law, entry permits may be refused only if there are facts
sufficient to create a strong suspicion that a person is engaged in terrorism or vio-
lence. Reasons for entry and exit refusals must be given, and appeals may be made
to a special board. No exit or entry permit refusals were reported during 1997. In
1993 new measures provided that holders of Taiwan passports who normally reside
abroad may return and regain their household registration, a document required to
vote or participate as a candidate in an election.
Since 1988 Taiwan has substantially relaxed strictures against travel by Taiwan
residents to the Chinese mainland, and such travel is common. Relatively tight re-
strictions on the entry of Chinese from the mainland remain in force.
There is no law under which noncitizens may ask for asylum, and there were no
applications for refugee status in 1997. While the authorities have been reluctant
to return to the mainland those who might suffer political persecution there, they
regularly deport to the mainland, under provisions of the Mainland Relations Act,
mainlanders who illegally enter the island for economic reasons. In July the authori-
ties returned to mainland China two hijackers of People's Republic of China nation-
ality who had completed sentences imposed by Taiwan courts. There were no reports
of forced return of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Conditions at detention camps for illegal immigrants (most from mainland China)
continued to be criticized by local media. The Entry and Exit Bureau admitted that
the three detention camps are overcrowded but blamed mainland Chinese authori-
ties, who insist on extensive background checks, for delays in accepting the timely
repatriation of illegal immigrants.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have this right. In 1996 Taiwan for the first time carried out the direct,
popular election of its president, thus completing its transition to a democratic,
multiparty political system. The transition began with the lifting of martial law in
1987. After generally free and fair popular elections for the LY in 1992, the second
direct election of all LY members took place in December 1995. Previously, the
President and Vice President had been indirectly elected by the National Assembly
(NA), which now stands for popular election every 4 years and is charged mainly
with amending the Constitution.
The KMT remains the largest political party, with 2 million members, although
voters gave it only a slim majority in the December 1995 elections for the LY. The
KMT holds only 80 of the 157 seats in the legislature. The Democratic Progressive
Party, which traditionally had advocated independence for Taiwan and has an esti-
mated 140,000 members, controls 45 LY seats. It won 12 of 23 mayor and county
magistrate posts in November, including that of Taipei County. Since the DPP al-
ready held the mayoralty of Taipei municipality, 72 percent oi Taiwan's population
was living in DPP-led localities at year's end. The New Party was established in
1993 by younger KMT members who opposed the Party's domination by "main-
stream ethnic Taiwanese supporters of President and Party Chairman Lee Teng-
hui. The New Party has 19 seats in the LY and claims a membership of 86,000.
The KMT benefits from its ownership of the major television channels and of en-
terprises and business holdings estimated to be worth in excess of $6 billion, and
from the fact that its members still hold most key positions in the political system,
sometimes concurrently with important party positions. In recent years, opposition
parties have grown rapidly, however, and freely contest elections, criticize the au-
thorities, and infiuence national policy through the legislative process. In 1994 a
member of the DPP was elected mayor of Taipei, a position that makes him a mem-
ber of the Cabinet.
The Constitution provides for equal rights for women, but their role in politics,
while increasing, remains limited. Nevertheless, a number of women hold senior ad-
ministrative and KMT positions, including Minister of Interior Yeh Ching-feng, Min-
760
ister without Portfolio and KMT Central Standing Committee (CSC) member Shir-
ley Kuo (a former Finance Minister), CSC member Hou Tsai-feng, and one major
general in the armed forces. In addition, 22 of 157 LY members, 61 of 334 National
Assembly members, 16 of 79 Provincial Assembly members, 2 of 26 Control Yuan
members, and 255 of 1,300 judges are women.
Aborigine representatives participate in most levels of the political system, par-
tially tlm)ugh 6 reserved seats in the NA and LY and 2 seats in the Provincial As-
sembly— half of each elected by the plains Aborigines and half by mountain Aborig-
ines. An Aborigine serves as Chairman of the Aboriginal Affairs Commission. The
magistrate of Taitung County is an Aborigine first elected in 1993 and reelected in
1997.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The principal human rights organizations are the establishment-oriented Chinese
Association of Human Rights (CAHR) and the opposition-aligned Taiwan Associa-
tion for Human Rights (TAHR). Coordination between the two bodies is limited. De-
spite the authorities' refusal to register it (see Section 2.b.), the TAHR operates free-
ly. Both organizations investigate human rights complaints, many of which come to
public attention through the media and statements by lawmakers from all political
parties. The authorities permit representatives of international human rights orga-
nizations to visit and meet with citizens freely. Women's and children s human
rights groups monitor police and judicial performance and campaign to correct
abuses (see Section I.e.).
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for ecruality of citizens before the law "irrespective of
sex, religion, race, class, or party aifiliation." Constitutional amendments enacted in
July also provide for the rights of disabled persons. While the authorities are com-
mitted to protecting these rights, some areas of discrimination continue to exist.
Women. — Violence against women, including domestic violence and rape, remains
a serious problem. Wife beating is especially widespread. The DPP Women's Devel-
opment Cfommittee claimed that 35 percent of married women were victims of
spousal abuse. The authorities have funded domestic violence hot lines, which have
handled some 17,000 cases over the past decade. According to the law, a prosecutor
may not investigate domestic violence cases until a spouse files a formal lawsuit.
Although some cases are prosecuted, strong social pressure discourages abused
women from reporting incidents to the police in order to avoid disgracing their fami-
lies. Rape also remains a serious probfem, and its victims are socially stigmatized.
One expert estimates that 7,000 rapes occur annually — 10 times the number re-
ported to the police. Because rape trials are public, women have been reluctant to
Srosecute their attackers. Support from feminist and social welfare organizations,
owever, has made victims more willing to come forward and press charges. Under
the law, the authorities may not prosecute for rape without the victim's formal com-
plaint. The Criminal Code establishes the punisnment for rape as not less than 5
years' imprisonment, and those convicted are usually sentenced to from 5 to 10
years in prison.
During the year, 1,140 persons were arrested for the crime of rape, 664 were in-
dicted, and 228 were convicted. In the other cases the charges were either dropped
for lack of evidence, or because the victim withdrew her complaint, or the cases
were still before the courts.
In May two massive demonstrations in Taipei protested the perceived deteriora-
tion of personal safety, with a particular emphasis on violence against women.
These demonstrations led to the resignations of several senior officials, including the
Minister of the Interior. The same month, the authorities created a supraministerial
commission charged with providing psychological assistance, legal counseling, voca-
tional training, and health care for women in need.
Prostitution, including coerced prostitution and child prostitution, is also a prob-
lem although there is little public concern about adult prostitution. When the police
discover illegal prostitution, the cases are prosecuted according to the Criminal
Code. However, under the 'Trostitute Management Regulations," prostitution is
legal in registered houses of prostitution in one section of Kaohsiung. In September
the Taipei municipal government ended legal prostitution in registered houses of
prostitution in specified areas of that city.
The law prohibits sex discrimination, and the LY has in recent years begun a sys-
tematic review and revision of those portions of the legal code relating to divorce,
property, and child custody. As a result, recent legislation has eliminated many dis-
761
criminatory sections of the code. In 1994 the CGJ declared unconstitutional a Civil
Code provision dating back to the 1930's that cave fathers priority in child custody
disputes. In 1996 the LY passed legislation that clarified a woman's right to her
own property. In 1997 the LY repealed legislation requiring that a chUd take the
father's name; the parents may now choose to give the child either the father's or
mother's family name.
There is no equal employment rights law, and enforcement of existing sex dis-
crimination laws remains a problem. Labor laws provide for maternity leave, but
employers do not always grant it. Women also have complained of being forced to
quit jobs upon marriage or because of age or pregnancy. Women often complain of
less frequent promotions and lower salanes than their male counterparts. According
to the Council on Labor Affairs, salaries for women average 85 percent of those for
men performing rou^ly equal jobs.
In the past, many women married to foreigners said that their husbands had a
more difficult time obtaining residency than the foreign wives of male citizens. They
also complained that their children were not allowed to enter public schools. In 1995
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced a relaxation of the regulations governing
foreign husbands' residence permits that allows the foreign husbands of citizens to
remain in Taiwan for 6 months at a time rather than the shorter periods granted
previously. The LY also passed new legislation permitting the children of foreign fa-
thers to attend public schools. However, the Citizenship Law continues to stipulate
that the transmission of citizenship may occur exclusively through the father. A citi-
zen mother with a foreign husband thus cannot apply for a Taiwan passport for her
child.
Children. — The Constitution has provisions to protect children's rights, and the
authorities are committed to supporting them. Education for children between 6 and
15 years of age is compulsory, and this rule is enforced. Children are also provided
health care under the national health insurance scheme.
Child abuse is a significant problem. The 1993 revision of the Child Welfare Act
mandates that any persons discovering cases of child abuse or neglect must notify
the police, social welfare, or child welfare authorities, that child welfare specialists
must do so within 24 hours, and that the authorities involved must issue an inves-
tigation report within 24 hours. Both the Ministry of Interior Social Affairs Depart-
ment and private organization specialists assert that these requirements are fol-
lowed.
Child prostitution is a serious problem involving between 40,000 and 60,000 chil-
dren, an estimated 5 percent of whom are Aborigines, according to reports by police
and social workers. Most child prostitutes range from 12 through 16 years of age.
The juvenile welfare law enables juvenile welfare bodies, prosecutors, and victims
to apply to courts for termination of guardianship of parents and the appointment
of qualified guardians if parents have forced their children into prostitution. If chil-
dren are engaged in prostitution of their own free will, and the parents are incapa-
ble of provimng safe custody, the courts may order competent authorities to provide
counseling for not less than 6 months and not more than 2 years. However, legal
loopholes and cultural barriers remain obstacles to enforcement. For example, if
botn parents have sold a child into prostitution, a problem associated mostly with
Aborigine families, the law requires the child to loage a complaint before prosecu-
tion is undertaken. In many cases, the child is reluctant or afraid to do so.
According to some reports, violence, drug addiction, and other forms of coercion
are used by brothel owners to prevent child prostitutes from escaping. In 1995 the
LY passed legislation providing for as much as 2 years' incarceration for customers
of prostitutes under the age of 18. The legislation also requires the publication of
the names of violators in newspapers. Several hundred persons have been arrested
under this law, and 146 were indicted; as yet none are known to have been con-
victed.
People With Disabilities. — The Disabled Welfare Law was revised and strength-
ened in 1990. It prohibits discrimination against the disabled and sets minimum
fines at approximately $2,400 for violators. Under these revisions, new public build-
ings, facilities, and transportation equipment must be accessible to tne disabled,
while existing public buildings were to be brought into conformity by 1995. Although
new buildings appear to meet many accessibility requirements, there does not as yet
appear to be substantial effort aimed at refitting older buildings to accommodate
disabled people.
A leading expert in the field estimates that the number of disabled is between
400,000 and 500,000— possibly as high as 700,000. One-third of the total are se-
verely disabled and receive shelter or nursing care from the authorities. The Dis-
abled Welfare Law requires large public and private organizations to hire disabled
persons equal to 2 and 1 percent of their work forces respectively. Organizations
762
failing to do so must pay, for each disabled person not hired, the basic monthly sal-
ary (approximately $570) into the Disabled Welfare Fund, which supports institu-
tions involved in welfare for the disabled. Many organizations complain that it is
diilicult to find qualified disabled workers, ana they appear to prefer to pay the
fines involved. The authorities have noted the impact of a traditional belief tnat the
disabled lack the abUitv to do real work.
Indigenous People. — ^Taiwan's only non-Chinese minority group consists of the Ab-
original descendants of Malayo-Polynesians already established in Taiwan when the
first Chinese settlers arrived. According to MOI statistics, there are 357,000 Aborig-
ines. More than 70 percent are Christian, while the dominant Han Chinese are
largelv Buddhist or Taoist. The civil and political richts of Aborigines are fully pro-
tected under law. The National Assembly amended the Constitution in 1992 and
again in July to upgrade the status of Aboriginal people, protect their right of politi-
cal participation, and ensure cultural, educational, and business development. In ad-
dition, the authorities have instituted social programs to help Aborigines assimilate
into tne dominant Chinese society. A new cabinet-level agency, the Aboriginal Af-
fairs Commission, was created, although critics noted that its budget was quite
small. As part of its efibrts to preserve ethnic identities, the Ministry of Education
now includes some Aboriginal-language classes in primary schools.
Although they face no official discrimination. Aborigines have had little impact,
over the years, on major decisions afiecting their lands, culture, traditions, ana the
allocation of their natural resources. In addition, they complain that they are pre-
vented from owning ancestral lands in mountain areas under the authorities' con-
trol, some of which have been designated as national parks or conservation areas.
Land rights remain a crucial issue for Aborigines, along with social discrimination,
educational under-achievement, low economic status, and high rates of alcoholism.
Some Aboriginal leaders have come to believe that only some form of autonomy can
preserve their land rights, which are constantly threatened by Han developers who
use connections and corruption to gain title to Aboriginal land. According to MOI
statistics, only about 50 percent of Aborigine children complete elementary school.
In the past. Aborigines were not allowed to use non-Chinese personal names on
legal documents, but this was changed by legislation in 1996.
The sale of Aboriginal girls into prostitution by their parents is a serious social
problem (see Children above). However, recent reports have indicated that in the
period from June 1994 to July 1995, the percentage of all arrested child prostitutes
who were of Aboriginal origin dropped from 15 percent to 5 percent. This reduction
may have come about due to intensive efforts on the part of social workers and non-
governmental organizations to combat the practice of selling female children into
prostitution.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — In 1995 the Judicial Yuan decided that the right to
organize trade unions is protected by the Constitution. But, until new legislation im-
plementing this decision is passed, teachers, civil servants, and defense industry
workers are still not permitted to form labor unions. Even with this ruling, there
are a number of laws and regulations limiting the right of association. Labor unions
may draw up their own rules and constitutions, but they must submit these to the
authorities for review. Unions may be dissolved if they do not meet certification re-
quirements or if their activities disturb public order. However, there were no in-
stances of the authorities dissolving local labor groups or denying new unions cer-
tification.
The Labor Union Law requires that union leaders be elected regularly by secret
ballot, and, in recent years, workers have sometimes rejected KMT or management-
endorsed union slates.
Unions may form confederations, but no administrative district, including a city,
county, or province, can have competing labor confederations. There is only one Tai-
wan-wide labor federation, the Chinese Federation of Labor (CFL) which is closely
associated with the ruling KMT. In August Lee Cheng-hung, Board Chairman of the
CFL, was elected to the KMT's Central Standing Committee.
The restriction on island-wide unions was challenged in 1994 when 12 unions
from state-run enterprises announced that they would withdraw from the CFL and
establish a new national federation of labor unions of state-run enterprises. The
Council of Labor Affairs (CLA) turned down their application, as well as the appeal
of that rejection. In the meantime, the trade unions have retained their seats in the
CFL. Twenty trade unions with a combined membership of 4,000 are affiliated as
the National Federation of Independent Trade Unionists. Although the affiliates are
legal, the Federation is considered illegal. In general, the drive for independent
labor unions has lost momentum in recent years due to the extremely low unem-
763
ployment rates, higher wages, the shift from manufacturing to service industries,
the small scale ana poor organization of most unions, and prosecution of labor activ-
ists by the authorities in the past.
The law governing labor disputes recognizes the right of unions to strike but im-
poses restrictions that make legal strikes difficult and seriously weaken collective
bai^aining. For example, the authorities require mediation oi labor/management
disputes when they deem the disputes to be sufficiently serious or to involve Unfair
practices." The law forbids both labor and management from disrupting the "work-
ing order" when either mediation or arbitration is in progress. The law mandates
stuT penalties for violations of no-strike/no-retaliation clauses. Employers in the past
sometimes ignored the law and dismissed or locked out workers without any legal
action being taken against them, althou^ there were no such cases reported in
1997. The CLA reported that from 1990 to August 1995, there were 31 strikes, of
which 22 involved workers at bus companies asking for increased pay and reduced
hours. There were no strikes recorded in 1996. One strike involving a pay dispute
at a trucking company occurred in July 1997.
In July Tseng Mao-hsing, a labor activist, was convicted of creating a public haz-
ard and sentenced to 22 months' incarceration. Tseng led 80 laid-ofi workers from
a garment factory to lie down on railroad tracks to demand severance pay. The 80
workers were sentenced to 4 years' imprisonment, but the sentences were suspended
subject to their subsequent good behavior.
Taiwan was expelled from the International Labor Organization in 1971 when the
People's Republic of China replaced Taiwan in the United Nations. The CFL is affili-
atea with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Except for the categories of
workers noted in Section 6. a., the I^bor Union Law and the Settlement of Labor
Disputes Law give workers the right to organize and bargain collectively. As of
March, some 3 million workers, approximately 32.1 percent of Taiwan's 9.4-million
person labor force, belonged to 3,706 registered labor unions.
Under the Labor Union Law, employers mav not refuse employment to, dismiss,
or otherwise unfairly treat workers because they are union members. In practice,
however, union leaders have sometimes been dismissed without reasonable cause by
employers, and observers point out that the law sets no specific penalties for viola-
tions. According to the illegal National Federation of Independent Trade Unionists,
over 400 trade unionists and supporters have been fired since Taiwan's labor move-
ment began to expand after the 1987 lifting of martial law. At least 20 trade union
officers were discharged by employers in 1997.
Tlie Collective Agreements Law provides for collective bargaining but does not
make it mandatory. Since such agreements are made only in large-scale enterprises,
and less than 5 percent of Taiwan's enterprises fall into this category, the propor-
tion of workers covered remains small. Employers set wages generally in accordance
with market conditions.
Firms in export processing zones are subject to the same laws regarding treat-
ment of labor unions as other firms and follow normal practices including collective
bai^aining agreements with their unions.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Standards Law pro-
hibits forced or compulsory labor. There were no reports of these practices, apart
from coerced prostitution (see Section 5). The law prohibits forced and bonded labor
by children, and the authorities generally enforce this prohibition effectively. How-
ever, some parents of Aboriginal children sell them into prostitution, and the re-
quirements of the law make prosecution difficult at times (see Section 5).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The au-
thorities prohibit forced and bonded child labor and generally enforce this prohibi-
tion effectively, although the sale of Aboriginal children into prostitution remains
a problem (see Section 6.c.). The Labor Standards Law stipulates age 15, after com-
pmsory education required by law ends, as the minimum age for employment. Coun-
ty and city labor bureaus enforce minimum age laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Standards Law (liSL) mandates
labor standards. According to the CLA, the law covers 3.6 million of Taiwan's 6.3
million salaried workers. The law is not well enforced in areas such as overtime
work and pay or retirement payments.
The CLA raised the minimum monthly wage by 3.13 percent to $485 (NT$ 15,840)
effective October 16. While sufficient in cheaper areas, this is less than what is
needed to assure a decent standard of living for a worker and family in metropolitan
areas such as Taipei. However, the average manufacturing wage is more than dou-
ble the legal minimum wage, and the average for service industry employees is even
higher. The law limits the workweek to 48 hours (8 hours per day, 6 days per week)
and requires 1 day off in every 7 days.
764
The 1991 Revised Occupational Safety and Health Law enlarged coverage to in-
clude workers in agriculture, fishing, and forestry industries and appeared to
strengthen penalties for safety violations. It nevertheless stiU provides oruy minimal
stanc&rds for woricing conditions and health and safety precautions. The Occupa-
tional Safety and Health Law gives workers the right to remove themselves from
dangerous woric situations without jeopardy to continued employment. Some critics,
however, see the law as a step backward; for example, they note that, under the
revised law, general contractors are not responsible for the safety of those working
for subcontractors.
The 1993 Labor Inspection Law was designed to strengthen the enforcement of
labor standards and health and safety regulations. It increased the number of enter-
prises and types of safety issues to be inspected; gave inspectors quasi-judicial pow-
ers; required pre-examination of dangerous workmg places such as naphtha-crack-
ing plants, pesticide factories, and firecracker factories; and raised penalties for vio-
lations. Critics allege that the CLA does not effectively enforce wontplace laws and
regulations because it employs too few inspectors. There are 212 inspectors for the
approximately 300,000 enterprises covered by the Occupational Safety and Health
Law. Because the new law expanded coverage to include more enterprises, the in-
spection rate actually declined. Since many enterprises are small, family-owned op-
erations employing relatives unlikely to report violations, actual adherence to the
hours, wage, and safety sections of various labor laws is hard to document but is
believed to be minimal in these smaller enterprises.
Because of an acute labor shortage, there has been a legal influx of foreign work-
ers in the last several years. The law stipulates that foreign workers who are em-
ployed legally receive the same protection as local workers. However, authorities say
that in many cases illegal foreign workers, many from Thailand and the Philippines,
receive board and lodging from their employers, but no medical coverage, accident
insurance, or other benefits enjoyed by citizens. In addition, observers say that con-
ditions in many small and medium-sized factories that employ illegal foreign labor
are dangerous, due to old and poorly maintained equipment. It was reported in May
that foreign workers employed in digging tunnels were discharged and returned to
their home countries witnout medical treatment when they exhibited the symptoms
of deconipression sickness, acquired from working in pressurized casements under-
ground. In contrast, following a September explosion, the media reported that Thai
workers would receive medical treatment and compensation for injuries suffered in
the accident equivalent to that received by citizens. Illegal foreign workers remain
even more vulnerable to exploitation, including confiscation of passports, imposition
of involuntary deductions from wages, and extension of working hours without over-
time pay. There are also occasional reports of mistreatment of legal foreign workers.
According to available statistics, there are almost 246,000 legal foreign workers, in-
cluding approximately 137,000 workers from Thailand and 95,000 workers from the
Philippines. The unemployment rate among citizens in mid-1997 was 2.6 percent,
leading the CLA to suggest relaxing restrictions on the number of foreign workers
entering Taiwan to allow an additional quota of 38,000 individuals.
FIJI
Fiji made significant progress in 1997 toward restoration of a more representative
and democratic government with the approval of an amended Constitution. The new
legislation, which incorporated the work of the independent Constitutional Review
Commission, was unanimously approved by both houses of Parliament and was
signed into law on July 25. The provisions that amend the 1990 Constitution en-
courage multiethnic government while protecting traditional Fijian values. Under
the amended Constitution, the Prime Minister and the President can be of any race,
and for the first time, in addition to the communally allocated seats, there will be
open seats not allocated to any racial community in the lower house. The judiciary
is independent.
The Constitution also includes a strengthened bill of rights and a compact de-
signed to protect the rights of all citizens. However, it preserves the paramountcy
oiindigenous Fijian interests which cannot be subordinated to the interests of other
communities. The new Constitution is to come into effect no later than July 28,
1998; it may take effect sooner once all implementing legislation is approved. Elec-
tions must take place no later than 1999.
The passage of this legislation, 10 years after two bloodless military coups, is ex-
pected to promote greater political stability. Nonetheless, ethnicity remains a domi-
nant factor in Fijian life and affects the country's politics, economy, and society. The
765
population is a multiracial, multicultural mix, with indigenous Fijians comprising
51 percent, Indo-Fijians around 42 percent, and Asians and Caucasians making up
the rest of the over 775,000 population. The racial divide is particularly evident in
the private and public sectors, where business is largely controlled by Indo-Fijian
families while government ministries and the military are largely led by indigenous
Fyians.
The Fyi MUitary Forces (FMF), a small professional force, comes under the au-
thority of the Ministry for Home Affairs, as do the police. A separate unit, the Fiji
Intelligence Service, with limited statutory powers to search people and property,
monitor communications, and access financial records, also comes under authority
of the Ministry. There continue to be credible reports of human rights abuses by
individual police officers.
Sugar and tourism constitute the mainstays of the economy, accounting for more
than naif of the nation's foreign exchange earnings. The Government is seeking to
develop the service and light manufacturing industries. Private investment is in-
creasing after several stagnant years, but is still well below the 12 percent gross
domestic product level achieved prior to the political disturbances in 1987.
The principal human rights problem, while significantly addressed in the revised
Constitution, remains ethnically based discrimination. Although the new constitu-
tional provisions reduce the factors that abridge the right of citizens to change their
government, there is continuing protection for indigenous Fijian interests throu^
government hiring practices, education policies, land tenure preferences, and con-
stitutional safeguards. Other human rights problems include occasional police bru-
tality, a magistrate system that fails to perform its functions effectively, informal
constraints on the freedom of the press, discrimination and cases of violence against
women, and instances of abuse of children.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Police sometimes abuse detainees; the authorities have punished some of the offend-
ing officers, but these punishments have not been sufficient to deter all police
abuses. The Police Department's internal affairs unit investigates complaints of po-
lice brutality and is working with the Ombudsman's office to ensure impartial ob-
servers in the investigation of complaints about police conduct.
Prison authorities have struggled to meet minimum international standards,
within the limits of local financial restraints. Prison conditions are Spartan, and
food and sanitation are limited. The Government permits visits to prisons by church
groups and family members.
The law permits corporal punishment as a penalty for criminal acts, but this pro-
vision is seldom invoked.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Law of Arrest and Detention pro-
vides that a person may be arrested only if police believe that a breach of the crimi-
nal law has been or is about to be committed. Arrested persons must be brought
before a court without "undue delay." This requirement is taken to mean within 24
hours, with 48 hours as the exception (such as when an arrest is made over the
weekend). Rules governing detention are designed to ensure fair questioning of sus-
pects. Defendants have the right to a judicial review of the grounds for arrest; in
urgent cases, defendants may apply to a judge at any time, whether he is sitting
or not. Incommunicado and arbitrary detention, both illegal, did not occur.
Exile is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent under the Constitu-
tion and in practice. There were no credible reports of courts having been influenced
by the executive.
The judicial structure is patterned on the British system. The principal courts are
the magistrate courts, the High Court, the Court of Appeal, and the Supreme Court.
There are no special courts; military courts try only members of the armed forces.
Magistrate courts continue to try the large majority of cases. In addition to its juris-
diction in serious civil and criminal cases, the Hi^ Court is granted special interest
jurisdiction on behalf of the public and is empowered to review alleged violations
of individual rights provided by the Constitution.
Defendants have the right to a public trial and to counsel. Trials in the High
Court provide for the presence of assessors (citizens randomly selected to represent
the community); cases in magistrate court do not. In litigation involving lesser com-
766
plaints, a public legal advisor assists indigent jiersons in domestic or family law
cases. The right of appeal exists but is hampered by continuing delays in the ap-
peals process. Bail procedures mean that most defendants do not experience any
pretrial detention.
The law sometimes treats women differently from men. In some instance., there
is a presumption of reduced competence and thus reduced responsibility. For exam-
ple only women can be charged with infanticide (if a man kills an infant the act
18 treated as murder, a more serious charge). A woman in an infanticide case is pre-
sumed to have diminished mental capacity, and sentences are reduced or suspended
accordingly.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — In gen-
eral the Government respects the privacy of the home. However, the Intelligence
Service has powers, within specific operational guidelines, to search people and
property, access private financial records, and monitor mail and telephones when a
warrant is issued by the National Security Council. The Intelligence Service con-
ducts surveillance oi persons it believes represent a security threat.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Freedom of speech is generally respected. The
Government at times criticizes the media for its coverage of sensitive issues, par-
ticularly if the Government perceives the coverage as resulting in a diminution of
respect for authority. There are credible reports of attempts by individual members
of the Government to pressure editors or otherwise interfere with the independence
of the press.
Nevertheless, political figures and private citizens can and do speak out against
the Government. Although the Public Order Act and other acts prohibit actions that
are likely to incite racial antagonism, there were no reported arrests for such public
statements.
Legislation p>ertaining to the press is contained in the Newspaper Registration Act
(NRA) and the Press Correction Act (PCA). Under the NRA, all newspapers must
be registered with the Government before they can publish. Although the Govern-
ment nas never used the PCA, the act gives the Minister of Information sole discre-
tionary power to order a newspaper to publish a "correcting statement" if, in the
Ministers opinion, a false or distorted article has been publisned. Should the news-
f>aper refuse to publish the Minister's correction, it can be taken to court, and if
bund guilty, fined approximately $700 (individual persons convicted under the act
may be fined approximately $150 or imprisoned for 6 months or both). The PCA al-
lows the Government to arrest anyone who publishes "malicious" material. This in-
cludes anything the (jovemment considers false news that could create or foster
public alarm or result in "detriment to the public."
The media operate without prior censorship but with considerable self-censorship.
Newspapers occasionally print editorials critical of the (jovemment but rarely do in-
vestigative reporting. They widely report statements about the political situation by
opposition figures and foreign governments. The letters-to-the-editor columns of the
two daily newspapers also frequently carry political statements from a wide cross
section of society, including members of the deposed precoup government, which are
highly critical of the Government, its programs, and the Constitution. Criticism, al-
beit muted, of the once sacrosanct traditional chiefly system is appearing more fre-
quently. However, the Government still views comments about individual chiefs
with disfavor.
An active local organization, the Fiji Islands Media Association (FIMA), is an affil-
iate of the regional Pacific Islands News Association (PINA). Both FIMA and PENA
are pressing for better training and the establishment of codes of ethics for journal-
ists. In a show of tangible support for strengthening the media, the Government has
unconditionally provided space for housing the Fiji Journalism Training Institute.
The formerly dormant Fyi News Council has been reorganized and is now active
again. The Council strives to promote high journalistic standards, enhance the
image of the media, safeguard its independence, and resolve complaints from the
public.
Fiji's television news production is owned and operated by Fiji One, the only
noncable television station. Fiji One, in turn is owned by private individuals and
interests, and 51 percent by a trust operating on behalf of Fiji's provincial govern-
ments. Tlie (jrovemment's attempt to ojaen the television market to new entrants is
being challenged in court.
While academic freedom is respected, the Government has effectively deterred
university employees from participation in domestic politics. Since 1991 staff mem-
bers of the Fiji-based University of the South Pacific must take leave if they run
767
for public oflice and must resign from their university positions if elected. Senior
staff cannot hold oflice in political parties. Student groups organize freely.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides the
right to assemble for political purposes, subject to restrictions in the interest ofpub-
lic order. Permits for public gatherings must be obtained from the district officer.
The Grovemment does not always grant permits for large outdoor political meetings
or demonstrations, particularly if the police advise of difficulties with the antici-
pated crowd size or their ability to assure public safety.
The Government routinely issued permits for rallies organized by political parties,
religious groups, and groups opposed to government policies.
Ml opposition party headquarters operate without government interference. Politi-
cal organizations operate and issue public statements and did so repeatedly and
openly throughout the year.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitutional provision of freedom of religion is
honored in practice. The Government does not restrict foreign clergy and missionary
activity or other typical activities of religious organizations.
There were allegations that police were slow to respond to incidents of desecration
of Hindu temples (see Section 5).
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government does not restrict freedom of movement within the
country or abroad. Occasional detentions at the airport occur, but the courts order
redress where this is warranted. Citizens are free to emigrate, and over 40,000 have
done so since 1987. The Government does not restrict their return if they choose
to do so, and has, in fact, encouraged those who left after the coups to return.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. In the past it has been reluctant to grant first asylum without assurances
that the asylum seeker would be moved to a third country.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The constitutional amendment bill passed unanimously by both houses of Par-
liament is a signiflcant step toward the restoration of a more representative and
democratic government. The amended Constitution, which is to come into force after
all implementing legislation is enacted, reduces the ethnically-based factors that
abridge the right of citizens to change their government. Under its provisions the
Srime minister and president can be of any race. It establishes a 71-member lower
ouse with 25 open seats and 46 seats allocated to different ethnic communities.
The open seats, which are unprecedented, are to be established by an electoral com-
mission and apportioned into di.stricts of approximately equal population. Of the 46
communal seats, 23 are allotted to indigenous Fijians, 19 to Inao-Fijians, 3 are "gen-
eral voter" (for the most part Caucasians and East Asians) seats, and 1 is allotted
to the Rotumans (an ethnically distinct Polynesian people), roughly proportional to
the different communities representation in the population. The amended Constitu-
tion also contains an alternate vote system for elections to the lower house, to re-
place the winner takes all system of the previous constitution. Although the Review
Commission recommended a mostly elected Senate it remains an appointed body;
the President appoints its 32 members with the Great Council of Chiefs nominating
14 members, the Prime Minister 9, the opposition leader 8, and the Council of
Rotuma 1 member.
Included in the amended Constitution is a strengthened bill of rights and a com-
pact among the people to protect their respective rights and interests, which, how-
ever, acknowledges that the paramountcy of indigenous Fijian interests can not be
subordinated to the interests of other communities. Parliament retains broad emer-
gency powers that can be invoked if there is a threat to the life of the nation. These
powers could infringe upon universally accepted rights and privileges contained in
the bill of rights in the Constitution.
Fiji has a number of active political parties. The ethnic Fijian SVT (or Fijian Po-
litical Party) forms the core of the (jovernment's parliamentary majority. The Fijian
Association Party joined the government coalition during the year. Two other small
parties representing primarily Caucasians and Asians, also have members included
in the Cabinet. Two predominantly Indo-Fijian parties, the National Federation
Party (NFP) and the Fiji Labour Party (FLP) make up most of the opposition. The
leader of the opposition is the parliamentary leader of the NFP. Discussions were
held among the parties regarding a future multiethnic government, as prescribed
in the amended Constitution, following the next general elections.
Women in both the Fijian and Indian communities have functioned primarily in
traditional roles, although an increasing number of women are rising to prominent
768
positions in politics and public service. Five women sit in Parliament. The two
women in the lower house are members of the Cabinet, with one the Deputy Prime
Minister. Women also play an important role in Fiji's chiefly system and can be
chiefs in their own right. The President's wife is one of Fiji's three highest ranking
chiefs.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no local groups that focus solely on human rights matters, but the wom-
en's rights movement, the labor movement, and various political groups (including
organized political parties) are engaged in promoting human rights. There are also
several small, foreign-based organizations tnat concentrate on human rights causes
in Fiji, including the Coalition for Democracy in Fiji (with oflices in New Zealand
and Australia) and two United Kingdom-based groups, the International Fiji Move-
ment and the Movement for Democracy in Fiji.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The amended Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, sex, place
of origin, political opinion, color, religion, or creed, and provides specific affirmative
action provisions for those disadvantaged as a result of such discrimination. In the
compact included in the amended Constitution, there is specific provision for affirm-
ative action and "social justice" programs to secure effective equality of access to op-
portunities, amenities, and services for the Fijian and Rotuman people, and for all
disadvantaged citizens and groups.
Women. — Women in Fiji are actively addressing the problem of domestic violence.
Reliable estimates indicate that 10 percent of women have been abused in some
way, and this abuse is a major focus of the women's movement. Fiji police have
adopted a "no drop" rule, according to which they will prosecute cases of domestic
violence even when the victim does not wish to press charges.
There is a small but active women's rights movement, which has pressed for more
serious punishment for rape. Courts have imposed sentences that vary widely but
are generally lenient. Women have sought to have all rape cases heard in the High
Court where sentencing limits are higher.
Suva, the capital, and Ba, Labasa, and Lautoka have privately funded women's
crisis centers, which offer counseling and assistance to women in cases of rape, do-
mestic violence, and other problems, such as child support payments. There is, over-
all, a growing awareness oi the abuse of women's rights.
Constitutional changes approved in 1997 are designed to redress the imbalance
that existed previously in which spousal and offspring rights differed for male and
female citizens. Under the amended Constitution, male and female citizens are to
enjoy equal rights relating to the granting of residence for spouses, registration of
children, and racial designation of offspring with regard to electoral rolls and ethnic
communal property.
In general women in the Fijian community are more likely to rise to prominence
in their own right than are women in the Indo-Fijian community. Women have full
rights of property ownership and inheritance, and a number have become successful
entrepreneurs. Women are generally paid less than men, a discrepancy that is espe-
cially notable in the garment industry. Garment workers, most of^ whom are female,
are subject to a special minimum wage that is considerably lower than that in other
sectors.
Children. — The (jovemment is committed to children's rights and welfare but has
limited financial resources to carry out the commitment. In addition the legal sys-
tem is at times inadequate to protect the rights of children, as children's testimony
is inadmissible unless corroborated by an adult. Societal changes have undermined
the traditional village and extended family based social structures — an outgrowth
of this evolution has been a child abuse problem. The (jovemment in 1993 created
a Child Welfare Committee to address these problems, but it is likely to remain re-
luctant to become directly involved in what are generally perceived to be "family
matters."
Corporal punishment is widely administered in schools and at home. The Ministry
of Education has guidelines for the administration of such punishment by principals
and head teachers. A number of incidents involving alleged beatings of children in
religious schools were reported in the media. In at least one instance, a family insti-
tuted court action against a teacher who reportedly beat a child for lack of dis-
cipline. There is credible information that not all abuses are reported or punished.
People With Disabilities. — Legal discrimination against physically disaoled per-
sons in employment, education, and the provision of other state services does not
769
exist. However, there is no legislation or mandated provision for accessibility for the
disabled. Several small voluntary organizations promote greater attention to the
needs of the disabled.
Religious Minorities. — ^A small number of Hindu temples were desecrated during
the year. Some perpetrators were arrested and convicted (see Section 2.c.).
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — ^The stated purpose of the 1987 military
coups was to ensure the political supremacy of the indigenous Fijian people and to
protect their traditional way of life and communal control of land. To this end, the
Government initiated a number of constitutional and other measures to ensure eth-
nic Fijian control of the executive and legislative branches (see Section 3). The Gov-
ernment also successfully raised the proportion of ethnic Fijians and Rotumans in
the public service to 50 percent or higher at all levels, but most dramatically at the
senior level: Indo-Fijians now represent only 10 percent of the highest levels of the
civil service. The amended Constitution seeks to redress this imbalance by specifi-
cally noting that "the composition of state services at all levels must be based on
the principle of reflecting as closely as possible the ethnic composition of the popu-
lation."
Control of land is a highly sensitive issue. Ethnic Fijians currently hold,
communally, about 83 percent of land, the State holds another 8 percent, and only
the remaining 9 percent is freehold land. The British colonial administration insti-
tuted the present land ownership arrangements to protect the interests of the indig-
enous Fijians whose traditional oeliefs, cultural values, and self-identity are tied to
the land. Most cash crop farmers are Indo-Fijians, who lease land from the ethnic
Fyian landowners through the Native Land Trust Board. Many Indo-Fijians, par-
ticularly farmers, believe that the absence of secure land tenure discriminates
against them. Between 1997 and 2000, most current leases will expire. A cabinet
subcommittee was established to review agricultural land tenure agreements issues,
and it is expected that this group will be expanded to a parliamentary select com-
mittee and will include representatives from all interested political parties.
Indo-Fijians are subject to occasional harassment based on race. There have been
no credible allegations of government involvement in such incidents, which the po-
lice have investigated, sometimes resulting in arrests.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law protects the right of workers to form and
join unions, elect their own representatives, publicize their views on labor matters,
and determine their own policies, and the authorities respect these rights in prac-
tice. However, the law permits restrictions to be applied in government employment
and in the interests of defense, public safety, public order, public morality, or public
health, or to protect the rights and freedoms of other persons. An estimated 55 per-
cent of the paid work force is unionized.
AU unions must register with, but are not controlled by, the Government. The
only central labor body is the Fiji Trade Union Congress (FTUC), which was closely
associated with the opposition Fiji Labour Party until mid- 1992. It currently takes
a more independent political stance. The FTUC is free to associate internationally
and does so. The labor movement is led largely by Indo-Fijians, with ethnic Fijians
beginning to assume leadership roles. Persons with close ties to the Government
have organized rival unions primarily for ethnic Fijians.
In 1994 Parliament completed a 2-year process of reforming labor legislation by
amending several acts. The changes include the elimination of a ban on a person
holding multiple union officer positions and the elimination of restrictions on seek-
ing international support on labor issues. The FTUC is presently reconsidering its
decision not to participate in the Government's Tripartite Economic Strategies Com-
mittee, due to an improved government-labor dialogue.
Strikes are legal, except in connection with union recognition disputes. The Gov-
ernment remains involved in certifying union strike balloting, which can be an
elaborate process given the distance between some of the island locations. The sugar
industry was affected by a nationwide strike that lasted for approximately 2 weelcs.
Labor unrest continued thereafter in the industry.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law recognizes the right
to organize and bargain collectively. Employers are required to recognize a union
if more than half of the employees in a workplace have joined it. Recognition is de-
termined by union membersnip rather than by an election. The Government has the
power to order recalcitrant employers to recognize unions and has done so. Key sec-
tors of the economy, including sugar and tourism, are heavily organized. Following
the May 1992 return to accountable government, the Government lifted wage guide-
lines, and unrestricted collective bargaining on wages is now the norm.
770
Wage negotiations are still generally conducted on an individual company or en-
terprise basis, although negotiations on an industrywide basis are on tne increase.
A government proposal to mtroduce such negotiations has been supported by em-
plovers but opposed by unions.
The law specifically prohibits antiunion discrimination. In practice the unions
generally are successml in preventing discrimination against workers for union ac-
tivities, but the law does not mandate that fired workers be reinstated.
Export processing zones (EPZ's) are subject to the same law as the rest of the
country. The FTUC, however, has been unsuccessful in obtaining collective bargain-
ing agreements in EPZ's and claims that intimidation of workers by employers is
widespread. The FTUC sees union recognition as the single labor/management issue
that does not have effective legal recourse. The FTUC argues that because of alleged
illegal and intimidatory practices in EPZ's, including threats of loss of work for
those active in oi]^nizing workers, the FTUC is unfairly prevented from represent-
ing workers in EPZ's.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution specifically pro-
hibits forced labor, including forced and bonded labor by children, and there is no
indication that it is practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Ernployment. — Children
under the age of 12 may not be employed in any capacity. "Children" (under age
15) and "Voung persons" (ages 15 to 17) may not be employed in industry or work
with machineiy. Enforcement by the Ministry for Labour and Industrial Relations
generally is effective, except for family members working on family farms or busi-
nesses and "self-employed" homeless youths.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and enforces this
prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.). School is not mandatory.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no national minimum wage. Certain
sectors have minimum wages set by the Ministry for Labour and Industrial Rela-
tions, which effectively enforces them. Minimum wage levels will generally support
a barely adequate standard of living for a worker and family in all sectors except
for the garment industry, in which the starting hourly wage, $0.50 (FJ$0.72) for
learners and $0.65 (FJ$0.94) for others, is based on the assumption that workers
are young adults or married women living at home and not supporting a household.
There are no regulations specifying maximum hours of work for adult males.
Women can do night work in factories and overtime but are prohibited from under-
ground work in mines. Certain industries, notably transportation and shipping,
have problems with excessive hours of work. Indo-Fijians, who generally require a
cash income to survive, are more vulnerable to pressure to wont long nours than
are ethnic Fijians. Many ethnic Fijians can and do return to their villages rather
than work what they consider excessive hours. Particularly in the garment industry,
migrant workers, predominantly Chinese or Filipino, are increasing in number
(presently estimated at around 1,000-2,000 persons) and are a largely unregulated
work force.
There are workplace safety regulations, a Workmen's Compensation Act, and an
accident compensation plan. Awards for workers injured on the job are set by a tri-
bunal. Government enforcement of safety standards under tne direction of the
Labour Ministry suffers from a lack of trained enforcement personnel, but unions
do a reasonable job of monitoring safety standards in organized workplaces. The
International Labor Organization s (ILO) 1992 recommendations cited the need to
improve working conditions, particularly in the garment industry. The Government,
supported by the FTUC, passed occupational health and safety legislation which
came in to effect in November. The Government continues to work with the ILO to
address working conditions.
INDONESIA
Despite a surface adherence to democratic forms, the Indonesian political system
remains strongly authoritarian. The Government is dominated by an elite compris-
ing President Soeharto (now in his sixth 5-year term), his close associates, and the
military. The (jovemment requires allegiance to a state ideology known as
"Pancasila," which stresses consultation and consensus, but is also used to limit dis-
sent, to enforce social and political cohesion, and to restrict the development of oppo-
sition elements. The judiciary is effectively subordinated to the executive and the
military and suffers from corruption.
The primary mission of the 450,000-member armed forces, which includes 175,000
police, is maintenance of internal security and stability. Despite a decrease in the
771
number of active or retired military officers in key government positions, the mili-
tary retained substantial nonmiltary powers under a "dual function" concept that
accords it a political and social role in developing the nation." The military and the
police continued to commit numerous human rights abuses.
The currency crisis that hit the region in the middle of the year slowed the expan-
sion of the economy which had been vigorous and rapid in past years. The benefits
of economic development are widely dispersed and living standards have risen sig-
nificantly, but a large segment of the population remains poor. Pervasive corruption
remains a problem. Sporadic unrest led to stronger demands that the Government
act more effectively to address social and economic ineauities. In rural areas, dis-
content often focused on the grievances of small land owners — especially those
forced off their land by powerfm economic and military interests. In some regions,
exploitation of natural resources has entailed significant environmental degradation
with adverse social consequences.
The Government continued to commit serious human rights abuses. Rising pres-
sures for change from political activists and opponents met tough government reac-
tions prior to the May general election. The Government demonstrated that it would
not tolerate challenges to the fundamental elements of the political system by ar-
resting and placing on trial some of its critics. The authorities maintained their
tight grip on the political process, and in the May parliamentary election, as in the
Srevious five held since 1971, denied citizens the ability to change their government
emocratically. The structure of the political system continued to ensure victory for
the ruling GOLKAR pairty, which secured its biggest win ever. The Government did
not permit the ousted Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) leader Megawati
Sukarnoputri and her supporters to run in the general election or to make common
cause with the Muslim-oriented United Development Party (PPP). The election and
campaign were marred by credible allegations of fraud as well as by sporadic, yet
significant, violence between parties, including the government-sponsored GOLKAR
organi2ation. Security forces continued extrajudicial killings, including of unarmed
civilians, disappearances, torture and mistreatment of detainees, and arbitrary ar-
rests and detention. In practice legal protections against torture are inadequate.
Prison conditions remained harsh. The judiciary is pervaded by corruption, and re-
mains subordinated to the executive branch, which uses the courts to prosecute gov-
ernment critics and political opponents. Most courts refused to hear the lawsuits
filed throughout Indonesia by Megawati Sukarnoputri and her supporters protesting
her ouster as PDI leader, although a few at a preliminary level acceptea the case
and ruled in her favor. Security forces regularly violated citizens' right to privacy.
The Government continued to impose serious limitations on freedom of speech and
restrict press freedom, although at year's end government critics were speaking out
more boldly. The Government exercises indirect control over the press and uses in-
timidation to suppress hostile commentary and encourages self-censorship. Mild
criticism of the Government was tolerated, but critics of the President, senior offi-
cials, or powerful local interests risked harassment or arrest. Despite these prob-
lems, the print media provided wide coverage of political issues and reports of
human rights violations. Fourteen young activists belonging to, or associated with,
the small, unauthorized, People's Democratic Party (PRD) were convicted of subver-
sion based mostly on their writings, speeches, and organizational activities. Inde-
pendent labor leader Muchtar Pakpahan faced subversion charges based mainly on
expression of his political views but also including his labor activities. Former par-
liamentarian Sri Bintang Pamungkas was brou^t to trial in December under the
Antisubversion Law for the political views and actions of his unrecognized Indo-
nesian Democratic Union Party (PUDI). Parliamentarian Aberson Marie Sihalolo
was sentenced to 9 months in prison for allegedly insulting the President and mili-
tary in remarks made at a "free speech forum" in July 1996 at the former PDI head-
quarters. An assistant to the author of a book banned by the Government was
brought to trial for his role in its publication.
The Government continued to impose serious limitations on freedom of assembly
and association. It prevented or broke-up meetings of nongovernmental organiza-
tions (NGO's) and labor unions, as well as peaceful demonstrations, sometimes vio-
lently. It brought to trial a Catholic priest and his brother for protecting political
activists who in 1996 had been sought by the police. However, there were notable
examples of well-publicized meetings, seminars, and gatherings on sensitive sub-
jects, as well as public demonstrations, that were not stopped. Security forces gen-
erally refrained from using force to stop the prohibited, massive street rallies that
dominated the election campaign and in most cases did not use lethal force in re-
sponding to major riots. On occasion security forces were criticized for not acting
in time to protect citizens and property from the large-scale destruction that oc-
curred. The rioting resulted from a combination of economic, communal, ethnic, reli-
772
B"ou8 and political factors. It began in 1996, continued into 1997, abated after the
ay general election, and erupted again in Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi in Sep-
tember. Despite their reduced use of lethal force, security forces often reacted harsh-
ly to peaceful demonstrations or in disputes with citizens.
The Government legally provides for religious freedom for five accepted religions;
unrecognized religions are subject to restrictions. The Government did not fuUy in-
vestigate or resolve many cases of attacks on religious facilities and churches during
riots, although it issued several public appeals lor religious tolerance. TTie Govern-
ment continued to restrict freedom of movement. Discrimination against women, the
disabled, and ethnic minorities, and violence against women are endemic problems.
The Government maintained its opposition to alternatives to the Government-
sponsored labor movement and to the development of a free trade union movement,
but permitted a very open debate over a new basic labor law. Members of the prin-
cipal unauthorized labor organization cited continued instances of harassment, and
security authorities shut down the organization's planned 3-day congress in Septem-
ber on the first day. The Government urged employers to pay on time the increased
minimum wage and mandated benefits, and implemented a new audit system for
worker safety and health. However, enforcement of labor standards remained weak.
The Government and the International Labor Organization (ILO) signed a new
memorandum of understanding on child labor to promote the protection of working
children and to move progressively toward elimination of child labor. However, mil-
lions of children still work, often under poor conditions, and are thus unable to at-
tend school. Some children forced to work under conditions of bonded labor report-
edly suffer abuse.
There were some potentially positive developments. For example, the Independent
Election Monitoring Committee (KEPP) carried out limited, yet significant, monitor-
ing activities during the campaign and the parliamentary election. Although the
Government refuseato recognize tne KIPP and restricted its activities, the organiza-
tion gathered information about election violations and presented it to the public.
The National Commission on Human Rights, despite limited resources and occa-
sional government pressure, undertook investigations and publicized its independ-
ent findings and reconmiendations, but lacked enforcement powers. The Govern-
ment ignored or responded slowly to some Commission findings. The increase in pri-
vate human rights monitoring in East Timor was a positive development, and the
Government took some actions in response to criticism of its human rights perform-
ance; for example, a human rights and international law training seminar was con-
ducted for the military by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
In East Timor, following massive December 1996 demonstrations in support of
Nobel Peace Prize recipient Bishop Belo, in which security personnel suffered inju-
ries and an out-of-uniform police officer was killed, an early 1997 campaign of har-
assment and detention by tne security forces raised tension to a high level. During
the May election period and its aftermath. East Timor's low-level insurgency inten-
sified with guerrilla attacks that inflicted the highest number of deaths in years on
security personnel and civilians. These attacks were followed by the capture and
death of a prominent guerrilla commander and widespread detentions, accompanied
by reports of killing, disappearances, torture, and excessive use of force on the part
of the authorities. These developments exacerbated longstanding resentments on the
part of the indigenous population. In November at least five students were injured
when a large number of security force personnel entered the University of East
Timor campus firing their weapons. One political prisoner was released when he be-
came eligible for parole. No significant progress was made in accounting for persons
missing following the 1991 Dili incident or others who disappeared in recent years.
Troop levels remained unjustifiably high. The Government granted limited access to
the area to foreign journalists but banned travel by all foreign human rights NGO's
except the ICRC. The Dili branch of the National Commission on Human Rights,
whicn opened in 1996, remained ineffective, but increased efforts by the Catholic
Church and others, along with a better understanding of international humani-
tarian norms among senior military officers, improved the overall quality of human
rights monitoring in East Timor. There were no reports of military personnel who
committed abuses in East Timor being punished. Seeking asylum or publicity for
their cause, young East Timorese mounted further intrusions into various embassies
in Jakarta.
In Irian Jaya, resentment among indigenous groups against government and pri-
vate companies' policies that they viewed as heavyhanded and arbitrary remained.
Real and jjerceived discrimination against native Irianese persisted. A clash be-
tween indigenous people and security forces occurred in the Timika-Tembagapura
area, the location of a foreign mining company, and resulted in several deaths. The
company began moving forward on its plan to distribute a percentage of its profits
773
to indigenous groups in the area as part of a regional development effort, but sus-
Sendeef disbursements for new projects under this initiative in August because of
isputes over how the funds should be allocated. The Government's closure of cer-
tain areas of the central highlands continued during 1997, due to the military's spe-
cial operations against an indigenous separatist group that had taken and executed
hostages in 1996. There were reports that in the restricted areas the military had
forced villagers to perform uncompensated labor, that huts had been burned in one
village, ana that in late 1996 there were instances of beatings and other abuse. The
military denied such reports and blamed abuse on the separatist group.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Historically, politically related
extrajudicial killings have occurred most frequently in areas where separatist move-
ments were active, such as East Timor, Aceh, and Irian Jaya. Security forces contin-
ued to employ harsh measures against separatist movements in all three areas.
There were also numerous instances of reported extrajudicial killings by security
forces in cases involving alleged common criminal activity.
Credible sources connrmed several deaths in detention in East Timor during the
year. In June an individual known as "Januario" was detained in Baucau, severely
Deaten, and died while being transported to Dili. Human rights monitors believed
that a number of other killings by security forces of civilians may have occurred,
especially in more isolated areas, but these were imjxjssible to confirm. There were
also credible reports that detainees in East Timor were shot to death while allegedly
attempting to escape.
There were credible reports of deaths in, or related to, detention in other parts
of the country as well. In March Teguh Sunarto (Atok) died in East Java not long
after his release from police detention. He and two others were detained on March
17 by police because they were not in possession of identity cards. Two police offi-
cers reportedly subjected all three detainees to severe mistreatment, including
punching, kicking, and cigarette bums. In addition, the police reportedly ordered
other prisoners to beat Sunarto and the other two detainees. The two police officers
involved were detained. In April a farmer in central Lampung, Sukimo, died in po-
lice custody. According to a credible report, 10 police and forestry service officers
took him from his home on the night of April 14, accusing him of possessing a home-
made gun and poaching from a protected forest. Two days later Sukimo's family
was informed that he committed suicide while in police custody. However, numerous
wounds and bruises were reportedly found on Sukimo's body.
Security forces shot and killed two Irianese in Timika on August 22 in an alterca-
tion in which the Irianese reportedly pelted the security forces with arrows and
rocks, injuring at least two. The security forces claimed that they used rubber bul-
lets. Some sources said that the security forces acted in self defense, while others
said that the security forces fired first. The incident was sparked by the earlier un-
explained deaths of two Irianese on the property of a foreign mining concession near
a military checkpoint.
The police often employed deadly force in apprehending suspects or coping with
alleged criminals, many of whom were unarmed. In response to protests that the
methods used were unjustifiably harsh and amounted to execution without trial, po-
lice generally claimed that the suspects were fleeing, resisting arrest, or threatening
the police.
Complete statistics about the number of these cases have not been released. How-
ever, press reports, including statements of police officials, show a pattern of in-
creased lethal shootings by the police of criminal suspects, many of whom were un-
armed. At least seven crime suspects were reportedly shot and killed by police in
Jakarta in January, and the number repwrtedly climbed to 32 by April. It was re-
ported that 28 had been similarly shot by the police in Surabaya during the same
time period. In May a Jakarta police spokesman announced that 63 shootings by
police had occurred between January and April; approximately 85 percent were
fatal. The trend of police shootings of suspected criminals continued in the following
months, with usually reliable press reports noting about 90 such deaths in Jakarta
during the year.
In the past, higher authorities rarely punished the military or police for using ex-
cessive force. There were some indications that this situation was improving, al-
though the action taken by the authorities usually was not commensurate with the
gravity of the abuses. A military tribunal on July 23 sentenced the former chief of
the Bogor detective unit to 9 months in prison. The detective was involved in the
torture of a suspect, Tjetje Tadjudin, who died in police custody in October 1996.
774
The court heard testimony that Tjetje had been subjected to electric shocks and
beatings during police interrogation. The police detective and two assistants were
charged with mistreating Tjetje and therebv causing his death and misuse of au-
thority. The prosecutor requested a 17-month sentence for these crimes, but the de-
tective was sentenced to 9 months and 10 days because he was found guilty only
of "misuse of authority." Nobody has yet been held responsible for Tjetje's death and
the convicted p>olice detective was not removed from the police force pending appeal.
Five cases of alleged human rights violations in Irian Jaya involving the death
of Irianese civilians, cited in a September 1995 report by the National Human
Rights Commission, have languished, and the Commission has requested followup
action.
In September police announced a "temporary postponement" in the investigation
into the 1993 murder of labor activist Marsinah. Human rights activists interpreted
this as an effort to close the investigation, and have called mr its revival.
The military suffered its hi^est number of fatal casualties in recent years in East
Timor, most m a wave of guerrilla attacks during the May election period and its
aftermath. Eighteen security personnel were killed in a single attack near Baucau
in May. In addition to numerous killings of soldiers and police hy the guerrillas,
they also killed civilian East Timorese suspected of working for military intelligence
and some other civilians. A school teacher and members of his family were killed
by guerrillas during the pre-election period. A local government official in East
Timor, who was also chiei of the local paramilitary "gada paksi" group, and four
other civilians were killed in April when their car was attacked near Viqueque, pre-
sumably by guerrillas.
The security situation in Aceh has improved since the early 1990's campaign
against the Acehnese separatist movement. Although Aceh Merdeka was believed to
have been largely eliminated as a viable force, Aceh is still officially listed as one
of Indonesia's three "troubled areas" (along with East Timor and Irian Jaya). Be-
cause the area had been relatively peaceful for several years, there was discussion
in January of declaring Aceh secure and removing the classification of troubled area
as a reflection of confidence in the security situation. The discussion was suspended
after military operations netted weapons caches, allegedly belonging to Aceh
Merdeka, in February and March, following a violent bank robbery during which
three bank employees were shot and killed by the criminals.
b. Disappearance. — Reliable sources in East Timor reported numerous disappear-
ances, especially in more isolated areas.
The Government made little progress in resolving the 1996 "July 27 incident."
The incident involved the Government-backed violent takeover of Indonesian Demo-
cratic Party (PDI) headquarters, which triggered serious rioting in Jakarta. The
Government moved slowly in responding to the Human Rights Commission's Octo-
ber 1996 report on this incident, which listed 23 missing, 149 injured, and 5 dead,
one of whom had been shot (see Section 4). In September the authorities reportedly
acknowledged that the case had not been closed and agreed that a search would be
conducted for the 16 people that the Commission reported were still missing, but
little additional progress had been made by year's end.
There were no significant efforts by the Government to account for the missing
and dead from the November 12, 1991 military shooting of civilians in Dili. No addi-
tional cases were resolved during the year. Knowledgeable observers continued to
believe that most of the missing are dead and that members of the armed forces
know where their bodies are located.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Criminal Code makes it a crime punishable by up to 4 years in prison for any
official to use violence or force to elicit a confession. In practice, however, legal pro-
tections are both inadequate and widely ignored, and security forces continued to
employ torture and other forms of mistreatment, particularly in regions where there
were active security concerns, such as Irian Jaya and East 'Timor. Police often resort
to physical abuse, even in minor incidents.
m East Timor, military units regularly detain civilians for interrogation; most are
held in extralegal military detention centers, often with no notification of relatives,
mistreated for several days, and then released. Family members and human rights
monitoring organizations encounter serious difficulties in identifying and visiting
detainees held in these military facilities. Many credible sources agreed that persons
detained by the police in East Timor were routinely beaten while in the process of
being detained. All 32 people detained following a demonstration at the Makhota
Hotel in Dili in March suifered beatings at the hands of the police, according to
credible sources.
Four residents of Lavateri village near Baucau, East Timor detained on April 4
by an intelligence team, were reportedly beaten with rifle butts, with one individual
775
suffering a broken rib and another having a cross carved into the palm of her hand.
Six East Timorese detained by the Joint Intelligence Unit (SGI) in Liquica on Feb-
ruary 26 were reportedly tortured with electric shocks and immersion in ice water.
Five East Timorese civilians detained by security forces near Liquica on April 30
were reportedly beaten with rifle butts and suffered electric shocks.
During the military operation and search for the criminals that followed, at least
two suspects, alleged by the military to be from Aceh Merdeka, were shot to death
by the military during raids. A military source claimed that the victims were armed.
Ihiring a roundup of suspected Aceh Merdeka separatists, an unknown number of
suspects were arrested during February and March. There are credible reports that
a small number of Aceh Merdeka members remain in Aceh, and maintain some
sympathy among the local population, but they are not seen as posing an active se-
curity threat. TTbere are allegations of criminal and abusive behavior by military
personnel in regions of Aceh that were formerly areas where Aceh Merdeka separat-
ists operated.
There were instances where security forces responded with brutality to peaceful
demonstrations or disputes with citizens, although they generally refrained from
using force to stop the prohibited, massive street rallies that dominated the election
campaign. On April 2, security forces violently broke up a peaceful demonstration
by approximately 200 supporters of Megawati Sukarnoputri in Denpasar, Bali. The
security forces used rattan canes, and dozens among the group suffered minor inju-
ries. In Yogyakarta, security forces reportedly beat some student marchers com-
memorating Human Rights Day and broke up their march. In southeast Sulawesi,
police reportedly showed restraint in responding to student riots provoked by a po-
lice assault on students during a raid on a dormitory.
On April 28, uniformed and plainclothes security forces beat with rattan canes
and kicked a small group of peaceful demonstrators outside the central Jakarta Dis-
trict Court following the sentencing of People's Democratic Party (PRD) activists, in-
juring two demonstrators. On June 23, security forces armed with bayonets and
clubs entered the Indonesian Christian University (UKI) campus in Jakarta and at-
tacked a group of students. At least five of the students were injured and three were
hospitalized with serious head wounds. The security forces were retaliating afler a
soldier was injured in an altercation with students. On September 1, according to
reliable reports, 27 students and local residents in Banda Aceh were injured, some
seriously, when three truckloads of police officers attacked a group of students after
a soccer match during which a dispute between a police officer and a student over
a poster had arisen. Police allegedly beat students and bystanders on the soccer
field and chased those who ran away into homes and beat them.
The Government's handling of the wave of major riots that hit Indonesia received
a mixed response. Security forces did not, in most cases, use lethal force in respond-
ing to these riots and showed relative restraint. In many cases, there was public
criticism that security forces did not act in sufficient time or with sufficient force
to protect citizens and property from the large-scale destruction that occurred. The
rioting resulted from a combination of economic, communal, ethnic, religious, and
political factors. It began in 1996, continued into 1997, abated afler the May general
election, and erupted again in Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi in September.
On January 30, security forces restored order in Rengasdengklok, West Java with-
out resort to live ammunition fire or brutal treatment of civilians, though not before
mobs had attacked shops and religious institutions. The most deadly riot occurred
in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan on May 23 on the last day of the election cam-
paign. At least 123 people died in a fire caused by the riot and ensuing looting of
a department store. The National Commission on Human Rights investigated, and
concluded that there was no evidence of the use of live ammunition to subdue the
rioters. The Commission also found that some of the suspected rioters were beaten
afler their arrest, and recommended measures to ensure that future riot control not
be excessively violent.
In November following an apparent altercation between youths and intelligence
personnel near the University of^East Timor, large numbers of security force person-
nel entered the university campus, discharging their weapons and beating students.
At least five students were injured and university facilities were severely damaged.
Authorities said that security forces had used only rubber bullets but several of the
injured students were reportedly shot, and two suffered bayonet wounds, according
to independent human rights organizations. One injured student was removed from
an ICRC vehicle, beaten with rifle butts by police, and then taken to a military hos-
pital. The ICRC was permitted to visit the wounded students. A number of students
were also reportedly detained following the incident.
45-909 98-26
776
There were reports that the security forces beat and abused villagers in the
central highlands of Irian Jaya; the military denied committing such abuses (see
Section 2.d.).
The Government continued to maintain an unjustifiably high military presence in
East Timor, totaling more than 16,000 personnel. The Government, as it does else-
where, also relied on bands of youths, organized and directed by the military, to in-
timidate and harass its opponents. Such a civilian paramilitaiy group, known as the
gada paksi, was frequently involved in nighttime raids in Dili neighhorhoods in the
early part of the year and was widely blamed for provoking serious disturbances in
Viqueque in February. Gada paksi activity abated in the latter half of the year.
One case of alleged rape of East Timorese women by military personnel gained
public attention as human rights lawyers tried to bring the case to trial. Legal ac-
tion also is being pursued in the case of an East Timorese woman allegedly the vic-
tim of repeated rapes by military personnel in November 1996 while in military cus-
tody. The woman reported the rapes to human rights monitors, and wrote a letter
to the local military command unit, which forwarded it to the National Commission
on Human Rights. At year's end, it was not clear whether lawyers would succeed
in getting the case tried in either military or civil court.
Human rights organizations report that rape by military personnel is a serious
problem, and that soldiers are rarely held accountable for these crimes.
The four police officers who mistreated religious teachers in Tasikmalaya, West
Java, in a 1996 event which sparked a major riot there, were found guilty by a mili-
tary tribunal and given sentences ranging from 22 to 28 months.
Prison conditions are harsh with violence among prisoners and mistreatment and
extortion of inmates by guards common. The incidence of mistreatment drops sharp-
ly once a prisoner has been transferred from police or military intelligence (BIA)
custody into the civilian prison system or into tne custody of the Attorney General.
Political prisoners were sometimes mixed with the general prison population. In the
Cimnang and Salemba prisons in Jakarta some political prisoners were segregated.
The ICRC was denied access to political prisoners until July, except in East Timor
where visits were generally allowed. Special arrangements for visiting dignitaries to
visit some prominent political prisoners were sometimes made. Some nonpolitical
prisoners also have been visited by human rights monitors, although this appears
to be on a case-to-case basis.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Criminal Procedures Code contains
provisions against arbitrary arrest and detention, but it lacks adequate enforcement
mechanisms and authorities routinely violate it. The Code specifies that prisoners
have the right to notify their families and that warrants must be produced during
an arrest except under specified conditions, such as when a suspect is caught in the
act of committing a crime. The law also requires that families of detainees be noti-
fied promptly. The law authorizes investigators to issue warrants to assist in their
investigations or if sufficient evidence exists that a crime has been committed. How-
ever, authorities sometimes made arrests without warrants.
The law presumes defendants innocent and permits bail. They or their families
may also challenge the legality of their arrest and detention in a pretrial hearing
ana may sue for compensation if wrongfully detained. However, it is virtually impos-
sible for detainees to invoke this procedure, or to receive compensation, after being
released without charge. In both military and civilian courts, appeals based on
claims of improper arrest and detention are rarely, if ever, accepted. The Criminal
Procedures Code also contains specific limits on periods of pretrial detention and
specifies when the courts must approve extensions, usually after 60 days. In addi-
tion, suspects charged under the 1963 Antisubversion Law are subject to special
procedures outside the Code. These give the Attorney General the authority to hold
a suspect for up to 1 year before trial. He may renew this 1-year period without
limit.
The authorities routinely approve extensions of periods of detention. In areas
where active guerrilla movements exist, such as East Timor and Irian Jaya, there
are many instances of people being detained without warrants, charges, or court
proceedings. This is also true in Aceh. Bail is rarely granted, especially in political
cases. Over 100 people were detained following the discovery of weapons caches in
various regions of Aceh, beginning in February. They alleged.ly were held incommu-
nicado at military camps. The authorities frequently prevent access to defense coun-
sel while suspects are being investigated and make it difficult or impossible for de-
tainees to get legal assistance from voluntary legal defense organizations. Special
laws on corruption, economic crimes, and narcotics do not come under the Criminal
Code's protections.
The Agency for Coordination of Assistance for the Consolidation of National Secu-
rity (BAKORSTANAS) operates outside the legal code and has wide discretion to de-
777
tain and interrogate persons thought to threaten national security. Despite the ex-
istence of this agency, the military began discussing publicly in 1996 the need for
a new internal security act to give the Government greater power to suppress dis-
sent. Although there was further public discussion of this proposal during 1997, it
had not been sent to Parliament.
Security forces broke up demonstrations and meetings and detained participants
(see Sections I.e. and 2.b.).
There are no reliable data on the number of arbitrary arrests or detentions with-
out trial, particularly in East Timor, Irian Jaya, and Aceh. In East Timor, partially
as a result of increased demonstrations in late 1996 and in 1997, as well as in-
creased guerrilla activity, the number of detentions during 1997 was higher than
in previous years.
Arbitrary detentions in East Timor were a particular problem following increased
guerrilla attacks in Baucau and Los Palos. According to credible sources, numerous
people not involved in the separatist movement were detained and mistreated as se-
curity forces swept through local neighborhoods in search of the perpetrators of var-
ious attacks. In the early part of the year the civilian paramilitary gada paksi group
also frequently detained and beat civilians.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution stipulates the independence of
the judiciary, but in practice the judiciary is subordinated to the executive and the
military. Court challenges in various jurisdictions to the Government's transparent
manipulation of the PDI leadership structure in 1996, with a few exceptions, contin-
ued to be dismissed in 1997. Judges are civil servants employed by the executive
branch, which controls their assignments, pay, and promotion. Low salaries encour-
age widespread corruption. Judges are subject to considerable pressure from govern-
mental authorities that often determines the outcome of a case.
A quadripartite judiciary of general, religious, military, and administrative courts
exists below the Supreme Court. The right of appeal from district court to high court
to Supreme Court exists in all four systems. The Supreme Court does not consider
factual aspects of a case, only the lower courts' application of law. The Supreme
Court theoretically stands coequal with the executive and legislative branches, but
it does not have the right of judicial review over laws passed by Parliament. The
Supreme Court has not yet exercised its authority (held since 1985) to review min-
isterial decrees and regulations. In 1993 Chief Justice Purwoto Gandasubrata laid
out procedures for limited judicial review.
A panel of judges conducts trials at the district court level, poses questions, hears
evidence, decides guilt or innocence, and assesses punishment. Initial judgments are
rarely reversed in the appeals process, although sentences can be increased or re-
duced. Both the defense and the prosecution may appeal.
Defendants have the right to confront witnesses and to produce witnesses in their
defense. An exception is allowed in cases in which distance or expense is deemed
excessive for transporting witnesses to court. In such cases, sworn affidavits may
be introduced. However, the Criminal Procedures Code does not provide for wit-
nesses' immunity or for defense power of subpxjena. As a result, witnesses are gen-
erally unwilling to testify against the authorities. The courts commonly allow forced
confessions and limit the presentation of defense evidence. In a trial in March a wit-
ness stated in open court that he had been tortured with electric shock in the course
of interrogation in 1996 by military intelligence (BIA). No investigation of his
charge, given under oath, was launched. Defendants do not have the right to remain
silent and can be compelled to testify against themselves. The Criminal Procedures
Code gives defendants the right to an attorney from the moment of their arrest, but
not during the prearrest investigation period, which may involve prolonged deten-
tion. Persons summoned to appear as witnesses in investigations do not have the
right to be assisted by lawyers even though information developed in the course of
rendering testimony can subsequently become the basis of an investigation of the
witness. The law requires that a lawyer be appointed in capital cases and those in-
volving a prison sentence of 15 years or more. In cases involving potential sentences
of 5 years or more, a lawyer must be appointed if the defendant desires an attorney
and is indigent. In theory, destitute defendants may obtain private legal help, such
as that provided by the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation. In practice, however, de-
fendants are often persuaded not to hire an attorney, or access to an attorney of
their choice is impeded.
In many cases procedural protections, including those against coerced confessions,
particularly those coerced by the police and military intelligence (BIA), are inad-
equate to ensure a fair trial. Corruption is a common feature of the legal system
and the payment of bribes can influence prosecution, conviction, and sentencing in
civil and criminal cases.
778
There were few signs of judicial independence. The court continued to be used to
take action against political activists and government critics. The Government vigor-
ously pursued the numerous subversion cases started at the end of 1996, and initi-
ated or threatened new cases. Many independent observers interpreted this as an
effort to chill dissent in advance of the May general election. The Government pros-
ecuted and the court convicted 14 young activists belonging to or associated with
the People's Democratic Party (PRD) under the Antisubversion Law in April and
June, handing down the harshest sentences for peaceful political dissent in recent
years (see Section 2.a.). The Government also tried independent labor leader
Muchtar Pakpahan, and former parliamentarian Sri Bintang Pamungkas under this
law. Four youths charged with inciting the rioting that took place in Tasikmalaya,
West Java in December 1996 were brought to trial in 1997 on charges of subversion.
The trials concluded in November and December, resulting in sentences of 22
months, 24 months, 8 years, and 10 years in prison. Megawati Sukarnoputri filed
suit in courts throughout the country to challenge the legality of the June 1996 gov-
ernment-supported Medan congress that ousted her from the PDI leadership. Most
courts refused to hear the case. However, several courts accepted the case and ruled
in her favor.
The Antisubversion Law, which carries a maximum penalty of death (which has
not been invoked in recent years), makes it a crime to engage in acts that could
distort, undermine, or deviate from the state ideology or broad outlines of state pol-
icy, or which could disseminate feelings of hostility or arouse hostility, disturbances,
or anxiety among the population. The excessively vague language of this law makes
it possible to prosecute people merely for peaceful expression of Sdews contrary to
those of the Government.
Many prisoners are serving sentences for subversion, including members of the
banned (Jommunist Party of Indonesia (PKI), Muslim militants, and those convicted
of subversion in Irian Jaya, Aceh, and East Timor. More are serving sentences
under the Hate-Sowing or Sedition laws. Some of these persons advocated or em-
ployed violence, but others are political prisoners who were convicted for attempting
to exercise such universally recognized numan rights as freedom of speech or asso-
ciation, or who were convicted in unfair trials. Juvencio de Jesus Martins, an East
Timorese prisoner, was released under normal remission procedures on Indonesian
Independence Day, August 17.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Judicial
warrants for searches are required except for cases involving suspected subversion,
economic crimes, and corruption. However, security agencies regularly made forced
or surreptitious entries. Security forces also engaged in surveillance of persons and
residences and selective monitoring of local and international telephone calls with-
out legal restraint.
Government security officials monitor the movements and activities of former
members of the PKI and its front organizations, especially persons the Government
believes were involved in the abortive 1965 coup. These persons and their relatives
sometimes are subjected to surveillance, required check -ins, periodic indoctrination,
and restrictions on travel outside their city of residence. One of the methods the
Government has used to monitor the activities of these people has been to require
that the initials "E.T." ("Ex-Tapol" or political prisoner) be stamped in their identi-
fication cards. This allows the Government and prospective employers to identify
former PKI members, and subjects them to official and unofficial discrimination. Al-
though the requirement that E.T. be stamped in identification cards has been offi-
cially ended, in practice it is still used in many cases.
After several years during which the Government significantly reduced its
transmigration program, the program was revived during the year with private cor-
f>orate support. The program moves large numbers of people from overpopulated is-
ands to more isolated and less developed ones. It is also used to resettle local popu-
lations within East Timor and Irian Jaya. Human rights monitors say that the pro-
gram violates the rights of indigenous people and dupes some transmigrants into
leaving their home villages without any means of return. Conditions at some sites
are life threatening, with inadequate measures to protect the transmigrant popu-
lation against diseases endemic to the transmigration sites. Transmigrants and mi-
grants outside the Government transmigration program received indirect govern-
ment support in the form of developmental assistance programs and contracts with
the armed forces (ABRI) or local government officials. This practice, particularly in
East Timor, Irian Jaya and Kalimantan, led to resentment among indigenous popu-
lations, which believed that their rights were infringed upon (see Section 5).
There were reports that security forces occupied villages in the central highlands
of Irian Jaya and destroyed homes and crops. The military denied committing
abuses (see Section 2.d.).
779
The Government prohibits the import of Chinese-language publications (see Sec-
tion 5).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^Although the 1945 Constitution and the 1982
Press Law provide for freedom of the press, the Government continued to restrict
press freedom in practice. The Government uses the issuance of publishing licenses
under a 1984 ministerial decree to control the press. Other means of control include
regulation of the amount of advertising permitted and of the number of pages al-
lowed in newspapers. In sensitive areas, the authorities continued to provide guid-
ance to local journalists and editors on what they should print, although there were
many cases in which such guidance was ignored. Self-censorship by the press con-
tinued, especially on subjects known to be sensitive to the Government. At year's
end, criticism of the Government grew stronger and the press carried it more open-
ly-
Coverage of a number of sensitive topics, such as corruption, the role of the first
family in business, and lack of government fiscal accountability, did occur, particu-
larly in the English-language press. Major Indonesian-language newspapers were
more cautious. The broadcast media, which reaches a far larger proportion of the
population than does the print media, rarely if ever deals with sensitive topics.
Media coverage of the January-February ethnic fighting between Christian Dayak
and Muslim Madurese in West Kalimantan was at times extremely restricted. The
military held a closed meeting with senior editors early in February in the midst
of the ethnic strife. Few local newspaper reports about the situation in West
Kalimantan appeared until the fighting was well underway. Other instances of so-
cial unrest, such as in Rengasdengklok, West Java on January 30, and instances
related to the election campaign, received more media coverage.
Throughout most of the year, Hmited debate on political and social issues was per-
mitted in the press and other public forums, but the Government continued to im-
pose restrictions on free speech, especially in cases involving direct opposition to the
existing system. At year's end, public criticism of the Government grew stronger and
the press carried it more openly. In the aftermath of the July 27, 1996 incident, and
in the period prior to the May general election, the Government demonstrated that
it would not tolerate challenges to the fundamental underpinnings of the political
system, in particular by arresting, placing on trial, and harshly sentencing some of
its critics.
Fourteen activists belonging to, or associated with, the small, opposition People's
Democratic Party (PRD) were convicted under the controversial 1963 Antisubversion
Law. On April 28, the day after the general election campaign began, courts in Ja-
karta convicted nine of the activists. Although the young activists originally were
arrested in August 1996 amidst government accusations of masterminding the "July
27" incident, the convictions rested instead on writings, speeches, and organiza-
tional activities, which were deemed subversive (see Section I.e.).
The PRD's leader, Budiman Sudjatmiko, received a 13-year sentence, which was
increased to 15 years on appeal. This was one of the most severe sentences imposed
in a subversion case in recent years. His associates received sentences ranging from
12 years to 18 months. Two more PRD activists were convicted in Jakarta on June
16, and given 4- and 5-year sentences. Other PRD-related cases included the convic-
tions in Surabaya of Dita Indah Sari and two others for subversion on April 22 and
April 23 based on their political views and organizational activities, which included
calling for an end to the military doctrine of dual function and organizing labor
strikes.
Independent labor leader Muchtar Pakpahan's subversion trial, which began on
December 12, 1996, continued in the early part of the year, and was interrupted
due to his serious health problems. It resumed in September. As with the young
PRD activists, the subversion charges rested on his criticism of the Government,
rather than his purported role in the July 27, 1996 violence, as had originally been
publicly claimed by the (jovemment (see Section 6. a.).
The subversion trial of Sri Bintang Pamungkas, the former United Development
Party (PPP) legislator, began on December 22. According to the prosecution, he was
charged under the 1963 Antisubversion Law because he formed the Indonesian
Democratic Union Party (PUDI), issued a PUDI manifesto, named himself a can-
didate for president, and sent out holiday (Idul Fitri) cards in January carrying the
PUDI's agenda. The PUDI's program included rejection of the 1997 election, rejec-
tion of another Soeharto presidential candidacy, and a call to prepare for the post-
Soeharto era. Bintang was detained on March 6, along with the PUDI's deputy
chairman Julius Usman and secretary general Saleh Abdullah, by the Attorney
780
General's Office in accordance with the Antisubversion Law. His colleagues were re-
leased from detention on April 3.
Aberson Marie Sihaloho, a parliamentarian from the Indonesian Democratic Party
(PDI) and a supporter of ousted PDI leader Megawati Sukarnoputri, was convicted
on July 21 for allegedly insulting the President, armed forces, and other public insti-
tutions. He received a 9-month prison sentence. The basis of his conviction was a
speech he made in July 1996 at the "free speech forum" in front of the PDI head-
quarters, which had been videotaped by the Government. He became the first par-
liamentarian in recent years to face trial and be convicted.
The Government took similar harsh action against some individuals who pub-
lished magazines or books that challenged the system. Andi Syaputra was sentenced
on April 7 to 30 months in prison for printing and distributing printed material al-
legedly defaming President Soeharto. On March 4, the Government banned a 22-
fiage pamphlet written by Soebadio Sastrosatomo, one of the leaders of the long-out-
awed Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI). The Government then brought Soebadio's
private secretary to trial August 5 on charges of having "insulted" the President.
His alleged crime was that he assisted in the production of the book. He was re-
leased from detention in September while his trial was still in progress.
An activist from the NGO Center for information and Action Network for Demo-
cratic Reform, Tri Agus Siswomihardjo, was released from prison March 10 after
serving 24 months for disseminating materials allegedly defaming the President.
Eko Mariyadi and Achmad Taufik, ofthe unrecognized Independent Journalists' As-
sociation (AJI), were released from prison on July 18. They had served 2 years and
4 months of their 3-year sentences for allegedly slandering the President and
spreading hatred against the Government. They were convicted based on articles
they wrote for the underground journal Independen, and for publishing Independen
without a government license.
The killing of a journalist who published critical reports in 1996, and at least one
other similar case in 1997, attracted domestic and international attention. A trial
was carried out in the 1996 killing in Yogyakarta of a journalist, Fuad Muhammad
Syafrudin (Udin), who worked for the Yogyakarta daily newspaper Bemas. He had
been attacked in his home, possibly in connection with articles he had written that
were critical of the local government's actions in land cases. There was considerable
controversy as to whether authorities had arrested the right suspect, as the victim's
wife, an eyewitness to the crime, testified in court on September 2 that the defend-
ant was not the one who killed her husband. The accused claimed that his confes-
sion was coerced by the authorities. Prosecutors finally dropped the case, and the
defendant was released on November 27.
On July 26, a journalist for the Jakarta weekly magazine Sinar Pagi, Naimullah,
was found dead in his car outside Pontianak, West Kalimantan. He reportedly had
injuries to his neck, head, temples, chest, and wrists and four individuals were seen
near his car. He had published reports on timber smuggling and theft that allegedly
involved local officials. The Indonesian Journalists' Association called for an impar-
tial police investigation. The police in West Kalimantan announced in August that
the case was still being investigated. By year's end, it had not been resolved.
The electronic media remained more cautious in their coverage ofthe Government
than the print media. The Government operates a nationwide television network
with 12 regional stations. Private commercial television companies, most with own-
ership by, or management ties to, the President's family, continued to expand. All
are required to broadcast government-produced news, but many also produce public
affairs style programming with news content.
Over 600 private radio broadcasting companies exist in addition to the Govern-
ment's national radio network. They all were required to belong to the government-
sponsored Association of Private Radio Stations (PRSSNI) to receive a broadcasting
license. The government radio station produces the program "National News," which
is the only news permitted by law to be broadcast in Indonesia. It is relayed
throughout the country by private stations and 53 regional affiliates of the govern-
ment station. By law, the private radio stations may produce only 'light" news, such
as human interest stories, and may not discuss politics. In practice, however, many
broadcast interviews and foreign news as well. Moreover, "talk radio" call-in pro-
grams increasingly touch on political and socio-economic issues.
Foreign television and radio broadcasts were readily accessible. Satellite dishes
have proliferated throughout the country, and there was access to the Internet. The
Government made no efibrt to restrict access to this programming, and has pro-
claimed an "open skies" policy. Foreign periodicals are widely available. Distribution
is sometimes delayed by a day or more by authorities, although this is rare. The
Government restricts the import of Chinese-language publications (see Section 5).
781
The Government closely regulates access to Indonesia, particularly to certain
areas of the country, by visiting and resident foreign correspondents. It occasionally
reminds the latter of its prerogative to deny requests for visa extensions. Special
fiermission is necessary for foreign journalists to travel to East Timor, Aceh, and
rian Jaya. With a few exceptions, press access to East Timor was restricted. A
number of journalists repeatedly requested permission to go to East Timor without
success. The local press in Aceh is tightly controlled.
In November a foreign NGO worker was detained in Dili for participating in and
photographing a peaceful, candlelight vigil. Authorities accused her of acting as a
journalist witnout the proper visa. She was expelled to Bali, following 10 hours of
questioning by authorities.
The Government requires a permit for the importation of foreign publications and
videotapes, which must be reviewed by government censors. Importers sometimes
avoided foreign materials critical of the Government or dealing with topics consid-
ered sensitive, such as human rights. There is a significant amount of materials by-
passing customs and censorship procedures.
PubUshers sometimes refused to accept manuscripts dealing with controversial is-
sues. Most books by the prominent novelist and former political prisoner,
Pramoedya Ananta Toer, are banned, though some were in circulation. The Govern-
ment in March banned a pamphlet which was written by a former leader of the
long-banned Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI), Soebadio Sastrosatomo.
In December, police banned the performance of a play in Bandung, West Java
based on the life of labor activist Marsinah, who was murdered in 1993, the play
had been closed down earlier in Surabaya East Java on November 26, and was
stopped in other cities as well. It was performed in Jakarta and some other venues.
Wnile the law provides for academic freedom, constraints exist on the activities
of scholars. Political activity and discussions at universities, while no longer for-
mally banned, remained constrained. Some scholars displayed caution in producing
or including in lectures and class discussions materials that might provoke govern-
ment displeasure.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly; however, the Government places significant controls on the ex-
ercise of this right. The Government promulgated regulations in December 1995
that eliminated the permit requirements for some types of public meetings. A re-
quirement to notify tne police remained for most others, and in practice numerous
public meetings continued to be prevented or broken up.
In an effort to control NGO's, unrecognized political groups, and some student or-
ganizations in the aftermath of the July 27, 1996 incident and in the period prior
to the May general election and afterwards, the Gk)vernment prevented or broke up
numerous meetings, seminars, and other peaceful demonstrations, and public gath-
erings, although it allowed others to occur. In November 1996, high-level govern-
ment officials made public threats to take legal action against selected NGO's
deemed to be "trouble-making." Several of those groups, specifically the People's
Democratic Party (PRD) and its affiliates were banned oy the Government on Sep-
tember 29, and the authorities used close monitoring to intimidate other NGO's,
which nonetheless continued to operate.
On March 13, the police in Jakarta broke up a seminar focused on the upcoming
general election jointly sponsored by a student group, several NGO's, and the Inde-
pendent Election Monitoring Committee. The groups said publicly that they had no-
tified the police in accordance with relevant regulations, but the authorities still re-
fused to allow the event to proceed.
On April 11, security forces in Medan, North Sumatra stopped an NGO seminar
on advocacy training for agrarian affairs during its second day. The seminar had
been scheduled to run for 5 days. In June a meeting bringing together NGO's in
Banda Aceh was canceled by the authorities on the day it was to begin.
An evening discussion sponsored by student groups held the day before the anni-
versary of the 1996 "July 27 incident" was broken up and five students were interro-
gated.
On July 29, police in the Lampung province of Sumatra broke up a training ses-
sion held by the unrecognized labor federation, the Indonesian Prosperity Trade
Union (SBSI). The session was in its third day of a 10-day schedule when the police
shut it down. Twenty-six SBSI members were arrested, and there were credible re-
ports that some of them were beaten while in detention.
Although the Government refused to grant official recognition to the Independent
Election Monitoring Committee, it allowed the KIPP to carry out limited, yet signifi-
cant, monitoringactivities during the campaign and election. The Government also
permitted the KIPP to hold press conferences in Jakarta evaluating the election and
to issue a public report with its findings, which outlined many fiaws in the election.
782
However, there were also instances where the KIPP was subjected to serious re-
strictions. For example, on April 7, the police in South Sulawesi canceled a program
organized by the local KIPP chapter designed to train volunteer election monitors
even though the program organizers had notified the police. The KIPP was unable
to function in Acen, due to pressures against it. An April discussion there sponsored
by the KIPP was canceled by the authorities.
Security forces detained 24 student demonstrators at Gadjah Mada University in
Yogyakarta on April 1. The police accused the students of calling for an election boy-
cott. On April 2, eight students were violently arrested during a second demonstra-
tion in which they called for the release of the first group. All 32 were released on
April 3. On March 11, three student activists were reportedly arrested in Jakarta
because they were allegedly attempting to call for an election boycott by putting up
posters and writing graffiti.
Security forces violently dispersed a peaceful gathering of supporters of Megawati
Sukarnoputri in Bali in April, assaulted a group of demonstrators following the sen-
tencing of PRD activists in April, and attacked a group of students at the Indo-
nesian Christian University campus in Jakarta in June (see Section I.e.). On Sep-
tember 19, security forces stopped a congress held by the SBSI in Jakarta. It was
the first day of a planned 3-day schedule. Eight members of the congress's organiza-
tional committee, two Australian trade unionists, and two Dutch journalists were
detained overnight. Security forces broke up a year-end celebration gathering at the
SBSI headquarters on December 27. The security forces claimed that the SBSI had
not obtained the necessary permit, and 27 people were detained. Musical instru-
ments, recordings of labor songs, SBSI archives, banners, photos, and participants
belongings were confiscated.
Security forces in Jakarta mobilized on July 27 to prevent supporters of Megawati
Sukarnoputri from carrying out what was supposed to be a commemoration of the
1996 "July 27 incident' at the PDI's former neadauarters. Several smaller groups
were able to approach the headquarters where tney peaceably conducted group
prayers surrounded bv security forces. Several thousand supporters of Megawati
were jjermitted to rally on the street in front of the national Parliament on April
15. Several hundred police officers on the scene prevented access to parliament
grounds, but took no action to stop the gathering.
An NGO-sponsored seminar on East Timor was held in Jakarta on September 12
without government interference. A public dialogue between the military and gov-
ernment and NGO's was held on September 8.
Father Romo Ignatius Sandyawan Sumardi and his brother were brought to trial
in Bekasi, West Java in October. He was accused of harboring three political dis-
sidents including People's Democratic Party (PRD) leader Budiman Sudjatmiko and
two of his lieutenants during the manhunt for them that took place in August 1996.
The authorities stated that they blocked Father Sandyawan from seeking needed
medical treatment abroad because of the investigation launched in August 1996.
On December 10, there were a number of student demonstrations planned to
mark Human Rights Day. The military blocked some but permitted others.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, the (jovernment
places significant controls on the exercise of this right. The 1985 Social Organiza-
tions Law (ORMAS) requires the adherence of all organizations, including recog-
nized religions and associations, to the official ideology of Pancasila. This provision,
which limits political activity, is widely understood as designed to inhibit activities
of groups seeking to engage in democratic political competition, make Indonesia an
Islamic state, revive communism, or return the country to a situation of partisan
ideological division. It empowers the Government to disband any organization it be-
lieves to be acting against Pancasila and requires prior government approval for any
organization's acceptance of funds from foreign donors. Nevertheless, numerous or-
ganizations, includmg the independent labor organization, the SBSI, and the KIPP,
were active without official recognition under this law.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for religious freedom for mem-
bers of five acceptea religions and belief in one Supreme God. The Government rec-
ognizes Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism, Buddhism, and Hinduism, and permits
the practice of the mystical, traditional beliefs of "Aliran Kepercayaan." Although
the population is over 85 percent Muslim, the practice and teachings of the other
recognized religions are generally respected, ana the Government actively promotes
mutual tolerance and harmony among them. However, some restrictions on certain
types of religious activity, including unrecognized religions, exist.
Because the first tenet of Pancasila is belief in one Supreme God, atheism is for-
bidden. Although individuals are not compelled to practice any particular faith, all
citizens must choose one of the five officially recognized religions. As this choice
must be noted on ofTicial documents, such as the identification card, failure to iden-
783
tify a religion can make it impossible to obtain such documents. The legal require-
ment to aahere to Pancasila extends to all religious and secular organizations. The
Government strongly opposes Muslim groups that advocate establishing an Islamic
state or acknowledging only Islamic law. The Government banned some religions,
including Jehovah's Witnesses, Baha'i, Confucianism and in some provinces the
messiamc Islamic sect Darul Arqam. The Government closely monitors Islamic sects
considered in danger of deviating from orthodox tenets, and in the past has on occa-
sion dissolved such groups.
High-level officials continued to make public statements and emphasize by exam-
ple the importance of respect for religious diversity. Lower level ofTicials, however,
were frequently alleged to be reluctant to facilitate and protect the rights of reli-
gious minorities.
A 1969 regulation dictates that before a house of worship can be built, agreement
must be obtained from local residents living near the site and a license must be ob-
tained from the regional office of the Ministry of Religion. Some Christians claim
that this regulation is being used to discriminate against them and to prevent them
from building churches. Despite the problems, the building of churches continues.
The law allows conversion between faiths, and such conversions occur. Independ-
ent observers note that interfaith marriage between Muslims and non-Muslims have
become increasingly difficult. People from religions outside the five accepted reli-
gions have difiiculty having their marriage officially recognized. There was one
prominent case of a Confucian couple that was prohibited from getting married.
The Government views proselytizing by recognized religions in areas heavily
dominated by another recogriized religion as potentially disruptive and discourages
it. Foreign missionary activities are relatively unimpeded, although in East Timor,
Irian Jaya, and occasionally elsewhere missionaries have experienced difficulties
and delays in renewing residence permits, and visas allowing the entrance of new
foreign clergy are difficult to obtain. Laws and decrees from the 1970's limit the
number of years that foreign missionaries can spend in Indonesia, with some exten-
sions granted in remote areas like Irian Jaya. Foreign missionary work is subject
to the funding stipulations of the ORMAS law. Citizens practicing the recognized
religions maintain active links with coreligionists inside and outside the country and
travel abroad for religious gatherings.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Although in 1993 the Government drastically reduced the number of
people barred either from entering or departing Indonesia from a publicly an-
nounced figure of 8,897 "blacklisted people to a few hundred, such restrictions still
exist. The Government also restricts movement by citizens and foreigners to and
within parts of the country. In addition, it requires permits to seek work in a new
location in certain areas, primarily to control further population movement to
crowded cities. Special permits are required to visit certain parts of Irian Jaya. The
authorities require former political detainees, including those associated with the
abortive 1965 coup, to give notice of their movements and to have ofTicial permission
to change their place of residence (see Section l.f.).
Authorities carried out operations to investigate citizens' identification cards
(KTP), including stopping motorists and raiding entertainment sites. On July 15, in
west Jakarta police reportedly checked the documents of 3,000 people and fined
many for not having proper permission to be in Jakarta. Teguh Sunarto was de-
tained during a similar operation in Surabaya for not having his identification card.
He was mistreated and died after his release from detention (see Section l.a.).
The Government blocked the overseas travel of some political activists, some of
whom were seeking medical treatment. Immigration authorities at the airport in Ja-
karta on April 10 stopped human rights activist Father Romo Sandyawan Soemardi
from leaving Indonesia to undergo eye surgery in Perth, Australia. He had been
questioned in August 1996 in connection with the cases against the PRD. The Ja-
karta administrative court on January 28 upheld the Attorney General's decision to
impose a 1-year travel ban on Sri Bintang Pamungkas on April 18, 1996. It was
the second l-vear ban. The Government initially refused detained, independent
labor leader Muchtar Pakpahan's request to receive overseas medical evaluation and
treatment. In December the Government permitted a team of Canadian doctors to
examine Pakpahan. Already serving a prison sentence stemming from a 1994 con-
viction, he was being tried for subversion. The trial had been interrupted due to
Pakpahan's need for medical treatment, and it was at that point while he was still
in the hospital that he had sought permission to obtain treatment overseas.
The Government's 1996 closure of certain areas of Irian Jaya's central highlands
to nonresidents continued into 1997. The areas had been closed due to the military's
special operations against the separatist Free Papua Organization (0PM), the group
that carried out killings and kidnapings in 1996. Exceptions were made during the
784
closure of these areas, including for some religious personnel. Information was dif-
ficult to obtain due to the restrictions. However, credible sources asserted that secu-
rity forces were occupying villages in the highlands, exercising tight control over vil-
lagers* movements, and forcing them to periorm uncompensated labor during the re-
striction period. There were credible reports that in late 1996 security forces had
mistreated local residents in the operational area, including beatings and harsh in-
terrogation, destruction of homes and crops, and sexual abuse, and that in January
security forces burned huts in one village. According to reliable reports, the military
carried out forced movements and harassment of villagers in late 1997, which exac-
erbated food shortages in some instances. The military denied that it was restricting
villagers' movements or committing abuses, and asserted that the 0PM was intimi-
dating villagers.
In past years, the Government offered first asylum to over 125,000 Indochinese
boat people. Indonesia's Galang Island camp was closed in 1996 as the last remain-
ing asylum seekers were repatriated. There remain, however, some 14 persons
awaiting a resettlement opportunity in another country. The Government has not
formulated a policy regarding asylum seekers of other nationalities, but it has in
practice respected theprincipie oi not returning asylum seekers to the country from
which they had fled. There were no reports of the forced return of persons to a coun-
try where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the ability to change their government through democratic
means. There has never been an electoral challenge to President Soeharto. The
1,000-member People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) is constitutionally the highest
authority of the State. It meets every 5 years to elect the President and Vice Presi-
dent and to set the broad outlines of state policy. The MPR is effectively controlled
by President Soeharto and his Government. Five hundred members of the MPR
come from the National Parliament (DPR), 425 of whose members were elected in
the May general election (up from 400 elected members in 1992). The remaining 75
members are military appointees. In 1993 the MPR elected Soeharto to his sixth
uncontested 5-year term as President. Legally the President is constitutionally sub-
ordinate to the MPR, but actually he and a small group of associates exercise gov-
ernmental authority.
Under a doctrine known as dual function, the military assumes a significant socio-
political as well as a security role. Members of the military are allotted 75 unelected
seats in the DPR, in partial compensation for not being permitted to vote. The mili-
tary holds an unelected 20 percent of the seats in provincial and district par-
liaments, and occupies numerous key positions in the administration. The other 85
percent of national and 80 percent of local parliamentary seats are filled through
elections held every 5 years. All adult citizens, except active duty members of the
armed forces, convicted criminals serving prison sentences, and some 36,000 former
members of the PKI, are eligible to vote. Voters choose by secret ballot between the
three government-approved political organizations, which field candidate lists in
each electoral district. Those lists must oe screened by BAKORSTANAS, which de-
termines whether candidates were involved in the abortive 1965 coup or pose other
broadly defined security risks. Critics charge that these screenings are unconstitu-
tional, since there is no way to appeal the results, and note that they can be used
to eliminate critics of the Government from Parliament. Strict rules establish the
length of political campaigns, access to electronic media, schedules for public ap-
pearances, and the political symbols that can be used.
The Government formally permits only three political organizations to exist and
contest elections. The largest and most important of these is GOLKAR, a govern-
ment-controlled organization of diverse functional groups. The President strongly in-
fluences the selection of the leaders of GOLKAR, of which he is the senior leader.
GOLKAR maintains close institutional links with the armed forces and KORPRI,
the association to which all civil servants automatically belong. Civil servants may
join any of the political parties with official permission, but they are in practice com-
pelled to support GOLKAR. Former members of the PKI and some other banned
parties may not run for office or be active politically.
The other two small, legal, political organizations, the United Development Party
(PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), are not considered opposition
parties, and, along with GOLKAR, are required by law to embrace the state ideology
of Pancasila. These smaller parties are not permitted to maintain party offices below
the district level, placing them at a disadvantage to the government-supported
GOLKAR, which has offices at the district and lower administrative levels. CJovem-
ment authorities closely scrutinize and often guide the activities of the three politi-
785
cal organizations. For exaniple, many serving parliamentarians as well as potential
new candidates from the PDI were not permitted to run in the May parliamentary
election after the Government in June 1996 engineered the ouster of the popular
leader of the PDI, Megawati Sukarnoputri. She had become the subject oi public
speculation as a possible candidate for president in 1998. Members of the DPR and
the provincial assemblies may be recalled from office bv party leaders. An outspoken
DPR member from the ABRI faction, Major General Theo Syafei, was removea from
the house prior to the May parliamentary election. Although members of the ABRI
faction in the DPR can be replaced at any time at the behest of the commander in
chief of the armed forces, and are thus not technically subject to recall, the timing
of Syafei's dismissal was considered unusual. It occurred soon after he had publicly
emphasized that voters had the right to void their ballots by marking the symbols
for all three political parties.
The May parliamentary election, in line with the previous five elections held since
1971, denied citizens the right to change their own government democratically. The
ruling GOLKAR party secured its largest electoral victory ever with more than 74
Percent of the vote; the PPP received approximately 22 percent of the vote, and the
DI just over 3 percent. Government-ousted PDI leader Megawati Sukarnoputri and
her supporters were not permitted to take part in the election, a factor that many
independent observers publicly concluded led to the drop in the PDI's vote share
from the 17 percent level it obtained in the previous election.
Sporadic, yet significant, .violence occurred during the 27-day campaign period
that preceded the vote, including clashes between and among political contestants,
between political contestants and security forces, and general rioting. Most of the
hundreds of deaths during the campaign period happened as a result of accidents
during the massive street rallies. According to government figures, 123 persons died
in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan on May 23, the last day of the campaign, during
a fire that broke out in a department store amidst major rioting and looting. In ad-
dition, numerous injuries resulted from clashes before, and, in some places, after the
election. Many observers concluded that it was the most violent campaign ever. The
Government succeeded in restricting the content and structure of the campaign and
election, perhaps even more so than in past years. However, despite new rules de-
signed to stop the street rallies that had been prevalent in previous campaigns, and
numerous hi^ level public warnings to abide by these rules, large rallies were re-
peatedly carried out by GOLKAR, tne PPP, and, to a far lesser extent, by the PDI.
In the midst of the campaign, the Government banned all materials supporting
an embryonic alliance between supporters of Megawati Sukarnoputri and the Unit-
ed Development Party (PPP). In tne period prior to the election, the President and
other senior government officials through a series of blunt pronouncements strongly
urged citizens to ignore the few, mostly indirect, calls that were made to boycott the
election. The Government repeatedly made it known that such calls were illegal,
through public statements and the arrests of those who advocated a boycott, includ-
ing public figure such as Sri Bintang and students who were allegedly distributing
leaflets calling for a boycott. A few student and church groups that also indirectly
called for an election boycott were not affected.
The election and campaign were marred by numerous, credible charges of fraud
and other violations, mostly committed by the Government and GOLKAR, although
there were also some campaign violations by the PPP and the PDI. The reports of
fraud and other violations included double voting by members of GOLKAR, govern-
ment intimidation of PPP and PDI poll witnesses, and improper supervision of the
vote counting. In a few districts in East Java, the complaints of large-scale vote
fraud resulted in destructive rioting, forcing the authorities to carry out a re-vote
because, according to officials, ballot boxes were destroyed. After the election was
over, the Government claimed to have discovered that 64,000 votes had been mis-
counted, giving one more parliamentary seat to PDI.
The National Commission on Human Rights called on the Government, Par-
liament, election contestants, and public leaders to conduct an overall evaluation of
the election. The Government's public discussion focused mostly on improving the
techniques of campaigning rather than on the underlying factors that led to prob-
lems during the election. The Government said that it would investigate the reports
of campaign violations forwarded by all three election contestants, but promised no
results until 1998.
The Parliament (DPR) considers bills presented to it by government departments
and agencies but does not draft laws on its own, although it has the constitutional
authority to do so. During a 5-year term ending in October, the DPR considered and
passed over 70 pieces of legislation, including one bill two times. In an unprece-
aented and possibly unconstitutional move, the President returned a broadcasting
bill already approved by the Parliament for reconsideration and revision. The DPR
786
does make technical, and occasionally substantive alterations to bills it reviews.
There were also indications that the DPR was to a limited extent able to make sub-
stantive changes to bills that reflected the interests expressed by outside groups.
This was particularly apparent with regard to the manpower bill (see Section 6).
However, there was public criticism after reports that the Minister of Manpower
used $1.3 million from the government-manaated Workers Social Insurance Fund
(JAMSOSTEK) to facilitate passage in Parliament of the manpower bill.
While the DPR remains clearly subordinate to the executive branch, it has become
more active in scrutinizing government policy, and in exercising oversight of govern-
ment budgetary expenditures and program implementation through hearmgs at
which members of the Cabinet, military commanders, and other hi^ ofTicials are
asked to testify. The DPR also has become increasingly a focal point of appeals and
petitions from students, workers, displaced farmers, and others charging human
rights abuses and airing other grievances. It rarely is the source of anv renef to pe-
titioners other than providing a channel through which their complaints can be
aired.
While there are no legal restrictions on the role of women in politics, they are
underrepresented in government. The May parliamentary election represented a
step backwards for women in terms of representation in Parliament, with their per-
centage falling from 12 percent to 9 percent of seats. In the Cabinet, 2 of 41 min-
isters are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Grovemment pressure on domestic human rights organizations and other NGO's
that began after the July 27 1996 violence continued in the period prior to the May
general election (see Section 2. a.).
NGO's faced government harassment, including police raids on their offices sur-
veillance by police or military intelligence, interrogation at police stations, or can-
cellation of private meetings. Government officials, as in 1996, publicly threatened
to take legal action against some NGO's.
The Government reiterated its rejection of a proposal by the United Nations
Human Rights Commission to open an office in Jakarta that would have the capac-
ity to monitor human rights developments. The Government had indicated a willing-
ness to permit an office to open in Jakarta if its mission were restricted to technical
operations, such as conducting seminars without any monitoring function.
The Government considers outside investigations or foreign-based criticism of al-
leged human rights violations to be interference in its internal afTairs. It emphasizes
its belief that linking foreign assistance or other sanctions related to its human
rights observance constitute interference in its internal afTairs and is therefore un-
acceptable. Although the Government did not articulate a clear public policy on
whether it would invite or allow foreigners to monitor the May general election, two
international groups did observe the election on a limited basis.
The ICRC continued to operate in East Timor. It also visited prisoners convicted
of participation in the abortive 1965 coup, convicted Muslim extremists, and East
Timorese and other political prisoners outside of East Timor. However, throughout
the year it faced obstacles and unwillingness to allow visits, including continuing
serious delays in visiting some recent or new detainees or prisoners charged with
subversion and detained in Jakarta and elsewhere after the 1996 "July 27 incident."
After an initial visit in August 1996, the ICRC was not permitted further visits to
the PRD prisoners in Jakarta until the following July.
While receiving support for its work from the Government in principle, the ICRC
periodically faced difficulty in implementing its humanitarian program in East
Timor. Cooperation with local commanders improved following an ICRC seminar for
military officers held in Jakarta. Participants in the seminar showed improved un-
derstanding and openness for the ICRC mission and frequently eased access to de-
tainees in East Timor. While the ICRC was able to visit the vast majority of those
known to have been detained in East Timor, problems continued in visiting detain-
ees held by the military in Aceh and North Sumatra. The ICRC has not been able
to obtain access to Aceh since March, when military operations took place.
Travel to East Timor by foreign human rights NGO's other than the ICRC has
not been approved. Domestic human rights organizations are able to visit, however.
One foreign NGO worker was detained in East Timor in November, during which
time she stated that she was not allowed to contact her embassy, when she partici-
pated in and photographed a candlelight vigil commemorating the 1991 Dili mas-
sacre. She was expelled to Bali following 10 hours of questioning.
The Government-appointed National Human Rights Commission, in its 4th year
of operation, continuea to be active in examining reported human rights violations
787
and continued to show independence. Lacking enforcement powers, the commission
attempts to work within the system, sending teams where necessary to inquire into
possible human rights problems and employing persuasion, publicity, and moral au-
thority to hi^light abuses, make recommendations for legal and regulatory
changes, and encourage corrective action.
The GJovemment has tended to ignore some Commission findings or, in some in-
stances, has moved lethargically in reaction to them. It was reported publicly that
the Commission asked the authorities to be more responsive. In September 1995,
the Commission identified six cases of ABRI abuse of indigenous people in Irian
Jaya, involving a number of deaths; only one was ever brought to trial, and the
Commission requested followup action in 1997. The Government made Uttle
progress in resolving the 1996 "July 27 incident." The Government moved slowly in
response to the Human Rights Commission's October 1996 report on the incident
which listed 23 persons missing, 149 injured, and 5 dead, 1 of whom had been shot.
Two government ministers publicly declared the case closed in August and said that
there should be no more public discussion of the incident. Supporters of ousted PDI
leader Megawati Sukarnoputri had announced in June that 6 of the 23 missing per-
sons had been found, and the Commission said on September 4 that the number
of missing persons was down to 16. The Commission met with senior government
officials in September who reportedly agreed that the case had not been solved and
agreed to continue to search for the remaining 16 persons. No action was promised
on the Commission's original recommendation that legal action be taken against
those who took over PDI headquarters.
The Commission opened an East Timor office in June 1996, which was widely re-
garded as a positive step in the effort to address and resolve human rights abuses
tnere. However, many observers also had doubts about the potential effectiveness
of the office because of its location next to the local military headquarters, its reli-
ance on government-provided staffing, and the fact that it could only receive com-
81aints and send them back to Jakarta, but could not take action itself. The initial
ow of citizens to the facility tended to comprise people who did not make com-
plaints regarding the Government, the military, or local authorities, conveying the
impression that the local population was reluctant to approach the facility. The of-
fice limited itself to dealing only with nonpolitical cases and therefore had made lit-
tle impact with regard to the more serious human rights problems in East Timor.
The Commission has been trying to address these problems, but by year's end the
office remained ineffective.
The Government appointed the Commission's original chairman, who then ap-
pointed the other 24 commission members. The Commission fills vacancies in its
ranks independently by internal election. A new chairman and four new members,
replacing those who had died while in office, were elected in the fall of 1996. Tlie
Commission moved into its own permanent facilities in 1996, and has hired several
professional staff to support its 25 members with their investigative and other sub-
stantive work.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution does not explicitly forbid discrimination based on gender, race,
disability, language, or social status. However, it stipulates equal rights and obliga-
tions for all citizens, both native and naturalized. The 1993 Guidelines of State Pol-
icy (legal statutes adopted by the People's Consultative Assembly) explicitly states
that women have the same rights, obligations, and opportunities as men. However,
these guidelines from 1978, 1983, 1988, and 1993, also state that women's participa-
tion in the development process must not conflict with their role in improving family
welfare and the education of the younger generation. Marriage law dictates that the
man is the head of the family. The Constitution grants citizens the right to practice
their individual religion and beliefs; however, the Government only recognizes five
religions and imposes some restrictions on other religious activity.
Women. — Violence against women remains poorly documented. However, the Gov-
ernment has acknowledged the problem of domestic violence in society, which has
been aggravated by social changes brought about by rapid urbanization. Rape by a
husband of a wife is not considered a crime under the law. Although women's
groups are trying to change the law, they have not made significant progress.
Cultural norms dictate that problems between husband and wife are private mat-
ters, and violence against women in the home is rarely reported. While police could
bring assault charges against a husband for beating his wife, due to social attitudes,
they are unlikely to do so. Nonetheless, according to reliable sources, the police have
become somewhat more responsive to domestic violence complaints.
788
Rape is a punishable offense. Men have been arrested and sentenced for rape and
attempted rape although reliable statistics are unavailable. The maximum prison
sentence for rape is 12 years, but observers say that sentences are usually much
shorter. Mob violence against accused rapists is frequently reported. Women's rights
activists believe that rape is seriously underreported due to the social stigma at-
tached to the victim. Some legal experts report that if a woman does not go imme-
diately to the hospital for a physical examination that produces physical evidence
of rape, she can not bring cnarges. A witness is also required in order to bring
charges, and only in rare cases is there a witness, according to legal experts. Some
women reportedly fail to report rape to police because the police do not take their
allegations seriously.
The Government provides some counseling for abused women, and several private
organizations exist to assist women. Many of these organizations focus on reuniting
the family rather than on providing protection to the women involved. Many women
rely on tne extended family system for assistance in cases of domestic violence.
There are only a few women's crisis centers in Indonesia, including a drop-in center
founded in Jakarta by the Government-sponsored National Women's Organization
(KOWANI) in 1996 and a crisis center for women in Yogyakarta run by an NGO.
A new crisis center for women, "Women's Partner," which opened in Jakarta in
April, runs a 24-hour hot line and a temporary shelter for abused women. Training
01 counselors for another Jakarta crisis center, called "Speak," is underway.
Sexual harassment is not a crime under the law, only indecent behavior. Sexual
harassment charges, however, can damage a civil service career. The current law
reportedly covers physical abuse only, ana requires two witnesses. Female job appli-
cants and workers have complained of being sexually victimized by foremen and lac-
tory owners.
There are credible reports of trafficking in women and of temporary "contract
marriages" with foreigners in certain areas, such as Kalimantan and Sumatra,
though the extent of this practice is unclear. These marriages are not considered
legal, and the children born from them are considered bom out of wedlock. Prostitu-
tion is widespread. Official statistics from 1994 report that there were 70,684 pros-
titutes in Indonesia, 9,000 of whom were in Jakarta.
According to the Constitution, women are equal to and have the same rights, obli-
gations, and opportunities as men. However, in practice women face some legal dis-
crimination. Marriage law dictates that the man is the head of the family. Marriage
law for Muslims, based on Islamic law, allows men to have up to four wives if the
first wife is unable "to fulfill her tasks as a wife." Permission of the first wife is
required, but reportedly most women cannot refuse. Civil servants and members of
the armed forces who wish to marry a second woman must also have permission
from their supervisors. To set an example, the President has forbidden cabinet offi-
cials and senior military officers to have second wives. In divorce cases women often
bear a heavier evidentiary burden than men, especially in the Islamic -based family
court system. Alimony is rarely received by divorced women, and there is no enforce-
ment of alimony payment.
The 1958 Citizenship Law states that children's citizenship is based only on the
citizenship of the father. Children of citizen mothers and foreign fathers are consid-
ered foreigners, and need visas to remain in Indonesia until the age of 18, when
they can apply for citizenship. They are prohibited from attending Indonesian
schools, ancf nave to attend international schools, which are expensive. The case of
one child, the 5-year-old son of a female citizen and a Japanese man, attracted
media attention in 1996, after the child was ordered to leave the country following
the divorce of his parents and the expiration of his residency visa. In 1997 the child
returned with another visa, but because his mother could not afford to keep him
in an international school, he eventually was sent to Japan to live with his father.
Foreign women married to citizens also face difficulties. Their children are citi-
zens and thus are not allowed to attend international schools in Indonesia. These
women are usually taxed as the foreign head of household but they do not have
property, business, or inheritance rights. There has been much discussion about
problems with the Citizenship Law, and NGO's and the Government appear to
agree that the law needs to be revised.
Although some women enjoy a high degree of economic and social freedom and
occupy important positions in both tne pioblic and private sectors, the majority do
not enjoy such social and economic freedoms and are disproportionately represented
at the lower end of the socioeconomic scale. The 1995 national profile oi women's
positions and roles showed that 37.4 percent of civil servants were women, but only
5.6 percent were in positions of authority.
Income disparity oetween men and women diminishes significantly with greater
educational achievement. Female workers in manufacturing generally receive lower
789
wages than men. Many female factory workers are hired as day laborers instead of
as mil-time permanent employees, and companies are not required to provide bene-
fits, such as maternity leave, to day laborers. Womens' rights activists report that
there is a growing trend in manufacturing to hire women to do work in their homes
for less than the minimum wage. Unemployment rates for women are approximately
50 percent higher than for men. Women are often not given the extra benefits and
salary that are their due when they are the head of household, and in some cases
do not receive employment benefits for their husband and children, such as medical
insurance and income tax deductions.
Despite laws that provide women with a 3-month maternity leave, the Govern-
ment nas acknowledged that pregnant women are often dismissed or are replaced
while on leave. Some companies require that women sign statements that they will
not become pregnant. The Employment Law mandates 2 days of menstrual leave
per month for women, although this leave is not always allowed. Many groups com-
plained that the draft manpower bill was vague and did not specify the length of
maternity and menstrual leave time to which women are entitled. It also did not
mandate that employers give breast-feeding women time during work hours to feed
their babies. The new law passed by Parliament on September 12 was revised to
once again include these rights. Many groups have criticized the law for not ad-
dressing sexual harassment and violence against women in the workplace, and for
f)rovidinjg inadequate protection in areas of employment where women have regu-
arly suiiered abuse, such as overseas employment and household service. The law
is expected to take effect in October 1998.
Women disproportionately experience illiteracy, poor health, and inadequate nu-
trition. The President called for expanded efl'orts to reduce the high maternal mor-
tality rate, which is 425 per 100,000 live births, according to official figures, and
up to 650, according to estimates from other sources. The Government launched the
"mother friendly movement" in December 1996 to address maternal mortality, and
is currently expanding its scope to cover more districts. According to current U.N.
data, two-thirds of Indonesian women are anemic, and 24 percent of women of re-
productive age suffer from chronic energy deficiency. Women's educational indica-
tors have improved in the last decade, ine number of girls graduating from high
school tripled from 1980 to 1990.
A growing number of NGO's are working to advance women's legal, economic, so-
cial, and political rights. They have had some success in gaining ofiicial cognizance
of women s concerns. There was an increase in the number of conferences, seminars,
and workshops connected with women's issues. Most were sponsored by NGO's, al-
though some were oi^anized by academic institutions and by the Government. Most
sessions sought to raise awareness or promote advocacy for women.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's rights and welfare, but is
hampered by a lack of resources that prevents it from translating this commitment
into practice. The Government allocates only 2.2 percent of gross national product
to education. A 1979 law on children's welfare defines the responsibility of the State
and parents to nurture and protect children. However, the law's provisions on pro-
tection of children have yet to go into effect because implementing regulations are
still being negotiated. The Government has made particular efforts to improve pri-
mary education and maternity services.
Low cost medical care is available, although access and availability is sometimes
sporadic, especially in rural areas. Moreover, the Government commits only 0.7 per-
cent of GNP to the health sector. According to U.N. data, 36 percent oi children
under 5 years of age sufiier from protein-energy malnutrition, and 35 percent suffer
from iron deficiency.
Although primary education is in principle universal, the United Nations Chil-
dren's Fund (UNICEF) estimates thai more than 1 million children drop out of pri-
mary school every year due mainly to the costs associated with education and the
need for the children to supplement family income. A 1994 law raised compulsory
education from 6 to 9 years, but the law has not been fully implemented due to in-
adequate school facilities and the lack of family financial resources to support chil-
dren staying in school. Official and unofficial fees for public education, including
payments for registration, books, meals, transport, and uniforms have risen to pro-
hibitively high levels for many families.
According to government statistics, 8 percent of all children between the ages of
10 and 14 work. Half go to school and also work, and half work exclusively. Unoffi-
cial estimates of working children are higher. According to the Ministry of Social
Affairs, 20,000 street children live in Jakarta. Thousands more live in other cities.
They sell newspapers, shine shoes, help to park or watch cars, and otherwise at-
tempt to earn money. Many children work under hazardous conditions as scav-
engers and garbage pickers, and on fishing platforms and fishing boats. According
790
to credible sources, there are several thousand children working in hazardous condi-
tions on fishing platforms off the east coast of North Sumatra (see Section 6.c.).
Many thousands work in factories and fields (see Section 6.d.).
Street children and child laborers in some cities have become organized and inter-
ested in protecting their rights. At least 30 NGO's work with street children. NGO's
have criticized the Government for making insufTicient and inadequate efforts to
help street children and working children. The Government is working in coopera-
tion with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), UNICEF, the Inter-
national Labor Organization (ILO), and with ^IGO's to create programs for street
children and child laborers. One project incorporates many ideas generated by the
NGO community, including establishing "open houses" in targeted areas that pro-
vide vocational training and basic education to street children. Efforts have been ini-
tiated to start open houses for street children in seven provinces.
Another approach to the street children problem utilizes the National Program for
Discipline and Clean Cities Decree. The street children are physically removed from
cities by bus. Usually, they are taken outside the city and left, there. Sometimes
they are taken to "holding houses" where they are first interrogated and later re-
leased. Unlike past years, there were no reports that NGO's wonting for the rights
of children experienced harassment by the authorities.
Child prostitution and other sexual abuses occur, but firm data are lacking. While
there are laws designed to protect children from indecent activities, prostitution,
and incest, the Government has made no special enforcement efforts in these areas.
A separate criminal justice system for juveniles does not exist. Police officials
admit that juveniles are oft,en imprisoned with adult offenders. Juvenile crime is
currently handled by ordinary courts. A juvenile justice law was passed by Par-
liament in December 1996, and was signed by the President in January. However,
it does not come into effect until January 1998. It defines juveniles as children be-
tween the ages of 8 and 18, and establishes a special court system and Criminal
Code for them.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is practiced
in some parts of Indonesia. The method varies depending on ethnic, cultural and
religious tradition. However, the most prevalent practice is a ceremonial one that
involves the pricking, scraping, or touching of the clitoris of a baby or young girl,
often with the purpose of drawing several drops of blood. Sometimes, a plant root
is used symbolically and the girl is not touched. A more serious form of FGM in-
volves the removal of the tip of the clitoris. This practice appears to be declining,
and there is disagreement about how widely practiced it is. It reportedly still is
practiced in Madura, South Sulawesi, and other areas. Since FGM is not regulated,
and no formal position has been taken by religious leaders, the method used is often
left up to the individual local traditional practitioner. FGM usually takes place with-
in the first year after birth, often on the 40th day, though it is done in some areas
up to age 10. It is performed either at a hospital or, especially in rural areas, by
the local traditional practitioner. There are no statistics available on FGM.
People With Disabilities. — According to U.N. estimates, there are 10 million dis-
abled persons in the country, while tne Ministry of Social Affairs estimates that 3
percent of the population, or 6 million persons are disabled. However, there are no
precise statistics. Families often hide their disabled family members to avoid social
stigma or embarrassment. The disabled face considerable discrimination in employ-
ment, although some factories have made special efforts to hire disabled workers.
Several provinces have established "rehabilitation centers" for the disabled. Dis-
abled persons are reportedly taken off the streets by the authorities and brought
to these centers for joo training.
NGO's are the primary providers of education for the disabled. There are cur-
rently 1,084 schools for the disabled; 680 are private, and 404 are government
schools. Of the government schools 165 are "integrated," serving both regular and
special education students. In Jakarta there are 98 schools for the disabled, 2 of
which are government-run, and 96 of which are private. The (jovemment also runs
three national schools for the visually, hearing, and mentally disabled. These
schools accept children from throughout the country.
A Disability Law was passed in January. Implementing regulations have not been
issued, so the impact of the law remains unclear. The law strives to provide access
to education, employment, and assistance for the disabled. It requires companies
employing over 100 people to give 1 percent of the jobs to the disabled. The law
mandates accessibility for the disabled to public facilities. Virtually no buildings or
public transportation have been designed with such accessibility in mind.
The Constitution requires that the Government provide care for orphans and the
disabled, but does not specify how the term "care" should be defined, and the provi-
791
sion of education to all mentally and physically disabled children has never been
inferred. Regulations specify that the Government establish and regulate a national
curriculum for special education by stipulating that the "community provide special
education services to its children.
Indigenous People. — The Government considers the term "indigenous people" to be
a misnomer, because it considers all Indonesians to be indigenous. Nonetneless, it
publicly recognizes the existence of several "isolated communities," and that they
nave a right to participate fully in political and social life. The Government esti-
mates that the number of people in isolated communities is 1.5 million. This in-
cludes, but is not limited to, groups such as the Dayak population in Kalimantan
who live in remote forest areas, indigenous communities throughout Irian Java, and
economically disadvantaged families living as sea nomads on boats near Riau in
East Sumatra and near Uiung Pandang in southern Sulawesi. Critics maintain that
the Government's approacn is basically paternalistic and designed more to integrate
indigenous people into society than to protect their traditional way of life. Human
rights monitors criticize the Government's transmigration program for violating the
rirfits of indigenous people.
Sixty percent of the population of 200 million live in Java, which represents only
7 percent of the country's territory. The government-sponsored transmigration pro-
gram seeks to resettle people from densely populated areas to sparsely populated
areas outside Java. The majority of migrants are spontaneous migrants who are not
part of the official program. The current 5-year development plan calls for 600,000
lamilies to be resettled, with 80,000 planned for the 1997-98 fiscal year.
Critics of transmigration claim that it often threatens indigenous cultures and
sparks social envy. Some critics claim that it has been used as a political tool to
inject nonindigenous people into certain areas to "Indonesianize" these areas, in
6 art to preclude secessionist movements. In some areas, such as in certain parts of
Kalimantan, East Timor and Irian Jaya, relations between transmigrants and indig-
enous people are hostile. Complaints about transmigration come from indigenous
groups receiving less government support and funding than transmigrants, and
from transmigrants, who are in some cases moved to areas with inadequate infra-
structure to support them and less than desirable land.
There were protracted outbreaks of serious rioting between ethnic groups in West
Kalimantan in late December 1996, and in January and February wnen thousands
of largely Christian Dayak tribesmen attacked immigrant Muslim Madurese. Hun-
dreds, possibly over 1,000 persons, primarily Madurese, died in the fighting, and an
estimated 15,000 Madurese fled the violence. The explosion of violence, the sixth
Dayak -Madurese confrontation in the past 30 years, grew partly out of Dayak per-
ception that they were being marginalized in their native lands. The Madurese com-
munity in West Kalimantan grew around an earlier core of transmigrants, although
the majority of Madurese are spontaneous immigrants.
The Government's emphasis on relatively rapid growth and development strate-
gies, burgeoning urbanization, and aggressive government-backed commercial ex-
ploitation of natural resources results in continued tension over land tenure issues.
That tension is often expressed along racial/ethnic lines as developers are frequently
ethnic Chinese Indonesians. Land disputes represent the largest category of com-
plaints submitted to the National Human Rights Commission and a significant por-
tion of the cases brought to legal aid foundations and other legal assistance organi-
zations.
According to a law derived from Dutch practices, all subsurface mineral resources
belong to the Government. The Basic Agrarian Law states that land rights cannot
be "in conflict with national and state interests," which provides the Government
with a broad legal basis for land seizures. When disputes cannot be settled the Gov-
ernment has the authority to define fair compensation for land.
There are numerous instances of the use of intimidation, sometimes by the mili-
tary, and often by hired "thugs," to acquire land for development projects, particu-
larly in areas claimed by indigenous people. Such intimidation has been used in Ja-
karta, other parts of Java, North Sumatra, Aceh, and other areas. Compensation
paid for the land is often minimal or even nonexistent. In one case, according to
credible sources, residents living in an area needed for a new cement factory in Aceh
were paid less than the equivalent of 20 cents per square meter of land, which they
felt was inadequate compensation. In July residents of Magelang, Central Java com-
plained to the regional parliament about the military taking over their land for mili-
tary use. The complaint alleges that local residents were coerced, visited at night
by military and local authorities, and told to accept $2.00 per square meter for their
land, which they saw as insufficient compensation.
NGO's assert that violations of the rights of indigenous people are freouent in
mining and logging areas, and state that violations stem from tne State's aenial of
792
ownership by indigenous people of ancestral land, denial of social structure, and
forced talceover of land. These problems are most prevalent in Irian Jaya and
Kalimantan.
NGO's report that local people have suffered as a result of a project in Central
Kalimantan to turn one million hectares of peat land into agricultural land for rice
cultivation. The site is desigriated as a major transmigration area. According to
credible sources, 100,000 indigenous people are aflected by the project. Forced to
cease their traditional farming and forest-based livelihoods, many indigenous people
living in the area have become poorly paid laborers on the project.
Local residents in the isolated Tanimbar islands in southeast Maluku staged fu-
tile protests against the destruction of forests, fauna, and local tribal cultures pri-
marily due to logging.
Where indigenous people clash with development projects, the developers almost
always win. Decisions regarding development projects, resource-use concessions, and
other economic activities are generally carried out without the participation or in-
formed consent of the affected communities. Unlike in past years, there were no re-
ports that environmental NGO's that sought to aid these communities were sub-
jected to verbal attacks, raids, and other forms of intimidation by government secu-
rity forces.
Tensions with indigenous people in Irian Jaya, including in the vicinity of a for-
eign mining concession area near Timika, continued. Indigenous Irian Jaya resi-
dents complain of racism, religious bias, paternalism, and condescension as constant
impediments to better relations with non-Irianese people, including members of the
Government, the military and the non-Irianese business community. They also com-
plain of abusive behavior by the security forces. A large percentage of the population
of Irian Jaya is now made up of migrants, who are economically and politically dom-
inant. Most civil servants in local governments in Irian Jaya and other isolated
areas continue to come primarily from other parts of Indonesia, rather than from
the local indigenous population.
The anticipated distribution of funds from a foreign mining company created ten-
sions that helped lead to a clash between tribal groups and security forces in August
in the Timika-Tembagapura area, which led to the shooing deaths of two Irianese
and injuries to security forces (see Section l.a.). At about the same time, two groups
supporting rival leaders of the Moni tribal group held demonstrations over their
claims to part of the funds from the foreign mining company, and then later massed
together near the ofiice of the local district leader to press their demands. Credible
NGO sources report that bystanders to this event were assaulted by security forces.
Due to local protests over how the funds would be allocated, the company suspended
disbursements for new prmects under this initiative.
Religious Minorities. — There were a number of incidents of attacks against
churches, temples, and other religious facilities, many of which occurred in the
midst of larger riots. There were also instances of preaching and publications
against Christians, which led to concerns that the societal support for religious tol-
erance was under pressure. Underlying socioeconomic and political tensions, in
many instances between poor Muslims and well-to-do ethnic Chinese Christians,
were key factors in such incidents. The Government has not fully resolved many
cases of attacks on religious facilities and churches that occurred during riots, and
in other cases has not investigated at all.
During February, the Islamic fasting month of Ramadan, many churches around
the country reportedly received threatening phone calls or faxes from unknown
groups warning of future destruction on specific dates. While there were incidents
of church burnings and attacks during this period, the widespread attacks that were
threatened did not materialize. Nevertheless, the threats caused fear in many
Christian communities. Sources in Medan, North Sumatra reported that local resi-
dents, in one case with the help of the armed forces, guarded churches during these
periods. A Catholic church in Bandung, a Mormon church in Semarang, and church-
es in Jakarta, among others, received threats. Reliable sources reported that Catho-
lic communities were threatened with violence in a town in Central Java, but a local
interreligious meeting served to defuse tensions. There were credible reports of
threats against Christians and ethnic Chinese in the central Javanese towns of
Purwokerto and Purworedjo during this time as well. Reliable sources reported that
many churches that were threatened were guarded by church groups and local alli-
ances of Christian and Muslim youth.
A Catholic school in Ambon was burned in February, but local residents described
it as an unusual occurrence in Ambon, where relations between religious and ethnic
groups are said to be generally good. A church in Garut, West Java was burned on
February 22, and another was destroyed there on March 6.
793
There were several instances of mob violence that included attacks on churches,
other religious facilities, and Chinese-owned businesses. Rioting and church burn-
ings occurred in Rengesdengklok, West Java in January, in which five churches
were destroyed by mob violence. The incident was sparked after a confrontation be-
tween a Chinese woman and local Muslim youths. The rioting that followed caused
widespread damage to churches. Two Buddhist temples were also damaged or
burned.
There were credible reports of church burning and damage to churches and Chris-
tian schools during the year. For example, there were two incidents in Garut, West
Java, during which one church was burned in February and another was wrecked
in March. There were stone throwing incidents at two churches in Wonosobo, Cental
Java and four churches in Surabaya, Central Java in March and April. A church
in Ngawi, Central Java was wrecked in March; a Pentecostal church in Tuban, East
Java was burned in May; a Pentecostal church in Manado, North Sulawesi was
wrecked in May; and a church in Bogor was destroyed in Mav.
There were also credible reports of church burning ana church destruction in
many cities on May 23, the last day of the election campaign, including: 13 churches
burned or wrecked in Banjarmasin, South Kalimantan; 5 churches wrecked in
Pasuruan, East Java; 1 church wrecked in Kudus, Central Java; 7 churches wrecked
in the area surrounding Jakarta; and 1 church wrecked in Madura, East Java. A
Protestant church in Jakarta, which was stoned twice during the last week of the
campaign, was burned on May 23.
After the election campaign, tensions eased but there were more churches at-
tacked: 1 church was burned in Madura in June; 1 church was burned in Bogor,
West Java in July; 1 church was burned in Kediri, East Java in July; 1 church in
South Kalimantan was burned in August; 1 church was wrecked in Gorontalo,
North Sulawesi in September; a number of churches and Catholic schools were at-
tacked during rioting in Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi in September, 1 church in
Jember, East Java was attacked in October; 1 church was attacked in Blitar, East
Java in October and 2 others were burned in November; in Yogyakarta, 1 church
was burned and another was wrecked in November.
Many of the churches that were burned or damaged during the October 1996
Situbondo riot were successfully rebuilt with cooperation between Christian and
Muslim communities.
An interreligious alliance of national student and youth groups called the Nation-
ality Forum for Indonesian Youth, was formed in February, in part as a response
to increased tensions following the Situbondo riot and church burnings in October
1996, to provide a forum for cooperation between religious groups and for commu-
nication to the p-ass roots to prevent further unrest. This group includes organiza-
tions representmg Muslim (Nahdlatul Ulama), Protestant, Catholic, and Hindu
youth.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The Government officially promotes racial
and ethnic tolerance. Ethnic Chinese, at approximately 3 percent of the population
by far the largest nonindigenous minority group, have historically played a major
role in the economy. They are the target of discrimination. Anti-Chinese sentiment
has led to attacks on Chinese-owned businesses during periods of social unrest, as
was seen during the Rengesdenklok riot in January and the Ujung Pandang riots
in September. Widespread anti-Chinese rioting in Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi
was sparked by the act of a mentally ill Indonesian of Chinese descent who killed
a 9-year-old on a city street. The incident sparked several days of rioting in which
6 people reportedly died, and over 1,000 shops were reportedly damaged, as were
a number of Chinese-owned banks and a hotel. Most of the destroyed property was
targeted because of Chinese connections. Chinese temples were attacked^ and the
most historic local temple was destroyed.
Since 1959 noncitizen ethnic Chinese have been denied the right to run busi-
nesses in rural Indonesia. Regulations prohibit the operation of Chinese schools, for-
mation of exclusively Chinese cultural groups or trade associations, and public dis-
play of Chinese characters, although Chinese characters are seen on some products.
The Government permits the publication of one government-owned Chinese-lan-
guage daily newspaper, otherwise legislation bans the import, sale or distribution
of Cninese-language material. However, Chinese-language materials have begun to
appear in Chinese neighborhoods in Jakarta and possibly elsewhere. Since 1994 the
Government has allowed Chinese-language instruction for employees in the tourism
industry, and has allowed distribution of locally printed Chmese-language tourist
brochures, programs, and similar material to Chinese speaking tourists.
Private instruction in Chinese is generally prohibited but takes place to a limited
extent. The University of Indonesia offers Chinese-language courses. State univer-
sities have informal quotas that limit the number of ethnic Chinese students. The
794
law forbids the celebration of the Chinese New Year in temples or public places, but
enforcement is limited. Chinese New Year decorations were prominently displayed
and sold in public shopping areas in at least a few cities. In June a senior official
in charge of ethnic integration was quoted in the press as saying that the ban on
Chinese-language publications should not be hastily relaxed, due to racial concerns.
East Timorese and various human rights groups charge that the East Timorese
are underrepresented in the civil service in East Timor. The Government has made
some efforts to recruit more civil servants in both East Timor and Irian Jaya, and
there has been some increase in the number of civil servant trainees for these two
provinces, despite a "no growth" policy for the civil service as a whole. East Timor-
ese have expressed concerns that the transmigration program (see Section l.f.) could
lead to fewer employment opportunities and might eventually destroy East Timor's
cultural identity. The Government said that the transmigration program in East
Timor focused mostly on resettlement of Timorese, with a much smafler portion of
f)redominantly Christian and Hindu non-Timorese coming in from outsiae. In the
ast several years, informal, predominantly Muslim migration to the province has
sparked socioeconomic tension in urban areas, provoking even greater concern than
the formally sponsored transmigration program.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Private sector workers are by law free to form work-
er organizations without prior authorization. However, government policies and nu-
merical requirements for union recognition constitute a significant barrier to free-
dom of association and the right to engage in collective bargaining. The Department
of Manpower uses a regulation that requires that a union be set up "by and for
workers" to deny recognition to groups that include people it considers nonworkers,
such as lawyers or human rights activists, who are involved as labor organizers.
Under a new Law on Manpower Affairs that the Parliament passed in September,
workers may form unions on the basis of "democratic consultation" with other work-
ers in the same company, and may join with other unions to form sectoral and inter-
sectoral federations. The new law does not take effect until October 1, 1998, and
requires implementing regulations.
There is a de facto single union system, the All -In done si an Trade Union (SPSI)
and its 13 federated sectoral unions. The SPSI completed in 1995 a transformation
from a unitary (centralized) to a federative (decentralized) structure. Its 13 indus-
trial sectors are registered as separate national unions; the SPSI is the only trade
union federation recognized by the Department of Manpower. The Minister of Man-
power has stated that any unions that are formed should afTiliate with the SPSI
federation, and that the (government would not recognize any unions outside the
federation. The Government's stated policy is to improve effectiveness of the recog-
nized SPSI unions rather than to allow the formation of alternative organizations.
The (jovemment may dissolve a union if it believes that the union is acting
against Pancasila, although it has never actually done so, and there are no laws or
regulations specifying procedures for union dissolution.
Until 1994 only the SPSI could legally bargain on behalf of employees or rep-
resent workers in the Department of Manpower's labor courts. A 1994 regulation
provides that workers in a single company with more than 25 employees can join
together as a "plant-level union" and negotiate a legally binding agreement with
their employer outside the SPSI framework, although the Government encourages
these plant-level unions to join the SPSI. By year's end, 1,234 plant-level unions had
been established, reflecting a small increase during the year. NGO's have charged,
however, that many of these unions are "yellow unions' formed by company man-
agement with little or no worker participation. There were also credible reports that
local Department of Manpower officials have accepted payments from employers to
set up plant-level unions in their factories because they are considered even weaker
than the SPSI.
Two labor groups other than the SPSI are active but not recognized by the (Jov-
emment: the Indonesian Prosperity Trade Union (SBSI) and the Alliance of Inde-
pendent Journalists (AJI). The SBSI, created in 1992, claims that it has formed the
necessary number of factory-level units to meet the legal requirements for registra-
tion as a labor union, but its most recent request (in November 1994) for registra-
tion as a trade union was denied. The Department of Manpower has also blocked
SBSI attempts to register with the Department of Home Affairs as a social organiza-
tion under the ORMAS Law. The Government considers the SBSI to be illegal. Al-
though the (Government has not disbanded it, it continues to harass the SBSI by
disbanding its meetings and training seminars and pressuring companies to fire its
members. Specific government actions against the SBSI during the year included
the detention and interrogation of two members in Binjai, North Sumatra in May
795
and the breaking up of an SBSI training session in Lampung, southern Sumatra
in July, during whicn 26 SBSI members were detained for 2 days. In September po-
lice broke up the SBSI's second national congress as union members were conclud-
ingthe first day of a scheduled 3-day meeting.
The trial of SBSI leader Muchtar Pakpahan on charges of subversion and sowing
hatred against the Government, which began in December 1996, resumed in Sep-
tember after a 5-month suspension due to Pakpahan's ill health. While the trial was
suspended, Pakpahan made two requests for medical examination and treatment of
a lung tumor outside the country. After government-appointed panels of physicians
examined him in each instance, the Minister of Justice and Attorney General ruled
that his condition could be treated in Indonesia. In December the Government p>er-
mitted a team of Canadian doctors to examine him. In January Pakpahan requested
that the Supreme Court review its October 1996 decision requiring him to serve out
a 4-year sentence for fomenting labor unrest a decision that the Court had pre-
viously overturned. In August Pakpahan presented new arguments to a lower court
that he was innocent of the charges; the case was still pending at year's end (see
Section 2.a.).
The Association of Indonesian Journalists (PWI) is the only government-sanc-
tioned organization representing journalists. Although press laws stipulate that all
journalists must belong to the PWI, a few journalists have chosen not to join. In
the wake of the 1994 banning of three publications, approximately 80 jounialists
formed the Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) as an alternative to the gov-
ernment union. A government crackdown in March 1995 resulted in the imprison-
ment of three AJI members charged with "sowing hate." They were released during
the year (see Section 2. a.). Despite occasional pressure on publications employing
AJI members, the Government allows AJI a continued unofficial existence.
Because of past Department of Manpower regulations, many SPSI factory units
are led by persons who have little credibility with their units' members because they
were selected by employers. A 1995 regulation states that employees must only no-
tify their employer that they wish to form a union and that they may proceed if
they do not receive a response from their employer within 2 weeks. Despite this pro-
vision, strikes continue to occur when employers attempt to prevent the formation
of union branches. These strikes are generally successful, and the formation of an
SPSI unit follows shortly thereafter. However, workers who are active in the forma-
tion of the union are frequently dismissed and have no practical protection by either
law or government practice.
Civil servants are not permitted to join unions and must belong to KORPRI a
nonunion association whose Central Development Council is chaired oy the Minister
of Home Affairs. State enterprise employees, defined to include those working in en-
terprises in which the State has a 5-percent holding or greater, usually are required
to join KORPRI, but a small number of state enterprises have SPSI units. Teachers
must belong to the Teachers' Association (PGRI). While technically classed as a
union, the PGRI continues to function more as a welfare organization and does not
appear to have engaged in trade union activities such as collective bargaining. Man-
datory KORPRI and PGRI contributions are deducted automatically irom teachers'
salaries.
Unions may draw up their own constitutions and rules and elect their representa-
tives. However, the Government has a great deal of influence over the SPSI and its
federated unions. The head of the SPSI and many members of the Executive Council
are also members of GOLKAR and its constituent functional groups. These persons
have been given positions in the federated industrial sector unions. The Minister of
Manpower is a member of the SPSI's Consultative Council.
The (government announced late in 1995 its intention to relax a regulation requir-
ing police approval for all meetings of five or more people of all organizations out-
side offices or normal work sites (see Section 2.b.). However, in practice this regula-
tion continues to apply to union meetings. Permission was routinely given to the
SPSI, but not to rival organizations such as the SBSI.
In 1994 the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions lodged a formal
complaint against Indonesia with the ILO, accusing the CJovemment of denying
workers the right to set up unions of their own choosing, harassing independent
workers' organizations, ana of taking other actions contrary to ILO standards on
freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining. In November the Com-
mittee acknowledged receipt of information from the Indonesian (jovernment in re-
sponse to earlier requests, out reported that it remained "deeply concerned" by "seri-
ous and worsening infringements of basic human and trade union rights." The Com-
mittee urged the Indonesian (jovernment to eliminate impediments to the registra-
tion of unions, including the SBSI, to institute an independent judicial inquiry into
796
the homicide of Marsinah, to drop criminal charges against Pakpahan and to have
him released, and to provide information on . . . other cases."
While Pancasila principles call for labor-management differences to be settled by
consensus, all organized workers except civil servants have the legal right to strike.
State enterprise employees and teachers rarely exercise this right, but private sector
strikes are freq[uent. Before a strike can occur legally in the private sector, the law
requires intensive mediation by the Department of Manpower and prior notice of the
intent to strike. However, no approval is required. The manpower law passed in
September, which is not yet in effect, allows strikes only if an industrial dispute
cannot be resolved by the concerned parties or through the industrial dispute resolu-
tion process. The law requires that striking workers be paid if they are striking to
obtain benefits determined by law, regulation, a collective bargaining agreement, or
company regulations.
In practice, dispute settlement procedures are rarely followed, and formal notice
of the intent to strike is rarely ^ven because Department of Manpower procedures
are slow and have little credibility with workers. Therefore, sudden strikes tend to
result from longstanding grievances or recognition that legally mandated benefits or
rights are not being received. According to the Department of Manpower Statistics,
there were 226 strikes involving 141,968 workers during the first 11 months of the
year, a significant decrease from 1996. However, in 1997 the Government only
counted work stoppages in which at least a full daj^s production was lost as strikes.
Shorter work stoppages ("unjuk rasa") are much more frequent, but the Government
kept no oflicial count of them in 1997. In information provided to the ILO Commit-
tee on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations, the Government re-
ported that there were 890 strikes involving 500,000 workers in 1996. NGO's believe
that the number of strikes and workers involved was higher than this. The largest
concentration of strikes occurred following the implementation of the new minimum
wage in April, and involved tens of thousands of workers. The largest single strike
took place in November and involved 40,000 workers at a cigarette factory in East
Java. Four strikes during the year are known to have resulted in damage to fac-
tories.
The SPSI maintains international contacts but its only international trade union
affiliation as a federation is the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Trade Union
Council. Several of the SPSI's federated sectoral unions are members of inter-
national trade secretariats.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is pro-
vided for by law, and the Department of Manpower promotes it within the context
of the national ideology, Pancasila. Until 1994 only recognized trade unions — the
SPSI and its components — could legally engage in collective bargaining. Since early
1994, government regulations also permit unafiiliated plant-level workers' associa-
tions to conclude legally binding agreements with employers, and some 732 had
done so by the end of 1996, according to government figures. Agreements concluded
by any other groups are not considered legally binding and are not registered by
the Department of Manpower. Once notified that 25 employees have joined a reg-
istered SPSI or independent plant-level union, an employer is obligated to bargain
with it.
In companies without unions, the Government discourages workers from utilizing
nongovernment outside assistance, e.g., during consultations with employers over
company regulations. Instead, the Department of Manpower prefers tnat workers
seek its assistance and believes that its role is to protect workers. There are credible
reports that for many companies, consultations are perfunctory at best and usually
with management-selected workers; there are also credible reports to the contrary
from foreign companies. According to government statistics, approximately 80 per-
cent of the factory-level SPSI units have collective bargaining agreements. The de-
gree to which these agreements are freely negotiated between unions and manage-
ment without government interference varies. By regulation, negotiations must oe
concluded within 30 days or be submitted to the Department of Manpower for medi-
ation and conciliation or arbitration. Most negotiations are concluded within the 30-
day period. Agreements are for 2 years and can be extended for 1 year. The new
Manpower Law, which is expected to take effect late in 1998, specifies no time limit
on negotiations, but requires that the union negotiating the contract be supported
by a majority of workers in the concerned company.
According to NGO's involved in labor issues, in current practice the provisions of
collective bargaining agreements rarely go beyond the legal minimum standards es-
tablished by the Government, and the agreements are often merely presented to
worker representatives for signing rather than being negotiated. The SPSI stated
in Septemoer that of 23,525 collective bargaining agreements signed between em-
ployers and workers, 10,776 of these agreements were only "imitation" agreements
797
because they were concluded in companies where workers were not represented by
a union. Althou^ government regulations prohibit employers from discriminating
against or harassing employees because of union membership, there are credible re-
f)orts from union officials of employer retribution against union organizers, including
iring, which is not effectively prevented or remedied in practice. Some employers
reportedly have warned their employees against contact with union organizers iTom
the unrecognized SBSI organization. Charges of antiunion discrimination are adju-
dicated by regional and national labor dispute resolution committees, and their deci-
sions can be appealed to the State Administrative Court. In September the State
Administrative Court reversed a National Labor Dispute Resolution Board ruling
that ordered the Hong Kong Bank to reinstate 166 union members who went on
strike, despite government regulations making it illegal to fire workers solely for
striking or other union activity. Decisions such as this lead many union meinbers
to believe that the dispute resolution committees generally side with employers. As
a result, workers frequently present their grievances directly to the National
Human Rights Commission, Parliament, and nongovernmental organizations. Ad-
ministrative decisions in favor of dismissed workers tend to be monetary awards;
workers are rarely reinstated. The law requires that employers obtain the approval
of the labor dispute resolution committee before firing workers, but the law is often
ignored in practice. The new manpower law, which takes effect in late 1998, re-
quires only that employers consult with concerned workers and their unions about
tneir intention to terminate the workers' employment.
Commenting on antiunion discrimination and restrictions on the right to organize
and bargain collectively, the June report of the ILO's Committee on the Application
of Conventions and Recommendations "observed with deep concern that the discrep-
ancies between the Convention on the one hand, and legislation and national prac-
tice on the other, have continued for many years." The Conunittee also observed
that "the Government had not given sufficient proof of a willingness to comply" with
the provisions of ILO Convention 98, "as it has not requested technical assistance
in this respect." The Committee expressed its deep concern over this situation and
asked the Government urgently to amend the legislation and report on the meas-
ures taken or envisaged in this respect. The Committee urged the Government to
ensure full respect of the civil liberties essential for the full implementation of the
Convention.
On June 1, 1996, the Minister of Manpower issued a new regulation permitting
unions affiliated with the SPSI to collect union dues directly through the checkoff
system, rather than having the Department of Manpower collect dues and transfer
them to the SPSI. Implementation of this system during the year was uneven. Some
workplace units of the SPSI reported that they were receiving dues collected
through the checkoff system from their employers. Other workplace units reported
that their companies refused to release dues to the union and continued to deposit
dues into Department of Manpower accounts. Department of Manpower officials
state that the Department instructed its regional ofiices to close accounts previously
used for union dues, but according to reports from various regions, not all offices
had carried out this instruction. Union officials at SPSI headauarters stated that
not all local branches of the unions are sending a portion of aues collected to re-
gional and central headquarters as provided in the SPSFs by-laws.
The police, as well as the military, continue to involve themselves in labor issues,
despite the Minister of Manpower's revocation in 1994 of a 1986 regulation allowing
the military to intervene in strikes and other labor actions. A 1990 decree giving
the Agency for Coordination of National Stability (BAKORSTANAS) authority to in-
tervene in strikes in the interest of political and social stability remains in effect.
Union and NGO observers note a shift over the past 2 to 3 years from open inter-
vention and demonstrations of force by uniformed troops to less visible measures.
Union activists complain that both police and local military representatives harass
and occasionally detain union leaders and seize materials from union offices without
warrants. In addition, police frequently block or break up meetings between union
organizers or NGO representatives and workers, especially meetings organized by
the SBSI. However, the most common form of military involvement in labor matters,
according to union and NGO representatives, is a longstanding pattern of collusion
between police and military representatives and employers, whicn usually takes the
form of intimidation of workers by security personnel in civilian dress. Employer
and union representatives have also complained about the "invisible costs" of cor-
ruption, which they and others estimate constitute up to 30 percent of a company's
expenses.
Labor law and practice are the same in export processing zones as in the rest of
the country.
798
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law forbids forced labor, and
the Government generally enforces it. Tne Government prohibits forced and bonded
labor by children, but does not always enforce this effectively. There are credible re-
ports that several thousand children are forced to work on fishing platforms off the
east coast of North Sumatra in conditions of bonded labor. Most are recruited from
farming communities, and once they arrive at the work site miles offshore, they are
held as virtual prisoners and are not permitted to leave for at least 3 months and
until a replacement worker can be found. Children receive average monthly wages
of $17 to $32, well below the regional minimum wage. They live in isolation on uie
sea, work 12 to 20 hours per day in often dangerous conditions, and sleep in the
workspace with no access to sanitary facilities. There are reports of physical, verbal,
and sexual abuse of the children.
There were reports that the military forced villagers to perform uncompensated
labor in Irian Java; the military denied such reports (see Section 2.d.).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Child
labor exists in both urban and rural areas, and in both the formal ana informal sec-
tors. According to a 1995 report of the Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics, 4
percent of children between tne ages of 10 and 14 work full-time, and another 4 per-
cent work part-time in addition to going to school. The 1994 government labor force
survey reported that there were 2.08 million children age 10 to 14 in the labor force,
but many observers believe that number to be significantly understated, because
documents verifying age are easily falsified, and because children under 10 were not
included.
Indonesia was one of the first countries to be selected for participation in the
ILO's International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC), and it
signed a memorandum of understanding with the ILO in 1992 to guide collaboration
under this program. The Government and the ILO signed another memorandum of
understanding on child labor in March committing to 'promote conditions to enable
the Government to protect working children and progressively prohibit, restrict and
regulate child labor with a view to its ultimate elimination." Although the ILO has
sponsored training of labor inspectors on child labor matters under the IPEC pro-
gram, enforcement remains lax.
The Government acknowledges that there is a class of children who must work
for socioeconomic reasons, ana in 1987 the Minister of Manpower issued a regula-
tion, "Protection of Children Forced to Work." This regulation legalizes the employ-
ment of children under the age of 14 who must work to contribute to the income
of their families. It requires parental consent, prohibits dangerous or difiicult work,
limits work to 4 hours daily, and requires employers to report the number of chil-
dren working under its provisions. It does not set a minimum age for children in
this category, effectively superseding the colonial-era government ordinance of De-
cember 17, 1925, on "Measures Limiting Child Labor and Nightwork of Women,"
which is still the current law governing child labor and sets a minimum age of 12
for employment. The 1987 regulation is not enforced. No employers have been taken
to court lor violating its restrictions on the nature of employment for children, and
no reports are collected from establishments emplojnng children.
Act No. 1 of 1951 was intended to bring into lorce certain labor measures, includ-
ing provisions on child labor that would replace those of the 1925 legislation. How-
ever, implementing regulations for the child labor provisions have never been is-
sued. Thus the child laoor provisions in the 1951 act have no validity. The Govern-
ment prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but does not enforce this prohi-
bition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
The new manpower law, which takes effect on October 1, 1998, prohibits employ-
ers from hiring children under the age of 15, except that employers may hire chil-
dren who are forced for economic reasons to work. The new law places restrictions
similar to those in the 1987 regulation on employers hiring children. It also states
that adolescents (ages 15 to 17) cannot work cluring certain hours of the night,
below ground, in mines, or in jobs that would have an adverse effect on morality,
such as in entertainment facilities.
According to government labor force data, most working children work in the agri-
cultural sector, although the number of working children in urban areas has risen
significantly with urbanization. More child laborers work in the informal sector than
the formal sector. Where children work in the forma! sector, such work tends to
occur on the border line between the informal and formal economies, such as along-
side their parents in home enterprises and on plantations, and in family-owned
shops and small factories, particularly those that are "satellites" of large industries.
There are children working in large factories, although the number is unknown, es-
pecially since documents verifying age are easily falsified. In the informal sector,
they sell newspapers, shine shoes, help to park or watch cars, and otherwise earn
799
money. Many children work in hazardous conditions as scavengers and garbage
pickers, and on fishing platforms and fishing boats. Many domestic workers are fe-
male children under age 15. Although accurate figures are unavailable, estimates
put the number of child domestic workers at up to 1.5 million. A survey done in
1995 revealed that these children work long hours, receive low pay, are generally
unaware of their rights, and are often far from their families.
A 1994 law raised compulsory education from 6 to 9 years, but the law has not
been fully implemented due to inadequate school facilities and due to lack of family
financial resources to support children staying in school.
Some employers hire children because they are easier than adults to manage, and
tend not to organise or make demands on employers. Children working in factories
usually work the same number of hours as adults. Children work in the rattan and
wood furniture industries, the garment industry, the footwear industry, food proc-
essing, and toy making, among others.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no national minimum wage. Rather,
area wage councils working under the supervision of the National Wage Council es-
tablish minimum wages for regions and basic needs figures for each province — a
monetary amount considered sufficient to enable a single worker to meet the basic
needs of nutrition, clothing, and shelter. The Government has increased the average
minimum wage 70 percent (when adjusted for inflation) over the past 5 years. After
the latest increase in April, which averaged 10 percent nationwide, the average min-
imum wage was equal to 95 percent of the government-determined "minimum living
need." In Jakarta the minimum wage, which was about $70 (rp 172,500) per month
at the time it went into effect, has, because of the fall in the value of the rupiah,
become about $30 at year's end. An additional increase is expected in early 1998.
There are no reliable statistics on the number of employers paying at least the
minimum wage. Independent observers' estimates range between 30 and 60 percent.
Enforcement of minimum wage and other labor regulations remains inadequate, and
sanctions too li^t, although the new manpower law, which is to take effect on Octo-
ber 1, 1998, increases penalties for not paying the minimum wage from rupiah
100,000 (about $30 at the time of enactment $18 at the end of the year) to rupiah
200,000,000 ($60,000 at the time of enactment, $36,000 at year's end). During the
year, according to government figures, 464 companies applied for relief from the
minimum wage increases on the ground that they would otherwise close, and 276
received permission for exceptions or postponements of the new wage rate.
Labor law and ministerial regulations provide workers with a variety of other
benefits, such as social security, and workers in more modern facilities often receive
health benefits, free meals, and transportation. The law establishes 7- or 8-hour
workdays and a 40-hour workweek, with one 30-minute rest period for each 4 hours
of work. The law also requires 1 day of rest weekly. The daily overtime rate is IViz
times the normal hourly rate for the first hour, and 2 times the hourly rate for addi-
tional overtime. Regulations allow employers to deviate from the normal work hours
upon request to the Minister of Manpower and with the agreement of the employee.
Workers in industries that produce retail goods for export frequently work overtime
to fulfill contract quotas. Observance of laws regulating benefits and labor standards
varies from sector to sector and by region. Employer violations of legal requirements
are fairly common and often result in strikes and employee protests. The Ministry
of Manpower continues publicly to urge employers to comply with the law. During
the year, the Government investigated 31 companies for labor law violations, of
which 13 were taken to court, 6 of these cases resulted in prison sentences for com-
pany management and 6 in fines. However, in general, government enforcement and
supervision of labor standards are weak.
feoth law and regulations provide for minimum standards of industrial health and
safety. In January the Government announced a new occupational safety and health
management system under which companies with more than 100 employees could
obtain public recognition of their compliance with safety and health standards by
submitting to a safety audit procedure. In the largely Western-operated oil sector,
safety and health programs function reasonably well. However, in the country's
100,000 larger registered companies outside the oil sector, the quality of occupa-
tional health and safety programs varies greatly. The enforcement of health and
safety standards is severely hampered by the limited number of qualified Depart-
ment of Manpower inspectors as well as by the low level of employee appreciation
for sound health and safety practices. Allegations of corruption on the part of in-
spectors are common. Workers are obligated to report hazardous working conditions.
Employers are forbidden by law from retaliating against those who do, but the law
is not effectively enforced.
800
JAPAN
Japan is a parliamentary democracy based on a 1947 Constitution. Sovereignty
is vested in the people, and the Emperor is defined as the symbol of state. Executive
power is exercised by a cabinet, composed of a prime minister and ministers of
state, responsible to the Diet, a two-house parliament. The Diet, elected by univer-
sal suffrage and secret ballot, designates the Prime Minister, who must be a mem-
ber of that body. The Government, formed in November, is a loose coalition led by
the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), in which the Social Democratic Party and the
New Party Sakigake cooperate with the LDP from outside the Cabinet. The judici-
ary is independent of the Government.
A well-organized and disciplined police force generally respects the human rights
of the popmace and is firmly under the control of the civil authorities. However,
there continued to be credible reports that police committed some human rights
abuses.
The industrialized free market economy is highly efficient and competitive in
world markets and provides residents with a high standard of living.
A just and efficient legal system generally assures observance of constitutionally
provided human rights. There continue to be some credible reports that police phys-
ically and psychologically abused prisoners and detainees. Ofiicials are sometimes
dismissed for such abuse but are seldom tried, convicted, and imprisoned. The
Burakumin (a group historically treated as outcasts), the Ainu (Japan's indigenous
people), women, and alien residents experience varying degrees of societal discrimi-
nation, some of it severe and longstanding. The Ministry of Justice handles com-
plaints of discrimination by issuing instructions recommending that such practices
be avoided. However, the Ministry's Human Rights Defense Bureau has a small
staff and limited investigative or enforcement powers. Since the administrative sys-
tem for combating human rights violations is weak, many cases end up in court.
However, during the year, the Government passed legislation to promote Ainu cul-
ture, ameliorate women's working conditions, and promote employment of disabled
persons. The Government also reversed its longstanding opposition to the employ-
ment of noncitizen civil servants by localities and municipalities.
In March a law establishing a Human Rights Commission within the Justice Min-
istry came into effect. The Commission's 5-year mandate is to develop measures to
educate citizens with regard to human rignts ideals, and to promote measures to
ameliorate the effects of existing human rights violations. The Commission is also
tasked with advising the Education Ministry and Management and Coordination
Agency on how to educate citizens about the importance oi respecting human rights.
The Commission has 2 years to submit recommendations on rights-related education
and 5 years to submit recommendations on relief measures.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings.
There was one reported suicide under suspicious circumstances of a Japanese man
in police custody, and one reported death of a foreign national while in the custody
of immigration officials (see Section I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution provides for freedom from torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrad-
ing treatment or punishment. However, reports by several Japanese bar associa-
tions, human rights groups, and some prisoners indicate that police sometimes use
physical violence, including kicking ana beating, as well as psychological intimida-
tion, including threats and name calling, to obtain confessions from suspects in cus-
tody or to enforce discipline. There were also scattered allegations of beatings of de-
tainees in immigration detention facilities.
In Japan confession is regarded as the first step in the rehabilitative process. Al-
though under the Constitution no criminal suspect can be compelled to make a self-
incriminating confession, roughly 90 percent of all criminal cases going to trial in-
clude confessions, reflecting the priority that the system places on admissions of
guilt. The Government points out that the high percentage of confessions, like the
nigh conviction rate, is reflective of a higher standard of evidence needed to bring
about indictment in the Japanese system. Since a system of arraignment does not
exist a suspect, if indicted, is brought to trial even if that person nas confessed to
the crime. This results in a higher conviction rate than would otherwise be the case.
801
Appellate courts have overturned several convictions in recent years on the
ground that they were obtained as a result of forced confession. In addition, civil
and criminal suits have been brought against some police and prosecution officials
alleging abuse during interrogation and detention. In July two police officers were
dismissed for fabricating a suspect's confession, and three other officers were ac-
cused of framing an innocent citizen on drug possession charges. Eight additional
police officials, including a municipal police department superintendent, were rep-
rimanded for failing to adequately supervise these policemen.
Prison conditions meet most minimum international standards. However, prisons
in Japan are not heated and prisoners are given only minimal additional clothing
to protect themselves against cold weather. There have been cases of frostbite
among the prison population. For the past 2 years, the quantity of starch in the
prison diet has been reduced, ostensibly with a commensurate increase in the cpan-
titv of side dishes. However, despite the fact that foreign prisoners receive a higher
calorie allowance than Japanese prisoners, many foreign inmates conriplain that the
quantity of food is insufficient and that they are constantly hungry. Prisoners may
not purchase or be given supplementary food. Letters to and from prisoners may be
reaa and censored, or confiscated. All visits from family and friends are monitored,
and prisoners are strongly discouraged from complaining about conditions. Prison
officials claim the "no complaining" rule is designed to keep family members from
worrying about their loved ones.
The Japanese Federation of Bar Associations and human rights groups have criti-
cized the prison system, with its emphasis on strict discipline and obedience to nu-
merous rules. Prison rules are conndential, guards sometimes selectively enforce
them and impose punishment, including "minor solitary confinement," which may
be imposed for at feast 1 and not more than 60 days and in which the prisoner is
made to sit (for foreigners) or kneel (for Japanese) motionless in the middle of an
empty cell.
In November a Japanese man died in police custody while being questioned for
allegedly violating the Firearms and Swords Control Law. According to press re-
f>orts, the officers handed the confiscated gun and bullets to the suspect, and then
eft the room. The suspect loaded the gun and shot himself.
In August an Iranian illegal immigrant awaiting deportation died while being
held in Tokyo's immigration detention center. According to press reports, the man
fought with immigration officials after they found a cigarette lighter in his cell.
Eight immigration ofiicials subdued the man by wrapping him in a blanket and tak-
ing him to another cell, where they made him sit on the floor. The man reportedly
fell backwards and hit his head on the floor, dislocating his cervical vertebrae. He
was pronounced dead at a local hospital. Police are investigating the death.
In December a Tochigi prefectural police officer was arrested and fired on sus-
picion of molesting a woman while she was in police custody. The officer admitted
to the molestation, and the chief of the Tochigi Prefectural Police Personnel and
Training Bureau apologized to the woman, who aid not press charges.
Some human rights groups allege that physical restraints, such as leather hand-
cuffs, have been used as a form of punishment and that prisoners have been forced
to eat and relieve themselves unassisted while wearing these restraints. Ministry
of Justice officials state that restraints are used inside the prison only when pris-
oners have been violent and pose a threat to themselves and others, or when there
is concern that a prisoner might attempt to escape.
The Government restricts access to prisons and detention facilities by human
rights groups.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Constitutional provisions for freedom
from arbitrary arrest or imprisonment are respected in practice. The law provides
for Judicial determination of the legality of detention. People may not be detained
without charge, and prosecuting autnorities must be prepared to demonstrate before
trial that probable cause exists in order to detain the accused. Under the Code of
Criminal Procedure, a suspect may be held in police custody for up to 72 hours with-
out judicial proceedings. Preindictment custody may be extended by a judge for up
to 20 additional days. If an indictment follows, the suspect is transferred to a crimi-
nal detention facility. Bail is available in only about 25 percent of cases.
The bar associations and human rights groups have criticized the practice of "sub-
stitute detention." Although the law stipulates that suspects should be held in
"houses of detention" between arrest and sentencing, a police detention facility may
be substituted at the order of the court. This provision was originally added to cover
a shortage of normal detention facilities. According to the most recent Ministry of
Justice White Paper on Crime, published in 1995, normal detention facilities were
filled to 53 percent of capacity in 1994. Critics charge that allowing suspects to be
detained by the same authorities who interrogate them heightens tne potential for
802
abuse and coercion. The Government counters that adequate safeguards to prevent
abuse, including strong judicial oversight, have been built into the system.
The length of time before a suspect is b'^ught to trial depends on the nature of
the crime out rarely exceeds 3 months from aate of arrest; the average is 1 to 2
months. Critics charge that access to counsel is limited both in duration and fre-
quency, although the Gk)vemment denies that this is the case. The Criminal Proce-
dure Code grants the prosecution and investigating police officials the power to con-
trol access to attorneys before indictment when deemed necessary for the sake of
the investigation. As a court-appointed attorney is not approved until after indict-
ment, suspects must rely on their own resources to hire an attorney before indict-
ment, althou^ local bar associations may provide detainees with a free counseling
session prior to indictment. Counsel is provided at government expense after indict-
ment if the arrested person cannot afford one. Counsel may not he present during
interrogation at any time before or after indictment. With these exceptions, the Gov-
ernment affirms that the right of the accused to seek legal counsel is ftilly respected
and that attorneys are almost always able to see clients without obstruction.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent and free from execu-
tive branch interference. The Cabinet appoints judges for 10-year terms, which can
be renewed until judges have reached the age of 65. Justices of the Supreme Court
can serve until the age of 70 but face periodic review through popular referendum.
There are several levels of courts, high courts, district courts, family courts, and
summary courts, with the Supreme Court serving as the highest judicial authority.
Normally a trial begins at the district court level, and a verdict may be appealed
to a high court and then to the Supreme Court.
The Government respects in practice the constitutional provisions for the right to
a speedy and public trial by an impartial tribunal in all criminal cases. There is
no trial by jury. The defendant is informed of charges upon arrest and assured a
public trial by an independent civilian court with defense counsel and the right of
cross-examination. The Constitution provides defendants with the right not to be
compelled to testify against themselves as well as to free and private access to coun-
sel. The Government contends that the right to consult with attorneys is not an ab-
solute one, and can be restricted if such restriction is compatible with the spirit of
the Constitution. Access is sometimes abridged in practice. For example, the law al-
lows prosecutors to control access to counsel before indictment, and there are per-
sistent allegations of coerced confessions. Defendants are protected from the retro-
active application of laws and have the right of access to incriminating evidence
aft^r a formal indictment has been made. However, the law does not require full
disclosure by the prosecutor, and material that the prosecution will not use in court
may be suppressed. Critics claim that legal representatives of defendants do not al-
ways have access to all relevant material in the police record, in order to enable
them to prepare the defense. A defendant who is dissatisfied with the decision of
a trial court of first instance may, within the period prescribed by law, appeal to
a higher court.
There are no guidelines mandating the acceptable quality of communications be-
tween judges, lawyers, and non-Japanese speaking defendants. There is no standard
licensing or qualification system for certifying court interpreters, and a trial may
proceed even if the accused does not understand what is happening or being said.
The press reported that in a January murder case, the judge, attempting to save
time, ordered the interpreter not to translate the verdict to the Thai accused, saying
that the defense attorney could tell the accused later.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Under
the Constitution, each search or seizure must be made upon separate warrant is-
sued by a judge. Standards for issuing such warrants exist to guard against arbi-
trary searches. There were no reports that the Government or any other organiza-
tion arbitrarily interfered with privacy, family, home, or correspondence. Settling a
10-year-old case, in June the intermediate appellate court held that the prefectural
police had illegally wiretapped the home of a senior member of the Japanese Com-
munist Party.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An inde-
pendent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system
combine to ensure freedom of speech and of the press.
Academic freedom is protected, except in the case of school textbooks. The Edu-
cation Ministry has the authority to censor or order revisions to elementary, middle.
803
and high school textbooks. Settling a 13-year-old lawsuit brought by a textbook au-
thor, the Supreme Court ruled in August that the Education Ministry had, in this
particular instance, illegally ordered the deletion or rewriting of a textbook's pas-
sages containing references to the Imperial Army's conduct during World War 11.
However, the Court also held that state censorship of textbooks did not violate the
constitutional provisions for freedom of expression.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — These freedoms are provided
for in the Constitution and respected in practice.
In November the Tokyo High Court upheld a lower court ruling that Tokyo metro-
})olitan police had unlawfully arrested three demonstrators and had assaulted a
burth demonstrator in 1989 and ordered the Tokyo municipal government to pay
damages.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Freedom of religion and the separation of state and reli-
gion are provided for in the Constitution and are respected in practice. While Bud-
dhism and Shintoism are the two major religions, there are many others, including
several Christian denominations. Some temples and shrines receive public support
as national historic or cultural sites. This situation may change, however, in the
wake of an April ruling by the Supreme Court that a prefectural government may
not contribute public money to only one religious organization, if the donations sup-
ported, encouraged, and promoted a specific religious group.
The Government does not require that religious groups be licensed. However, to
receive official recognition as a religious organization, which brings tax benefits and
other advantages, a group must register with local or national authorities as a "reli-
gious corporation." In practice, almost all religious groups register. In response to
tne Aum Shinrikyo terrorist attacks, a 1996 Amendment to the Religious Corpora-
tion Law gives governmental authorities increased oversight of religious groups and
requires greater disclosure of financial assets by religious corporations. In December
the Cultural Agency announced that nearly 5,000 religious groups across the coun-
try appeared dormant, and some of these may have been used for tax evasion.
In February the Public Security Commission rejected a Grovemment proposal that
the Aum Shinrikyo religious cult be outlawed.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens have the right to travel freely both within Japan and abroad,
to change their place of residence, to emigrate, and to repatriate voluntarily. Japa-
nese nationality may be lost by naturalization in a foreign country, or by failure of
people bom with dual nationality to elect Japanese nationality at the required age.
The Government has granted asylum to those claiming fear of persecution if they
return to their homeland in only a small number of cases. It believes that most peo-
ple seeking asylum in Japan do so for economic reasons. Between January 1996 and
August 1997, only 2 of the 345 applicants met the required standard for and were
gfranted asylum.
The Government has shown flexibility in dealing with visa extensions for Chinese
student dissidents, although it continues to be reluctant to grant permanent asylum.
The Government's 60-day rule requires applicants to appear at an immigration of-
fice within 60 days of arrival or within 60 days of learning that they are likely to
be persecuted in their home country. Individuals who do not present their applica-
tions within the 60-day time frame due to extenuating circumstances may apply as
an exception to the rule, even after the 60-day perioa had passed. An alien who is
recognized as a refugee has access to educational facilities, public relief and aid, and
social welfare benefits. An alien who is denied refugee status may appeal the deci-
sion to the Ministry of Justice. In an effort to make procedures clearer to applicants,
the Government distributes an English-language pamphlet to those interested in the
asylum process.
while the Government sometimes CTants first asylum, there are no standard pro-
cedures established, and the Justice Ministry and the Foreign AfTairs Ministry de-
cide upon such grants jointly on a case-by-case basis. In January an illegal alien
Chinese prodemocracy activist was denied asylum status. He spent 18 months in a
detention center before being released on condition that he agree to resettle in Den-
mark. In exchange for being granted a special permit enabling him to leave Japan
legally, he had to withdraw an administrative law suit asking the district court to
order the State to recognize him as a refugee. There were no reports that persons
were forcibly returned to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right peacefully to change their government and are able to ex-
ercise this right in practice through frequent, free, and fair elections on the basis
of universal suffrage by secret ballot. Cfitizens living overseas are not entitled to
804
vote in local and national elections. In November 1996, a group of expatriates filed
suit against the Government, claimingthat the election law aeprived them of the
constitutionally provided right to vote. The case is still pending.
A parliamentary democracy, Japan is governed by the political party or parties
able to form a majority in the lower house of its bicameral Diet. From 1955 until
1993, all prime ministers and almost all cabinet ministers were members of the Lib-
eral Democratic Party, which enjoyed a majority in the lower house throughout this
period. Since 1993, except for a brief period of non-LDP coalition government from
August 1993 to June 1994, the LDP nas been part of successive coalition govern-
ments.
There are no legal impediments to women's participation in government and poli-
tics, but cultural attitudes are not favorable to their participation. Women make up
7.7 percent of the Diet. Women hold 23 seats in the 500-member lower house of the
Diet (4.6 percent), and 35 seats in the 252-member upper house (13.8 percent). As
of November, the 21-member Cabinet had no female members.
There is one Ainu member of the Diet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of local and international human rights organizations function freely,
without governmental restrictions or impediments, investigating and publishing
their findings on human rights cases. Government oflicials are generally cooperative
and responsive to their views, although the Government restricts access to prisons
and detention facilities by human rights groups (see Section I.e.).
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, creed, sex, social
status, or family origin, and, in general, the Government respects these provisions.
Women. — According to the National Police Agency, 450 incidents of spousal abuse
against women were reported to authorities in 1995. However, violence against
women, particularly domestic violence, often may go unreported due to social and
cultural concerns about shaming one's family or endangering the reputation of one's
spouse or offspring. Typically, victimized women often return to tne home of their
parents rather than file reports with authorities. Therefore, National Police Agency
statistics on violence against women undoubtedly understate the scope of the cur-
rent situation. Many local governments are responding positively to a need for con-
fidential assistance by establishing special women's consultation departments in po-
lice and prefectural offices.
The number of illegal female workers increased by 5.4 percent in 1996. According
to the Ministry of Justice, 484 of the 20,325 illegal female workers deported from
Japan in 1996 were prostitutes (2.4 percent). The Government is working to reduce
the foreign prostitute problem by enforcing existing antiprostitution laws as well as
provisions in the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act directed against
anyone encouraging a person to engage in illegal work. In recent years, police, espe-
cially in Tokyo, nave conducted a number of sweeps against both foreign prostitutes
and their employers.
Sexual harassment in the workplace is widespread, as evidenced by a 1996 report
compiled by the Japanese Trade Union Confederation, RENGO, in which 40 percent
of working women reported that they had experienced some form of sexual Harass-
ment. Sexual harassment occurs in a range of actions, including sexually charged
jokes, comments about physical features such as breast size, the display of porno-
graphic photos, molestation, direct requests for sexual favors, and unwanted bodily
contact. Two percent of the survey respondents said that they were forced to have
a sexual relationship. A government white paper released in July, using a narrower
definition, reported that 25.7 percent of women had been sexually harassed at work.
Public awareness of discrimination against women and sexual harassment has in-
creased, but there is no indication that incidents of discrimination and sexual har-
assment are decreasing. Women make up 39.2 percent of the Japanese labor force,
and women age 15 to 64 have a labor force participation rate of 50 percent. How-
ever, according to a Management and Coordination Agency survey conducted from
April to June 1996, 92.5 percent of Japanese companies surveyed had not taken any
preventive measures against sexual harassment. Seventy-five percent of the firms
said that they felt no need to take such measures. A growing number of government
entities are establishing hot lines and designating ombudsmen to handle complaints
of discrimination and sexual harassment.
The Constitution prohibits sexual discrimination and stipulates individual dignity
and the essential equality of the sexes in the family. The Labor Standard Law for-
805
bids wage discrimination against women. The Government passed several additional
pieces oT legislation designed to equalize employment and promotion opportunities
and combat sexual harassment. In May the Government passed a law allowing
women to work overtime shifts for the first time. Under the previous laws, in effect
since 1947, women were prohibited from working between 10:00 p.m. and 5:00 a.m.,
with only a few exceptions. Also in May, the Government passed a new Equal Em-
plojrment Opportunity (EEO) Law banning employers from discriminating against
women. This law was designed to strengthen the 1986 EEO Law, which instructed
employers to make efforts to stop discrimination in recruiting, hiring, assignments,
ana promotion of workers. However, the new law's only penalty is that names of
companies that practice sexual discrimination can be publicized. The Ministry of
Labor does not enforce compliance through fines or other punitive penalties. Also
in May, the Government revised the Labor Standard Law to allow an arbitration
committee to initiate procedures to help ensure the rights of female workers at the
workei^s request, without first having to obtain approval from both management
and an employee s union.
Although as noted the law prohibits discrimination against women in wages, fe-
male woncers on average earned only 62 percent of average male earnings. Much
of this disparity results from the "two-track" personnel administration system found
in most larger companies. Under this system, newly hired employees are put into
one of two categories: Managerial track (those engaged in planning and decision-
making jobs and with the potential to become top executives), or clerical track (those
engaged in general office work). According to a 1995 Ministry of Labor survey, 72
percent of companies responding said that they hired only male workers for mana-
gerial track jobs. Female workers have also sufiered disproportionately from the
continued sluggishness of the economy. Because married women are designated as
spouses on the family income tax return, women who earn more than $8,500 (1.03
million yen) per year face the loss of income tax benefits and their husbands may
lose corporate family allowances.
According to the National Personnel Authority, as of March 1995, women made
up 16.4 percent of all national government workers, but held only 3.8 percent of top
((urector level and higher) government posts. According to the Home Ministry,
women constituted 31.4 percent of all local government workers, but held only 3.2
percent of top local government positions.
In addition to discrimination, traditional male/female division of labor at home
place disproportionate burdens on working women. According to a 1995 Japan Insti-
tute of Labor survey, in double income households where the wife works full time,
the wife performs 64 percent of all household duties. In households where the wife
works part-time, she performs 85 percent of all household duties.
In September the Government acknowledged that nearly 16,500 disabled women
were sterilized without their consent between 1949 and 1992. In its acknowledg-
ment the Government stated that it did not plan to apologize or pay compensation
to these women, or to further investigate the program, despite the demands of Na-
tional Federation for the Mentally Handicapped and several other groups represent-
ing women and the disabled. A Ministry of Health official said that no apology was
planned because the procedure was legal at the time. The Eugenic Protection Law,
revoked only in 1996, allowed doctors to sterilize people with mental or physical dis-
abilities or certain hereditary diseases without their consent, after the approval of
committees appointed by local governments. Women's and disabled persons advo-
cacy groups are still pressing for a government investigation into all sterilization
cases and for a formal apology and compensation.
In 1993 the Prime Minister publicly acknowledged and apologized for the former
Imperial Government's involvement in the armj^s practice of forcing an estimated
200,000 women (including Koreans, Filipinas, Chinese, Indonesians, Burmese,
Dutch, and Japanese) to provide sex to soldiers between 1932 and 1945. Five cases
concerning the "comfort women" problem are pending in the Tokyo District Court.
In four cases the plaintiffs are seeking monetary compensation; in one case the
plaintiff is seeking an official apology from the Government.
The Asian Women's Fund was established in July 1995 as a private, government-
sponsored fund to compensate fornler comfort women. The fund supports three types
01 projects: Providing direct compensation payments to individual victims; providing
medical and welfare assistance to individual comfort women; and funding projects
to improve the general status of women and girls in Asia. Projects in the first cat-
egory are funded by private donations, the second and third types of projects are
financed by the Government and administered by the fund. As of December, the
fund had collected donations totaling approximately $4 million (480 million yen),
and given lump-sum payments of almost $18,600 (2 million yen) each and a letter
of apology signed by tne Prime Minister to over 50 Filipina, Korean, and Taiwanese
806
former comfort women. These women also received medical and welfare assistance
from the fund. More than 50 applications were pending as of December.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's rights and welfare, and in
general, the rights of children are adequately protected. Boys and girls have equal
access to health care and other public facilities. Education is free and compulsory
through the lower secondary level. Education is free and universally available at the
upper secondary level through the age of 18.
Despite heightened media attention and public expressions of disapproval, the
Government and society in general appear to take a lenient attitude toward teenage
g restitution and dating for money, which may or may not involve sexual activities,
ex with those under 13 years of age is prohibited, but consensual sex with a 13-
year-old is not prosecutable under the Criminal Code. According to current laws, in
order to prove rape and forcible sexual contact with a minor age 13 or over, the
prosecution must prove that the attacker threatened or used violence against the
victim. Currently, laws regarding prostitution with minors over 13 years of age are
covered only by prefectural government ordinances. Under the present Prostitution
Prevention Law, selling the sexual services of children is illegal, but purchasing
those services is not. There is no law that directly prohibits the production and sale
of child pornography. In 1996, 5,378 teenage girls were taken into police custody for
sexual misconduct, of whom 562 were engaging in prostitution. According to a police
survey of those girls, 46.8 percent said that they wanted spending money, while 29.6
percent said that they acted out of curiosity.
The National Police Agency reported in December that 139,867 teenagers were ar-
rested between January and November on suspicion of committing criminal offenses,
about 6,000 more than in 1996. In September the Government lifted the 2-year limit
on detention in juvenile reformatories, and it issued a directive stating that juve-
niles can be detained until the age of 23 if they have not been deemed to have re-
formed and until the age of 26 if they need psychiatric treatment.
In recent years, the problem of severe bullying, or "ijime," has received greater
public attention. At elementary and junior high schools, bullying most often involves
verbal abuse, with physical abuse occurring more often at the high school level. The
Ministry of Education reported that in 1996 there were 51,544 reported cases of bul-
lying in elementary, junior high, and senior high schools, representing a 14.2 per-
cent drop in incidents from previous year. However, many cases go unreported and
the actual number of cases is probably higher. Moreover, incidents of violence
against fellow students, teachers, and school property increased 31.7 percent from
the previous year, to 10,575 cases. Education experts suggest that pressures at
home and school to excel academically may be contributing to the increase in stu-
dent violence and long-term (30 to 150 days) absenteeism, which rose 15.6 percent
from 1995. According to the Ministry report, there are cases in which students in-
tentionally attacked teachers, knowing that the teachers were prohibited by law
from inflicting physical punishment on students. In August 1994, the Ministry of
Justice established the Office of Ombudsman for Children's Rights to cope with duI-
lylng and other children's issues. In addition to compiling statistics on bullying and
consulting with various groups concerned with children's welfare, the Office of Om-
budsman provides counseling services for children 18 years of age and younger who
have been victims of bullying.
Although the Constitution prohibits discrimination based on social status or fam-
ily origin, the Civil Code stipulates that the statutory inheritance share for illegit-
imate children is half that of legitimate children. The Government does not view
this statutory distinction as constituting unreasonable discrimination against illegit-
imate children.
People With Disabilities. — The law does not mandate accessibility to buildings for
the disabled. Although not generally subject to overt discrimination in employment,
education, or in the provision of other state services, the disabled face limited access
to public transportation, "mainstream" public education, and other facilities. The
Deliberation Panel on the Employment or the Handicapped operates within the Min-
istry of Labor. Since 1976 private companies with 300 or more employees have been
required to hire a fixed proportion of disabled people. The penalty for noncompliance
is a fine. In September the Government issued a cabinet directive, effective July 1,
1998, ordering private companies to raise the proportion of physically disabled per-
sons in their work force from 1.6 to 1.8 percent, and raising the percentage of dis-
abled persons among civil servants from 2 to 2.1 percent.
In April the Diet amended the Law To Promote the Employment of the Handi-
capped to include the mentally disabled. The revision takes efTect on July 1, 1998.
The amendment also loosened the licensing requirements for community support
centers which promote employment for the disabled, and it introduced government
807
subsidies for the employment of mentally disabled persons in part-time jobs. These
provisions are scheduled to take effect on April 1, 1998.
In May 1995. the Headquarters for Promoting the Welfare of Disabled Persons,
set up by the Prime Minister's OlTice, issued a directive to the nation's municipali-
ties to draw up formal plans for care of disabled citizens by the end of March 1997.
In November 1996, the Ministry of Health and Welfare also instructed local govern-
ments to set numerical targets for the number of home helpers and care facilities
allocated to the disabled. However, according to newspaper reports, fewer than one-
fifth of the nation's municipalities currently nave formal care plans for disabled citi-
zens.
Indigenous People. — The Ainu are a people descended from the first inhabitants
of Japan. The Ainu Association of HokKaiao estimates the total number at 50,000,
less than 0.05 percent of the country's 124 million population. Almost all of them
live on Hokkaioo, the northernmost of Japan's four main islands. Their primaiy oc-
cupations are fishing, small-scale farming, and jobs in the tourism industry. Imder
a 1899 law, the Government pursued a policy of forced assimilation, imposing man-
datory Japanese education and denying the Ainu their ri^t to continue traditional
practices. The law also left the Ainu with control of only approximately 0.15 percent
of their original holdings.
In May 1993, two Ainu filed a suit against the Government, challenging its right
to expropriate their land, which the Ainu consider sacred, to build a dam. In March
the Sapporo District Court ruled that the Government had illegally expropriated the
land, but did not order the Government to return the land to the plaintiffs because
the dam had already been completed. However, the Court ruled that the Ainu were
a minority aboriginal race.
Ainu Diet member Shigeru Kayano was instrumental in the Diet's passage of the
Law To Promote Ainu Culture and Disseminate Knowledge of Ainu Traditions in
May. The law officially recognized the Ainu as an ethnic minority, and required all
prefectural governments to develop basic programs for promoting Ainu culture and
traditions. It canceled a series of previous laws that discriminated against the Ainu
including the 1899 law. With the new law, the Government for the first time ac-
knowledged the existence of an ethnic minority in Japan. However, the law stopped
short of recognizing the Ainu as the indigenous people of Hokkaido, and also faded
to address whether they deserved special rights as a distinct ethnic group. The new
law did not mandate civil rights protection for the Ainu. A nonbinding accompany-
ing resolution referred to the Ainu as a legal Japanese minoritv. In N^rch the first
Ainu-language newspaper went to press. The Ainu continue to face societal discrimi-
nation while engaging in an uphill struggle against complete assimilation.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities.— The ethnocentric nature of Japanese society,
reinforced by a high degree of cultural and ethnic homogeneity and a history of iso-
lation from other cultures, has impeded the integration of minority groups. This pri-
marily afliects Burakumin, Koreans, and alien workers.
The Burakumin (descendants of feudal era "outcasts" who practiced "unclean" pro-
fessions such as butchering and undertaking), although not subject to governmental
discrimination, are frequently victims of entrenched societal discrimination, includ-
ing restricted access to housing and employment opportunities. They are estimated
to number approximately 3 million, but most prefer to hide their identity. Beginning
in 1969, the Government introduced with some success a number of social, eco-
nomic, and legal programs designed to improve conditions for the Burakumin and
hasten their assimilation into mainstream society. In recent years, however, some
within the Burakumin community have questioned whether assimilation is an ap-
propriate goal. When the basic legislation to provide funding for Burakumin pro-
grams expired in March, the Government enacted legislation effective for 5 years
that retains 15 of the original 45 programs for Buraku communities. One of these
programs is aimed at completing housing plans already in progress.
In May the Buraku Liberation League rewrote its manifesto for the first time in
13 years, placing less emphasis on class struggle and more emphasis on civil rights,
soaal welfare, and the environment. The new platform also replaced the term
Burakumin (hamlet people) with Buraku Jumin (hamlet residents), to try to debunk
the false concept that these people are a different race from other Japanese. The
platform was adopted at a national convention.
There are more than 650,000 Korean residents, although the number has been
steadily decreasing as Korean nationals naturalize or many Japanese which allows
their children to gain Japanese citizenship automatically. Despite improvements in
legal safeguards against discrimination, Korean permanent residents (most of whom
were bom, raised, and educated in Japan) are still subject to various forms of deeply
entrenched societal discrimination. By law, aliens with 5 years of continuous resi-
dence are eligible for naturalization and the simultaneous acquisition of citizenship
45-909 98-27
808
rights, including the right to vote. In practice, however, most eUgible aliens choose
not to apply for citizenship, in part due to fears that their cultural identity would
thereby he lost. De facto obstacles to naturalization include broad discretion avail-
able to abjudicating officers and great emphasis on Japanese language ability. Natu-
ralization procedures also require an extensive background check, including inquir-
ies into the applicant's economic status and assimilation into Japanese society. A
Korean may also be required to adopt a Japanese surname. According to press re-
ports, many applications are routinely turned down. The Government defends its
naturalization procedures as being necessary to ensure the smooth assimilation of
foreigners into Japanese society. Alien permanent residents may live abroad up to
5 years without losing their right to permanent residence. In February 1995, the
Supreme Court ruled that the Constitution does not bar permanent foreign resi-
dents from voting in local elections. However, the Court also ruled that existing
laws denying voting rights to foreign residents are not unconstitutional.
Under the School Education Law students attending Chinese, Korean, or other
non-Japanese schools are not eligible to take national university examinations. In
December Nagano University declared that it had mistakenly admitted and subse-
quently awared degrees to four ethnic Chinese students who had studied at a Chi-
nese school. Although the University did not invalidate the degrees already award-
ed, it announced that it would accept no more students from that high school. Also
in December, the Ministry of Education, claiming that non-Japanese students are
not treated unfairly, rejected the petition of a Korean residents advocacy group con-
taining over 1,300 signatures, which asked that national universities be allowed to
accept non-Japanese school graduates.
In 1993 the Government halted the fingerprinting of permanent foreign residents.
Instead of fingerprinting, the Government has established a family registry system
that uses the resident's picture and signature and contains information on parents
and spouses living in Japan, a system similar to that used for Japanese nationals.
The current law leaves intact the requirement that all foreign residents carry alien
registration certificates at all times.
In 1953 the Government decreed that public servants with administrative author-
ity and the ability to influence public opinion must be Japanese. Noncitizens were
prohibited from taking examinations for local government positions. Nevertheless,
some municipal governments began lifting restrictions on noncitizen civil servants.
In December 1996, the Home Affairs Ministry reversed the long-held national policy
of opposition to localities lifting the nationality clause and instructed local govern-
ments to decide at their own discretion. However, the Ministry instructed local gov-
ernments to restrict noncitizens' access to jobs that involved the exercise of puolic
authority and formation of public intent. The directive also required local govern-
ments to clearly state which jobs were closed to noncitizens. Some of the jobs consid-
ered ofl" limits include tax collection, construction permit issuance, sanitation inspec-
tion, and fire fighting.
Several local governments have already changed their rules in response to the
Government's new position. The cities of Kawasaki, Yokohama, Osaka, Kobe, and
Hisai, and Kanagawa and Koichi Prefectures have opened many iobs to noncitizens.
In May the Osaka municipal government introduced new guidelines allowing non-
citizens with permanent residency to engage in jobs in 276 fields, including public
relations, engineering, and social welfare services. Under the new guidelines, non-
citizens can be promoted to section chief or higher within the specified fields. In
June, for the first time, noncitizens took the employment exams for these city and
prefectural governments. In August two Korean resident women passed the Kobe
city exam, making them the first noncitizens eligible for employment under the new
rules. According to a joint survey conducted by the All Japan Prefectural and Mu-
nicipal Workers Union and the Korean Residents Association in Japan, 19.8 percent
of local governments still forbid the hiring of noncitizens.
Critics complain that opening some but not all jobs to noncitizens perpetuates in-
stitutional discrimination and the perception that noncitizen residents cannot be
trusted to act in the community's best interest. The system also allows each local
government to develop it own rules without uniformity being imposed by the na-
tional government.
The Immigration Bureau of the Justice Ministry estimated that, as of January 1,
there were 282,986 foreign nationals residing illegally in Japan, a decrease of 0.6
percent from the previous year. Illegal immigrants come primarily from: South
Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, China, Peru, Iran, Malaysia, and Taiwan.
While many illegally resident foreigners came in search of better paying manufac-
turing and construction jobs, these opportunities decreased during the economic
slowdown. Thus, more of the foreign workers are unemployed or marginally em-
ployed. Some illegal alien workers have been exploited (see Section 5).
809
Activist groups claim that employers can easily discriminate against foreign woric-
ers, who often nave little or no knowledge of the Japanese language or their legal
rights. The Government attempts to deal with the problem of illegal workers within
the bounds of existing law. It has tried to reduce the inflow of illegal foreign work-
ers by prosecuting employers. Recent revisions of the ImmigT^tion Law provide for
penalties against employers of undocumented foreign workers. Suspected foreign
workers may also be denied entry for passport, visa, and entry application irregular-
ities. The Government continues to study the foreign worker issue, and several citi-
zens' groups are working with illegal foreign woriters to improve their access to in-
formation on worker rights.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of workers
to associate freely in unions. Almost 12.3 million workers, 22.6 percent of all em-
Sloyees, belong to labor unions. Unions are free of government control and influence.
Cost unions are involved in political activity as well as labor relations, but they are
not controlled by political parties. The Japanese Trade Union Confederation
(RENGO), which represents 7.6 million workers and was formed in 1989 through
the merger of several confederations, is the largest labor organization. There is no
requirement for a single trade union structure, and there are no restrictions on who
may be a union official. Members of the armed forces, police, and firefighters are
not permitted either to form unions or to strike. These restrictions have led to a
long-running dispute before the International Labor Organization's (ILO) Committee
on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations over observance of ILO
Convention 98 concerning the right to organize and bargain collectively. The Com-
mittee has observed that these public employees have a limited capacity to partici-
pate in the process of determining their wages and again in June 1996 asked the
Government to consider any measures it could take to encourage negotiations with
public employees.
The right to strike, implicit in the Constitution, is exercised. During 1995, 77,000
work days were lost to strikes. The law prohibits retribution against strikers and
is effectively enforced. Public employees do not have the right to strike, although
they do have recourse to mediation and arbitration.
Unions are free to affiliate internationally and are active in international bodies,
most notably the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and maintain
extensive international contacts.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides
unions with the right to organize, bargain, and act collectively. These rights are ex-
ercised freely, and collective bargaining is practiced widely. The annual "Spring
Wage Offensive," in which individual unions in each industry conduct negotiations
simultaneously with their firms, involves nationwide participation. Management
usually consults closely with its enterprise union. However, trade unions are inde-
pendent of management and aggressively pursue the interests of their workers.
Antiunion discrimination is prohioited by law, and adequate mechanisms exist for
resolving such cases as do occur, including the reinstatement with back wages of
any workers fired for union activities. However, the collective bargaining rights of
public employees are limited. The Government determines the pay of government
employees based on a recommendation by the independent National Personnel Au-
thority.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution provides that no
person shall be held in bondage of any kind. Involuntary servitude, except as pun-
ishment for crime, is prohibited. This legal prohibition against forced or compulsory
labor apples equally to adults and to children, and there are presently no known
cases 01 forced or bonded labor.
Before and during World War II the Government conscripted both Chinese and
Korean workers who were forced to work in Japanese factories and mines. This
practice ended in 1948 when the last of these workers was returned home. Survivors
and families of these workers continue to press claims for damages and compensa-
tions for their forced labor, both in Japanese civil courts and in complaints to the
ILO. In September the Nippon Steel Corporation reached an out-of-court settlement
with the families of 11 Koreans who had performed forced labor in the company's
mine in Kamaishi, the first reported payment by a Japanese firm for using forced
labor during the war. Another forced labor suit against Nippon Steel filed by two
South Korean men is pending in Osaka District Court. However, in December dis-
trict courts in both Nagasaki and Tokyo ruled against such claimants, in cases in-
volving the Kajima Corporation and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, on the basis that
the 20-year statute of limitations for claims against illegal acts had expired.
810
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Con-
stitution bans the exploitation of children. Both societal values and the rigorous en-
forcement of the Labor Standards Law protect children from exploitation in the
workplace. The Government prohibits forced or bonded child labor and enforces this
prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
Child labor is virtually nonexistant. By law, children under the age of 15 may not
be employed and those under age 18 may not be employed in dangerous or harmful
jobs. The Labor Inspection Division of the Ministry of Labor, which vigorously en-
forces the Labor Standards Law, reports no violations. Society places an extremely
high value on education, which is compulsory through the lower secondary (i.e.
ninth grade) level. Enrollment levels for both boys and girls through the free and
universally available upper secondary level (age 18) exceed 95 percent.
Under the revised Labor Standards Law of 1987, minors under 15 vears of age
may not be employed, and those under the age of 18 years may not De employed
in dangerous or harmful work. The Labor Inspection Division of the Ministry of
Labor rigorously enforces child labor laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Minimum wages are set on a regional (prefec-
tural) and industry basis, with the input of tripartite (workers, employers, public
interest) advisory councils. Employers covered by a minimum wage must post the
concerned minimum wages, and compliance with minimum wages is considered
widespread. Minimum wage rates, effective in fiscal year 1997 (starting April 1),
ranged from $47 (5,368 yen) per day in Tokyo and Osaka to $40 (4,625 yen) m Oki-
nawa Prefecture and are considered sufficient to provide workers and their families
with a decent living. The Labor Standards Law provides for a 40-hour workweek
for most industries and mandates premium pay for hours worked over 40 in a week,
or 8 in a day. However, labor unions frequently criticize the Government for failing
to enforce maximum working hour regulations in smaller firms.
The Ministry of Labor effectively administers various laws and regulations gov-
erning occupational health and safety, principal among which is the 1972 Industrial
Safety and Health Law. Standards are set by the Ministry of Labor and issued after
consultation with the Standing Committee on Safety and Health of the Tripartite
Labor Standards Commission. Labor inspectors have the authority to suspend un-
safe operations immediately, and the law provides that workers may voice concerns
over occupational safety and remove themselves from unsafe working conditions
without jeopardizing their continued employment.
KIRIBATI
Kiribati comprises some 78,400 people occupying 33 small islands widely scattered
across 3.5 million square kilometers of the central Pacific. The population is pri-
marily Micronesian, with a significant component of Polynesian origin. Kiribati
gained full independence from the United Kingdom in 1979 and became a republic
within the Commonwealth of Nations. It has a popularly elected president and a
legislative assembly with 39 members elected by universal adult suffrage, and 2
who are members by virtue of their office. The judiciary is independent.
A police force of about 250 personnel is effectively controlled by civilian authority.
Economic activity consists primarily of subsistence agriculture and fishing. The is-
lands' isolation and meager resources, including poor soil and limited arable land,
severely limit prospects for economic development.
Society is egalitarian, democratic, and resp)ectful of human rights. There were no
reports of specific human rights abuses, but in the traditional culture women occupy
a subordinate role with limited job opportunities.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment are forbidden
by the Constitution, corporal punishment is permitted under traditional mores for
criminal acts and other transgressions. On some outer islands, the island councils
occasionally order strokes with palm fronds to be administered for public drunken-
ness and other minor offenses such as petty thievery.
811
The authorities strive to meet minimum international standards for prisons but
have limited financial resources. Food and sanitation are limited. Family members
and church representatives are allowed access to prisoners. The question of monitor-
ing of prison conditions by local human rights groups has not arisen, and no policy
concerning such monitoring has been formulated.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition. In June the
Government seized two fishing boats passing through the country's waters and de-
tained the expatriate captains in prison lor 2 days. The Government filed no
charges, released the captains, and allowed the boats to proceed.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent and free of govern-
mental interference. The right to a fair public trial is provided by law and observed
in practice. The Constitution provides that an accused person be informed of the na-
ture of the offense for which he is charged and be provided adequate time and facili-
ties to prepare a defense. The right to confront witnesses, present evidence, and ap-
peal convictions is enshrined in law. Procedural safeguards are based on English
common law.
There are no political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such practices. Government authorities respect these provisions, and viola-
tions are subject to effective legal sanctions.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects this right in practice. The radio sta-
tion and the only newspaper are government owned but oiler a variety of views.
Churches publish newsletters and other periodicals. Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and association, including the right to form or belong to asso-
ciations for the advancement or protection of a group's interests, and the Govern-
ment does not impose any significant restrictions in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Freedom of religion prevails. There is no state or pre-
ferred religion. Missionaries are free to seek converts.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice. There were no reports of refugees. The Government has not formulated
a policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first asylum.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Government is chosen by the people in periodic free and open elections. Exec-
utive authority is exercised by the President, who is elected for a 4-year term. No
less than three and no more than four presidential candidates are nominated by the
elected Legislative Assembly from among its members. Under the Constitution the
President is limited to three terms.
The snap general election of August 1994 saw the formation of Kiribati's first real
political party, the Maneaban Te Mauri Party (MTM), as opposition forces united
to bring down the National Progressive Party (NPP). (The NPP, the group which
had led Kiribati since independence in 1979, has never been organized as a political
party.) In those elections, the MTM won 19 of the 39 seats (2 more are ex officio),
and an MTM leader, Teburoro Tito, was elected President.
Women are underrepresented in politics and government. No women hold ministe-
rial or permanent secretary positions, and none hold national elective office.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no restrictions on the formation of local nongovernmental organizations
that concern themselves with human rights, but to date none has been formed.
There have been no reported allegations of human rights violations by the Govern-
ment and no known requests for investigations. Kiribati is not a member of the
United Nations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, creed, national ori-
gin, or sex, and the Government generally observed this prohibition in practice.
Kiribati society, fundamentally egalitarian, has no privileged chiefiy class.
Women. — Violence against women does not appear to be a major problem in this
isolated, rural society, nape is a crime under the law, and the law is enforced when
812
charges are brought to court. To the extent that it exists, wife beating is dealt with
informally and in a traditional way; frequently, communal pressure is brought to
bear.
The traditional culture in which men are dominant has been an impediment to
women taking a more active role in the economy. This is slowly changing, and more
women are finding work in unskilled and semiskilled occupations. There are also
signs of increased government hiring and promotions to redress this culturally
based inequity. Women have full and equal access to education.
Statistics on the participation of women in the work force and on comparative
wages are unavailable. Women have full rights of ownership and inheritance of
property.
Children. — Within the limited resources of the Government, adequate expendi-
tures are made for child welfare. If child abuse exists, it is rare and has not become
a source of societal concern.
People With Disabilities. — There is no evidence or complaint of discrimination in
employment, education, or provision of other state services. Accessibility for the dis-
abled has not been mandated.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Freedom of association is provided for in the Con-
stitution. Workers are free to organize unions and choose their own representatives.
The Government does not control or restrict unions. Over 90 percent of the work
force is occupied in fishing or subsistence farming, but the small wage sector has
a relatively strong and effective trade union movement. In 1982 the seven registered
trade unions merged to form the Kiribati Trade Union Congress (KTUC). It has ap-
proximately 2,500 members, mostly from the public service sector. The KTUC is af-
filiated with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. The law pro-
vides for the right to strike. However, strikes are rare, the last one having taken
place in 1980.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is pro-
vided for under the Industrial Relations Code. The Government sets wages in the
large public sector. However, in a few statutory bodies and government-owned com-
panies, employees may negotiate wages and other conditions. In the private sector
employees may also negotiate wages with employers. Negotiations are generally
nonconfrontational, in keeping with Kiribati tradition. There have been no reports
of antiunion discrimination. However, mechanisms exist for resolving any such com-
plaints.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, and it is not practiced. The prohibition does not specifically
mention children, but the practice of forced and bonded labor by children also does
not occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits the employment of children under the age of 14. Children through the age
of 15 are prohibited from industrial employment and employment aboard ships.
Labor officers from the Ministry of Commerce, Industry, and Employment normally
enforce these laws effectively, given the rudimentary conditions of the economy and
its industrial relations system. Children are rarely employed outside the traditional
economy. Forced and bonded labor by children does not occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government has taken no concrete action
to implement longstanding legislation authorizing establishment of minimum wages.
There is no legislatively prescribed workweek. The Government is the major em-
ployer in the cash economy.
Employment laws provide rudimentary health and safety standards for the work-
place. Employers must, for example, provide an adequate supply of clean water for
workers and ensure the existence of sanitary toilet facilities. Employers are liable
for the expenses of workers injured on the job. The Government's ability to enforce
employment laws is hampered by a lack of qualified personnel. Women may not
work at night except under specified circumstances (generally in service jobs such
as hotel clerks).
813
DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
The Democratic People's Republic of Korea^ (DPRK) is a dictatorship under the
absolute rule of the Korean Workers' Party (KWP). Kim II Sune led the DPRK from
its inception until his death in July 1994. Since then his son Kim Jong D appears
to have had unchallenged authority. Kim Jong II was named General Secretary of
the KWP in October, although he has not assumed his father's position as Presi-
dent. Both Kim D Sung and Kim Jong II continue to be the objects of intense per-
sonality cults. The regime emphasizes "juche," a national ideology of self-reliance.
The judiciary is not independent.
The Korean People's Army is the primary organization responsible for external se-
curity. It is assisted by a large military reserve force and several quasi-military or-
fanizations, including the Worker-Peasant Red Guards and the People's Security
brce. These organizations assist the Ministry of Public Security and cadres of the
KWP in maintaining internal security. Members of the security forces committed se-
rious human rights abuses.
The State directs all significant economic activity, and only government-controlled
labor unions are permitted. The economy contracted in 1997, as it has each year
since the beginning of the decade. This decline is due in part to the collapse of the
Soviet bloc and the elimination of Soviet and Chinese concessional trade and aid.
It is also due to distribution bottlenecks, inefficient allocation of resources, lack of
access to international credit stemming from the DPRK's default on much of its for-
eign debt, and the diversion of an estimated quarter of the gross national product
to military expenditures. For the last 3 years, bad weather damaged crops, forced
thousands from their homes, and aggravated an already difUcult economic situation.
In the summer, a severe drought destroyed crops and a tidal wave damaged re-
claimed farmland on the west coast. The harvest fell significantly short of minimum
needs. While attributing the food shortages only to adverse weather, the Govern-
ment has admitted pubncly that it is su fie ring from them and sought international
food aid as well as other forms of assistance. Food, clothing, and energy are rationed
throughout the country.
The Government continues to deny its citizens human rights. Citizens do not have
the right peacefully to change their government. There continued to be reports of
extrajudicial killings and disappearances.
Citizens are detained arbitrarily, and many are held as political prisoners; prison
conditions are harsh. The constitutional provisions for an independent judiciary and
fair trials are not implemented in practice. The regime subjects its citizens to rigid
controls. The state leadership perceives most international norms of human rights,
especially individual rights, as illegitimate, alien social artifacts subversive to the
goals of the State and party. The Penal Code is draconian, stipulating capital pun-
ishment and confiscation of^all assets for a wide variety of "crimes against the revo-
lution," including defection, attempted defection, slander of the policies of the party
or State, listening to foreign broadcasts, writing "reactionary" letters, and possess-
ing "reactionary" printed matter. The Government prohibits freedom of speech, the
press, assembly, and association, and all forms of cultural and media activities are
under the tight control of the party. Radios sold in North Korea are constructed to
receive North Korean radio broadcasts only; radios obtained from abroad must be
altered to work in a similar manner. Under these circumstances, little outside infor-
mation reaches the public except that approved and disseminated by the Govern-
ment. The Government restricts freedom of religion, citizens' movements, and work-
er rights.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Defectors report that the regime
continued executions of political prisoners, opponents of the regime, repatriated de-
fectors, and others (reportedly including military officers suspected of espionage or
of plotting against Kim Jong II). The criminal law makes the death penalty manda-
tory for activities "in collusion with imperialists" aimed at "suppressing the national
^The United States does not have diplomatic relations with the Dennocratic People's Republic
of Korea. North Korea does not allow representatives of foreign governments, journalists, or
other invited visitors the freedom of movement that would enable them to fully assess human
rights conditions there. This repwrt is based on information obtained over more than a decade,
updated where possible by information drawn from recent interviews, reports, and other docu-
mentation. While limited in detail, this information is nonetheless indicative of the human
rights situation in North Korea today.
814
liberation struggle." Some prisoners are sentenced to death for such ill-defined
"crimes" as "ideological divergence," "opposing socialism," and other
"counterrevolutionary crimes." In some cases, executions reportedly were carried out
at public meetings attended by workers, students, and school children. Executions
have also been carried out before assembled inmates at places of detention. Border
guards reportedly have orders to shoot-to-kill potential defectors (see Section 2.d.).
Many prisoners reportedly have died from disease, starvation, or exposure (see
Section I.e.).
Accordingto unconfirmed Japanese and South Korean press reports, several sen-
ior party omcials were publicly executed in September. The Kyodo News Network
reported that Seo Kwan Hui, Secretary of Agriculture for the KWP, and 17 other
senior ofiicials, including some from the army and from the Kim II Sung Socialist
Youth League, were executed for corruption and working for South Korea. The press
reports added that 500 other senior officials were sent into internal exile.
According to a weekly South Korean news magazine, there were at least 20 public
executions during the year either for economic olTenses, including stealing cattle and
electric wire, or for attempting to defect.
b. Disappearance. — The Government is reportedly responsible for such cases. Ac-
cording to defector reports, individuals suspected of political crimes are often taken
from their homes by state security officials late at night and sent directly, without
trial, to camps for political prisoners. There have also been reports of DPRK involve-
ment in the kidnaping abroad of South Koreans, Japanese, and other foreign nation-
als. The Japanese press estimates that, over the last 30 years, as many as 20 Japa-
nese may have been kidnaped and are being detained in North Korea. In addition,
several cases of kidnaping, hostage-taking, and other acts of violence apparently in-
tended to intimidate ethnic Koreans living in (Jhina and Russia have been reported.
For example, there is credible evidence that North Korea may have been involved
in the abduction of a South Korean citizen working in China as a missionary. This
missionary subsequently appeared publicly in North Korea and was portrayed as a
defector. The DPRK denies it has been involved in kidnapings.
In November the South Korean (government arrested several alleged North Ko-
rean espionage agents. According to the South Korean (jovemment's report on its
investigation, those arrested claimed that three South Korean high school students,
missing since 1978, had been kidnaped by the North Korean (jovemment and
trained as espionage agents. The three were identified as Kim Young Nam, who dis-
appeared from Son Yu beach, and Yi Myong U and Hong Kyun Pyo, both of whom
disappeared from Hong To Island beach. According to those arrested, there have
been several other kidnapings.
Amnesty International (AI) reports detail a number of cases of disappearances in-
cluding that of Japanese citizen Shibata Kozo and his wife Shin Sung Suk, who left
Japan in 1960 and resettled in North Korea. Shibata was reportedly arrested in
1962 aft^r encouraging a demonstration by former Japanese residents against the
poor treatment given them. In 1993 AI claimed that he was still in custody, and
in poor health, and that there had been no word about his wife and three children
since 1965. In June 1995, AI was informed by North Korean officials that Shibata
Kozo, his wife, and children had died in a train accident in early 1990, a few weeks
after he was released from nearly 30 years in prison. However, AI reports that
Shibata Kozo was still in custody at the time of the alleged accident.
In a case cited by AI in 1993, North Korean officials informed Amnesty in April
1995 that Japanese citizens Cho Ho Pyong, his ethnic Japanese wife Koike Hideko,
and their three young children were killed in 1972 while attempting to leave the
country. The authorities told AI that Cho had escaped from a detention center
where he was being held for spying, killing a guard in the process.
The cases of three ethnic Korean residents of Beijing, China (16, 18, and 20 years
of age), reported by AI in 1995 to have been taken to North Korea against their
will, remained unresolved. The three were taken in apparent retaliation for criticism
of North Korean human rights violations made by their father, a former prisoner
in North Korea, on Japanese television and in the Japanese press. The North Ko-
rean authorities deny this allegation, claiming that the three brothers had been de-
ported to North Korea for bretOcing Chinese law, and that they are now living with
relatives.
Numerous reports indicate that ordinary citizens are not allowed to mix with for-
eign nationals, and AI has reported that a number of North Koreans who main-
tained friendships with foreigners have disappeared. In at least one case, AI re-
ported that a citizen who had disappeared was executed for maintaining a friend-
ship with a Russian national.
815
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
While there is no information on recent practices, credible reports indicate that pris-
oners are mistreated and that many have died from disease, starvation, or exposure.
IMson conditions are harsh. According to international nongovernmental organi-
zations (NGO) and defector sources, whole families, including children, are impris-
oned together. "Reeducation through labor" is common punishment, consisting of
forced labor, such as log^ng and tending crops, under harsh conditions. A small
number of people who claim to have escaped from detention camps report that star-
vation and executions are common. In one prison, clothing was reportedly issued
only once in 3 years. Former inmates have produced photographs of an inmate
wearing specially designed leg irons that permit walking but make running impos-
sible. M reports the existence of "punishment cells," too low to allow standing up-
right and too small for lying down flat, where prisoners are kept for up to several
weeks for breaking prison rules. Visitors to North Korea report observing prisoners
being marched in leg irons, metal collars, or shackles.
Alrepresentatives recently were permitted to visit one model "rehabilitation cen-
ter," but the Government does not normally permit inspection of prisons by human
rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — There are no restrictions on the ability
of the Government to detain and imprison people at will and to hold them incommu-
nicado.
Little information is available on North Korea's criminal iustice procedures and
practices, and outside observation of its legal system has oeen limited to "show
trials" for traflic violations and other minor offenses.
Family members and other concerned persons find it virtually impossible to ob-
tain information on charges against detained persons. Judicial review of detentions
does not exist in law or in practice.
Defectors claim that North Korea detains between 150,000 to 200,000 persons for
political reasons, sometimes along with their family members, in maximum security
camps in remote areas. An October 1992 report by two former inmates made ref-
erence to severe living conditions in what they called "concentration camps." North
Korean officials deny the existence of such prison camps but admit that there are
"education centers" for people who "commit crimes by mistake."
One credible report nsts 12 such prison camps in the DPRK. It is believed that
some former high ofiicials are imprisoned in the camps. Visitors formerly were al-
lowed, but currently any form of communication with detainees, including visitors,
is said to be prohibited.
South Korean newspapers also have reported that family members of North Ko-
rean defector Hwang Chang Yop, former head of the Juche Research Institute, and
a senior advisor to Kim II Song and Kim Jong II, who defected to South Korea in
February, were either under house arrest or incarcerated in political prisons. Some
members of his family, however, have been seen by visiting foreigners.
In July 1991, a North Korean defector who had been a ranking official in the
DPRK Ministry of Public Security said that there were two types of detention areas.
One consists of closed camps where conditions are extremely harsh and from which
prisoners never emerge. In the other, prisoners can be "rehabilitated."
In October North Korean troops seized two South Korean farmers who had acci-
dentally crossed into land controlled by the DPRK inside the demilitarized zone
(DMZ) between North Korean and South Korean. They were released after a few
days after apologizing for having strayed into the DMZ.
The Government is not known to use forced exile abroad. However, the Govern-
ment routinely uses forced resettlement and has relocated many tens of thousands
of people from Pyongyang to the countryside. There are also reports that physically
disabled people and those judged to be politically unreliable have been sent to inter-
nal exile as well. Oft«n, those relocated are selected on the basis of family back-
ground. Nonetheless, there is some evidence that class background is less important
than in the past because of the regime's emphasis on the solidarity of the "popular
masses," ana "united front" efforts with overseas Koreans.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution states that courts are independ-
ent and that judicial proceedings are to be carried out in strict accordance with the
law; however, an independent judiciary and individual rights do not exist in the
DPRK. The Public Security Ministry dispenses with trials in political cases and re-
fers defendants to the Ministry of State Security for imposition of punishment.
The Constitution contains elaborate procedural protections and it states that
cases are heard in public, and that the accused has the right to a defense; hearings
may be closed to the public as stipulated by law. When trials are held, lawyers are
apparently assigned by the Government. Reports indicate that defense lawyers are
not considered representatives of the accused; rather, they are expected to help the
816
court by persuading the accused to confess guilt. Some reports note a distinction be-
tween those accused of political crimes and common criminals and state that the
Grovemment affords trials or lawyers only to the latter. The Government considers
critics of the regime to be "political criminals."
Numerous reports suggest that political offenses have in the past included such
behavior as sitting on newspapers bearing Kim H Bung's picture, or (in the case of
a professor reportedly sentenced to work as a laborer) noting in class that Kim D
Sung had received little formal education. The KWP has a special regulation pro-
tecting the images of Kim II Sung and Kim Jong D. All North Koreans are requu-ed
by this regulation to protect from damage any likeness of the two Kim's. Beginning
in the 1970's, the "10 Great Principles of Unique Ideology" directed that anyone who
tore or otherwise defaced a newspaper photo of either of the two Kim's was des-
ignated a political criminal and punishea as such. North Korean defectors have re-
ported families being punished because children had accidentally defaced photo-
graphs of one of the two Kim's. Families must display pictures of the two Kim's in
tneir homes, and must keep them clean. Local party officials have conducted unan-
nounced inspections once a month, and if the inspectors found the family had ne-
glected its pnotos, the punishment was to write self-criticism throughout an entire
year.
A foreigner hired to work on foreign broadcasts for the regime was imprisoned for
1 year without trial for criticizing the quality of the regime's foreign propaganda.
He was then imprisoned for 6 more years (with trial) shortly after his release for
claiming in a private conversation that his original imprisonment was unjust. While
AI has listed 58 political prisoners by name, the total number of political prisoners
being held is much larger. Several defectors and former inmates reported that the
total figure is approximately 150,000, while South Korean authorities said the total
figure is about 200,000.
The South Korean Ministry of National Unification, reported to its National As-
sembly on October 2 that North Korea had more than 200,000 political prisoners
in camps where many have frozen or starved to death, and that famine may have
worsened conditions. The report went on to describe the camps as having no elec-
tricity or heating facilities. The report claimed that those who attempted to escape
were executed immediately. Most camps are located in remote mountain or mining
areas. Some reports indicated an increase in the number of political prisoners as
North Koreans nad begun to complain more openly about the failure of the (jovem-
ment's economic policies.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of person and residence and the privacy
of correspondence, but the Government does not respect these provisions in practice.
The regime subjects its citizens to rigid controls. The state leadership perceives
most international norms of human rights, and especially individual rights, as alien
social artifacts subversive to the goals of the State and party. The Government re-
lies upon an extensive, multilevel system of informers to identify critics and poten-
tial troublemakers. Whole communities are sometimes subjected to massive security
checks. According to Kim Jong II, North Korean society represents "a new way of
thinking" that cannot be evaluated on the basis of "old yardsticks" of human rights
imported from abroad. In this context, the DPRK celebrates the closed nature oT its
society. The possession of "reactionary material" and listening to foreign broadcasts
are both considered crimes that may subject the transgressor to harsh punishments.
In some cases, entire families are punished for alleged political offenses committed
by one member of the family. For example. North Korean defectors have reported
families being punished because children had accidentally defaced photographs of
one of the two Kim's. Families must display pictures of the two Kim's in their
homes, and must keep them clean. Local party officials have conducted unan-
nounced inspections once a month, and if the inspectors found the family had ne-
glected its pnotos, the punishment was to write self-criticism throughout an entire
year (see Section I.e.).
The Constitution provides for the right to petition. However, when an anonjonous
getition or complaint about state aoministration is submitted, the Ministries of
tate Security and Public Safety seek to identify the author through hand-writing
analysis. The suspected individual may be subjected to a thorough investigation and
punishment.
The regime justifies its dictatorship with aivuments derived from concepts of col-
lective consciousness and the superiority of the collective over the individual, ap-
peals to nationalism, and citations of 'the juche idea." The North Koreans empha-
size that the core concept of juche is "the ability to act independently without regard
to outside interference. Originally described as "a creative application of Marxism-
Leninism" in the Korean context, juche is a malleable philosophy reinterpreted from
817
time to time bv the re^me as its ideological needs change and used by the regime
as a "spiritual underpinning for its rule.
As defined by Kim II Sung, juche is a quasi-mystical concept in which the collec-
tive will of the people is distilled into a supreme leader whose every act exemplifies
the State and society's needs. Opposition to such a leader, or to the rules, regula-
tions, andgoals established by his regime, is thus in itself opposition to the national
interest. The regime therefore claims a socifd interest in identifying and isolating
all opposition.
Since the late 1950's the regime has divided society into three main classes:
"core," "wavering," and "hostile. These 3 classes are farther subdivided into subcat-
egories based on perceived loyalty to the party and the leadership. Security ratings
are assi^ed to each individual; according to some estimates, nearly half oi the pop-
ulation 18 designated as either "wavering" or "hostUe." These loyalty ratings deter-
mine access to employment, hirfier education, place of residence, medical facilities,
and certain stores. They also sinect the severity of punishment in the case of legal
infractions. While there are signs that this ri^d system has been relaxed somewhat
in recent years — for example, children of religious practioners are no longer auto-
matically barred from higher education — it remains a basic element of North Korean
society.
Citizens with relatives who fled to South Korea at the time of the Korean War
appear still to be classified as part of the "hostile class" in the DPRK's elaborate
loyalty system. This subcategory alone encompasses a significant percentage of the
North Korean population. One defector estimated that the class of those considered
potentially hostile may comprise 25 to 30 percent of the population; others place the
ngure at closer to 20 percent. Members of this class are still subject to discrimina-
tion, although a defector has claimed that their treatment has improved greatly in
recent years.
The authorities subject citizens of all age groups and occupations to intensive po-
litical and ideological indoctrination. Even after Kim II Sung's death, his cult of per-
sonality and the glorification of his family and the official juche ideology remained
omnipresent. The cult approaches the level of a state religion.
The goal of indoctrination remains to ensure loyalty to the system and leadership,
as well as conformity to the State's ideology and authority. The necessity for the
intensification of such indoctrination is repeatedly stressed in the writings of Kim
Jong II, who attributes the collapse of the Soviet Union largely to insufficient ideo-
logical indoctrination, compounded by the entry of foreign influences.
Indoctrination is carried out systematically, not only through the mass media, but
also in schools and through worker and neighborhood associations. Kim Jong II has
stated that ideological education must take precedence over academic education in
the nation's schools, and he has also called for the intensification of mandatory ideo-
losncal study and discussion sessions for adult workers.
The Nodong Shinmun newspaper announced that the class indoctrination pro-
gram would be intensified after October 8, when Kim Jong II assumed the office of
General Secretary of the KWP. The program was being administered by the KWFs
basic-level organizations in all areas of the country. The program stressed two
Soints: That the Kim Jong II leadership blesses the Korean people, and that the
forth Korean people must do their best for the economy.
Another aspect of the State's indoctrination system is the use of mass marches,
rallies, and staged performances, sometimes involving hundreds of thousands of peo-
ple. Celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the founding of the KWP included hours
of carefiilly choreographed demonstration of mass adulation of the leadership, re-
portedly involving virtually the entire population of Pyongyang and outlying com-
munities. Foreign visitors have been told that nonparticipation by Pyongyang resi-
dents in this event was unthinkable.
The Government monitors correspondence and telephones. Telephones essentially
are restricted to domestic operation although some international service is available
on a very restricted basis.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^Articles of the Constitution that require citizens
to follow "Socialist norms of life" and to obey a "collective spirit" take precedence
over individual political or civil liberties. Although the Constitution provides for
freedom of speech and the press, the Government prohibits the exercise of these
rigjits in practice. The regime permits only activities that support its objectives.
The Government strictly curtails freedom of expression. The authorities may pun-
ish persons for criticizing the regime or its policies by imprisonment or "corrective
labor." One defector reported in 1986 that a scientist, whose home was bugged
through his radio set, was arrested and executed for statements made at home criti-
818
cal of Kim II Sung. In another case, AI reports that a family formerly resident in
Japan was sent to a "reeducation -through-labor^ center because one member of the
family allegedly made remarics disparaging the Government.
The Government attempts to control all information. It carefully manages the vis-
its of Western journalists. In July 1996, the Cable News Networic was allowed to
broadcast live, unedited coverage of the 2nd year memorial service for the death of
Kim D Sung. The regime recently has allowed foreign journalists to report on the
food situation. Foreign journalists also were allowed to cover the Korean Peninsula
EncTvy Development Oi^anization (KEDO) light-water reactor groundbreaking at
Kumno in August. Although more foreign journalists have been allowed into North
Korea, the Government still maintains the strictest control over the movements of
foreign visitors. Domestic media censorship is strictly enforced, and no deviation
from the official government line is tolerated.
The regime prohibits listening to foreign media broadcasts except by the political
elite, and violators are subject to severe punishment. Radios and television sets are
built to receive only domestic programming; radios obtained from abroad must be
submitted for alteration to operate in a similar manner. Private telephone lines op-
erate on an internal system that prevents making and receiving calls from outsioe
the country. International phone lines are available under very restricted cir-
cumstances. The Government has set up an Internet web site, based in Tokyo, for
propaganda purposes. There may be very limited Internet access in North Korea for
government officials, according to recent reports.
Late in the year, the Government publisned threats against South Korean media
for criticizing the North Korean leadership. The first instance was in response to
a South Korean newspaper editorial; the second in reaction to a television drama
about life in North Korea.
The Government severely restricts academic freedom and controls artistic and
academic works. Visitors report that one of the primary functions of plays, movies,
operas, children's performances, and books is to contribute to the cult of personality
surrounding Kim 11 Sung and Kim Jong II.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — ^Although the Constitution pro-
vides for freedom of assembly, the Government does not respect this provision in
practice. The Government prohibits any public meetings without authorization.
Although the Constitution provides for freedom of association, the Government
does not respect this provision in practice. There are no known organizations other
than those created by the Government. Professional associations exist primarily as
a means of government monitoring and control over the members of these oi^aniza-
tions.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The 1992 Constitution provides for the "freedom of reli-
gious belief," including "the right to build buildings for religious use." However, the
same article adds that "no one can use religion as a means to drag in foreign pow-
ers" or to disrupt the social order. In practice, the regime discourages all organized
religious activity except that which serves the interests of the State.
In recent years, the regime has allowed the formation of several government-spon-
sored religious organizations. These serve as interlocutors with foreign church
groups and international aid organizations. Some foreigners who have met with rep-
resentatives of these organizations are convinced that they are sincere believers;
others claim that they appeared to know little about religious dogma, liturgy, or
teaching.
There are a few Buddhist temples where religious activity is permitted, and three
Christian churches — two Protestant and one Catholic — have been opened since 1988
in Pyongyang. Many visitors say that church activity appears staged. Foreign Chris-
tians who have attempted to attend services at these churches without making prior
arrangements with the authorities report finding them locked and unattended, even
on Easter Sunday.
The DPRK claims that there are 10,000 Christians who worship in 500 house
churches, and the Chondogyo Young Friends Party, a government-sponsored group
based on a native Korean religious movement, is still in existence. The authorities
have told foreign visitors that one Protestant seminary exists, accepting six to nine
pupils every 3 years.
a. Freedom, of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— In the past, the regime has strictly controlled internal travel, requiring
a travel pass for any movement outside one's home village. These passes were
granted only for official travel or attendance at a relative's wedding or funeral. Long
delays in obtaining the necessary permit often resulted in denial of the right to trav-
el even for these limited purposes. Recently it appears that the internal controls on
travel have eased or broken down somewhat. There are reports of significant move-
ment of people traveling across the country in search of lood. Only members of a
819
very small elite have vehicles for personal use. The regime tightly controls access
to civilian aircraft, treuns, buses, food, and fuel.
Reports, primarily from defectors, indicate that the Government routinely uses
forced resettlement, particularly for those deemed politically unreliable. The Gov-
ernment strictly controls permission to reside in, or even enter, Pyongyang. This is
a significant lever, since food, housing, health, and general living conditions are
much better in Pyongyang than in the rest of the country.
Amnesty International nas reported serious human rights abuses involving North
Korean workers working in the Far Eastern portion of Russia, and North Korean
refugees living in Russia. There are currently about 6,000 DPRK workers in camps
in the Russian Far East engaged in farming, mining, and construction. Conditions
in these North Korean-run camps are harsh; food is scarce; and discipline is severe.
In the past, there have been allegations that discipline includes physical torture
such as placing wooden logs between the knees of offenders, after which they were
forced to sit down, causing excruciating pain. In recent years, offenders have been
sent back to the DPRK for punishment due to the increased scrutiny that the labor
camps have been under since Russian and foreign media began reporting on the
conditions in these camps in the early 1990's.
North Korean refugees in Russia comprise two groups: Those who were selected
to woric in Russia but refused to return to the DPRK, and those who have fled into
Russia from the DPRK. Until 1993 under a "secret protocol," the DPRK Public Secu-
rity Service reportedly was allowed to work inside Russia to track down workers
who fled the camps. Since 1993 many North Korean refugees have been engaged
in business in the Russian Far East.
Many North Korean refugees in Russia face severe hardships due to their lack
of any identification. Workers arriving in Russia usually have their passport and
other identification confiscated bv North Korean border guards. Once they leave the
camps, many refugees assume false identities to protect their relatives in the DPRK.
The DPRK Government reportedly tried to prevent defections in Russia by using
diplomatic channels to influence Russian authorities and international organiza-
tions. In a number of cases, North Korean authorities reportedly told Russian au-
thorities that a particular North Korean who had appliea for asylum in Russia or
elsewhere was a criminal offender in North Korea. An extradition treaty signed by
both nations in 1957 requires that defectors with criminal records be returned to
their country.
The regime limits foreign travel to officials and trusted artists, athletes, academ-
ics, and religious figures. It does not allow emigration. In recent years, there are
Eersistent reports of a steady increase in North Korean defectors arriving in China,
long Kong, Vietnam, and other Asian countries. The regime reportedly retaliates
harshly against the relatives of those who manage to escape. According to the Penal
Code, defection and attempted defection (including the attempt to gain entry to a
foreign embassy for the purpose of seeking political asylum) are capital crimes. De-
fectors have stated that DPRK border guards have received shoot-to-kill orders
against potential defectors attempting to cross the border into China. Other defec-
tors have reported that some defectors who have been involuntarily returned have
been executed (see Section l.a.). Following the collapse of European communism, the
regime pulled back several thousand students from overseas. It no longer allows stu-
dents to study abroad except in China and a few other places.
According to South Korean media accounts, the DPRK increased controls over the
population when Hwang Chang Yop defected in February.
From 1959 to 1982, 93,000 Korean residents of Japan, including 6,637 Japanese
wives, voluntarily repatriated to North Korea. Despite DPRK assurances that the
wives, more than a third of whom still had Japanese citizenship, would be allowed
to visit Japan every 2 or 3 years, none were permitted to do so until 1997. Many
have not bieen heard from, and their relatives and friends in Japan have been un-
successful in their efforts to gain information about their condition and where-
abouts.
The DPRK and the (jovemment of Japan held a series of bilateral meetings in
Beijing in the second half of 1997, during which the DPRK agreed to allow some
Jananese wives resident in North Korea to visit Japan. The first such visit occurred
in November when 15 Japanese wives arrived for a 1-week visit.
Although the DPRK has permitted an increasing number of overseas Korean resi-
dents of North America, Japan, China, and other countries to visit their relatives
in North Korea over the past decade, most requests for such visits are still denied.
Many foreign visitors to the April 1995 International Pyongyang Sports Festival re-
ported that they were denied permission to visit or otherwise contact their relatives,
even those who lived only a few miles from Pyongyang.
820
Although the DPRK is a member of the United Nations, it does not participate
in international refugee forums, and it is not in contact with the U.N. High Com-
missioner for Refugees. There is no known policy or provision for first asylum.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have no right or mechanisms to change their leadership or government.
The political system is completely dominated by the KWP, with Kim D Bung's heir
Kim Jong II in full control. There is very little reliable information available on
intraregime politics following Kim II Bung's death. The legislature, the Supreme
People's Assembly, which meets only a few days a year, serves only to rubber-stamp
resolutions presented to it by the party leadership. In October Kim Jong D acceded
to the position of General Secretary of the Korean Worker's Party. He nas not as-
sumed the title of President of the DPRK.
In an efibrt to give the appearance of democracy, the DPRK has created several
"minority parties. Lacking grassroots organizations, they exist onlv as rosters of of-
ficials with token representation in the iSupreme People s Assembly. Their primary
{mrpose appears to be promoting government objectives abroad as touring par-
iamentarians. Free elections do not exist, and Kim Jong II has criticized the concept
of free elections and competition among political parties as an artifact of capitalist
decay.
Elections to the Supreme People's Assembly and to provincial, city, and county as-
semblies are held irregularly. In all cases there is only one government-approved
candidate in each electoral district. According to the media, over 99 percent of the
voters turn out to elect 100 percent of the candidates approved by the KWP. The
vast majority of the KWPs estimated 3 million members (in a population of 23 mil-
lion) work to implement decrees formulated by the party's small elite.
Few women have reached high levels of the party or the Government.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not permit any independent domestic organizations to mon-
itor human rights conditions or to comment on violations of such rights. Although
a North Korean Human Rights Committee was established in 1992, it denies the
existence of any human rignts violations in North Korea and is merely a propa-
ganda arm of the regime. I^wever, by offering international human rights organiza-
tions an identifiable ofiicial interlocutor, the Committee has helped increase their
ability to enter into two-way communication with the regime.
In April 1996, a delegation from AI visited the DPRK and discussed legal reforms
and prisoner cases with senior government officials. The Government has ignored
requests for visits by other international human rights organizations.
6n August 22, the U.N. Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Pro-
tection of Minorities adopted a resolution criticizing the DPRK for its human rights
{iractices. On August 27, the DPRK announced that it would withdraw from the
ntemational Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), calling the resolution
an attack on its sovereignty. On October 29, the U.N. Human Rignts Committee,
during its 61st session, issued a statement criticizing the attempt oy North Korea
to withdraw from the ICCPR.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution grants equal rights to all citizens. However, in practice the Gov-
ernment denies its citizens most rundamental human rights. There was pervasive
discrimination on the basis of social status.
Women. — There is no information available on violence against women.
The Constitution states that "women hold equal social status and rights with
men." However, although women are represented proportionally in the labor force,
few women have reached high levels of the party or the Government. In many small
factories, the woric force is predominantly female. Like men, working-age women
must work. They are thus required to leave their preschool children in the care of
elderly relatives or in state nurseries. However, according to the Constitution,
women with large families are guaranteed shortened working hours.
Children. — Social norms refiect traditional, family-centered values in which chil-
dren are cherished. The State provides compulsory education for all children until
the age of 15. Information about societal or familial abuse of children is unavailable.
Some children are denied educational opportunities and subjected to other punish-
ments and disadvantages as a result of the loyalty classification system and the
principle of "collective retribution" for the transgressions of their parents (see Sec-
tion l.f.).
821
Like others in society, children are the object of intense political indoctrination;
even mathematics textbooks propound the party line. In addition, foreign visitors
and academic sources report that children from an early age are subjectea to several
hours a week of mandatory military training and indoctrination at their schools.
School children are sometimes sent to work in factories or in the fields for short pe-
riods to assist in completing special projects or in meeting production goals.
In February 1996, the DPRK submitted to the U.N. Committee on the Rights of
Children a document spelling out the DPRK's adherence to the Intemationw Con-
vention on the Ridits of the Child. Although this document detailed the supposed
civil and other rights of children, in practice children in the DPRK do not enjoy any
more civil liberties than do adults.
In August a senior United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) official stated that
about 80,000 children in North Korea were in immediate danger of dying from hun-
ffer and disease, 800,000 more were suffering from malnutrition to a serious but
esser degree.
People With Disabilities. — Traditional social norms condone discrimination against
the physically disabled. Disabled persons are almost never seen within the city lim-
its of Pyongyang, and several defectors and other former North Korea residents re-
port that (usabfed persons are routinely assigned to the naral areas. According to
one report, authorities check every 2 to 3 years in the capital for persons with de-
formities and relocate them to special facilities in the countryside. There are no le-
gally mandated provisions for accessibility to buildings or government services for
the disabled.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Nongovernmental labor unions do not exist. The
KWP purports to represent the interests of all labor. There is a single labor organi-
zation, the General Federation of Trade Unions of Korea, which is affiliated with
the formerly Soviet-controlled World Federation of Trade Unions. Operating under
this umbrella, unions function on the classic "Stalinist model," with responsibility
for mobilizing workers behind production goals and for providing health, education,
cultural, and welfare facilities. Unions do not have the right to strike.
North Korea is not a member of, but has observer status with, the International
Labor Organization.
b. The night to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers have no right to or-
ganize or to bargain collectively. Wages are set by government ministries. The State
assigns all jobs. Ideological purity is as important as professional competence in de-
ciding who receives a particular job, and foreign companies that have established
ioint ventures report that all their employees must be hired from lists submitted
by the KWP. Factory and farm workers are organized into councils, which do have
an impeict on management decisions.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — There is no prohibition on the use
of forced or compulsory labor, and the Government frequently mobilizes the popu-
lation for construction projects. Military conscripts are also routinely used for tnis
purpose. "Reformatory labor" and "reeducation through labor" are common punish-
ments for political oflenses. AI reports that forced labor, such as lo^ng and tending
crops, is conmion among prisoners. School children are assigned to factories or farms
for short periods to help meet production goals (see Section 5).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^According
to the Constitution, the State prohibits work by children under the age of 16 years.
As education is universal and mandatory until the age of 15, it is believed that this
regulation is enforced. There is no prohibition on forced labor by children, and
school children are assigned to factories or farms for short periods to help meet pro-
duction goals (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Constitution states that all working-age
citizens must work and "strictly observe labor discipline and working hours. The
Penal Code states that anyone who hampers the nation's industry, commerce, or
transportation by intentionally failing to carry out a specific assignment "while pre-
tending to be functioning normally" is subject to the death penalty; it also states
that anyone who "shoddily caries out" an assigned duty is subject to no less than
5 years' imprisonment.
Even persistent tardiness may be defined as "anti-Socialist wrecking" under these
articles, although as a result of food shortages absenteeism has reportedly become
widespread as more time must be spent finding food. A DPRK official described the
North Korean labor force to an audience of foreign business executives by noting
that "there are no riots, no strikes, and no differences of opinion" with management.
The minimum wage for workers in North Korea's Free Economic and Trade Zone
(FETZ) is $80 (about 168 won) a month; in foreign-owned and joint venture enter-
822
prises outside the FETZ the minimum wage is reportedly $110 (about 231 won) per
month; no data is available on the minimum wage in state-owned industries. The
Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO, the international or-
ganization charged with implementation of the light-water reactor and other
projects) has concluded a series of protocols concemmg wages and other working
conditions for North Koreans who are to work on KEDO projects. Unskilled laborers
are to receive $110 (about 231 won) a month; skilled labor pay has not been decided.
Until the increasing food shortages of recent years, wages and rations appeared to
be adequate to support workers and their families at a subsistence level. Wages are
not the primary form of compensation since the State provides all educational and
medical needs free of charge, while most goods are distributed according to a ration-
ing system, and only token rent is charged.
In 1994 new labor regulations for enterprises involving foreign investments were
reportedly adopted by the Administration Council. The regulations on labor con-
tracts set out provisions on the employment and dismissal of workers, technical
training, workhours, rest periods, remuneration, labor protection, social security,
fines for violations of regulations, and settlement of disputes. KEDO has concluded
a comprehensive set of protocols governing working conditions for its North Korean
workers.
The Constitution stipulates an 8-hour workday; however, several sources report
that most laborers wonc 12 to 16 hours daily. Some of this additional time may rep-
resent mandatory study of the writings of Kim D Sung and Kim Jong II. The Con-
stitution provides all citizens with a 'right to rest," including paid leave, holidays,
and access to sanitariums and rest homes funded at public expense. Many worksites
are hazardous, and the rate of industrial accidents is high.
REPUBLIC OF KOREA
The Republic of Korea is governed by a directly elected president and a unicam-
eral legislature selected by bath direct and proportional voting. Kim Dae Jung was
elected president in a free and fair election in December. The judiciary operates
independently of the executive branch.
Responsibility for maintaining internal security lies with the National Security
Planning Agency (NSP), the Korean National Police (KNP), and the Defense Secu-
rity Command (DSC). Legislation passed in 1993 restricts the NSP and DSC from
interfering in domestic politics ana grants the NSP investigative authority only in
cases involving terrorism, espionage, and international crime organizations. The
Government revised this law in 1996 to allow the NSP to investigate members of
domestic organizations that are viewed as supporting the North Korean (jovem-
ment. There continued to be credible reports that some members of the security
forces were responsible for occasional human rights abuses.
After a period of sustained growth averaging about 9 percent per year, the econ-
omy slowed somewhat, with 1997 growth in gross domestic product projected at
around 6 percent. By the end of the year the country had entered into a severe fi-
nancial crisis as foreign exchange reserves were inadequate to meet short term obli-
gations, and a number of major private sector conglomerates went into bankruptcy.
At year's end, an international assistance effort led by the International Monetary
Fund was underway to shore up Korea's reserves and foster structural economic re-
form.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens; however,
there were problems in some areas. The use or threatened use of the National Secu-
rity Law (NSL) continued to infringe upon citizen's civil liberties, including the right
to free expression. There was no progress toward reform of the NSL, but judges con-
tinued to demonstrate their independence. The standards for issuing detention war-
rants were made more stringent, substantially reducing the number of suspects de-
tained before they were indicted. However, in November, following complaints from
prosecutors that the new system was administratively cumbersome, tne National
Assembly voted to amend these rules to ease standards for issuing warrants. The
Ministry of Justice continued to implement guidelines requiring tnat suspects be
told at the time of arrest of their rignt to remain silent and their right to a lawyer.
Nevertheless, credible sources reported instances in which police subjected detainees
to verbal and physical abuse. Women continued to face legal and societal discrimina-
tion. Violence against women and physical abuse remain serious problems. There is
still insufficient legal redress for these problems. Ethnic minorities face legal and
societal discrimination. Although labor statutes were revised to expand freedom of
association, they remained below international standards in some respects.
823
The Government continued to re<juire released political prisoners to make regular
reports to the police under the Social Surveillance Law, and it still has not author-
ized independent investigations of the cases of some prisoners who received sen-
tences on charges believed to have been fabricated by previous governments. Some
of these prisoners reportedly were subjected to torture to extract confessions and re-
ceived trials that did not meet international standards of fairness.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person. Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — In February a North Korean defec-
tor living in Seoul was killed. The authorities susf>ect the killing was carried out
by North Korean agents.
There were no other reports of political or extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Penal Code prohibits mistreatment of suspects; the Government has ordered in-
vestigating authorities to protect the human rights of suspects; and allegations of
abuse by authorities of those in custody for questioning continued to decline. None-
theless, prosecutors continued to place much emphasis on securing convictions
through confessions. The Supreme Court ruled that evidence obtained after a sus-
fiect had been deprived of sleep during an interrogation could not be used in court,
n spite of the court ruling and government directives discouraging sleep deprivation
as a technique for obtaining confessions, there continued to be reports of police ques-
tioning suspects through the night. Credible sources also reported that in some
cases police verbally or physically abused suspects, including beatings, threats, and
sexual intimidation in the course of arrest and police interrogation.
In November a district judge in Suwon convicted a policeman of excessive use of
force during a February 1996 incident. The victim, a 38-year-old man, had entered
a police station while intoxicated and became abusive when speaking with an officer
on duty. He resisted when the policeman pushed him out of the building, and in
the resulting struggle he hit his head on tne ground and died. The court imposed
a iail sentence of IVa years on the policeman.
Former detainees who claimed that they had been tortured by officials of past
military governments continued to request compensation. However, the Government
has not provided an effective mechanism for redress, such as an independent body
to investigate complaints of past human rights violations. Officials accused of abuse
or harassment of suspects have rarely been prosecuted.
Prison conditions are Spartan. Prison diets are adequate, but the facilities offer
little protection against cold in winter and heat in the summer. Some prisoners
claim that these conditions damaged their health and that medical care nas been
inadequate. Guards have occasionally been criticized by inmates for using excessive
force or needlessly putting prisoners in manacles. Inmate access to reading mate-
rials and television broadcasts has improved significantly in recent years.
There is little independent monitoring of prison conditions, although representa-
tives of human rights groups may visit certain prisoners at the discretion of the
prison warden.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law is often vague, and prosecutors
have wide latitude to interpret the law. The NSL defines espionage in broad terms
and permits the authorities to detain and arrest persons wno commit acts viewed
as supportive of North Korea and therefore dangerous to the Republic of Korea. Au-
thorities arrested not only persons spying on behalf of North Korea but also those
who praised North Korea, its former leader Kim II Sung, or its "self-reliance"
("juche") political philosophv. The United Nations Human Rights Committee has
termed the NSL "a major obstacle to the full realization of the rights enshrined in
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights." The Government arrested
over 300 dissidents under the NSL during the year, accusing most of them of trjang
to undermine democracy by aiding North Korea.
The NSL permits the imprisonment for up to 7 years of anyone who "with the
knowledge that he might endanger the existence or security of the State or the basic
order of free democracy, praised, encouraged, propagandized for, or sided with the
activities of an antistate organization." The legal standard for knowing that one
might endanger the security of the State is vague. Consequently, a number of Kore-
ans have been arrested for what appeared to be the peaceful expression of opposing
views, which the authorities apparently considered pro-North Korean or antistate
views. For example, Duksung Llniversity student Kim Eun Hee was arrested in Jan-
uary for posting a unification greeting from North Koreans on a college bulletin
board. She was convicted under the NSL and given a suspended sentence. In March
824
authorities arrested members of a labor group, Saminchong, for violating the NSL.
Human rights groups say that Saminchong is a Socialist group, that does not en-
dorse juche ideology and has been critical of North Korea.
The Government's rationale for retaining the NSL is that North Korea is actively
trying to subvert the Government and society, and that due to this special cir-
cumstance, some forms of expression must be limited to block the greater danger
to freedom and democracy posed by totalitarianism. The effect sometimes is to re-
lieve the Government of the burden of proof in a court of law that any particular
speech or action does, in fact, threaten the nation's security. For example, the Gov-
ernment has prosecuted citizens for unauthorized travel to North Korea (see Section
2.d.). In February novelist Kim Ha Ki was convicted under the NSL after making
a trip to North Korea in July 1996.
The Criminal Code requires warrants to be issued by judges in cases of arrest,
detention, seizure, or search, except if the person is apprehended while coounitting
a criminal act, or if a judge is not available and the authorities believe the suspect
may destroy evidence or escape capture if not quickly arrested. In such emergency
cases, judges must issue arrest warrants within 48 hours after apprehension, or, if
a court is not located in the same county, within 72 hours. Police may detain sus-
pects who voluntarily come in for questioning for up to 6 hours, but must notify the
suspects' families. The police generally respected these legal requirements.
Tlie standards for issuing warrants were tightened in 1997, resulting in a signifi-
cant decline in the number of detention warrants approved. According to one study,
the number of suspects detained upon arrest in the first 5 months of the year de-
clined 75 percent compared with a similar period in 1996. The change in the stand-
ards made the legal system conform more closely to the principle that defendants
are innocent until proven guilty. Several nongovernmental organizations (NGO's)
consider the change in warrant procedures to be the most favorable human rights
development of the year.
However, in November, following complaints from prosecutors that the new sys-
tem was administratively cumbersome, the National Assembly voted to amend these
rules to ease standards for issuing warrants. Authorities normally must release sus-
pects aft«r 30 days unless an indictment is issued. Hence, detainees are a relatively
small percentage of the total prison population.
The Constitution specifically provides for the right to representation by an attor-
ney, but lawyers are not allowed to be present during police interrogation.
The Government began in 1993 to permit suspects to consult with "duty lawyers"
during breaks in interrogation. These duty lawyers are hired and paid by the indi-
vidual suspects, but often bill at reduced fees as a public service. The Justice Min-
istry also issued guidelines in 1995 requiring police to inform susf)ects at the time
of arrest about their right to be represented by a lawyer, and there were no reports
of access to legal counsel being denied. However, in at least one case, a lawyer al-
leged that attorney-client confidentiality was infringed by a prosecutor who refiised
to leave a consultation room. There is a bail system, but human rights lawyers say
that bail generally is not granted when detainees are charged with committing seri-
ous offenses.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. The President appoints the Chief Justice and most justices of the Constitu-
tional Court. Although judges do not receive life appointments, they cannot be fired
or transferred for political reasons. In recent years the judiciary has shown increas-
ing independence. Judges in some district courts have ruled, for example, that activ-
ists' exchange of faxes with North Korean students or meetings with North Korean
representatives in third countries were not, in themselves, sufficient grounds to con-
vict them of violating the NSL, contrary to prosecutors' assertions.
Local courts are presided over by judges who render verdicts in all cases. There
is no trial by jury. Defendants can appeal a verdict to a district appeals court and
to the Supreme Court. Constitutional challenges can be taken to the Constitutional
Court, which was created in 1988.
The Constitution provides defendants with a number of rights in criminal trials,
including the presumption of innocence, protection against self-incrimination, free-
dom from retroactive laws and double jeopardy, the right to a speedy trial, and the
right of appeal. When a person is physically detained, the initial trial must be com-
pleted within 6 months of arrest. These rights are generally observed. Trials are
open to the public, but the judge may restrict attenoance if he believes spectators
may seek to disrupt the proceedings.
Judges generally allow considerable scope for examination of witnesses by both
the prosecution and defense. Cases involving national security and criminal matters
825
are tried by the same courts. Although convictions are rarely overturned, appeals
often result in reduced sentences. Death sentences are automatically appealed.
Humem rights groups believe that many dissidents tried under past military gov-
ernments during the 1970's and 1980's were sentenced to long prison terms on
trumped-up charges of spying for North Korea. Furthermore, these persons, dozens
of whom are still in jail, reportedly had been held incommunicado for up to 60 days
after their arrest, subjected to extreme forms of torture, forced to make "confes-
sions," and convicted after trials that did not conform to international standards for
a fair trial. Political prisoners have been denied early parole because they refused
to renounce real or alleged communist beliefs. Some released political prisoners
were required to report their activities regularly to the police.
In a landmark 1996 decision, former Presidents Chun Doo Hwan and Roh Tae
Woo and several of their close associates were convicted for their roles in the mili-
tary takeover of the government in 1979 and 1980, the military action in the
Kwangju civilian uprismg in 1980, and corruption while in office. Chun, who argued
that the court proceedings were unconstitutional because the statute of limitations
had expired for these offenses, was sentenced to death. Roh was sentenced to a pris-
on term of more than 20 years. These sentences were reduced on appeal to a life
sentence for Chun and 17 years for Roh.
The two former presidents were released from prison on December 22, following
a pardon by President Kim Young Sam. Twenty-three other former officials con-
victed in connection with these cases also received amnesty. President-elect Kim
Dae Jung agreed to the pardons during a meeting with President Kim.
It is difficult to estimate the number of political prisoners, because it is not clear
whether particular persons were arrested for merely exercising the rights of free
speech or association or were detained for committing acts of violence or espionage.
Some human ri^ts monitors estimate the number of political prisoners at over 500.
However, these monitors' definition of political prisoner often includes all persons
imprisoned for acts that were politically motivated, without distinction as to wheth-
er the acts themselves included violence or other criminal behavior. The number of
political prisoners and detainees as defined by international standards appears to
number under 200.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — In gen-
eral the Government honors the integrity of tne home and fami^. In the past, the
security services conducted varying degrees of surveillance, including wiretaps, of
political dissidents. The Antiwiretap Law and the law to reform the NSP were de-
signed to curb government surveillance of civilians, and appear largely to have suc-
ceeded. The Antiwiretap Law lays out broad conditions under which the monitoring
of telephone calls, mail, and other forms of communication are legal. It requires gov-
ernment officials to secure a judge's permission before placing wiretaps, or, in the
event of an emergency, soon after placing them, and it provides for jail terms for
those who violate this law. Some human ri^ts groups argue that a considerable
amount of illegal wiretapping still is taking place, ana they assert that the lack of
an independent body to investigate whether fx)lice have employed illegal wiretaps
hinders the effectiveness of the Antiwiretapping Law.
Citizens are not allowed to listen to North Korean radio in their homes or read
books published in North Korea if the Government determines that they are doing
so for the purpose of helping North Korea. Student groups make plausible claims
that government informants are posted around university campuses. Persons with
backgrounds as political or labor activists may find it difTicult to obtain some forms
of employment or advance in such fields as government, broadcast media, and edu-
cation.
In July the Constitutional Court struck down regulations that previously prohib-
ited members of the same "clan" — some of which contain more than a million mem-
bers— from marrying.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — While most political discourse is unrestricted,
under the NSL the Government limits the expression of ideas that authorities con-
sider Communist or pro-North Korean. Broad interpretations of the NSL allow for
restrictions on the peaceful expression of dissenting views.
Although the Government has abandoned direct control over the news media, it
continues to exercise indirect influence. Some officials reportedly lobby journalists
aggressively to discourage them from writing stories critical of the Government, al-
though this practice reportedly has significantly declined. Newspapers played an in-
strumental role during the year in bringing to light political influence peddling asso-
ciated with Hanbo Steel, which resulted m jail sentences for many senior govern-
ment officials and political figures, including a son of President Kim. Nevertheless,
826
the latent threat of tax investigations against parent media companies and govern-
ment pressure on advertisers is still widely believed to encourage newspapers and
broadcasters to soften criticism. Moreover, while the Government's anticorruption
campaign curtailed politicians' payments of money to reporters, it did not eliminate
them. Nevertheless, press criticism of the Government is extensive in all fields, and
authorities have not used repressive measures to stop media reporting. Many radio
and television stations are state supported, but they maintain a considerable degree
of editorial independence in their news coverage.
Journalists allege that the libel laws are used to harass publications for articles
that are unflattering but not necessarilv untrue. For example, staff of the
Hangyoreh Sinmun daUy newspaper and Mai monthly magazine were sued in Au-
Sist by the Government after publishing articles alleging that the Defense Security
ommand had posted agents on campuses to gather information on the student
movement. Some human rights lawyers have argued that the publications had con-
fidential documents that gave them, at a minimum, reason for believing the story
might be true. The libel case has not yet been adjudicated.
A foreign radio journalist was detained on December 19, based on a complaint by
a Seoul newspaper, and charged with malicious slander for overseas reporting from
Seoul that the Seoul newspaper corporation was in serious financial difficulty. At
year's end the case was unresolved, but the journalist's release on bail appeared im-
minent.
Prosecutors continued to indict dissidents under the NSL for producing, selling,
or distributing pro-North Korean or pro-Communist materials. Court precedents
allow citizens to possess these kinds of publications for purely academic use, profit,
or curiosity, but not with the intent of subverting the State. Prosecutors have wide
discretion in determining motives for possessing or publishing such material.
The Government continued to allow, within its guidelines, substantial media cov-
erage of North Korea. Television networks continued to broadcast edited versions of
North Korean television programs, and reported extensively on United States and
South Korean talks with North Korean officials.
The Government Censorship Board, which screens movies for sexual or violent
content, has followed more liberal guidelines in recent years and allowed a broader
range of films to be released.
In November Suh Jun Shik, the publisher of a daily human rights newsletter in
Seoul, was arrested along with several other activists under the NSL for attempting
to screen an allegedly pro-North Korean movie. The film "Red Hunt," depicted the
Cheju Island insurgency of the late 1940's. Suh and his human rights group
Sarangbang had struggled with authorities over showing "Red Hunt" and other
films for several months. They organized a festival in the fall to present human
rights-related movies from a number of different countries and refused, on principle,
to submit the films to government authorities for approval. The law on censorship
is unclear. Although the Constitutional Court ruled last year that prescreening by
a censorship board no longer is required, the Government apparently still has the
authority to prevent a film from being shown due to its pornographic or political
content.
Siih's organization had planned to screen "Red Hunt" and other films at Hongik
University in Seoul, but the University canceled the festival, reportedly as a result
of government pressure. This led to demonstrations at the University and attempts
by student groups to show the films despite the lack of university approval. Ulti-
mately, authorities arrested Suh and several other activists, searched the offices of
Sarangbang, and confiscated material on the festival.
In 1994 authorities began investigating eight Kyongsang University professors on
the grounds that their textbook on Korean society endorsed North Korean ideology.
This investigation was regarded by much of the scholarly community as a serious
infringement of academic freedom. However, prosecutors who sought to arrest sev-
eral of the professors under the NSL were denied warrants by a judge who con-
cluded that authorities had not provided evidence of the scholars' pro-Communist
activities. This investigation has been closed, and no instances of prosecution for
scholarly writing were reported during the year. However, student groups plausibly
report the presence of government informants on university campuses (see Section
l.f).
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Law on Assembly and
Demonstrations prohibits assemblies considered likely to undermine public order.
The law forbids outside interference in peaceful assemblies approved by the authori-
ties and reauires that the police be notified in advance of demonstrations of all
types, including political rallies. Police must notify organizers if they consider the
event impermissiDle under this law.
827
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and there are no registration
reouirements. Associations, except those whose aim is deemed by the Government
to DC the overthrow of the State, operate freely.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this provision in practice.
d. Freedom, of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^Most citizens are allowed to move freely throughout tne country, but
police may restrict the movements of some former prisoners. Foreign travel is gen-
erally unrestricted, but travel to North Korea must be approved bv the Government.
To ootain approval, potential visitors must demonstrate that their trip does not
have a political purpose — that is, to praise North Korea or criticize the South Ko-
rean Government. Travelers to North Korea who do not receive government p>ermis-
sion are likely to be arrested upon their return to South Korea. For example, novel-
ist Kim Ha fa, who traveled to the North in 1996, was sentenced in February to
3V2 years in prison. The court said that the novelist revealed state secrets to North
Korean authorities during his visit.
In the past, the Government forbade some Koreans convicted of politically related
crimes from returning to Korea, and some citizens still face sanctions if they return.
In 1994 the NSP lifted the entry ban on composer Yun I Sang, a dissident who had
been living in Berlin for many years. However, the Government required that he
refrain from any political activity while in Korea and that he give an accounting
of his political activities overseas before authorities would allow nim into the coun-
try. Yun refused these conditions and decided against returning to South Korea. He
died abroad in 1995.
The Government cooperates with the oflice of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. Government
guidelines provide for offering temporary refuge in the case of a mass influx of asy-
lum seekers. However, the issue oT provision of first asylum did not arise in 1997.
There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they had a
fear of persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to elect their own government. The Constitution, as
amended in 1987, provides for the direct election of the President and for a mixed
system of direct and proportional election of legislators to the unicameral National
Assembly. The President serves a single 5-year term and may not be reelected. The
National Assembly's term is 4 years. All citizens 20 years of age or above have the
rirfit to vote, and elections are held by secret ballot.
Because of cultural traditions and discrimination, women occupy few important
Positions in government. The only woman in the Cabinet is the Second Minister for
olitical Affairs, whose portfolio is Women's Affairs. Nine female legislators were
elected to the 299-seat National Assembly, one of whom chairs a special committee
on women's affairs.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Several nongovernmental private organizations are active in promoting human
rights, and they operate without government restriction. Chief among these groups
are the Lawyers for a Democratic Society, Sarangbang, the Human Rights Commit-
tee of the National Council of Churches in Korea, the Korean Bar Association, and
"Mingahyup," an association of the families of political prisoners. These groups pub-
lish reports on the human rights situation in Korea and make their views known
both inside and outside the country. Government and ruling party officials generally
have been willing to meet with international human rights groups.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and equal opportunity statutes forbid discrimination on the
basis of race, sex, religion, disability, or social status, and the Government respects
these provisions. However, traditional attitudes limit opportunities for women and
the disabled. Ethnic minorities face both legal and societal discrimination.
Women. — Violence against women remains a problem, and some women's rights
groups maintain that such violence, including spousal abuse, has worsened in the
past few years. The law docs not provide adequate protection to victims of abuse.
Rape remained a serious problem, with about 5,500 cases reported in 1996 (the
last year for which statistics are available). Many incidents of rape go unreported
because of the stigma associated with being a rape victim. The activities of a num-
ber of women's groups have increased awareness of the importance of reporting and
828
prosecuting rapes, as well as ofTenses such as sexual harassment in the woricplace.
According to women's rights groups, cases involving sexual harassment or rape gen-
erally go unprosecuted, and perpetrators, if convicted, often receive very light sen-
tences.
The amended Family Law, which went into effect in 1991, permits women to head
a household, recognizes a wife's right to a portion of the couple's property, and al-
lows a woman to maintain greater contact with her offspring after a divorce. Al-
though the revisions helped abused women, divorce remains a social taboo, and
there is little government or private assistance for divorced women. These factors,
plus the fact that divorced women have limited employment opportunities and have
difficulty remarrying, forces some women to stay in abusive situations. The Govern-
ment has created some shelters for battered women and increased the number of
child care facilities, giving women in abusive situations more options, but women's
ri^ts groups say that they fall far short of effectively dealing with the problem.
A conservative Confucian tradition has left women subordinate to men socially
and economically. Despite the passage of equal employment opportunity legislation
in 1988, few women work as company executives. Women have full access to edu-
cation, and social mores and attitudes gradually have begun to change. The major
political parties, for example, are making more efforts to recruit women; the Min-
istry of Women's Affairs continued its efforts to expand employment opportunities;
and the military, for the first time, placed a woman in command of a training regi-
ment.
Children. — The Government provides high-quality elementary education to all
children free of charge, and most obtain a good secondary education. High-quality
health care facilities are widely available to children.
Child abuse does not appear to be a significant problem, but it has not been stud-
ied extensively, and statistics on such abuse are limited. About 80 cases were re-
ported during the year. Although experts believe that a number of cases go unre-
ported, instances of child abuse still appear to be relatively rare. The Seoul metro-
politan government runs a children's counseling center, which investigates reports
of abuse, counsels families, and cares for runaway children. In the absence of a spe-
cific law against child abuse, however, it is not possible to prosecute and punish
child abusers unless they commit a crime punishable under a separate law.
The traditional preference for male children continues, although it is less evident
among people in their twenties and thirties. Although the law bans fetal testing ex-
cept for those cases when a woman's life is in danger, a hereditary disease would
be passed along, or in case of rape or incest — such testing and the subsequent termi-
nation of pregnancies with female fetuses frequently occur. The Government has ex-
pressed concern about the widening disparity in male and female birth rates.
People With Disabilities. — Although measures aimed at creating opportunities for
the disabled have been taken, public facilities for their everyday care and use re-
mained inadequate. However, there is no legal discrimination against disabled per-
sons in employment, education, or in the provision of other state services.
In 1995 the Government expanded job training programs, medical benefits, and
welfare facilities for disabled citizens. Since 1991 firms with over 300 employees
have been required by law either to hire disabled workers or pay a fee. Surveys indi-
cate that most companies either paid the fee or evaded the law. After human rights
groups had publicized one such survey in 1996, the Labor Ministry increased the
subsidies provided to companies that hire the disabled. Nonetheless, hiring of the
disabled remains below target levels. New public buildings are required to include
facilities for the disabled, such as a ramp access to entrances, a wheelchair lift, and
special parking spaces. The Health and Welfare Ministry has announced that exist-
ing government buildings must be retrofitted with these facilities over the next 7
years.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Republic of Korea is a racially homo-
geneous country with no ethnic minorities of significant size. Citizenship is based
on blood, not location of birth, and Koreans must show as proof their family geneal-
ogy. Thus, ethnic Chinese bom and resident in Korea cannot obtain citizenship or
become public servants, and may have difficulty being hired by some major corpora-
tions. Due to legal as well as societal discrimination, many formerly resident ethnic
Chinese have emigrated to other countries since the 1970's. The law permits only
fathers to transmit citizenship. Therefore, children bom with Korean mothers but
foreign fathers have difficulty obtaining citizenship. Amerasian children usually are
able to obtain citizenship when their biological fathers are not identified.
Amerasians face no legal discrimination, but informal discrimination is prevalent,
making it more difficult for them to succeed in academia, business, or government.
829
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution gives workers, with the exception
of public sector employees and teachers, the right to free association. In the govern-
ment sector, unions are restricted to organizing blue-collar workers in such agencies
as the postal service, railways, telecommunications, and the national medical center.
As few as two employees may form a union. Until 1997 the Trade Union Law speci-
fied that only one union was permitted at each workplace. However, labor law
changes in March authorize the formation of competing unions from the year 2002.
All unions are required to notify the authorities when formed or dissolved. About
10 percent of workers belong to a union.
In the past, the Government did not formallv recognize labor federations that
were not afiiUated with the country's two legalW recognized labor groupings — the
Federation of Korean Trade Unions (FKTU) and the Independent Korean Federa-
tion of Clerical and Financial Workers. In the past several years, however, the
Labor Ministry officially recognized some independent white-collar federations rep-
resenting hospital workers, journalists, and ofTice workers at construction firms and
government research institutes. The courts ruled in 1992 that affiliation with the
FKTU was not required to be registered as a legal labor federation. In March the
National Assembly passed a labor reform bill that cleared the way to authorize dis-
sident federations, such as the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU).
However, the KCTU allowed the outlawed teachers union to affiliate with it, and
consequently in May the Government refused to grant it official authorization. In
practice, labor federations not formally recognized by the Labor Ministry have oper-
ated without government interference.
The Government arrested and tried unionists who allegedly instigated violent
strikes or illegally disrupted normal business operations. The Government also in-
dicted unionists who participated in a general strike in January conducted to pro-
test the passage in December of a labor law bill that labor groups believed was un-
favorable to labor, and was passed in an undemocratic manner. However, unionists
ultimately were not punished for their participation in the general strike.
The Government retained the ban on teachers unions, arguing that organizations
such as the Korean Teachers Union (Chonkyojo) are essentially political organiza-
tions with radical aims. Several teachers were suspended temporarily from their
jobs because they were union leaders.
Labor laws prohibiting political activities by unions were rescinded in March. Cur-
rently unions are regulated by election laws fliat apply to other social organizations.
These regulations prohibit donations by unions (and other social organizations) to
political parties. Some trade unionists have temporarily resigned from their union
posts to run for office.
Strikes are prohibited in government agencies, state-run enterprises, and defense
industries. By law, unions in enterprises determined to be of "essential public inter-
est," including public transportation, utilities, public health, banking, and tele-
communications, can be ordered to submit to government-ordered arbitration in Ueu
of striking. In practice, however, the Government rarely imposes arbitration. The
number of labor disputes has declined in recent years. According to Labor Ministry
statistics, about 90 strikes occurred in 1996, the last year for wnich complete data
are available. The Labor Dispute Adjustment Act requires unions to notify the
Labor Ministry of their intention to strike, and it mandates a 10-day "cooling-ofF pe-
riod" before a work stoppage may legally begin, 15 days in public interest sectors.
Labor laws prohibit retribution against workers who have conducted a legal strike
and allow workers to file complaints of unfair labor practices against employers.
The FKTU and KCTU are affiliated with the International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions (ICFTU). Most of the FKTU's 20 constituent federations maintain af-
filiations with international trade secretariats, as does the KCTU Metalworkers
Council. In February the International Labor Organization (ILO) Committee on
Freedom of Association criticized some aspects of the labor laws, such as the prohi-
bition on organizing unions for teachers and government employees.
In recent years, the Government has cultivated a more neutral stance in labor dis-
putes. Authorities rarely sent police to quell labor disturbances, and there were no
reports of employer-hired squaas assaulting workers in 1997.
Since July 1991, South Korea has been suspended from the U.S. Overseas Private
Investment Corporation (OPIC) insurance programs because of the Government's in-
fringements on freedom of association and other worker rights.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution and the
Trade Union Law provide for the right of woriters to collective bargaining and collec-
tive action. This law also empowers workers to file complaints of unfair labor prac-
tices against employers who interfere with union organizing or practice discrimina-
830
tion against union members. Employers found guilty of unfair practices can be re-
quirea to reinstate workers who were fired for union activities.
Extensive collective bargaining is practiced, even with unions whose federations
are not legally recogni^ea by the Government. The labor laws do not extend the
ri^t to organize and bargain collectively to teachers, defense industry workers, or
government employees, including workers at state- or publicly-run enterprises.
There is no independent system of labor courts. The central and local labor com-
missions form a semiautonomous agency of the Labor Ministry that adju^cates dis-
putes in accordance with the Labor Dispute Adjustment Law. Each labor commis-
sion is composed of equal numbers of representatives of labor and management, plus
neutral experts who represent the "public interest." Local labor commissions are em-
powered to decide on remedial measures in cases involving unfair labor practices
and to mediate and, in some situations, arbitrate labor disputes. Arbitration can be
made compulsory in sectors of the economy (e.g., utilities and transportation) that
are deemed essential to public welfare.
In the past, regulations forbade intervention in disputes by so-called third-parties,
such as labor federations not recognized by the Government. Labor laws were re-
vised in March to lift the ban on third-party intervention and allow dissident federa-
tions to assist member unions involved in a strike.
Enterprises in the two export processing zones (EPZ's) had been designated by the
Government as public interest enterprises. Workers in these enterprises, whose
rights to organize were formally restricted, have gradually been given all the rights
enjoyed by workers in other sectors of the economy.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution provides that no
person shall be punished, placed under preventive restrictions, or suDJected to invol-
untary labor, except as provided by law and through lawful procedures. Forced or
compulsory labor, mcluding forced labor by children, is not practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employm.ent. — The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition (see
Section 6.c.). The Labor Standards Law prohibits the employment oi persons under
the age of 15 without a special emplovment certificate from the Labor Ministry. Be-
cause education is compulsory througn middle school (about age 14), few special em-
plovment certificates are issued for full-time employment. Some children are allowed
to hold part-time jobs such as selling newspapers. To obtain employment, children
under age 18 must have written approval from their parents or guardians. Employ-
ers may require minors to work only a limited number of overtime hours ana are
Krohibited from employing them at night without special permission from the Labor
linistry. Child labor laws and regulations are clear and usually enforced when vio-
lations are found, but the (jovemment employs too few inspectors to carry out regu-
lar inspections.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government implemented a minimum
wage in 1988, and the minimum wage level is reviewed annually. As of September,
the minimum wage was raised to approximately $1.63 (1,485 won) per hour. Compa-
nies with fewer than 10 employees are exempt from this law. Due to the tight latwr
market, however, most firms pay wages well above the minimum to attract and re-
tain workers. The FKTU and other labor organizations assert that the current mini-
mum wage does not meet the basic requirements of urban workers. In fact, a worker
earning the minimum wage would have difficulty in providing a decent standard of
living for himself and his family, despite the fringe benefits, such as transportation
expenses, with which companies normally supplement salaries. (However, the
money an average blue-collar worker takes home in overtime and bonuses signifi-
cantly raises the total compensation package.) According to the Ministry of Health
and Welfare, 3.1 percent of the population lived below the poverty level in 1996.
Foreign workers, most of whom come from China, the Philippines, Bangladesh,
Nepal, and Pakistan, oft«n face difficult working conditions. The Government sought
to ameliorate the problems of illegal workers oy creating a program that allowed
about 60,000 foreign workers to enter Korea legally to work at established wages
with legal safeguards. Illegal foreign woricers, who number more than 100,000, still
suffer significant hardships in the workplace. It is difficult for illegal workers to
seek relief for loss of pay or unsatisfactory living and working conditions because
they face the threat oi being deported. The (jovemment has, however, established
counseling centers that hear complaints from illegal foreign workers about such is-
sues as overdue wages and industrial accidents. Foreigners working as language
teachers have complained that language institutes that hired them frequently vio-
lated employment contracts, for wmicn the legal system provided insufficient re-
dress.
Amendments to the Labor Standards Law passed in 1989 brought the maximum
regular workweek to 44 hours, with provision for overtime to be compensated at a
831
higher wage. The law also provides for a 24-hour rest period each week. Labor laws
were revised in March to establish a flexible hours system, according to which em-
ployers could require laborers to work up to 48 hours during certain weeks without
paying overtime, as long as average weekly hours for 2-weeks did not exceed 44.
If a union agreed to a further loosening of the rules, management could ask employ-
ees to work up to 56 hours in a given week. The legislation established a daily cap
on the working day of 12 hours. Labor groups claim that the Government does not
adequately enforce maximum workweek provisions at small companies.
The Government sets health and safety standards, but the accident rate is unusu-
ally high by international standards. However, this rate continues to decline gradu-
ally due to improved occupational safety programs and union pressure for better
working conditions. The Labor Ministry still lacks enough inspectors to enforce the
laws fiilly. The Industrial Safety and Health Law does not guarantee security for
workers who remove themselves from dangerous work environments.
LAOS
The Lao People's Democratic Republic (LPDR) is an authoritarian one-party state
ruled by the Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP). The judiciary is subject to
executive influence.
The Ministry of Interior (MOI) remains the main instrument of state control. MOI
police maintain order and monitor Lao society and foreign nationals, including for-
eign officials and diplomats. The degree of surveillance varies by locality, but overall
has diminished considerably in recent years.
Laos is an extremely poor country. After the LPRP came to power in 1975, at
least 350,000 people fled the country to escape the Government's harsh political and
economic policies. Since 1986 the Government has largely abandoned its Socialist
economic agenda. Economic reforms have moved the country from a moribund, cen-
trally planned system to a growing, market-oriented economy open to foreign invest-
ment.
There has been a general trend away from the harsh conditions that existed after
the LPRP assumed power in 1975, but serious problems remain. Citizens do not
have the right to change their government. Even with ongoing economic liberaliza-
tion, the adoption of a Constitution in 1991, and National Assembly elections in
1993 and 1997, the Government has only slowly eased restrictions on basic freedoms
and begun codification of implementing legislation for rights stipulated in the Con-
stitution. Many of the rights provided for in the Constitution have not been codified
with implementing legislation. In practice, the Government restricts the freedoms
of speech, assembly, and, to a lesser extent, religion, even though they are provided
for in the Constitution. Citizens do not have the right to privacy and do not enjoy
a free press, although most citizens have ready access to a variety of foreign media.
Prison conditions remain harsh, and some societal discrimination against women
and minorities persists.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings by government ofiicials.
In May government troops shot two European tourists camped in a remote area,
killing one and wounding the other, possibly prompted by attacks on government
troops by antigovemment elements in the area. Those responsible for the shooting
had not made adequate efforts to identify the campers before firing. The Govern-
ment has not publicly charged the soldiers. The Government does not ordinarily
publicize lethal incidents.
On January 16, unknown persons reportedly killed eight Hmong villagers, includ-
ing five children, in a remote mountainous area. Villagers from the area said that
the perpetrators were ethnic Hmong not associated with the Government. The CJov-
emment's liuman rights monitoring unit said that it is investigating the report.
Attacks by armed bands on government, foreign, and Lao travelers and business-
men continued in the central and north central region. The attacks apparently in-
volve a mixture of factors including insurgency, clan rivalry, highway robbery and
reaction to encroaching development.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
832
In September 1993, Vue Mai, a Hmon^ leader who in November 1992 returned
voluntarily to Laos from a refugee camp in Thailand, disappeared in Vientiane. No
new information relevant to the case came to light during tne year.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Penal Code prohibits torture or mistreatment of prisoners, and the Grovemment
generally observed these principles in practice.
Prison conditions are harsh out not life threatening. F*rison authorities deny some
prisoners regular family visits, and medical care ranges from inadequate to non-
existent. Inmates sometimes resort to bribing guards to obtain food and medicines.
Prison conditions for women are similar to those for men. The extent of sexual har-
assment in prison is unknown, but it is not believed to be a serious problem. There
is no independent monitoring of prison conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^The Constitution and Penal Code provide
some protection, including a statute of limitations for those accused of crimes, but
the Government does not fully respect these provisions. Those accused of hostility
toward the regime are subject to arrest and confinement for long periods.
An unconfirmed report that eight Hmong were arrested by tne Government in
Xieng Khouang province was submitted to the newly established human rights mon-
itoring unit in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is investigating the charge (see
Section 3).
While citizens have the protection of due process, authorities have reportedly ar-
rested some persons based on unsupported accusations and without informing them
of the charges, the accusers' identities, or their legal rights. Due process rights are
unevenly upheld across the country.
The (jovemment does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for the independence
of judges and prosecutors and protects their decisions from outside scrutiny. In prac-
tice, however, the courts, which are understaffed and poorly trained, appear to ac-
cept recommendations of other government agencies, especially the Ministry of Inte-
rior, in making their decisions.
The judiciary is composed of district courts, provincial courts, and the Supreme
Court.
Although regulations provide for public trial, widespread ignorance of constitu-
tional ri^ts among both citizens and law enforcement authorities at times results
in trials that are little more than public announcements of predetermined verdicts.
Politically sensitive trials have not been open to the public, although trials of civil
crimes appeared to be open; these are increasingly publicized in the media. The
Government held seminars for court officials during the year to increase awareness
of legal rights and procedures, and government publications have printed articles
describing citizens' ndits.
There is provision lor appeal to the provincial courts and the Supreme Court. Sen-
ior government and party officials reportedly may also review politically sensitive
cases.
The Constitution provides that all accused persons have the right to defend them-
selves in court. A board of legal advisors formed in 1991 was suspended in 1992,
pending enactment of a legally clarified body of governing regulations. The Govern-
ment strengthened the legal profession and individual rights to counsel in 1996 by
establishing a formal bar association. According to the Criminal Code, defendants
in criminal cases are entitled, at their own expense, to representation by a "rights
protector" who may be a practicing attorney. However, because citizens are largely
unaware of their rights and legal authorities are not required by law to enlighten
them, few defendants seek or have legal representation.
Arrests, trials and convictions are usually unannounced, thereby complicating ef-
forts to estimate accurately the number of political prisoners. Three former govern-
ment officials are serving 14-year sentences handed down in 1992 for advocating a
multiparty system and criticizing restrictions on political liberties.
There has been no new information concerning three men sentenced in 1992 to
life terms for crimes allegedly committed during their tenure as officials of the pre-
vious regime.
The (Ssvemment claims that three other officials of the former government re-
leased in 1992 have chosen to remain in the same remote province where they and
the six prisoners mentioned above were held. There have been no reports of other
political prisoners in the last few years.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — At the
same time that it sought to liberalize the economy, the Government relaxed some
elements of state control, including its rigorous police monitoring of personal and
business activities and enforcement of the nighttime curfew. However, while the
Constitution prohibits arrests or searches in homes without a warrant or authoriza-
833
tion, the security bureaus may authorize search and seizure by themselves rather
than by judicial authority. The GJovemment and the Party continue to monitor citi-
zens sporadically through a system of neighborhood and workplace committees. TTie
neighborhood committees also have responsibility for maintaining public order and
reporting "bad elements" to the police. These committees usually concern themselves
more with street crime and instances of moral turpitude than with political activ-
ism. The degree of surveillance and control varies from province to province, but
overall has oiminished considerably in recent years.
The Penal Code forbids telephone monitoring without proper authorization, but
the security bureaus are believed to authorize such monitoring themselves. The
Government continued to monitor international mail and telephone calls, probably
including some faxes, although the increasing number of such calls limited tne scope
of such surveillance.
In May the National Assembly passed a new land law that reaffirmed the con-
stitutional provision that land is tne property of the national community. The law
sets standards for the size of land holdings, but parties may lease additional land
from the State. Individuals mav acauire land use rights throudi state grants, trans-
fer or inheritance. While the law does not recognize the land claims of those who
fled abroad, claims for houses and physical property are recognized. In the past,
many citizens who fled the country have regained confiscated property by dem-
onstrating their intent to repatriate.
Contact between ordinary citizens and foreigners has increased in recent years as
restrictions such as the requirement for government approval of invitations to most
foreigners' homes are no longer enforced. The Government allows citizens to marry
foreigners, but only with its prior approval. Marriages without government approval
may be annulled, with both partners subject to fine and arrest.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Despite the constitutional provisions for free-
dom of speech and the press, the Government exerts broad control over the exercise
of these ireedoms and has reacted harshly to expressions of political dissent. Three
persons arrested in 1990 after persisting in public criticism of party policies and
calling for fundamental political and economic change, each received 14-year sen-
tences in 1992 (see Section I.e.). The Penal Ccfde forbids slandering the State, dis-
torting party or state policies, and spreading false rumors conducive to disorder. It
also prohibits disseminating books and other materials that authorities deem inde-
cent or that would assail the national culture.
All domestically produced newspapers and radio and television are controlled by
the Government. Local news in all media reflect government policy; however, foreign
news reports, including those from Western sources, are usually translated without
bias. In recent years, tne Government has relaxed its control of the flow of informa-
tion from abroad, and Thai and Western newspapers and magazines have been sold
in the towns where there is demand for them. The Government makes no effort to
discourage reception of Thai radio or television broadcasts. These are widely re-
ceived nationwide via an increasing number of satellite dishes.
The Government requires registration of satellite television receiving dishes and
payment of a one-time licensing fee for their installation, but otherwise makes no
effort to restrict their use. In 1997 the number of such dishes continued to increase,
both in major urban areas and in remote provincial and district towns. The Cable
News Network (CNN), the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), and several sta-
tions in Thailand are among the many channels available to satellite dish owners.
The Government prohibits pornographic or politically inflammatory video-
cassettes. In late 1994 the Vientiane Municipality imposed restrictions governing
the content of music played in night clubs and outlawed karaoke in order to
strengthen Lao culture against its perceived erosion by foreign influences. Enforce-
ment of these restrictions, lax in recent years, was stepped up in 1997.
The Government restricts academic freedom; however, it has relaxed its restric-
tions in certain areas. The Ministry of Education still approves all grants for study
and research abroad, and the (jovemment also monitors and may restrict the activi-
ties of Western scholars doing research in Laos. However, the Government, which
once limited the foreign travel of academicians and professionals, now actively solic-
its scholarships and training programs abroad from donor countries. Groups of 30
or more professionals have traveled to Singapore and elsewhere in recent years for
training related to membership in ASEAN.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Penal Code prohibits dem-
onstrations or protest marches aimed at causing turmoil and social instability, pre-
scribing penalties of from 1 to 5 years' imprisonment. Although the Constitution
provides citizens with the right to organize and join associations, all associations are
834
party-controlled, and their products reflect official policy. Foreigners are not allowed
to engage in political activity.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution contains provisions for religious free-
dom. In practice, the Government continues to restrict freedom of religion, esp>ecially
for some Christian denominations.
Links with coreligionists and religious associations in other countries require gov-
ernment approval. Although the Government permits foreign nongovernmental or-
f^anizations with religious afliliations to work in the country, it prohibits foreigners
rom proselytizing. The Government also restricts the import of foreign religious
publications and artifacts.
The enforcement of these regulations varies by province. For example, the Catho-
lic Church is unable to operate in the highlands and much of the north, but Catho-
lics can openly attend churches and chapels in central and southern Laos. In No-
vember a Catholic bishop was installed in the southern province of Khamoune. Sev-
eral Protestant denominations operate more than 100 churches throughout the
country. The Government granted approval to four Protestant congregations for the
renovation or construction of church buildings in the Vientiane area. There continue
to be reports that some local authorities harassed practicing Christians. The persist-
ence of such reports underscores the continuing suspicion on the part of authorities
toward some parts of the Lao Christian community.
By comparison, the Government openly encourages Buddhism and supports Bud-
dhist organizations. High-ranking government omcials routinely attend religious
functions, and Buddhist clergy are prominently featured at important state and
party functions. The Government permits Buddhist festivals without hindrance.
Two mosques and a Baha'i center operate openly in Vientiane.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no domestic travel restrictions for citizens and private foreign
visitors except in areas considered unsafe. Most citizens can easily obtain passports
and exit permits from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for personal travel abroad.
Border crossing permits to visit Thailand are routinely available from local village
committees for a modest issuance fee, and the Government does not appear to inter-
fere with persons desiring to emigrate. Except for around 30 persons convicted in
absentia in 1975 for antigovemment activities, citizens have the right of return.
The stated government policy since 1977 is to welcome back the approximately
10 percent of the population that fled after the change of government in 1975. In
recent years, an increasing number of ethnic Lao living abroad returned to visit;
several remained to operate businesses.
Laos, Thailand, and the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) are co-
operating on the return of the Lao asylum seekers in camps in Thailand who volun-
teer to return to Laos. This program includes provisions for monitoring returnees
to ensure that they are given the same ri^ts and treatment as resident Lao. Ac-
cording to the Ul^CR and voluntary agencies, returnees are not subject to dis-
crimination or persecution, and returnees are allowed to return with all the belong-
ings they accumulated while outside the country. There were no forcible repatri-
ations to Laos in 1997. However, the UNHCR assisted the voluntary repatriation
of 222 Lao from China, 33 from Thailand, and 26 from other countries auring the
year. No new Lao asylum seekers arrived in Thailand.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the ability to change their government, despite constitutional
provisions for the public election of National Assembly members. While the Con-
stitution does not explicitly exclude formation of multiple political parties, it assigns
to the ruling LPRP the leading role in the political system. All candidates needed
the approval of the LPRP before legislative elections held in December. While no
other parties were allowed, four of the candidates were not nominated by party or-
ganizations. One winning candidate was not an LPRP member. While voting was
not mandated by law, many voters believed that it was so. Reported voter turnout
was 98 percent.
The percentage of women in the National Assembly rose from a previous level of
9 percent to 20 percent as 20 of the 27 female candidates won seats. The number
of ethnic minority members also increased to levels that reflect national ethnic di-
versity. Three members of the 49-member LPRP Central Committee are women.
There are no women in the Politburo or the Council of Ministers.
Men of lowland Lao origin dominate the upper echelons of the party and the Gov-
ernment. Nonetheless, the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister, the Minister
of Interior and 35 members of the National Assembly are believed to be members
of ethnic minority groups. Members of these minorities ollen adopt lowland Lao
835
names as they are increasingly assimilated into mainstream society, thus making
it difficult to ascertain accurately the number of ethnic minority members in any
organization.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no domestic human rights groups. Any organization wishing to inves-
tigate and publicly criticize the Government's human rights policies would face seri-
ous obstacles if it v/ere permitted to oi>erate at all. The Government generally does
not cooperate with international human ri^ts organizations.
The Government maintains ongoing contacts with the International Committee of
the Red Cross. The Government has permitted U.N. human rights observers to mon-
itor the treatment of returning refugees without interference, In September the Gov-
ernment designated the Foreign Ministry's Department of Treaties and Inter-
national Laws as the organ responsible for responding to inquiries about specific
human rights questions.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal treatment under the law for all citizens with-
out regard to sex, social status, education, faith, or ethnicity. Although the Govern-
ment took action when cases of discrimination came to the attention of high-level
officials, the legal mechanism whereby a citizen may bring charges of discrimination
against an individual or organization is neither widely developed nor widely under-
stood amongthe general population.
Women.— There are reports that domestic violence against women occurs, al-
though it is not widespread. Sexual harassment and rape are reportedly rare. In
cases of rape that are tried in court, defendants are generally convicted. The Gov-
ernment has increased monitoring and educational programs provided by the Wom-
en's Union and the Youth Union, both party-sanctioned organizations, designed to
educate girls and young women about the schemes of recruiters for brothels and
sweatshops in Thailand and elsewhere. The Women's Union worked closely with
Thai nongovernmental organizations to bring justice in the case of three Lao women
raped while incarcerated in Thailand.
In the past, the Government has prosecuted some persons for involvement in such
recruiting activities. During the year, law enforcement agencies conducted several
raids of entertainment establishments accused of fostering prostitution.
The Constitution provides for equal rights for women, and the Lao Women's
Union operates nationally to promote the position of women in Lao society. How-
ever, discrimination against women is not generalized. There persist varying de-
grees of traditional culturally based discrimination, with greater discrimination
practiced among some hill tribes. Many women occupy responsible positions in the
civil service and private business, and in urban areas their incomes are often higher
than those of men. The Family Code prohibits legal discrimination in marriage and
inheritance.
The Government has increased support for the Women in Development Program,
which is designed in part to increase the participation of women in the political sys-
tem.
Children. — Government resources are inadequate to provide fully for children's
basic health and educational needs. Education is compulsory through the fifth
grade, but children from rural areas and poor urban families rarely comply with this
requirement. Violence against children is prohibited by law. Reports of the physical
abuse of children are rare.
The Government is increasingly concerned about Lao children being lured for sex-
ual exploitation and slave labor in other countries and has established a National
Commission on Mothers and Children chaired by the foreign minister. The commis-
sion, working with the Lao Women's Union, Youth Union, Justice Ministry and
Labor Ministry, has conducted workshops around the country designed to make par-
ents and teenagers aware of the dangers.
People With Disabilities. — With donor assistance, the Government is implement-
ing limited programs for the disabled, especially amputees. The law does not man-
date accessibility to buildings or government services for disabled persons.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Constitution provides for equal rights
for all minorities, and there is no legal discrimination against them. However, soci-
etal discrimination persists.
Approximately half the population is ethnic Lao, also called 'lowland Lao." Most
of the remainder is a mosaic of diverse upland hill tribes whose members, if bom
in Laos, are Lao citizens. There are also ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese minorities.
836
particularly in the towns. There is a small community of South Asian origin. The
implementation in 1994 of the 1990 Law on Nationality provided a means lor these
Vietnamese and Chinese minorities to regularize their Lao citizenship. The Govern-
ment encourages the preservation of minority cultures and traditions; however, due
to remote location and difficult access, minority tribes have little voice in govern-
ment decisions affecting their lands and the allocation of natural resources. Hill
tribe interaction with the Government is limited by poor transportation and commu-
nication links and a shortage of government resources.
The Hmong are one of the largest and most prominent highland minority groups.
They split along clan lines during the U.S. war with Vietnam; many were strongly
anti-Communist while others sided with the Lao and Vietnamese Communists. In
the 1970*8 and 1980'8 the Government repressed many who had fought against it
prior to 1975, especially those that it perceived to be resisting its authority. The
Government continued to assist citizens, largely members of ethnic minorities, who
returned to Laos after having fled following the war in Indochina ending in 1975.
Central and local government officials worlced with international organizations to
provide land and a sustainable level of economic security.
In recent years, the Government has initiated projects designed to integrate the
Hmong into the general society, and an increasing number of those who fled the
country after 1975 have repatriated to Laos without suffering persecution. Two U.N.
observers who monitored repatriation efforts reported no incidents of abuse or dis-
crimination during the year.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Although the Constitution provides citizens with the
right to organize and join associations, the party controls all associations, and all
conform to official party policy (see Section 2.b.).
Subsistence farmers comprise an estimated 85 percent of the woric force. The
State employs the majority of salaried workers, although this situation is changing
as the Government reduces the number of its employees and privatizes state enter-
E rises, and as foreign investors open new factories and businesses. Under the 1990
abor Code, labor unions can be formed in private enterprises as long as they oper-
ate within the framework of the officially sanctioned Federation of Lao Trade
Unions (FLTU), which in turn is controlled by the LPRP. Most of the FLTU's 80,000
members work in the public sector, overwhelmingly as public servants.
Strikes are not prohibited under the law, but the Government's ban on "desta-
bilizing subversive activities" makes a strike unlikely, and none was reported this
year (see Section 2.a.).
With advice from the International Labor Organization (ILO), including a foreign
expert provided by the ILO to work with the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare,
the Government has revised the Labor Code in an effort to clarify rights and obliga-
tions of workers and employers.
The extent to which the FLTU is free to engage in contacts and affiliate with for-
eign labor organizations is unknown.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — There is no right to organize
and bargain collectively. The Labor Code stipulates that disputes be resolved
through workplace committees composed of employers, representatives of the local
labor union, and representatives of the FLTU, with final authority residing in the
Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare. Labor disputes are infrequent. The Govern-
ment sets wages and salaries for government employees, while management sets
wages and salaries for private business employees.
Tne Labor Code stipulates that employers may not fire employees for conducting
trade union activities, for lodging complaints against employers about labor law im-
f>lementation, or for cooperating with officials on labor law implementation and
abor disputes. Workplace committees are one mechanism used lor resolving com-
plaints.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code prohibits forced
labor except in time of war or national disaster, when the State may conscript labor-
ers. The code also applies to children under age 15, and the law is effectively en-
forced. However, an increasing number of children have been lured into other coun-
tries for sexual exploitation and slave labor (see Section 6.d.).
d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children. — The Labor Code prohibits forced
labor, including labor performed by children under age 15, and the law is effectively
enforced (see Section 6.c.). Under the Code, children under the age of 15 may not
be recruited for employment. However, many children help their families on farms
or in shops. The Labor Code accordingly provides that children may work for their
families, provided that such children are not engaged in dangerous or difficult woric.
837
Such employment of children is common in urban shops, but rare in industrial en-
terprises. The Ministries of Interior and Justice are responsible for enforcing these
provisions, but enforcement is ineffective due to a lack of inspectors and other re-
sources. Education is compulsory through the fifth grade, but this requirement is
rarely observed in the rural areas or among the urban poor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code provides for a broad range of
worker entitlements, including a workweek limited to 48 hours (36 in dangerous ac-
tivities), safe working conditions, and higher compensation for dangerous work. The
code also provides for at least 1 day of rest per week. Employers are responsible
for all expenses for a worker injured or killed on the job, a requirement generally
fulfilled by employers in the formal economic sector. The daily minimum wage is
$0.75 (1,400 kip), which is insufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a
worker and family. Most civil servants receive inadequate pay. However, few fami-
lies in the wage economy depend on only one breadwinner. Some piecework employ-
ees, especially on construction sites, earn less than the minimum wage. Many are
illegal immigrants, particularly from Vietnam, and are more vulnerable to exploi-
tation by employers. Although workplace inspections have reportedly increased, the
Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare lacks the personnel and budgetary resources
to enforce the Labor Code effectively. The Labor Code has no specific provision al-
lowing workers to remove themselves from a dangerous situation without jeopardiz-
ing their employment.
MALAYSIA
Malaysia is a federation of 13 states with a parliamentary system of government
based on periodic multiparty elections in which the ruling National Front coalition
has held power since 1957. The coalition headed by Prime Minister Mahathir bin
Mohamad increased its majority in a 1995 general election. Opposition parties ac-
tively contest elections, although they hold only about 12 percent of the seats in the
federal Parliament. An opposition party controls one state government. The Con-
stitution provides for an independent judiciary, however, government-sponsored con-
stitutional amendments and legislation have undermined judicial independence and
increased executive influence over the judiciary in sensitive cases.
The Royal Malaysian Police have primary responsibility for internal security mat-
ters. The police report to and are under the effective control of the Minister of Home
Affairs. The Prime Minister also holds the Home Affairs portfolio. There have been
instances of abuse by some police officers.
Foreign direct investment has played a vital role in economic development. High
growth rates in exports of manufactured goods, such as semiconductors, have great-
ly reduced reliance on traditional commodity exports such as tin, rubber, and palm
oil. Consistently strong economic growth has led to significant reductions in poverty,
an improved standard of living, and more equal income distribution. In the second
half of 1997, the effects of the regional financial crisis, in addition to growing inter-
nationed concerns over economic policy, contributed to a marked depreciation of the
ringgit (the national currency) and a substantial decline in the Kuala Lumpur stock
exchange.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however,
there were problems in some areas. The Government continued to arrest and detain
citizens without trial, and prolonged pretrial detention is a problem. The Govern-
ment sometimes limited judicial independence and freedom of assembly, association,
speech, and the press. Partly as a result of these limits, opposition parties could not
compete on equal terms with the long-ruling governing coalition. A Western cor-
respondent was sentenced to 3 months' imprisonment for contempt of court in a case
that raised questions about freedom of the press and judicial impartiality. A United
Nations special rapporteur and a prominent jurist faced libel charges for their criti-
cism of the judiciary. The trial and harassment of a prominent human rights activ-
ist on criminal charges under the Publications Act also continued. Religious worship
is subject to some restrictions. The Government continued to impose long-term re-
strictions on movement without due process hearings. Violence against women and
child abuse remain problems. Police did not always act on reports of domestic vio-
lence. Some discrimination against indigenous people and ethnic minorities, and re-
strictions on worker rights, persisted.
838
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — ^There were no reports of political
killings.
In a June raid on illegal aliens in Johor, soldiers killed one illegal alien. Four sol-
diers were later charged with culpable homicide not amounting to murder; at year's
end the case was still pending. Because of this incident, Uie Defense Minister and
Police Inspector General later announced an agreement on guidelines for future
raids.
Human ri^ts groups also raised questions about several cases of prisoners who
died while in poRce custody. In January the father of a suspect allegedly found
hanged in his cell while being detained without trial under the Dangerous Drugs
Act (after being acquitted on criminal charges) filed a complaint aUeging police
abuse. In June a suspected serial rapist being escorted by four policemen was shot
and killed "after a struggle." In August a handcuffed Indonesian suspected of theft
died of severe head wounds after he fell to the ground while being escorted by police
officers.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatm.ent or Punishment. —
There continued to be allegations that police officers abused criminal suspects and
illegal alien detainees during interrogation and detention. Abuses included strong
psychological pressure and sometimes physical mistreatment. In some cases, au-
thorities nave investigated police officials for such abuses, but, because the Govern-
ment does not routinely release information on the results of the investigations,
whether those responsible for abuses are punished is not always known.
In September police announced the suspension of an officer pending a criminal in-
vestigation for the beating of a 14-year-old girl.
Criminal law prescribes caning as an additional punishment to imprisonment for
those convicted of some nonviolent crimes such as narcotics possession, criminal
breach of trust, and alien smuggling. Judges routinely include caning in sentences
of those convicted of such crimes as kidnaping, rape, and robbery. The caning, which
is carried out with a V2-inch-thick wooden cane, commonly causes welts, and some-
times causes scarring.
Organizers canceled a planned conference on police abuse in response to a warn-
ing of possible prosecution (see Section l.d.). Over a dozen police officers were de-
tained lor alleged involvement in criminal activities (see Section l.d.).
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards. Prisons meet
basic human needs, including medical care, sanitation, nutrition, and family access.
Overcrowding is a problem. In September the Prisons Department said that the
total prison population exceeded the facilities' "comfortable capacitj^ by 12.3 per-
cent.
Prison guards have been accused and convicted of criminal wrongdoing, mostly in
nonviolent narcotics cases. "Security" prisoners (see Section l.d.) are detained in a
separate detention center. Conditions there are not significantly different from those
for the regular prison population.
In April police arrested a gang including officials of the Home Affairs Ministry,
lawyers, and a police officer for extorting money from families of prisoners held
under the Emergency Ordinance (see Section l.d.). In return for these payments, de-
tainees were allegedly released from restricted residence provisions.
Although the Government still holds some illegal aliens under inhuman condi-
tions, conditions of detention for aliens generally improved.
The Government has not permitted visits to prisons by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Three laws permit the (jovemment to de-
tain suspects without judicial review or the filing of formal charges: The 1960 Inter-
nal Security Act (ISA), the Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordi-
nance of 1969, and the Dangerous Drugs Act of 1985. The Government continued
to use long-term detention without trial in cases alleged to involve national security
(including economic security), as well as in narcotics trafficking and other cases. Ac-
cording to the Home Affairs Ministry, in 1996 there were a total of 2,008 people
being detained without trial under these laws, most held under the Dangerous
Drugs Act. The Government has not announced the total number of detainees in
1997.
Passed more than 30 years ago, when there was an active Communist insurgency,
the ISA empowers the police to hold for up to 60 days any person who may act "m
a manner prejudicial to the security of Malaysia." The Minister of Home Affairs may
authorize, in writing, further detention for periods of up to 2 years. Those released
before the end of their detention period are subject to "imposed restricted condi-
839
tions," for the balance of their detention periods. These conditions limit their rights
to freedom of speech, association, and travel outside the country.
According to the Grovemment, the goal of the ISA is to control internal subversion.
In fact, the act is now used for other purposes. The Government uses the ISA
against passport and identity card forgers and against telecommunications fraud. In
April the Deputy Home Ailairs Minister stated that no one was under detention
under the ISA for political reasons. As of April, 189 people were being detained for
document forgery. In July the Police Inspector General said that 72 people were de-
tained under the ISA for telecommunications fraud (primarily the illegal cloning of
cellular phones). In November 10 people, 2 of whom were over 75 years old, were
detained under the ISA for spreading Shi'ite teachings. Two of the prisoners were
later released on a technicality, but rearrested (again under the ISA) just minutes
after they left the courtroom. Police released two of these detainees in late Decem-
ber (see Section 2.c.). In December police detained three people, including two civil
servants, under the ISA for issuing forged identity cards. Also in December, police
detained nine Nigerians under the ISA for bank fraud. According to prison officials,
at the end of the year, slightly under 200 prisoners were under ISA detention.
In 1997 all members oithe outlawed Islamic fundamentalist movement Al Arqam
who were still in detention after being previously arrested under the ISA were re-
leased. Some members remain under restricted residence.
Security authorities sometimes wait several days after detention before informing
a detainee's family. Even when there are no formal charges, the authorities must
inform detainees of the accusations against them and permit them to appeal to an
advisory board for review every 6 months. Advisory board decisions and rec-
ommendations, however, are not binding on the Home Affairs Minister, are not
made public, and often are not shown to the detainee. In the past, a number of ISA
detainees have refused to participate in the review process under these cir-
cumstances.
Amendments to the ISA severely limit judicial review of detentions. Opposition
leaders and human rights organizations continued to call on the Government to re-
peal the ISA and other legislation that deprive people of the right to defend them-
selves in court. In December the Bar Council sponsored a seminar on the ISA and
called for its repeal.
The Govenunent has been reviewing the ISA since May 1995. In April the Deputy
Home Minister said that the Government would revise but not abolish it. In May
he said that sentencing under the revised ISA would be more flexible and that sen-
tences would sometimes exceed the current limit of 2 years.
In early September, after a sharp fall in the ringgit and the Kuala Lumpur stock
exchange, the Police Inspector General said that the Government would not hesitate
to use the ISA against local "economic saboteurs" involved in suppxjrting "rogue for-
eign exchange speculators." The Deputy Prime Minister later stated that, although
the Government reserved this right in principle, it was not currently necessary to
pursue such prosecutions; no one has been prosecuted under the ISA for financial
speculation.
Organizers canceled a planned January nongovernmental organizations' (NGO's)
conference on police abuse after the Government warned that NGO's that "baited"
the Government might be prosecuted under the ISA.
Under the 1969 Emergency Ordinance, which was instituted after intercommunal
riots in that year, the Home Affairs Minister can issue a detention order for up to
2 years against a person if he deems it necessary to protect public order or for the
"suppression of violence or the prevention of crimes involving violence." According
to the Home Affairs Ministry, there were 56 people in detention under the Emer-
gency Ordinance in 1996, compared with 447 in 1995. The Government has not dis-
closed the number of detainees in 1997.
Police announced in June that 14 police officers had been detained without trial
under the Emergency Ordinance for alleged involvement in criminal activities.
Provisions of the 1985 amendments to the Dangerous Drugs Act give the Govern-
ment specific power to detain suspected drug tramckers. The suspects may be held
for up to 39 days before the Home Affairs Minister must issue a detention order.
Once the Ministry has issued an order, the detainee is entitled to a habeas corpus
hearing before a court. In some instances, the judge may order the detainee's re-
lease. Suspects may be held without charge for successive 2-year intervals, with
Keriodic review by an advisory board, whose opinion is binding on the Home Affairs
linister. However, the review process contains none of the due process rights that
a defendant would have in a court proceeding. According to the National Narcotics
Agency, from January to September, 1,081 persons were arrested under the amend-
ments that provide for detention without trial, an increase of 24 percent over 1996.
The total number of people under detention has not been disclosed. The police fre-
840
quently rearrest suspected narcotics traffickers and firearms ofTendere under the
preventive measures clauses of the Dangerous Drugs Act after an acquittal in court
on formal charges.
Immigration laws are used to detain possible illegal aliens without trial or hear-
ing. The detainees are not accorded any administrative or legal hearings and are
released only after their employers prove their legal status. Those who can produce
legal documents are normally released immediately; those who cannot prove their
legal status may be held for extended periods before deportation. Illegal aliens are
kept in detention centers that are separate from prisons (see Section I.e.).
Law enforcement authorities also used the Restricted Residence Act to restrict
movements of criminal suspects for an extended period. The act allows the Home
Afiairs Ministry to place criminal suspects under restricted residence in a remote
district away from home for 2 years — the Ministry is authorized to issue the "ban-
ishment" orders without any judicial or administrative hearings. Human rights ac-
tivists have questioned the need for this law, which was passed 60 years ago under
venr different circumstances, and have called for its repeal. The Government contin-
ued to justify the act as a necessaiy tool and in the past has used it primarily
against vice and gambling offenses. In June the police proposed extending the act
to commercial crimes such as copyright piracy. In August the Deputy Home Min-
ister proposed extending the act to "dishonest traders" guilty of such crimes as hold-
ing illegal sales, manufacturing fake medicine, selling adulterated gasoline, and im-
porting piglets without a license. However, no action has been taken to do so. The
Government has not disclosed how many people are subject to the Restricted Resi-
dence Act, but human rights activists estimate it to be "scores."
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Past government action, constitutional amend-
ments, and legislation restricting judicial review have undermined judicial inde-
pendence and strengthened executive influence over the judiciary in sensitive cases.
A number of high-profile cases continued to cast doubts on judicial impartiality and
independence. Members of the bar and other observers continued to express serious
concern about this issue. Occasionally, however, courts ruled against the Govern-
ment. In February, for example, a court voided the victory of a ruling party can-
didate in Sarawak because of extensive bribery in the election campaign.
High courts have original jurisdiction over aU criminal cases involving serious
crimes and most civil cases. Civil suits involving automobile accidents and landlord-
tenant disputes are heard by sessions courts. Magistrate's courts hear criminal
cases in wiich the maximum term of sentence does not exceed 12 months. The
Court of Appeal has appellate jurisdiction over high court and session court deci-
sions. The Federal Court hears appeals of Court of^Appeal decisions. The legal sys-
tem is based on English common law. Islamic religious laws administered by state
authorities through Islamic courts bind ethnic Malays and other Muslims in some
civil matters. The Government announced that it would harmonize Islamic law at
the federal level and appoint an Islamic law federal attorney general. Indigenous
people in Sarawak and Sabah also have a system of customary law that is some-
times used to resolve matters such as land disputes between tribes.
Malaysia also has rarely used "penghulu" (village head) courts empowered to ad-
judicate minor civil matters.
Most civil and criminal proceedings are fair and open. The accused must be
brought before a judge within 24 hours of arrest, and charges must be levied within
10 days. Defendants have the right to counsel, bail is available, and strict rules of
evidence apply in court. Defendants may appeal court decisions to higher courts
and, in criminal cases, may also appeal for clemency to the King or local state rulers
as appropriate. All criminal trials, including murder trials, are heard by a single
judge. Parliament voted in 1994 to amend the Criminal Procedure Code to abolish
jury trials in death penalty cases. The defense in both ordinary criminal cases and
special security cases is not entitled to a statement of evidence before the trial.
The Attorney General may restrict the right to a fair trial in criminal cases, by
invoking the Essential (Security Cases) Regulations of 1975. These regulations gov-
erning trial procedure normally apply only in firearms cases. In cases tried under
these regulations, the standards for accepting self-incriminating statements by de-
fendants as evidence are less stringent than in normal criminal cases. Also, the au-
thorities may hold the accused for an unspecified time before making formal
charges. The Attorney General has the authority to invoke these regulations in
other criminal cases if the Government determines that the crime involves national
security considerations, but such cases are rare. There were no cases involving this
restriction in 1997.
Following a number of high-profile corruption cases, the Government amended the
Anticomiption Act in July. The new law removes the presumption of innocence and
841
requires accused persons to prove that their wealth was acquired legally; it is sched-
uled to come into effect in January 1998.
In cases widely thought to be politically motivated, several large Malaysian com-
{)anies, prominent businessmen, and one prominent lawyer have brought suits for
ibel and slander against the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Independence of
Judges and Lawyers Datuk Param Curamaswamy, who is a Malaysian citizen, and
against the Malaysian Bar Council's former secretary general Tommy Thomas. The
chaises stemmed from an article that alleged improprieties in the judiciary. A Ma-
laysian court rejected Param's request to have the suit dismissed before tnal based
on his claim of unmunity as a U.N. rapporteur, a claim supported by U.N. Secretary
General Kofi Annan. The judge ruled tnat the case shoula proceed, but that Param
should make this claim in his defense during trial. In early October, Param lost an
initial appeal on this issue. In October and December, two more businessmen filed
a third and a fourth suit against Param. All the cases are stUl pending.
In September the Malaysian Bar Council expressed concern over 44 prisoners held
"at the pleasure of the sovereign" for inordinate periods, often well exceeding the
maximum sentences for their original crimes. In one case a prisoner had been held
for 37 years. Most of these "forgotten prisoners" committed their crimes as minors
or while of unsound mind.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
provides for these rights and the Government generally respects them. However,
provisions in the security legislation (see Section l.d.) allow the police to enter and
search without a warrant the homes of persons suspected of threatening national
security. Police may also confiscate evidence under these acts. In some cases each
year, police have used this legal authority to search homes and offices, seize books
and papers, monitor conversations, and take people into custody without a warrant.
The law permits the Home Affairs Ministry to place criminal suspects under re-
stricted residence in a remote district away from home for a 2-year period (see Sec-
tion l.d.).
A clause in the new Anticorruption Act empowers the Attorney General to author-
ize the interception of mail and the tapping of telephones. Such information would
be admissible as evidence in a corruption trial.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Although the Constitution provides for freedom
of speech and the press, some important limitations exist, ana over the years the
Government has restricted freedom of expression. The Constitution provides that
freedom of Sjpeech may be restricted by legislation "in the interest of security (or)
public order. Thus, the Sedition Act prohibits public comment on issues defined as
sensitive, such as citizenship rights for non-Malays, the special position of Malays
in society, and certain aspects of religion.
The Government used the Sedition Act and the Printing Presses and Publications
Act to file criminal charges against opposition Member of Parliament Lim Guan Eng
before the 1995 general election. The charges stemmed from Lim's public comments
about a statutory rape case involving a former chief minister of Malacca. In 1997
Lim was convicted under both acts and fined $5,000 (15,000 ringgit). Lim has kept
his parliamentary seat pending appeal, but he would lose his seat if the conviction
is upheld.
The Printing Presses and Publications Act of 1984 contains important limitations
on press freedom. Domestic and foreign publications must apply annually to the
Government for a permit. The act was amended in 1987 to make the publication
of "malicious news a punishable offense, expand the Government's power to ban or
restrict publications, and prohibit court challenges to suspension or revocation of
publication permits. Government policies create an atmosphere that inhabits inde-
pendent or investigative journalism and result in self-censorship of issues that gov-
ernment authorities might consider sensitive. The Government often conveys dis-
pleasure with press reporting directly to a newspaper's board of directors. In prac-
tice, leading political figures, or companies controlled by leading political figures in
the ruling coalition, own most major newspapers and all radio and television sta-
tions, thus limiting the range of views. These mass media provide generally lauda-
tory, noncritical coverage of^govemment ofiicials and policies, and give only Umited
and selective coverage to political views of the opposition or political rivals. Editorial
opinion frequently reflects government positions on domestic and international is-
sues. Chinese-language newspapers are generally more free in reporting and com-
menting on sensitive political and social issues.
The Government continued to prosecute human rights activist Irene Fernandez
under the Printing Presses and Publications Act for charges that she made in 1995
842
of mistreatment at illegal alien detention centers. Final judgment is still pending
although Fernandez has lost several procedural motions. The Government called at
unusually large number of witnesses (34 as of December 16), which observers say
is tying up the time and resources of Fernandez and her NGO. Police raided the
offices of Fernandez's NGO in January because it had failed to file financial state-
ments for 3 years. After the NGO paid a fine, the case was withdrawn. In October
three additional chaises based on information obtained during the raid were filed.
The self-censorship of the Malaysian press was glaringly evident during the finan-
cial crisis in 1997. FVime Minister Mahathir Mohamad made a number of controver-
sial remarks about the crisis. Pertinent information about international reaction to
the Prime Minister's remarks appeared in the press of nei^boring countries and
in the international press. Much of this information went unreported in Malaysia,
however.
Another example of self-censorship is local cable television companies' frequent
elimination of foreign press reports on Israel and Malaysia.
The press did report on some sensitive social issues, such as the role of Islam.
It also vigorously reported on allegations of corruption against some prominent poli-
ticians. The Prime Minister's remarks on the existence of a Jewish agenda" to un-
dermine the Malaysian economy, his subsequent statement that he had been mis-
interpreted, and international reaction to the remarks were well covered in the local
press.
In past years, the Government has on a few occasions used the defamation clauses
of the Penal Code to prosecute newspapers and reporters that publish criticism of
government officials. In 1997 the police filed reports for possible defamation charges
against a newspaper that reported a survey alleging that officers oflen did not act
on reports of domestic violence. No further action was taken, however.
In September Far Eastern Economic Review correspondent Murray Hiebert was
convicted of contempt of court and sentenced to 3 months' imprisonment. Hiebert,
who is still free pending appeal, had written an article implying that the plaintiff
in a civil suit had received preferential treatment in scheduling an early trial date
because she was the wife of a prominent judge. This case, the first in which a for-
eign correspondent has been sentenced to jail for contempt in the ordinary course
of his duties, raises serious questions of freedom of the press and of judicial impar-
tiality.
In October the police said that they were investigating Asiaweek magazine under
the Printing Presses and Publications Act for an article alleging that some foreign
diplomats were concerned about the police's indifference to crimes against dip-
lomats. The police interrogated the local correspondent of Asiaweek who had written
this story. No further action was taken, however.
Small -circulation publications of opposition parties, social action groups, unions,
and other private groups actively cover opposition parties and frequently print views
critical of government policies. However, the Government retains significant influ-
ence over these publications by requiring annual renewal of publishing permits.
There were no cases of denial of renewal requests in 1997.
In September the Prime Minister said that he would issue a directive to enforce
the (previously ignored) ban on street sales of the opposition party newspaper
Harakah. Citing regulations that political parties may only distribute their publica-
tions to party members and not sell them publicly, the Prime Minister said "since
we find the tabloid is Ubelous, we will eniorce the ban immediately." The Prime
Minister was referring to reports quoting a religious leader as saying that the Prime
Minister and some others in the ruling coalition were apostates. The Government
is not vigorously enforcing the ban, however.
The Omcial Secrets Act potentially can also restrict freedom of the press. Pointing
out the dangers of abuse, the Bar Council and NGO's have called for a review of
certain provisions that grant considerable discretion to the authorities.
The government-controlled Malaysian News Agency (Bemama) is by law the sole
distributor of foreign news, although the Government has not to date used this law
to restrict foreign news coverage or availability.
NGO's currently enjoy freedom to speak out against government policies. The
(jovemment's case agadnst NGO activist Irene Fernandez under the Printing Press-
es and Publications Act is being closely monitored as a test case of the CJovemment's
willingness to permit public criticism (see Section I.e.).
Early in the year, the CJovemment threatened to force NGO's to register under
the more restrictive Societies Act rather than the current Companies Act. The For-
eign Minister said that the Government's "cautious stand" against NGO's was nec-
essary to check "alien influences." The Primary Industries Minister accused NGO's
of having a hidden agenda opposing growth. 'The Deputy Home Minister said that
843
the Government would study NGO's to ensure that they are not exploited by "cer-
tain parties." However, no action was taken.
The Government generally respects academic freedom in the areas of teaching and
publication. Academics are often publicly critical of the Government. However, there
IS degree of self-censorship among public university academics whose career ad-
vancement and funding are prerogatives of the Government. Private institution aca-
demics also practice a umited degree of self-censorship for fear that the Government
may revoke licenses for their institutions. Legislation also imposes limitations on
student associations and student and faculty activity (see Section 2.b.).
In November the Government forbade academics from making any public state-
ments or publishing any writings on Malaysia's ongoing air pollution crisis. The
Government seems to have feared that unauthorized remarics on the air pollution
crisis might harm the country's image and hurt tourism. The gag order was not vig-
orously enforced, however.
b. Freedom, of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of freedom of peaceful assembly, but there are significant restrictions.
These rights may be limited in the interest of security and public order, and the
1967 Police Act requires police permits for all public assemblies except for workers
on picket lines. Spontaneous demonstrations occur periodically without permission,
but they are limited in scope and generally occur with the tacit consent of the police.
In the aftermath of the intercommunal riots in 1969, the Government banned po-
litical rallies. The Government continued that policy during the 1995 general elec-
tion. However, both government and opposition parties held large inooor political
gatherings dubbed "discussion sessions" auring the campaign period. The ruling coa-
lition also held several large-scale events that closely resembled political rallies.
Government and opposition candidates campaign actively. There are, however,
some restrictions on freedom of assembly during campaigns. During the actual cam-
paign period, political parties submit lists of times ana places for their discussion
sessions. In past campaigns some opposition discussion group meetings have been
canceled for lack of a f)olice permit, most recently during the 1996 Sarawak state
election campaign. Outside the campaign period, a permit also is required, with
most applications routinely approved. These restrictions and the ban on political ral-
lies handicap the opposition's abiUty to campaign effectively.
Organizers canceled a planned conference on police abuse in response to a govern-
ment warning of possible prosecution under the ISA (see Section l.d.).
The Constitution provides for the right of association, but there are significant re-
strictions. For example, certain statutes limit this right, such as the &)cieties Act
of 1966, under which any association of seven or more members must register with
the Government as a society. The (jovemment may refuse to register a new society
or may impose conditions when allowing a society to register. The (jovemment also
has the power to revoke the registration of an existing society for violations of the
act, a power it has enforced selectively against political opposition groups. This
threat of possible deregistration inhibits political activism by public or special inter-
est organizations. Early in 1997, the Government threatened to force all NGO's to
register under the Societies Act rather than the less restrictive Companies Act (see
Section 2. a.).
Another law that affects freedom of association is the Universities and University
Colleges Act. This act mandates government approval for student associations and
prohibits student associations, as well as faculty members, from engaging in politi-
cal activity. A university vice chancellor must approve campus demonstrations.
Human rights organizations assert that it inhibits the free flow of ideas and ex-
change of views and have called for its repeal.
In November 1996, youth wings of the ruling coalition parties disrupted an inter-
national conference about East Timor. In February four leaders of the youth organi-
zations received a $5(X) (1,500 ringgit) fine for their role in disrupting the meeting.
In April police detained 55 opposition party members who demonstrated in protest
of an Israeli team's participation at an international cricket championship. The case
against the demonstrators is still pending.
In May police detained ovemignt nine demonstrators at an Association of South-
east Asian Nations (ASEAN) ministers meeting, who had protested ASEAN's plan
to admit Burma as a member. Judgment of the case against the demonstrators has
been postponed until March 1998.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Islam is the official religion. Religious minorities, which
include large Hindu, Buddhist, SUch, and Christian communities, generally may
worship freely but are subject to some restrictions. Adherence to Islam is considered
intrinsic to Malay ethnic identity, and therefore Islamic religious laws administered
by state authorities through Islamic courts bind all ethnic Malays in some matters.
Government funds support an Islamic religious establishment, and it is official pol-
844
icy to "infuse Islamic values" into the administration of the country. At the same
time, the Constitution provides for freedom of reli^on and the Government has re-
fused to accede to pressures to impose Islamic religious law beyond the Muslim com-
munity.
The Government opposes what it considers deviant interpretations of Islam. In
the past, the Government has imposed restrictions on certain Islamic sects. The
Government continues to monitor the activities of the Shi'ite minority. In 1997 the
Government proposed amending the Constitution to make Sunni Islam Malaysia's
official Islamic sect. This would make illegal the practice of other forms of Islam.
In November 10 people, 2 of whom were over 75 years old, were detained under
the ISA for spreading Shi'ite teachings. Two of the prisoners were later released on
a tedinicality, but rearrested (again under the ISA) just minutes after they left the
courtroom. Police released two of these detainees in late December (see Section I.e.).
Some state governments were slow in approving building permits for non-Muslim
places of worship or land for cemeteries for non-Muslims. The (jovemment has long
discouraged the circulation of a popular Malay-language translation of the Bible and
distribution of Christian tapes and printed materials in Malay. Some states have
laws prohibiting the use of Malay-language religious terms by Christians, but the
authorities have not actively enforced them.
The Government permits but discourages conversion to religions other than Islam.
Some states have long proscribed by law proselytizing of Muslims, and other parts
of the country strongly discouraged it as well.
In March the Government proposed creating a federal-level Islamic law attorney
general and "harmonizing" the various states' Islamic law at the federal level. Dis-
cussion of this proposal intensified aft^r an incident in July when several Malay
women participating in a beauty contest were arrested in the state of Selangor for
breaking Islamic law. The proposal has not yet been implemented.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens generally have the right to travel within the country and live
and work where they please, but the (jovemment restricts these rights in some cir-
cumstances. The east Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak have the independent
right to control immigration into their territories and to require citizens from penin-
sular west Malaysia and foreigners to present passports or national identity cards
for entry. In December the Sabah state government ordered the expulsion of a West
Malaysian attorney who had previously been involved in several lawsuits against
the state government. The federal (Jovemment regulates the internal movement of
provisionally released ISA detainees. It also limits the movement of some released
ISA detainees to a designated city or state. The (jovemment also uses the Re-
stricted Residence Act to limit movements of those suspected of some criminal ac-
tivities (see Section l.d.).
The (jovemment generally does not restrict emigration. Citizens are free to travel
abroad, although in some cases in the past, the Government has refused to issue
or has withhela passports on security grounds or in the belief that the trip would
be detrimental to the country's image. The Grovemment usually takes such action
because of suspected drug trafficking or other serious crimes.
Citizens must apply for the (jovernment's permission to travel to Israel. Travel
to Jerusalem for religious purposes is explicitly allowed.
About 1.7 million foreign workers are concentrated primarily in low-skill iobs. The
Human Resources Ministry estimated that as much as 90 percent of the labor force
in the plantation sector is foreign. The majoritv of foreign workers may be in the
country illegally. Some illegal workers eventually are able to regularize their immi-
gration status, others depart voluntarily after a few months, and some are formally
deported as illegal migrants.
The (Government cooperates with the ofiice of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees.
There were no reports of the forced expulsion of persons with a valid claim to refu-
gee status. Over the past 22 years, Malaysia gave first asylum to approximately
264,000 Vietnamese. In 1996 Malaysia closed its last camp for Vietnamese refugees.
Only a handful of Vietnamese asylum seekers remain in Malaysia. The rest have
returned voluntarily to Vietnam or resettled in third countries.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
By law citizens have the right to change their government through periodic elec-
tions, which are procedurally free and fair, with votes recorded accurately. In prac-
tice, however, it is difficult for opposition parties to compete on equal terms with
the governing coalition (which has held power at the national level since 1957) be-
cause of legal restrictions on campaigning, as well as restrictions on freedom of asso-
g45
elation and of the press. Nevertheless, opposition candidates campaign actively and
agree that the voting and counting of votes are relatively free ancf fair. The Govern-
ment coalition controls 12 of 13 states. An Islamic opposition party controls the
northern state of Kelantan.
Malaysia has a parliamentary system of government. National elections, required
at least every 5 years, have been held regularly since independence in 1957. In the
1995 general election the ruling coalition won an overwhelming victory, increasing
its percentage of seats in Parliament to 82 p>ercent. Several members of the opposi-
tion camp have since joined the coalition, increasing its representation in the Par-
liament to approximately 88 percent. The Malay-based United Malay National Or-
ganization (UMNO) party dominates the ruling National Front coalition. Within the
UMNO there is active political debate.
The Parliament in 1995 passed amendments to its rules that strengthen the
power of the Speaker and curb parliamentary procedures heavily used by the oppo-
sition The amendments empowered the Speaker to ban unruly opposition Members
of Parliament for up to 10 days, imposed limits on their ability to pose supple-
mentary questions and revisit nongermane issues, and established restrictions on
the tabling of questions of public importance. The amendments have restricted the
opposition's ability to criticize the Government in Parliament. Nonetheless, govern-
ment officials often face sharp questioning in Parliament, although this usually is
not reported in detail in the press.
Women face no legal limits on participation in government and politics, but there
are practical impediments. Women are represented in senior leadership positions in
the Government in small numbers, including two cabinet-level ministers. Women
hold 15 of 192 seats in the elected lower house of Parliament and 13 of 69 seats
in the appointed upper house. Women also hold high-level judgeships.
Ethnic minorities are represented in cabinet-level positions in government, as well
as in senior civil service positions. Nevertheless, the political dominance of the
Malay majority means in practice that ethnic Malays hold the most powerful senior
leadership positions. Non-Malays fill 9 of the 28 cabinet posts. Ethnic Chinese lead-
ers of component parties of the ruling coalition hold executive power in the states
of Penang and Sabah.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The National Human Rights Association, a private organization, publicly criticizes
the Government, as do other NGO's, although it does not conduct investigations ex-
cept in response to individual complaints. It seeks repeal of the ISA and is review-
ing opposition-controlled Kelantan's efforts to impose Islamic-inspired restrictions in
that state.
A number of other organizations, including the Bar Council and public interest
groups, devote considerable attention to human rights. The Government generally
tolerates their eictivities but rarely responds to their inquiries or occasional press
statements. Officials criticize local groups for collaborating with international
human rights organizations.
NGO's are active and critical of the Government. However, the authorities still
accuse some NGO's of painting a negative picture of the country to the outside
world. Although the Government did not place any restrictions on their activities,
in 1996 it announced that it might require NGO's to register under the more restric-
tive Societies Act rather than the Companies Act (see Section 2. a.).
There was concern among NGO's that the (jovemment's case against prominent
NGO activist Irene Fernandez, under the PVinting Presses and Publications Act,
might inhibit the willingness and ability of NGO's to speak out against the (jovem-
ment (see Section I.e.).
NGO organizers of a planned conference on police abuse canceled the meeting
after the Government warned of possible prosecution under the ISA (see Section
l.d.).
The Government has not acceded to any major international treaty on human
rights, generally maintaining that such issues are internal matters. It rejects criti-
cism of its human rights record by international human rights organizations and
foreign governments and has blocked registration of a local chapter of Amnesty
International.
In July the Prime Minister endorsed the suggestion that the Universal Declara-
tion of Human Rights should be reviewed to reflect different countries' values. The
Prime Minister and the Foreign Ministry have since raised this idea with other na-
tions.
846
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal protection under the law and prohibits dis-
crimination against citizens on the basis of religion, race, descent, or place of birth.
Although neither the Constitution nor laws explicitly prohibit discrimination on the
basis 01 sex or disabilities, the Government has made efforts to eliminate discrimi-
nation against women emd the disabled. Government policies include preferences for
ethnic Malays in housing, home ownership, the awarding of government contracts,
educational scholarships, and other areas.
Women. — Government leaders have identified domestic violence as a continuing
social ill. In June Minister of National Unity and Social Development Datin Paduka
Zaleha Ismail accused police of failing to act on reports of domestic violence. Police
officials denied this. The 1994 Domestic Violence Act offers a broad definition of do-
mestic violence, gives powers to the courts to protect victims, and provides for com-
pensation and counseling for victims. Those covered under the bill include a spouse,
a former spouse, a child, an incapacitated adult, or any other member of the family.
NGO's concerned about women's issues advocate legislative and social reforms to
improve the status of women. These groups raise issues such as violence against
women, trafficking in women and young girls, employment opportunities with equal
pay, and greater participation by women in decisionmaking positions. Women's is-
sues continued to receive prominent coverage in public seminars and the media.
The cultural and religious traditions of tne major ethnic groups heavily influence
the condition of women in society. In family and religious matters, Muslim women
are subject to Islamic law. Polygyny is allowed and practiced to a limited dcCTee,
and inheritance law favors male ofispring and relatives. The Islamic Family Law
was revised in 1989 to provide better protection for the property rights of married
Muslim women and to make more ecjuitable a Muslim woman's right to divorce. The
small number of women obtaining divorces under the provisions of Islamic law that
allow for divorce without the husband's consent is steadily increasing.
Non-Muslim women are subject to civil law. Changes in the Civil Marriage and
Divorce Act in the early 1980's increased protection ofmarried women's rights, espe-
cially those married under customary rites.
Government policy supports women's full and equal participation in education and
the work force. Women are represented in growing numbers in the professions, but
women's groups argue that the level of participation is still disproportionately low.
In the scientific and medical fields, women make up more than nan of all university
graduates and the total intake of women into universities increased from 29 percent
in 1970 to one-half of the student population in recent years. The participation of
women in the labor force increased from 37 percent in 1970 to almost one-half in
1997.
In the opposition-controlled state of Kelantan, the state government has imposed
restrictions on all female workers, including non-Muslims. Female workers cannot
work at night and are restricted in the dress hey may wear in the workplace. The
state government justifies these restrictions as reflecting Islamic values.
Children. — ^The Government is committed to children's rights and welfare; it
spends roughly 20 percent of its budget on education. The Government has taken
some steps to deal with the problem of child abuse. Parliament passed the Chil-
dren's PrtDtection Act in 1991, effective in 1993. The Domestic Violence Act, which
covers children, provides protection against child abuse. The police proposed tougher
measures to deal with the crime of incest.
Although statistics are not available, the incidence of child prostitution appears
to have ^creased in recent years. Women's organizations still highlight the continu-
ing problem of trafficking in underage girls. Police frequently raid brothels and
prosecute some brothel owners.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not discriminate against phys-
ically disabled persons in employment, education, and provision of other state serv-
ices. However, public transportation, public buildings, and other facilities are not
adapted to the needs of the disabled, and the Government has not mandated acces-
sibility for the disabled. Special education schools exist, but they are not sufficient
to meet the needs of the disabled population. The Government and the general pub-
lic are becoming more sensitive to the needs of the physically disabled. The Govern-
ment has taken initiatives to make public facilities more accessible to disabled per-
sons, and has increased budgetary allotments for programs aimed at aiding them.
New commuter trains, for example, are being made wheelchair accessible. The Gov-
ernment also provides incentives for employers to offer employment opportunities
for the disabled.
Indigenous People. — Indigenous groups and persons generally enjoy the same con-
stitutional rights as the rest of the population. In practice, federal laws pertaining
847
to indigenous people vest almost total power in the Minister of National Unity and
Social Development to protect, control, and otherwise decide issues concerning them.
As a result, indigenous people have very little ability to participate in decisions.
Under the Aboriginal People s Act, indigenous people (known as Orang Asli) had no
right to own land. The law did not permit Orang Asli in peninsular Malaysia who
had been granted land on a gi^up basis to own land on an individual basis or to
receive titles to land. The Social Development Ministry announced in March 1996
that state governments, which make decisions affecting land rights, had agreed to
issue titles to Orang Asli. Amendments were drafted to enable Orang Asli to hold
titles on an individual basis. Some Orang Asli welcomed this development while oth-
ers expressed reservations, saying that individual land titles might divide and
weaken Orang Asli conununities.
The indigenous people in peninsular Malaysia, who number fewer than 100,000,
are the poorest group in the country; however, according to government oflicials,
Orang Asli are gradually catching up to other citizens in their standard of living,
and the percentage of Orang Asli who were still leading a nomadic lifestyle has
dropped to less than 40 percent. The Government has said that allowing Orang Asli
to own land in peninsular Malaysia would enhance their economic standing.
In east Malaysia, although state law recognizes the right of indigenous people to
land under "native customary rights," the definition and extent of these lands are
in dispute. Indigenous people in the state of Sarawak continued to protest the al-
leged encroachment by state and private logging and plantation companies onto
land that they consider theirs because of customary rights. A lai^e project (Bakun
dam) in Sarawak that would involve resettlement of a large number of residents in
the area has raised several controversial questions regarding land disputes as well
as potential environmental problems. NGO's and opposition politicians have called
on the Government to address these issues before proceeding with the project. Al-
though economic conditions late in the year forced the indefinite postponement of
dam construction, Sarawak officials said in September that resettlement continues.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Government implements extensive pref-
erential programs designed to boost the economic position of the Malay majority,
which remains poorer on average than the Chinese minority, despite the formei^s
political dominance. Such preferential programs and policies limit opportunities for
non-Malays in higher education, government employment, business permits and li-
censes, and ownership of newly developed agricultural lands. Indian Malaysians
continue to lag behind in the country's economic development. According to the Gov-
ernment, these programs have been instrumental in ensuring ethnic harmony and
political stability.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — By law most woriters have the right to engage in
trade union activity, and approximately 10 percent of the work force belongs to
trade unions. Exceptions include certain limited categories of workers labeled con-
fidential" and "managerial and executive," as well as defense and police officials.
Within certain limitations, unions may organize workplaces, bargain collectively
with employers, and associate with national federations.
The Industrial Relations Act prohibits interfering with, restraining, or coercing a
worker in the exercise of the right to form trade unions or in participating in lawful
trade union activities. The Trade Unions Act, however, restricts a union to rep-
resenting workers in a "particular establishment, trade, occupation, or industry or
within any similar trades, occupations, or industries," contrary to International
Labor Organization (ILO) guidelines. The Director General of Trade Unions may
refuse to register a trade union and, in some circumstances, may also withdraw the
registration of a trade union. When registration has been refused, withdrawn, or
canceled, a trade union is considered an unlawful association. The Government jus-
tifies its overall labor policies by positing that a "social compact" exists wherein the
Government, employer, and worker are part of an overall effort to create jobs, train
workers, boost productivity and profitability, and ultimately provide the resources
necessary to fund human resource development and a national social safety net.
Trade unions from different industries may join in national congresses, but must
register as societies under the Societies Act (see Section 2.b.). In 1996 the Malaysian
Labor Organization, which had split from the Malaysian Trade Union Congress
(MTUC) in 1990, officially merged with it again, thus reunifying the principal labor
organizations.
Government policy discourages the formation of national unions in the electronics
sector; the Government believes that enterprise-level unions are more appropriate
for this sector. In May the MTUC dropped its long-standing objection to restricting
848
the electronics sector to enterprise-level unions. The MTUC stated that it would be
better for the workers to have the in-house unions 'H.han none at all."
Unions maintain independence both from the Government and from political par-
ties, but individual union members may belong to political parties. Altnoueh union
officers may not hold principal offices in political parties, individual trade union
leaders have served in Parliament as opposition members. Trade unions are free to
associate with national labor societies that exercise many of the responsibilities of
national labor unions, although they cannot bargain for local unions. In 1997 long-
time labor leader Zainal Rampak applied to join tne ruling party.
Although strikes are legal, the right to strike is severely restricted. The law con-
tains a list of "essential services" in which unions must give advance notice of any
industrial action. The list includes sectors not normally deemed essential under ILO
definitions.
The Industrial Relations Act of 1967 requires the parties to notify the Ministry
of Human Resources that a dispute exists before any industrial action (strike or
lockout) may be taken. The Ministry's Industrial Relations Department then may
become actively involved in conciliation efforts. If conciliation fails to achieve settle-
ment, the Minister has the power to refer the dispute to the Industrial Court.
Strikes or lockouts are prohibited while the dispute is before the Industrial Court.
According to 1994 data, the Industrial Court found for labor in 62 percent of its
cases and for management in 14 percent. The remaining 24 percent were settled out
of court. Figures for 1995 and 1996 are not available. The Industrial Relations Act
firohibits employers from taking retribution against a worker for participating in the
awful activities of a trade union. Where a strike is legal, these provisions would
prohibit employer retribution against strikers and leaders. Although some trade
unions question their effectiveness, it is not possible to assess fully whether these
firovisions are being effectively enforced, given the limited number of cases of al-
eged retribution.
There are two national labor organizations. The MTUC is a federation of mainly
private sector unions. CUEPACS is a federation of civil servant and teacher unions.
Public servants have the right to organize at the level of ministries and depart-
ments. There are three national joint councils representing management and profes-
sional civil servants, technical employees, and nontechnical workers.
Enterprise unions can associate with international labor bodies and actively do so.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers have the legal right
to organize and bargain collectively, and collective bargaining is widespread in those
sectors where labor is organized. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by em-
ployers against union members and organizers. Charges of discrimination majr be
filed with the Ministry of Human Resources or the Industrial Court. When concilia-
tion efforts by the Ministry of Human Resources fail, critics say that the Industrial
Court is slow in adjudicating worker complaints. Other critics point out, however,
that the Industrial Court almost always sides with the workers in disputes.
Companies in free trade zones (FTZ's) must observe labor standards identical to
those in the rest of the country. Many workers at FTZ companies are organized, es-
pecially in the textile and electrical products sectors. During 1993 the Government
proposed amendments to the Industrial Relations Act to remove previous restric-
tions on concluding collective agreements about terms and conditions of service in
"pioneer industries." Legislation to address this issue was introduced and subse-
quently withdrawn in late 1994 by the Ministry of Human Resources to take into
account other developments in the labor sector. The legislation was not reintro-
duced. The ILO continues to object to legal restrictions on collective bargaining.
Foreign workers are not allowed to join trade unions. The MTUC saidin May that
foreign workers should be unionized. The Government responded that "it did not en-
courage" foreign workers to join unions and that labor laws were adequate to protect
foreign workers' interests.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, and there is no evidence it occurs. In theory, certain laws allow
the use of imprisonment with compulsory labor as a punishment for persons ex-
pressing views opposed to the established order or who participate in strikes. The
Government maintains that the constitutional prohibition renders these laws with-
out effect. The constitutional prohibition applies as well to forced and bonded labor
by children, and it is not practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Chil-
dren and Young Persons (Employment) Act of 1966 prohibits the employment of
children younger than the age of 14. The act permits some exceptions, such as light
work in a family enterprise, work in public entertainment, worK performed for the
Government in a school or training institutions, or work as an approved apprentice.
In no case may children work more than 6 hours per day, more than 6 days per
849
week, or at night. Ministry of Human Resources inspectors enforce these legal provi-
sions. In December 1994, a Japanese electronics firm was fined $5,400 for violating
the Children and Young Persons Act. This was the first time that a large firm had
been fined under the act.
Child labor is stiU occurring in certain sectors of the country. A joint report by
the Intemationail Confederation of Free Trade Unions and the Asian and Pacific Re-
gional Organization put the child work force at 75,000. However, government ofli-
cials maintain that tnis figure is outdated, since it was based on a nationwide sur-
vey of child labor undertaken in 1980, which estimated that more than 73,400 chil-
dren between the ages of 10 and 14 were employed full time. NGO survejrs indicate
that most child laborers work on agricultural estates, but there are indications that
some are being employed in small factories. Government officials do not deny the
existence of cmld labor but maintain that foreign workers have largely replaced
child labor and that the Government vigorously enforces child labor provisions.
Forced and bonded labor by children (and adults) is constitutionally prohibited, and
does not occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no national minimum wage, but the
Wage Councils Act provides for a minimum wage in those sectors or regions of the
country where a need exists. Under the law, workers in an industry who believe
that they need the protection of a minimum wage may request that a "wage council"
be established. About 150,000 workers in the labor force of 8 million are covered
by minimum wages set by wage councils. Representatives from labor, management,
and the Government sit on the wage councils. The minimum wages set by wage
councils generally do not provide for a decent standard of living for a worker and
family. However, prevailing wages, even in the sectors covered by wage councils, are
higher than the minimum wages set by the wage councils and do provide a decent
living.
Under the Employment Act of 1955, working hours may not exceed 8 hours p)er
day or 48 hours per workweek of 6 days. Each workweek must include one 24-hour
rest period. The act also sets overtime rates and mandates public holidays, annual
leave, sick leave, and maternity allowances. The Labor Department of the Ministry
of Human Resources enforces these standards, but a shortage of inspectors pre-
cludes strict enforcement. In 1993 Parliament adopted a new Occupational Safety
and Health Act (OSHA), which covers all sectors of the economy, except the man-
time sector and the military. The act established a national Occupational Safety and
Health Council, composed of workers, employers, and government representatives,
to set policy and coordinate occupational safety and health measures. It requires
employers to identify risks and take precautions, including providing safety training
to workers, and compels companies having more than 40 workers to establish joint
management-employee safety committees. The act requires workers to use safety
equipment and to cooperate with employers to create a safe, healthy workplace.
Trade unions maintain that relatively few committees have been established and,
even in cases where they exist, that they meet infrequently and are generally inef-
fective.
There are no specific statutory or regulatory provisions that provide a right for
workers to remove themselves from dangerous workplace conditions without arbi-
trary dismissal. Employers or employees violating the OSHA are subject to substan-
tial fines or imprisonment for up to 5 years.
Significant numbers of contract workers, including numerous illegal immigrants,
work on plantations and in other sectors. Working conditions on plantations for
these laborers compare poorly with those of direct hire plantation workers, many
of whom belong to the National Union of Plantation Workers. Moreover, immigrant
workers in the construction and other sectors, particularly if they are illegal aliens,
generally do not have access to the system of labor adjudication, (jovemment inves-
tigations into this problem have resulted in a number of steps to eliminate the
abuse of contract latwr. For example, besides expanding programs to regularize the
status of immigrant workers, the Government investigates complaints of abuses, en-
deavors to inform workers of their rights, encourages workers to come forward with
their complaints, and warns employers to end abuses. Like other employers, labor
contractors may be prosecuted for violating the labor laws.
MARSHALL ISLANDS
The Republic of the Marshall Islands, a self-governing nation under the Compact
of Free Association with the United States, is composed of 34 atolls in the central
Pacific, with a total land area of about 70 square miles. The approximately 56,000
850
inhabitants are of Micronesian origin and concentrated primarily on Majuro and
Kwajalein atolls.
The Constitution provides for free and fair elections, executive and legislative
branches, and an independent judiciary. The legislature consists of the Nitijela, a
33-member Parliament, and a Council of Chiefs (Iroij), which serves a largely con-
sultative function dealing with custom and traditional practice. The President is
elected by majority Nitijela vote and he appoints his Cabinet from its membership.
The Government attempts to influence judicial matters.
Under the Compact of Free Association, the United States is responsible for de-
fense and national security, and the Marshall Islands has no external security force
of its own. The national and local police forces have responsibility for internal secu-
rity. These agencies honor constitutional and legal civil rights protections in execut-
ingtheir responsibilities.
The economy depends mainly on transfer payments from the United States. Coco-
nut oil and copra exports, a small amount of tourism, import and income taxes, and
fishing licensing fees generate limited revenues.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, and the law
and judiciary provide effective means of dealing with individual instances of abuse.
However, government influence leads to occasional media self-censorship, and also
affects judicial matters. There were instances of denial of due process for detainees.
Violence against women and child abuse are problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution expressly forbids such practices, and there were no reports that
officials employed them. Prison conditions, while Spartan, meet minimal inter-
national standards. The Government permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government generally observes this prohibition.
One case of arbitrary detention resulted in denying a prisoner for 8 months his right
to hear charges against him and his right to a prompt judicial determination of the
legality of the detention. In 10 other reported cases, each lasting up to 1 month,
persons were denied their rights to be charged or released within a period of time,
or to be informed of the charges.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. However, the Government attempts to influence judicial matters. The legisla-
ture, for example amended the Judiciary Act to resolve any inconsistency between
the rule of the court and an act of the legislature in favor of acts of the legislature.
It also made signiflcant changes to the country's civil rules and process apparently
without counsel or consideration of the effects on the court system or the populace.
The Constitution provides for the right to a fair trial, and the Government gen-
erally respects this right.
The judiciary consists of a Supreme Court with appellate jurisdiction, a High
Court with general jurisdiction in civil and criminal matters and appellate jurisdic-
tion over subordinate courts at the district and community levels, and a Traditional
Rights Court with jurisdiction in cases involving matters of customary law and tra-
ditional practice.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for freedom from such practices, government authorities re-
spect these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government generally honors these rights in practice. How-
ever, government influence leads to occasional self-censorship by the media in areas
of political or cultural sensitivity.
There is a privately owned weekly with articles and opinions in both English and
the Marshallese language.
The Government publishes a monthly gazette containing official news and notices
only.
851
There are four radio stations, one government owned and three privately owned.
There is a cable television company that normally shows U.S. programming but oc-
casionally covers local events.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly and association, and this is observed in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — tlie Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
There are no recent reports of refugees. The Government has not formulated a
policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first asylum.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right through periodic elections. The Nitijela
(Parliament) and mayors are elected by secret ballot every four years with universal
suffrage for citizens 18 years of age and older. The President is selected by the
Nitijela from among its 33 members. Ten Cabinet Ministers are then selected by the
President from among his closes supporters in the Nitijela. Executive power is cen-
tralized in the president and his cabinet. This elite group dominates the legislature
as well. There are no restrictions on the formation of political parties, but no formal
parties exist. Political activity by foreigners is prohibited.
There are no legal impediments to women's participation in government and poli-
tics. One woman nolds a deputy minister position, and a woman is acting mayor
of Majuro. Society is matrilineal, and those men and women who exercise tradi-
tional leadership and land ownership powers base their rights either on their own
positions in the family, or on relationships deriving from their mother's and sister's
lineage. Urbanization, however, and the movement away from the lands they con-
trol, IS leading to a decline in the traditional authority previously exercised by
women. Women's cultural responsibilities and traditionally passive roles are not
seen to be managerial or executive in nature, and they remain underrepresented in
Parliament and other government positions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigations of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
While there are no official restrictions, no local nongovernmental human rights
organizations have been formed. No international human rights organization has ex-
pressed interest or concern or visited the country.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cicd Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, race, color, lan-
Oe, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, place of birth,
ly status or descent, and the Government generally respects these provisions.
Women. — The Government identifies spousal abuse as increasingly common. Wife
beating is not condoned in society, and most assaults occur while the assailant is
under the influence of alcohol. The Government's health office provides counseling
for reported spouse and child abuse cases, but advises that many cases go unre-
ported. Assault is a criminal offense, but women involved in domestic violence are
reluctant to prosecute spouses in the court system. Women's groups publicize wom-
en's issues and attempt to create a greater awareness of the rights of women. Vio-
lence against women outside the family occurs, and women in the urban centers
would assume a risk by going out alone after dark.
Inheritance of property and of traditional rank is matrilineal, with women occupy-
ing positions of importance within the traditional system. No instances of unequal
pay for equal work or sex-related job discrimination were reported. However, wnile
women workers are very prevalent in the private sector, many of them are in low
paying iobs with little hope of advancement.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's welfare through its pro-
Sams of health care and free education, but these have not been adequate to meet
e needs of the country's sharply increasing population.
It is estimated that up to 20 percent of elementary school age children are not
enrolled in school. The Government's enrollment report indicates that only two-
thirds of those completing eighth grade attend high school. Of that number, 50 per-
cent eventually graduate.
852
Child abuse and neglect are criminal offenses. Although the Government has rati-
fied the Convention on the Rights of the Child, awareness of the Convention and
its provisions remain low at the community level. The law requires teachers,
caregivers, and other persons to report instances of child abuse and exempts them
from civil or criminal liability as a consequence of making such a report. However,
there are few reports and few prosecutions. Child abuse and neglect are considered
to be on the increase. Apparently contributing to the problem are the influences on
family life and traditional values arising from increased urbanization, unemploy-
ment, population pressures, two-earner households, and the availability of gambling
and alcohol.
People With Disabilities. — ^There is no apparent discrimination against disabled
persons in employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. There
are no building codes, and there is no legislation mandating access for the disabled.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^The Constitution provides for the right of free asso-
ciation in general, and the Government interprets this right as allowing the exist-
ence of labor unions, although none has been formed to date. The Constitution does
not provide for the ri^t to strike, and the Government has not addressed this issue.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^There is no legislation con-
cerning collective bargaining or trade union organization. However, there are no im-
pediments to the organization of trade unions or to collective bargaining. Wages in
the cash economy are determined by maiicet factors in accordance with the mini-
mum wage and other laws.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits invol-
untary servitude, and there is no evidence of its practice. The law does not specifi-
cally prohibit forced and bonded labor by children but such practices are not known
to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but such practices
are not known to occur (see Section 6.c.).
The law does not prohibit the employment of children. Children are not typically
employed in the wage economy, but some assist their families with fishing, agri-
culture, and other small-scale domestic enterprises. The law requires compulsory
education for children from 6 to 14 years of age; but the Government does not en-
force this law due to a lack of classrooms and teachers. There is no law or regulation
setting a minimum age for employment of children.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is a government-specified minimum
wage established by law, and it is adequate to maintain a decent standard of living
in this subsistence economy where extended families are expected to help less fortu-
nate members. The minimum wage for all government and private sector employees
is $2.00 per hour. (The U.S. dollar is the local currency.) The Ministry of Resources
and Development oversees minimum wage regulations, and its oversight has been
deemed adequate. Foreign employees and Marshallese trainees of private employers
who have invested in or established a business in the country are exempt from mini-
mum wage requirements. This exemption does not affect a significant segment of
the work force.
There is no legislation concerning maximum hours of work or occupational safety
and health. Most businesses are closed and people generally refrain from work on
Sunday.
A government labor ofiice makes recommendations to the Nitijela on working con-
ditions, i.e., minimum wage, legal working hours and overtime payments, and occu-
pational health and safety standards in accordance with International Labor Orga-
nization conventions. The office periodically convenes board meetings that are open
to the public. There is no legislation specifically giving workers the right to remove
themselves from situations which endanger their health or safety without jeopardy
to their continued employment, and there is no legislation protecting workers who
file complaints about such conditions.
FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA
The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is composed of 607 small islands ex-
tending over a large area of the central Pacific. Four states — Chunk (formerly Truk),
Kosrae, Pohnpei, and Yap — make up the federation. The population is estimated at
106,000, mostly of Micronesian origin. The four states were part of the Trust Terri-
853
tory of the Pacific Islands and were administered by the United States from 1947
to 1986 pursuant to an tigreement with the United Nations.
Political legitimacy rests on the popular will expressed by a majority vote through
elections in accordance with the Constitution. There are three branches of govern-
ment: An executive branch led by a president who also serves as head of state, a
unicameral legislature elected from the four constituent states, and a judicial sys-
tem that applies criminal and civil laws and procedures closely paralleling those of
the United States.
Under the Compact of Free Association, the United States is responsible for de-
fense. The FSM has no security forces of its own, aside from local police and other
law enforcement officers, all of whom are firmly under the control of the civil au-
thorities.
The economy depends heavily on transfer payments from the United States, fish-
ing, tourism, and subsistence agriculture.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens. However, The
Government's actions during the year called into question its support for freedom
of the press. Traditional customs sustain a value system that distinguishes between
people on the basis of social status and sex. There is evidence of some increase in
both spousal abuse and child neglect. So far neither the Government nor other orga-
nizations have successfully filled the role of the traditional extended family in pro-
tecting and supporting its members.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There was no known incidence of torture or other cruel, inhuman, or degrading
treatment or punishment.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards. There are no local orga-
nizations concerning themselves solely with human rights, and the question of visits
by human ri^ts monitors has not arisen.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Legal procedures, for the most part pat-
terned after U.S. law, provide for due process, which is carefully observed. There
is no governmental use of exile for political purposes.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — TTie Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and it is independent in practice.
The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is appointed by the President, with the
advice and consent of the Congress.
Public trial is provided for in the Bill of Rights, and trials are conducted fairly.
Juveniles may have closed hearings. Despite these provisions, cultural resistance to
litigation and incarceration as methods of maintaining public order have allowed
some to act with impunity. Serious cases of sexual and other assault and even mur-
der have not gone to trial, and suspects are routinely released indefinitely.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such arbitrary interference, and in practice there is none.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for these rights. A
recent major test of their application, however, called into question the Govern-
ment's concrete support for tnose rights, and whether they cover all — or only non-
controversial and nonadversarial — speech and publishing, fn recent years the FSNTs
only regular nongovernment printed news source has been the FSM News, edited
and written by Canadian citizen Sherry O'SuUivan. The monthly was primarily
noted for its reporting on alleged instances of government malfeasance. In March
the Congress unanimously passed a resolution that O'SuUivan be declared an "unde-
sirable alien;" she was later fired from her editorial position, and subsequently
brought suit against her former business partners and several government rep-
resentatives for libel. In accordance with the law, which requires departure when
work contracts end, O'SuUivan left the country, but asked to return in order to con-
tinue publishing with new backers. This permission was refused by the President,
who cited her afleged violation of immigration regulations as the reason for the deci-
sion. The Supreme Court later denied the application for even limited entry in con-
nection with her pending lawsuit. The decisions of the Government to remove
O'SuUivan and subsequently deny her reentry appeared directly linked to her pub-
854
lishing activities, and aimed at stifling investigation and criticism of government ac-
tivities and figures.
Each of the four state governments controls a radio station broadcasting primarily
in the local language. Local television programming in some states shows
videotaped and occasionally live coverage oi local sports and political and cultural
events. Subscription cable television, showing major U.S. programming, is available
in Chunk and Pohnpei. Religious groups operate private radio stations. The national
Government and the four states publisn newsletters.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Bill of Rights provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly and association, and the Government respects these
in practice. During political campaigns, citizens often question candidates at public
meetings. Formal associations are uncommon in Micronesia, but student organiza-
tions exist.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Bill of Rights forbids establishment of a state reli-
gion and ffovemmental restrictions on freedom of religion. The (Jovemment respects
uiis freecfom in practice; it is hospitable to diverse religions, and missionaries of
many faiths work within the nation.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution has specific provisions for freedom of movement with-
in the FSM. It is silent on foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, but in prac-
tice none of these is restricted.
There have been no refugees or asylum seekers in the FSM, and the Government
has not formulated a policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first asylum.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Congress is elected bv popular vote from each state; the Congress then choos-
es the President and Vice pTesiaent from among its four at-large senators by major-
ity vote. State governors, state legislators, and municipal governments are all elect-
ed by direct popular vote. Political campaigning is unrestricted, and, as there are
no establishea political parties, political support is generally courted from among
family and allied clan groupings.
Although there are no restrictions on the formation of political groups, there have
been no significant efforts to form political parties.
Cultural factors in the male-dominated society have limited women's representa-
tion in government and politics. Although women are represented in mid-level posi-
tions at both the federal and state level, there are no women in leadership roles at
the highest government levels.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There were no known reouests for investigations of alleged human rights viola-
tions. While there are no ofiicial restrictions, there are no local groups exclusively
concerned with human rights. There are, however, women's groups which concern
themselves with rights for women and children.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Although the Constitution provides explicit protection against discrimination
based on race, sex, language, or religion, there is extensive societal discrimination,
notably discrimination and violence against women. Government enforcement of
these constitutional protections is weak.
Women. — Most violence against women occurs in the family context. In the tradi-
tional Micronesian extended family unit, spouses and children were accorded strong
protections from violence, abuse, and neglect. These were deemed offenses against
the family, not just the individuals, and were dealt with by a complex system of fa-
milial sanctions. With increasing urbanization and monetarization of the FSM econ-
omy, however, more and more emphasis has been placed on the nuclear family, and
the traditional methods of coping with family discord are breaking down. So far, no
government agency, including the police, has been successful in replacing that ex-
tended family system or in addressing the issue of familial violence directly.
Incidents of both reported and unreported spousal abuse, often of increasing se-
verity, continue to rise. Effective prosecution of^such offenses is rare. In many cases
the victim is pressured by family, or fears of further assault, or is convinced that
the police will not actively involve themselves in what is seen as a private, family
problem, and decides against pressing legal charges. There are no laws against do-
mestic abuse, and no governmental or private facilities to shelter ana support
women in abusive situations.
855
There are also a growing number of cases of physical and sexual assaults against
women outside the family context. These assaults are perpetrated against both citi-
zens and foreigners. Unmarried women are sometimes considered to have invited
such violence by living, traveling, or socializing alone.
Women have equal rights under the law, and there are no cultural or institutional
barriers to education and employment. Women receive equal pay for equal work;
they are well-represented in the lower and middle ranks of government, although
there are no women at the highest levels of government. Women are active and in-
creasingly successful in private business and enterprise. There has been a National
Women's Advisory Council in existence since 1992, and there are several small non-
governmental groups interested in women's issues, particularly ones associated with
spousal and family violence and abuse.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's welfare through its pro-
grams of health care and education, but these have not been adequate to meet the
needs of the country's sharply growing population in an environment in which the
extended family is breaking down.
People With Disabilities. — Neither laws nor regulations mandate accessibility to
public buildings and services for the disabled. Schools have established special edu-
cation classes to address problems encountered by those who exhibit learning dis-
abilities, although such classes are completely dependent on outside funding
sources.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The FSM prohibits non-Micronesians from
purchasing land in the FSM, and the national Congress grants citizenship to non-
Micronesians only by individual acts. For the most part, however, non-Micronesians
share fully in the social and cultural life of the FSM.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Under the Bill of Rights, citizens have the right to
form or join associations, and national government employees by law may form asso-
ciations to "present their views ' to the Government. However, as yet, neither asso-
ciations nor trade unions have been formed in this largely nonindustrial society.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — There is no law dealing spe-
cifically with trade unions or with the right to collective bargaining. Wages are set
by individual employers, the largest of which are the national and state govern-
ments. The Government is not a member of the International Labor Organization.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution specifically pro-
hibits involuntary servitude, and there is no evidence of its practice. Children are
not specifically cited in this prohibition, but forced and bonded labor by children is
not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Neither
the Constitution nor the law specifically prohibits forced and bonded labor by chil-
dren, but such practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.c.). There is no law
establishing a minimum age for employment of children. While in practice there is
no employment of children for wages, they oflen assist their families in subsistence
farming activities. The FSM does have a compulsory education law which requires
that all children begin school at the age of 6. Children may leave school when they
reach the age of 14 or after completing the eighth grade, whichever comes first.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The four state governments have established
minimum wage rates for government workers. Pohnpei has a minimum hourly wage
rate of $2.00 for government and $1.35 for private workers. The other three states
have established minimum hourly rates for only government workers, $1.25 for
Chuuk; $1.35 for Kosrae; and $0.80 for Yap. The minimum hourly wage for employ-
ment with the national Government is $1.68. These minimum wage structures and
the wages customarily paid to skilled workers are sufficient to provide an acceptable
standard of living under local conditions.
There are no laws regulating hours of work (although a 40-hour workweek is
standard practice) or prescribing standards of occupational safety and health. A fed-
eral regulation requires that employers provide a safe place of employment. The De-
partment of Health has no enforcement capability; working conditions vary in prac-
tice.
The FSM does not have any law for either the public or private sector which
would permit workers to remove themselves from dangerous work situations with-
out jeopardy to their continued employment.
856
MONGOLIA
Mongolia made further progress in its transition from a highly centralized Com-
munist-led state to a full-fledged, multiparty, parliamentary democracy, although
these gains stiU must be solidinea, and the process continues to evolve. The F*rune
Minister is nominated by the President and approved by the State Great Hural, the
national legislature. Mongolia's progress in the development of democratic institu-
tions was demonstrated by the unexpected June 1996 election defeat of the Mongo-
lian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP), which had been in power since 1921. "nie
MPRP accepted its defeat and has entered into its role in opposition. There are 12
political parties, 4 or which hold seats in the Hural.
Security forces are under civilian control; the Minister of Defense is the first civil-
ian to hold this post. The national police have primary responsibility for internal
security. The mihtary forces are responsible for external security, including border
security. Reduced government spending continued to force downsizing of the mili-
tary forces. The State Security Agency (SSA), formerly the Mongolian Central Intel-
ligence Agency (MCIA) is responsible for internal security; its head has ministerial
status and reports directly to the Prime Minister, a Hural committee oversees the
military forces, the police, and the SSA. Some members of the security forces com-
mitted occasional human rights abuses.
Despite reforms in the 1990's, most large economic entities remain under state
control; the Government plans to privatize 60 percent of these entities by 2000. The
economy continued to expand and strengthen, despite inflation of 23 percent. Mon-
golia remains a very poor country, with per capita income at approximately $340
per year. It relies heavily on foreign economic assistance. The mainstays of the econ-
omy continue to be copper production and other mining, livestock raising, which is
done bj^ a majority of the rural population, and related food-, wool-, and hide-proc-
essing industries, which meet both local needs and produce goods for export. A
growing trade and small entrepreneurial sector in the cities provides basic consumer
goods. Minerals, especially copper, comprise the bulk of export earnings. An unreli-
able energy system, a lack of^ transportation and other infrastructure, and a smaU
domestic martet discourage foreign investment.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens. Problems
remain, however, including occasional beatings of detainees and prisoners by mem-
bers of the security forces, poor prison conditions, restrictions on due process for de-
tainees, occasional government manipulation of the media, and violence against
women.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
Several dozen prisoners died in custody during the year, at least partially due to
inadeqpiate management and oversight by the authorities (see Section I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the Constitution forbids such practices, there were credible reports that
police and prison officials sometimes beat or otherwise physically abused prisoners
and detainees. F*rison facilities are poor — including insufficient food and heat — and
threaten the health of detainees. With the continuing rise in crime and subsequent
increase in the prison and pretrial detainee population, severe crowding in both
prisons and detention facilities is common, aggravating management and resource
problems.
The deaths of several dozen prisoners from undetermined health-related causes
appears at least partially attributable to negligence and inadequate oversight. How-
ever, there is no evidence of a pattern of deliberate abuse or of^ a policy of withhold-
ing food or other necessities as punishment.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides that no person
shall be searched, arrested, detained, or deprived of liberty except by law, but these
protections have not been fully codified. Under the Criminal Procedures Code, police
may arrest those caught committing a crime and hold them for up to 72 hours be-
fore the decision is taken to prosecute or release. A warrant must be issued by a
prosecutor for incarceration of longer duration or when the actual crime was not
witnessed. A detainee has the right to a defense attorney during this period and
during any subsequent stage of the legal process. If a defendant cannot anord a pri-
vate attorney, the State will appoint an attorney.
857
The Goveroment does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. The courts are independent, and there is no evidence that they discriminate
against any group, or that decisions are made for political reasons.
The court system consists of local courts, provincial courts, and the Supreme
Court. The 9-member Supreme Court is at the apex of the judicial system, hearing
appeals from lower courts and cases involving alleged misconduct by high-level ofli-
ciais. Local courts hear mostly routine criminal and civil cases; provincial courts
hear more serious cases such as rape, murder, and grand larceny and also serve as
the appeals court for lower court aecisions. A Constitutional Court, separate from
the criminal court system, has sole jurisdiction over constitutional questions. The
General Council of Courts, an independent administrative body, nominates can-
didates for vacancies on both the supreme and lower courts; the President has the
power to ratify or refuse to approve such nominations. The Council also is charged
with ensuring the rights of judges and providing for the independence of the judici-
ary.
All accused persons are provided due process, legal defense, and a public trial, al-
though closed proceedings are permitted in cases involving state secrets, rape cases
involving minors, and other cases provided by law. Defendants may question wit-
nesses and appeal decisions.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides that the State shall not interfere with the private beliefs and
actions of citizens, and the Government generally respects this in practice. The head
of the SSA mav, with the knowledge and consent of the Prime Minister, direct the
monitoring and recording of telephone conversations. The extent of such monitoring
is unknown. The MPRP accused the then-Mongolian Central Intelligence Agency of
spying on some of its members in November 1996. An investigation by the Hural
found the accusations to be true, and the head of the MCIA was fired. The MCIA
was reorganized and renamed.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for the ri^ts of free-
dom of speech, press, and expression. The Government generally respects these
rights in practice. An increasing variety of newspapers and other publications rep-
resent major political party viewpoints as well as independent views. However, both
state-controlled and independent media have been occasionally manipulated by the
State in order to put forward government policy. State-controlled media remain the
largest organizations by far. Independent media sometimes complain of unequal ac-
cess to government information and officials. One example of official manipulation
was a dispute between a private Western-Mongolian joint venture and the govern-
ment body responsible for oversight of such joint ventures. Editors of independent
media reported being threatened with charges of violating state secrets for having
reported on government electronic surveillance prior to the 1996 local elections. One
independent newspaper reported that its office telephones were monitored by gov-
ernment security forces.
Although in the past the Government controlled access to newsprint, all news-
papers now buy newsprint directly from private suppliers, and neither party-affili-
ated nor independent news media report difficulty securing an adequate supply. Due
to transportation difficulties, uneven postal service, and uuctuations in the amount
of newsprint available, access to a full range of publications is restricted in outlying
regions.
Libel laws are very generous to plaintiffs as well as a hurdle for small media. One
negative judgment can lead to bankruptcy, while the larger, state-owned media can
more readily sustain such adverse financial judgments.
There is a government-financed television station with countrywide reception ca-
pability, a limited-operation international joint venture private television channel,
a new private television station, and several radio stations in Ulaanbaatar. State-
owned radio is particularly important as the major source of news in the country-
side. Both official and private media present opposition and government news. Resi-
dents of Ulaanbaatar also have access to television. Citizens receive broadcasts from
China, Russia, Japan, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, the United States,
and other countries by commercial satellite and cable television systems. An esti-
mated 20 percent of households have television.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
858
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The Constitution provides for the right both to worship
and not to worship and expUcitly recognizes the separation of church and state. The
Government generaUy respects these provisions in practice. Althou^ Mongolia has
no official state religion, tne Government has contributed to the restoration of sev-
eral Buddhist sites. There are important religious, historical, and cultural centers.
It does not subsidize the Buddhist religion in other ways.
Although under the provisions of a 1993 law on relations between church and
state, the Crovemment may supervise and limit the numbers of both places of wor-
ship and clergy for organized religions; there are no reports that it has done so. Reli-
gious groups,Tiowever, must re^ster with the Ministry of Justice. Proselytizing is
allowea, although a Ministry of Education directive bans the mixing of foreign lan-
guage or other training with religious teaching or instruction. Contacts with coreli-
gionists outside the country are allowed.
The Government closed some Buddhist, Christian, and Bahai places of worship for
failing to register properly, and it prevented one foreign religious organization from
importing Mongohan language Christian videotapes and books for children. It re-
portedly did so Decause the organization tried to claim status as a nongovernmental
organization (NGO), rather than as a religious organization.
a. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement within the country
as well as the right to travel and return without restriction, and the Government
generally respects these rights in practice. By regulation some categories of foreign-
ers who wish to travel for more than 1 week must notify police authorities of their
projected destination.
liie Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees and
other humanitarian organizations in assisting remgees in the small number of cases
reported in which such status has been claimed. There were no reports of forced ex-
piusion of those having a valid claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
through periodic, free elections by secret ballot and universal suffrage. Presidential,
parliamentary, and local elections are held separately. In the May presidential elec-
tions, MPRP candidate Natsagiin Bagabanai defeated the incumbent President
Punsalmaagiin Ochirbat and a third candidate in elections that were free and fair,
mariring the third consecutive election — including 1996 parliamentary and local
elections — in which the governing party was defeated.
There are 12 registered political parties; 4 are represented in the Hural.
There are no legal impediments to the participation of women or minorities in
government and politics. Women are not represented in the highest levels of the
Government and in the highest echelons of the judiciary. Only 7 of 76 Hural mem-
bers are women. Although there are significant numbers of women in various mid-
level ministry positions, there are no women in the Cabinet or the Supreme or Con-
stitutional Courts. The low number of women at the highest levels of government
has several causes, including tradition and some degree oi discrimination by the vir-
tually all-male leadership structure.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their nndings on human rights cases. Government officials
are generally cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that ". . . no person shall be discriminated against on the
basis of ethnic origin, language, race, age, sex, social ori^n, or status," and that
". . . men and women shall he equal in political, economic, social, cultural fields,
and family." The Government generally eniorces these provisions in practice.
Women. — There is increasing public and media discussion of domestic violence, in-
cluding spousal and child abuse, after many years of government and societal de-
nial. Although there are no reliable or exact statistics regarding the extent of such
abuse, human rights groups, women's groups, resident diplomats, and other observ-
ers believe that it is a common phenomenon. The large economic and societal
changes underway have created new stresses on families, including loss of jobs, in-
flation, and lowered spending on social and educational programs. These factors,
coupled with the serious problems caused by extremely high rates of alcohol abuse,
have led to increased instances of family abuse and abandonment, and have added
859
to the number of single-parent families, most of which are headed by women. Al-
though women's groups advocate new statutes to cope with domestic violence, there
is no known police or government intervention in cases involving violence against
women beyond prosecution under existing assault laws after formal charges have
been filed. Rape is illegal, and offenders can be prosecuted and convicted, but there
is no law specifically prohibiting spousal rape.
The Constitution provides men and women with equal rights in all areas and,
both by law and practice, women receive equal pay for equal work and have equal
access to education. Women represent about half the workforce, and a significant
number are the primary earners for their families. Although many women occupy
midlevel positions in government and the professions, and many are involved in the
creation and management of new trading and manufacturing businesses, women are
almost completely absent from the highest leadership levels of both the public and
private sectors. There is no government agency that oversees women's rights, nor
are there any notable efforts by the Government to encourage greater representa-
tion by women in government policymaking.
A small number of women's rights groups concern themselves with such issues as
maternal and children's health and domestic violence. The law prohibits women
from working in certain occupations that require heavy labor or exposure to chemi-
cals that could affect infant and maternal health. The Government enforces these
provisions.
Children. — Increased stress on the family structure and throughout society has
had adverse effects on many children, and the Government has been unable to keep
pace with all of the educational, health, and social needs of the most rapidly grow-
ing segment of its population. The Government provides children of both sexes with
free public education through the age of 16, although family economic needs and
state budgetary difficulties make it difficult for some children to attend school. Edu-
cation is compulsory until the age of 16. In addition there continues to be a severe
shortage of teaching materials at all educational levels.
There are growing numbers of infants and small children orphaned by maternal
deaths and desertion, and in Ulaanbaatar and major urban centers there are grow-
ing populations of street children. There are an estimated 3,000 street children. The
Government is committed in principle to children's rights and welfare, but it pro-
vides only minimal support for the few shelters and orphanages that do exist, and
those facilities must turn to private sources to sustain their activities.
Mongolia has a long tradition of support for, and often communal raising of chil-
dren, and this tradition enjoys public support. The Government has been reluctant
to admit the extent of the problem of orphaned children and slow to take steps to
improve the welfare of chilaren who have become the victims of larger societal and
familial changes.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
emplovment and education, and the Government provides benefits to the disabled
accorcung to the nature and severity of disability. Those who have been injured in
industrial accidents have the right to be reemployed when ready to resume work.
The Government also provides tax benefits to enterprises which hire the disabled,
and some firms hire the disabled exclusively. There is no legislation mandating ac-
cess for the disabled.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution entitles all workers to form or join
union and professional organizations of their choosing. Union officials estimate that
union membership totals over 400,000 persons, somewhat less than half the
workforce. Union membership is decreasing as the economy shifts from large state
enterprises and as increasing numbers of workers either become self-employed or
work at small, nonunionized firms. No arbitrary restrictions exist on who may be
a union official; officers are elected by secret ballot.
Union members have the right to strike. Those employed in essential services,
which the Government defines as occupations critical for national defense and safe-
ty, including police, utility, and transportation workers, do not have the right to
strike.
Most union members are affiliated with the Mongolian Trade Unions Confed-
eration, but some are affiliated with the newer Association of Free Trades Unions.
Both organizations have ties with international labor organizations and confed-
erations in other countries.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — In theory, wage levels and
other employment issues are decided in tripartite contract negotiations between em-
ployer, union, and government representatives. The Government's role is limited to
ensuring that the contract meets legal requirements as to hours and conditions of
860
work. In practice wages and other conditions of employment are set mainly by the
employer, whether that employer is a private firm or the Government.
There are no export processmg zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The law specifically prohibits
forced or compulsory labor, including forced labor by children. The Government en-
forces this law. However, most members of the military forces are required to help
with the fall harvest.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Ernployment. — ^The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and enforces this prohibition
effectively (see Section 6.c.). The law prohibits children under the age of 16 from
working, although those 14 and 15 years of age may do so with parental consent.
Those under 18 years of age may not woric at night, engage in arduous work, or
work in dangerous occupations such as mining and construction. Enforcement of
these prohibitions, as well as all other labor regulations, is the responsibility of
state labor inspectors assigned to regional and local offices. These inspectors have
the authority to compel immediate compliance with labor legislation, out enforce-
ment is limited due to the small number of labor inspectors and the growing num-
ber of independent enterprises.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The monthly legal minimum wage is approxi-
mately $12 (9600 tugriks) per month. This level applies to both public and private
sector workers and is enforced by the Ministry of Health and Welfare. This is the
lowest wage for manual labor, such as janitorial work; virtually all civil servants
earn more than this amount, and many in private businesses earn considerably
more. The minimum wage alone is insufficient to provide a decent standard of living
for a worker and family.
The law sets the standard legal workweek at 46 hours and establishes a minimum
rest period of 42 hours between workweeks. For those under 18 years of age, the
workweek is 36 hours, and overtime work is not allowed. Overtime work is com-
pensated at either double the standard hourly rate or by giving time off equal to
the number of hours of overtime worked. Pregnant women and nursing mothers are
prohibited by law from working overtime.
Laws on labor, cooperatives, and enterprises set occupational health and safety
standards, and the Ministry of Health and Welfare provides enforcement. According
to labor law, workers have the right to remove themselves from dangerous work sit-
uations and still retain their jobs. Mongolia's near-total reliance on outmoded ma-
chinery and problems with maintenance and management lead to frequent indus-
trial accidents, particularly in the mining, power, and construction sectors. Effective
enforcement of existing occupational health and safety standards is difficult because
the Government has less than 40 full-time inspectors to cover all firms, including
a growing number of small enterprises. Some of the major industrial sectors, how-
ever, have part-time inspectors.
NAURU
The Republic of Nauru, a small Pacific island with about 10,500 inhabitants,
gained independence in 1968, at which time it adopted a modified form of par-
liamentary democracy. Nauru has two levels of government, the unicameral Par-
liament and the Nauru Island Council (NIC). Parfiamentary elections must be held
at least triennially. The Parliament, consisting of 18 members from 14 constitu-
encies, is responsible for national and international matters. It elects the President,
who is both Head of State and Head of Government, from among its members. The
NIC acts as the local government and is responsible for public services. The judici-
ary is independent.
Nauru has no armed forces although it does maintein a small police force (less
than 100 members) under civilian control.
The economy depends almost entirely on the country's declining phosphate depos-
its— although recent government statements indicate that new drilling technology
may extend the productivity of its mines. The mining industry is controlled by the
government-owned Nauru Phosphate Corporation (NPC). The Government places a
large percentage of the NPC's earnings in long-term investments meant to support
the citizenry after the phosphate reserves have been exhausted. The Governments
of Nauru and Australia reached a $70.4 million out-of-court settlement in 1993 for
rehabilitation of the Nauruan lands ruined by Australian phosphate mining.
Fundamental human rights are provided for in the Constitution and are generally
respected in practice. There were no reports of specific human rights abuses, but
in tiie traditional culture women occupy a subordinate role, with limits on their job
861
opportunities. Complaints of discrimination against non-Nauruan Pacific island
workers, particularly in treatment by police and in housing, continued.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits these practices, and the Government respects these pro-
hibitions in practice.
The Government attempts to provide internationally accepted minimum prison
conditions within its limited financial means and in accordance with local living
standards. Prison conditions, however, are basic, and food and sanitation are lim-
ited. There are no local human rights groups, and the question of visits to prisons
by human rights monitors has not been raised. Visits by church groups and family
members are permitted.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^The constitutional prohibition against ar-
bitrary arrest and detention is honored. The police may hold a person for no more
than 24 hours without a hearing before a magistrate. The Government does not
practice forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent, and constitutional
provisions for both a fair hearing and a public trial are respected. Defendants may
have legal counsel, and a representative will be appointed when required "in the in-
terest of justice." However, many cases never reach the formal legal process, as tra-
ditional reconciliation is used — usually by choice but sometimes under communal
(not government) pressure. Contract workers from Kiribati, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu
are employed predominantly in the mining sector and do not have recourse to effec-
tive communal assistance; they are particularly at a disadvantage in complaints
against citizens. There are only two trained lawyers, and many people are rep-
resented in court by "pleaders," trained paralegals certified by the Government.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution generally prohibits these abuses. Searches not sanctioned by court
order are prohibited, and there is no surveillance of individuals or of private com-
munications. Citizenship and inheritance rights are traced through the female line.
Until very recently, laws restricted intermarriage with non-Nauruans. Although the
laws have changed, intermarriage between women and foreign males stiU draws
substantial social censure. The foreign spouses — male or female — of citizens have no
automatic ri^t of abode. They are, however, normally granted short-term "visits"
sponsored by the citizen spouse, or they may apply for longer term work permits.
Foreign spouses are not eligible for citizenship.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of expres-
sion. News and opinion circulate freely, rapidly, and widely by the press and word
of mouth. The country has one regular publication, the privately owned newspaper
the Central Star News, which publishes monthly and which operates and editorial-
izes freely. The sole radio station, owned and operated by the Government, broad-
casts Radio Australia and British Broadcasting Corporation news reports but not
local news. Pay television broadcasting from New Zealand is received by satellite.
Foreign publications are widely available.
There are no prohibitions or restrictions on academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government respects the
constitutional right of peaceful assembly and association. There are no limitations
on private associations, and no permits are required for public meetings.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights for citizens, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
Foreign workers must apply to their employers for jjermission to leave during the
period of their contracts. They may break the contract and leave without permission
but would lose their positions and often a sizable bond as a result. In most cases,
foreign employees whose contracts are terminated by their employers must leave
Nauru within 60 days.
862
The Government cooperates with the ofdce of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian oi^ganizations in assisting refugees. No
person in recent memory has appHed for refugee status, and the Government has
not formulated a formal policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first asylum.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have, and exercise, the right to change their government. Although
Nauru has no organized political parties, persons with diverse points of view run
for and are elected to Parliament and to the NIC.
Parliament elects the President. From late 1996 until February, there were five
changes of government, all peaceful and in accordance with the Constitution. Since
February more characteristic political stability has prevailed. Voting by secret ballot
is compulsory for all citizens over the age of 20 for parliamentary elections. There
have been multiple candidates for all parliamentary seats during recent elections.
The approximately 3,000 guest workers have no voice in political decisions.
There are no legal impediments to participation in politics by women. At present,
there are no female Members of Parliament.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no restrictions on establishing local groups that concern themselves
specifically with human rights, but to date none has been formed. There have been
no allegations by outside organizations of human rights violations in Nauru nor any
requests for investigations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, sex, religion, dis-
ability, language, or social status. The Government generally observes this in prac-
tice; however, women do not receive the same degree of freedom and protection as
men.
Women. — The Government does not keep track of incidents of physical abuse
against women. However, credible reports indicate that sporadic abuse, often aggra-
vated by alcohol use, occurs. The Government has not addressed the problem of vio-
lence against women. Families normally seek to reconcile such problems informally,
and, if necessary, communally. Major incidents and unresolved family disputes are
treated seriously by the judiciary and the Government.
Constitutional provisions assure women the same freedoms and protections as
men. The Government officially provides equal opportunities in education and em-
ployment, and women are free to own property and pursue private interests. How-
ever, in practice, traditional societal pressures deny women opportunities to fully ex-
ercise these rights. The island's population has been nearly eliminated on more than
one occasion, first by disease and drought, and later, during World War II, by mas-
sive, forced removals from the island by the Japanese. The Government strongly
supports efforts that encourage large families, and there have been reports of com-
plaints by women that this emphasis on their reproductive role reduces their oppor-
tunities for other roles in society. Married women, in particular, are sometimes dis-
advantaged, as it is assumed that they will not want to study or work but instead
will want to remain at home. For example, young women studying abroad on schol-
arship and contemplating marriage face possible termination of their educational
grants as it is assumed that they will leave the work force and thus not require
additional academic training.
Children. — ^The Government devotes considerable attention to the welfare of chil-
dren, with particular stress on their health and educational needs. Child abuse sta-
tistics do not exist, but alcohol abuse sometimes leads to child neglect or abuse. The
NIC treats child abuse as a serious communal matter. There were no reported cases
of child abuse during the year.
People With Disabilities. — There is no reported discrimination in employment,
education, and the provision of state services to persons with disabilities. There is,
however, no legislation mandating accessibility to public buildings and services for
the disabled.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Non-Nauruan Pacific island workers experi-
ence some discrimination. While guest workers are provided free housing, the shel-
ters they are given are oflen poorly maintained and overcrowded. Some guest work-
ers have alleged that the police rarely act on complaints they make against citizens.
863
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of citizens
to form and belong to trade unions or other associations. However, Nauru has vir-
tually no labor laws, and there are no trade unions. Past efforts to form unions were
oflicially discouraged. The transient nature of the mostly foreign work force and the
relative prosperity of the citizenry also have served to hamper efforts to organize
the labor force. TTie right to strike is neither protected, prohibited, nor limited by
law. No strikes took^lace in 1997. Nauru is not a member of the International
Labor Organization. There are no provisions which would prohibit or limit the right
of unions to afliliate with international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — While there are no legal im-
pediments, collective bargaining does not take place, and, as noted above, has been
unsuccessAil. The private sector employs only about 1 percent of salaried workers.
For government workers, public service regulations determine salaries, working
hours, vacation periods, and other employment matters.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution forbids forced or
compulsory labor, including forcea and bonded labor by children, and effectively en-
forces these prohibitions.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Education
is compulsory until the age of 16; the law sets 17 as the minimum age of employ-
ment. This is honored by the only two large employers, the Government and the
NPC. Some children under the age of 17 years work in the few, small, family-owned
businesses. The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and en-
forces this prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Minimum wages vary considerably between of-
fice workers and manual laborers, but they suflice to provide an adequate, if mod-
est, standard of living. Thanks to yearly dividends paid by the NPC, most families
live in simple but adequate housing, and almost every family owns at least one car
or truck. The Government sets the minimum yearly wage administratively for both
public and private sectors. Since November 1992, that rate has been $6,562
($A9,056) for those 21 years of age or older. The rate is progressively lower for those
under 21 years of age. Employers determine wages for foreign contract woricers
based on market conditions and the consumer price index. Usually foreign woricers
and their families receive free housing, utilities, medical treatment, and often a food
allowance. By regulation the workweek for office workers is 36 hours and for man-
ual laborers 40 hours in both the public and private sectors. Neither law nor regula-
tions stipulate a weekly rest period; however, most workers observe Saturdays and
Sundays as holidays.
The Government sets health and safety standards. The NPC has an active safety
program that includes an emphasis on worker education and the use of safety equip-
ment such as helmets, safety shoes, and dust respirators. The NPC has a safety ofii-
cer who is specifically responsible for improving safety standards and compliance
throughout the company.
NEW ZEALAND
New Zealand is a parliamentary democracy, with executive authority vested in a
20-member cabinet led bv a prime minister. Five seats in the 120-member Par-
liament are reserved for the native Maori minority population. The judiciary is inde-
pendent.
The Cook Islands and Niue are self-governing states in free association with New
Zealand. Tokelau is a New Zealand territory. Their local laws are compatible with
New Zealand and British common law.
The police and defense forces are responsible to and firmly controlled by civilian
officials.
New Zealand is a highly efficient producer of agricultural products. The mainstay
of its market-based economy is the export of wool, meat, and dairy products. An ex-
panding manufacturing sector is engaged primarily in food processing, metal fab-
rication, and the production of wood and paper products. Tourism is also a signifi-
cant sector of the economy, and niche industries are developing in such high tech-
nology sectors as software production. Disparities in wealth are small but increas-
ing. Most citizens enjoy a comfortable standard of living.
The Government respects the human rights of its citizens, and the law and judici-
ary provide effective means of dealing with instances of abuse. The Gk)vemment has
864
taken steps to address the problems of overcrowded prisons, violence against
women, and societal discrimination against indigenous people.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person. Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture and other forms of mistreatment, and the Government re-
spects these prohibitions in practice.
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards. Many prisons
are old and in need of extensive refurbishment. The burgeoning inmate population
outpaced capacity, causing overcrowding again in 1997. Dunedin police cells de-
signed for overnight use held inmates for extended periods without natural light or
sufficient opportunities for exercise. The Department of Corrections acknowledged
this problem as an unavoidable "temporary measure" and planned to introduce 80
new inmate bed units, but it had not done so by year's end. The Department began
investigating new sites for additional prison construction to address long-term in-
mate population totals, which are projected to reach almost 6,700 by the year 2007.
Prison capacity was 5,354 inmates as of September, while the inmate population
was 5,459.
Due to a higher suicide rate among Maori inmates, the Department of Corrections
began to institute a series of 39 recommendations from the 1996 government report
entitled "Reducing Suicide by Maori Inmates."
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the Government observes these prohibitions.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The law provides for an independent judiciary,
and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides citi-
zens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
There is a three-tiered impartial judiciary in place, with the right of appeal to the
Privy Council in London, though this privilege is rarely invoked.
TTie law provides for the right to a fair trial, and the judiciary implements this
provision.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
f)rohibit8 such practices, government authorities respect these prohibitions, and vio-
ations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of speech and of
the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An independent
press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combine
to ensure freedom of speech and of the press.
Academic freedom is not limited.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Govern-
ment generally respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice. The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees.
Under its own refiigee quota, the Government accepts up to 750 UNHCR-approved
refugees per year. Due to a dramatic increase in "spontaneous" first asylum applica-
tions in tne last 2 years, the Government began reviewing its laws and procedures
with a view to curtailing the growth in this area. There were no reports of forced
expulsion of persons with a valid claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The law provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully,
and citizens exerase this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections
held on the basis of universal suffrage. A new electoral system, mixed-member pro-
portional representation, was used in the October 12 general election with 27 politi-
cal parties participating.
865
Women and minorities are accorded full opportunity to participate in political Ufe.
In the 120-member Parliament, 35 seats are held by women; 15 by Maori; 2 mem-
bers are of Pacific Island origin; and 1 is of Asian heritage. The current Executive
Council (cabinet) has 20 ministers including 3 Maori and 1 woman (the Prime Min-
ister). There are also four ministers outside the Cabinet, two of whom are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating allegations and publishing their findings on numan rights cases. Govern-
ment oificials are cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of all the above listed factors, and
the Government effectively enforces it.
Women. — Violence against women is a major problem that cuts across all socio-
economic groups. A government-sponsored academic survey released in August indi-
cated that 1 woman in 16 was likely to be sexually assaulted each year. Tne report
found that Maori and Pacific Islander women were particularly at risk and that
multiple, violent victimization in these communities was common. The (jovemment
determined through a policy review of counseling services that gaps in service deliv-
ery were more likely to impact on Maori women and girls than non-Maori.
The law penalizes spousal rape. The (jovemment convicted individuals on this
charge in 1997. However, a national rape crisis group claims that the overwhelming
majority of rape cases go unreported and that, of the cases that go to the police,
onlv 12 percent end in convictions. The group indicated that husbands, partners,
and boyfriends concunit 23 percent of all sexual assaults reported to the organization.
The Domestic Violence Act, which came into effect in 1996, broadened the defini-
tion of violence to include psychological abuse, threats, intimidation, harassment,
and allowing children to witness psychological abuse. It expanded intervention
measures, such as the use of protection orders; education programs for men, women,
and children; stronger police powers to arrest and detain offenders; improved access
to legal services for women eligible for legal aid; and tougher penalties for breach
of a protection order.
The Government's strategy to prevent family violence included a range of objec-
tives such as providing victim support, incorporating successful innovations and
proven methods from family violence centers into the national family violence pro-
-ams (that is, the promotion of "best practice"), ensuring safety from violence, and
implementing Maon-designed and delivered programs. The police developed an in-
ternal 5-year strategic plan focusing on family violence. The C^vemment partially
funded women's renames, rape crisis centers, sexual abuse counseling, family vio-
lence networks, and violence prevention services.
While the law prohibits discrimination in employment and in rates of pay for
equal or similar work, government documents acknowledge that in practice a gender
earnings gap persists. Many statistics show that women earn 81 percent of men's
average ordinary hourly wage, a rate that has been fairly static over the last dec-
ade. Ine Ministry of Women's Affairs initiated a research program to review policy
options and good practice models for addressing this gender pay gap. There are ef-
fective legal remedies available for women who experience discrimination.
Children. — ^The law provides specific safeguards for children's rights and protec-
tion. The Government demonstrates its commitment to children's rights and welfare
through its well-funded systems of public education and medical care.
While female genital mutilation (FGM) is not known to be practiced in New Zea-
land, the Government recognizes that the procedure is widely condemned by inter-
national health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health. It
is expressly illegal to perform FGM or to make arrangements for a child to be re-
moved from New Zealand in order to have the procedure. A May report of the Auck-
land Healthcare FGM Pilot Education Program emphasized the rise in the number
of African refugees settling in New Zealand (more than 800 Somalis received resi-
dency in 1997) and the necessity for health care professionals to face the special
needs of genitally mutilated women and the growing risk of the practice in the coun-
try. The report recommended the establishment of guidelines for the obstetric care
01 genitally mutilated women; the development of national child protection guide-
lines and strategies; the development of FGM education modules lor New Zealand
medical, midwifery, and nursing schools; and the appointment of a national coordi-
nator to train regional coordinators and assist witn the establishment of regional
educational programs. However, these programs confront strongly held beliefs; the
866
report found that 77 percent of the genitally mutilated women Hving in the Auck-
land area supported FGM.
While no societal pattern of abuse of children exists, the Government recognizes
the problem of violence within the family. Both government-sponsored and chari-
table organizations woric to prevent child abuse in the home.
People With Disabilities. — The law prohibits discrimination against people with
disabilities in employment, education, and the provision of other state services.
Compliance with access laws, mandated by the Disabled Persons Community Wel-
fare Act, varies as business owners and others strive to make necessaiy adaptations.
Indigenous People. — Approximately 13 percent of the population claim at feast one
ancestor from the country's indigenous Maori or Morion minorities. The law pro-
hibits discrimination against the mdigenous population, yet a disproportionate num-
ber of Maori continue to be included in the unemployment ana welfare rolls, the
prison population, school dropouts, infant mortality statistics, and single-parent
nouseholds. Government policy recognizes a special role for indigenous people and
their traditional values and customs, including cultural and environmental issues
that have an effect on commercial development. The Ministry of Maori Develop-
ment, in cooperation with several Maori nongovernmental organizations, seeks to
improve the status of indigenous people. A special tribunal continues to hear Maori
tribal claims to land and other natural resources stemming from the Treaty of
Waitangi.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Pacific Islanders, who make up 5 percent of
the population, are not an indigenous people, but they experience difficulties similar
to Maori.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^Workers have unrestricted rights to establish and
join organizations of their own choosing and to affiliate these organizations with
other unions and international organizations. The principal labor organization, the
New Zealand Council of Trade Unions, is affiliated with the International Confed-
eration of Free Trade Unions. A second, smaller national labor federation, the New
Zealand Trade Union Federation, v/aa established in 1993. There are also a number
of independent labor unions.
Labor organization is rudimentary in the territory of Tokelau (population 1,800)
and in the Freely Associated State of Nine (population 2,000). In the more developed
Associated State of the Cook Islands (population 18,000), most workers in the public
sector, the major employer, belong to independent local unions inspired by New Zea-
land models. Industrial relations in the Cooks are governed by a simplified version
of older national legislation.
The law protects unions from governmental interference, suspension, and dissolu-
tion. Unions, in fact, influence legislation and government policy. Some unions are
affiliated with the Labour Party; others operate independently of political parties;
all are free to support parties whose policies they favor. They freely exercise the
ridit to strike.
The law prohibits strikes designed to force an employer to become party to a
multicompany contract. Under the Police Act of 1958 and amendments, sworn po-
lice officers," i.e., all uniformed and plainclothes police but excluding clerical and
support staff, are barred from striking or taking any form of industrial action. Po-
lice, however, have freedom of association and the right to organize and to bargain
collectively. Issues which cannot be settled by negotiation between the Police Asso-
ciation and management are subject to compulsory, final-offer arbitration.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for the right
of woriters to organize and bargain collectively, and this is observed in practice in
the country and its dependencies. The law prohibits uniformed members of the
armed forces from organizing unions and bargaining collectively.
Unions now represent fewer than half of all wage earners. Under the Employment
Contracts Act, employment relationships are based on contracts. Individual employ-
ees and employers may choose to conduct negotiations for employment contracts on
their own behalf, or tney may authorize any other person or organization to do so
on their behalf. Although choosing a union is entirely voluntary, unions have re-
mained the most common agent used by workers to negotiate with employers. Em-
Rloyers must recognize a representative authorized by an employee or employees,
[either employers or employees, however, are required to negotiate or to agree to
a contract.
The Government does not control mediation and arbitration procedures. The em-
f>loyment court hears cases arising from disputes over the interpretation of labor
aws. A less formal body, the employment tribunal, is available to handle wage dis-
putes and assist in maintaining euective labor relations. Firing an employee for
867
union activities is grounds for a finding of unjustified dismissal and may result in
reinstatement and Iinancial compensation.
There are no export processing zones in New Zealand, the Cook Islands, Niue, or
Tokelau.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, including forced and bonded labor by children. Inspection and legal
penalties ensure respect for the provisions.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition effec-
tively (see Section 6.c.). Department of Labour inspectors effectively enforce a ban
on the employment of children under the age of 15 years in manufacturing, mining,
and forestry. Children under the age of 16 may not work between the hours of 10
p.m. and 6 a.m. In addition to explicit restrictions on the employment of children,
compulsory education ensures that children under the minimum age for leaving
school (now 16 years) are not employed during school hours. By law children en-
rolled in school may not be employed, even outside school hours, if such employment
would interfere with their education.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law provides for a 40-hour workweek, with
a minimum 3-week annual paid vacation, and 11 paid public holidays. Under the
Employment Contracts Act, however, employers ana employees may agree to longer
hours than the 40 hours per week standard. While the law does not specifically pro-
vide for a 24-hour rest period weekly, the practice is accepted by management and
labor, and it is the norm. The government-mandated hourly minimum wage of ap-
proximately $4.13 ($NZ 7.00) applies to workers 20 years of age and older. Com-
bined with other regularly provided entitlements and welfare benefits for low-in-
come earners, this wage is adequate to provide a decent standard of living for a
worker and family. In 1994 a minimum wage for younger workers was introduced
at 60 percent of the adult minimum. A majority of the work force earns more than
the minimum wage.
An extensive body of law and regulations govern health and safety issues, notably
the Health and Safety in Employment Act of 1992. Under this legislation, employers
are obliged to provide a safe and healthy work environment, and employees are re-
sponsible for their own safeW and health as well as ensuring that their actions do
not harm others. The New Zealand Council of Trade Unions has criticized the act,
however, for not providing sufficient employee involvement in workplace decisions
affecting health and safety. Under the Employment Contracts Act, workers have the
legal right to strike over health and safety issues. Unions and members of the gen-
eral public may file safety complaints on behalf of workers. Department of Labour
inspectors enforce safety and health rules, and they have the power to shut down
equipment if necessary. The Department of Labour standard is to investigate re-
ports of unsafe or unhealthy working conditions within 24 hours of notification.
Workers have the right to withdraw from a dangerous work situation without jeop-
ardy to continued employment.
PALAU
Formerly a United Nations trusteeship administered by the United States, Palau
became an independent nation in free association with the United States on (Dctober
1, 1994. Under the Compact of Free Association, the United States is responsible
for the Republic of Palau s defense. An archipelago of more than 300 islands in the
Western Pacific, Palau has a total land area of 188 square miles and is organized
f>olitically into 16 states. More than two-thirds of its approximately 18,000 popu-
ation resides in or near the temporary capital, Koror.
The democratically elected Government is modeled after that of the United States.
The Constitution, which took efliect on January 1, 1981, provides for free and fair
elections, executive and legislative branches, and an independent judiciary. The leg-
islature, the Olbil Era Kelulau, is composed of two equal houses, the 14-member
Senate and the 16-member House of Delegates. The judiciary is independent in
practice.
Palau has no security forces of its own, aside from local police and other civilian
law enforcement personnel, all of whom are under the firm control of civil authori-
ties.
With a household median income of over $12,000, Palau is a medium income
country with a small, market-based economy largely sustained by transfer payments
from the United States. Nearly half the worit force is employed by government enti-
ties. Tourism and other service sectors account for most other paid employment.
868
Tuna, hiirvested by foreign operated fleets, is the dominant export. Several small-
scale operations, employing foreign workers, assemble clothing for export from im-
ported materials. Most of the population still work in traditional subsistence agri-
culture and fishing.
Traditional customs sustain a value system that distinguishes between people on
the basis of social status and sex. The loosening ties of the extended family and the
increasing abuse of alcohol and other drugs are major contributing factors that lead
instances of domestic violence and child neglect. Societal discrimination against cer-
tain foreign workers, who account for nearly 25 percent of the population and 43
percent of the paid work force, is also a serious problem.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel. Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that oflicieds
employed them.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this pronibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary com-
5 rises the Supreme Court, the National Court, and the Court of Common Pleas,
udges are appointed to the Supreme Court and National Court by the President
from a list recommended by the Judicial Nominating Commission. Appointments are
for life.
The Government includes an independent special prosecutor and an independent
public defender system. The Constitution provides for the right to a fair trial, and
an independent judiciary vigorously enforces this ri^t.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An inde-
pendent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system
combine to ensure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
The Government has not formulated a policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first
asylum and government practice remains undefined. However, there were no reports
of forced expulsion of anyone having a valid claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
There are no legal impediments to women participating in government and poli-
tics. As a result of the October 1996 general elections, a woman gained a Senate
seat for the first time. Women hold omce in 10 of the 16 state legislatures where
they constitute 7 percent of the membership.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Palau has a history of openness to a variety of human rights groups without gov-
ernment restriction. Government officials have met with representatives of these
groups and foreign officials regarding civil rights of foreign minority workers. Gov-
869
eminent oflicials are generally cooperative and responsive to their views. The Palau
Red Cross Society opened its oflice in April 1996; having satisfled all requirements,
the society has applications pending for full membership in the International Fed-
eration of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, race, place of origin,
language, religion or belief, social status or clan afliliation, and the Grovemment
generally respects these provisions.
Women. — There are occasional allegations of violence against women, mainly re-
lated to domestic abuse. Alcohol and other drug abuse increasingly contribute to this
Sroblem. According to the Attorney General's Office, the Government's PubUc
[ealth Oflice, and women's groups, only a few such cases are reported to the au-
thorities every year, but many more are believed to go unreported. Althou^ assault
is a criminal offense, women are reluctant to prosecute their spouses.
Inheritance of property and of traditional rank is matrilineal, with women occupy-
ing positions of importance within the traditional system. Women are serving under
presidential appointment as bureau directors for women's interests, human re-
sources, and clinical services. No instances of unequal pay for equal work or sex-
related job discrimination were reported to the Office of the Attorney General.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. There is no societal pattern of abuse directed against children. Child prostitu-
tion and female genital mutilation are neither accepted within the culture nor prac-
ticed. There is no difference in the treatment of girls and boys in educational oppor-
tunities offered in Palau, nor in availability of scholarships to attend postsecondary
education abroad. Girls and boys receive equal treatment in health care services.
Child abuse is thought to be uncommon, and there have been few child abuse
prosecutions. While children's rights are generally respected, there were reports of
several instfmces of child neglect, a byproduct of the breakdown of the extended
family.
People With Disabilities. — ^The National Code includes a Disabled Persons Anti-
discrimination Act and a Handicapped Children Act. There were no reported in-
stances of discrimination against the disabled. There are no building codes or legis-
lation requiring access for the disabled. The public schools have established special
education programs to address problems encountered by those with disabilities.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Non-Palauans are prohibited from purchas-
ing Itind or obtaining citizenship. The rapid increase in the number of foreign work-
ers, who now constitute nearly 25 percent of the population and 43 percent of the
work force, is viewed negatively by a majority of citizens. Foreign residents can be
subject to some forms of discrimination and are targets of petty, and sometimes vio-
lent, crimes, as weU as other random acts against person and property. There have
been credible complaints by foreign residents that crimes against non-Palauans are
not pursued or persecuted by authorities with the same vigor as crimes against
Palauan nationals. Certain nationalities experience generalized discrimination in
employment, pay, housing, education, and access to social services, although such
discrimination is prohibited by law. While precise data are lacking, there continues
to be anecdotal reports about instances of abuse of workers' civil rights perpetrated
against domestic helpers, bar girls, construction laborers, and other lower skilled
workers, the majority of whom are from the Philippines, China, and Bangladesh.
The most common abuses identified are misrepresentation of contract terms and
conditions of employment, withholding of pay or benefits, and sometimes physical
abuse. In a number of instances, local autnorities who often lack training and re-
sources, have taken corrective action when alerted by social service and religious or-
ganizations to whom foreign workers have turned for assistance. Nonetheless, for-
eign workers are often reluctant to seek legal redress for fear of losing their employ-
ment and, thus, permission to remtiin in the country.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the ri^t of all persons
to assemble peacefully or to associate with others for any lawful purpose, including
the right to organize and to bargain collectively. There are no active employee orga-
nizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution does not
provide for the right to strike, and the Government has not addressed this issue.
There is no legislation concerning collective bargEiining or trade union organizations.
870
although there are no legal impediments to either. Wages in the cash economy are
determined by market factors.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits slavery
or involuntary servitude except to punish crime. The law does not specifically pro-
hibit forced and bonded labor oy children, but such practices are not known to occur.
There were reported instances of foreign workers, especially domestic helpers and
unskilled laborers, being forced to do jobs different from those for which they were
recruited. Freedom of foreign workers to leave employment situations not to their
liking may be hindered by physical barriers and/or the withholding of passports and
return tickets to their country of recruitment.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Con-
stitution states that the Government shall protect children from exploitation, and
children are protected by the general constitutional prohibition against forced and
bonded labor (see Section 6.C.). There is no minimum age for employment. Children
are not typically employed in the wage economy, but some assist their families with
fishing, agriculture, and other small-scale family enterprises. The law requires com-
pulsory education for children between 6 to 14 years of age, and the Government
generally enforces this law. By regulation no foreigner under the age of 21 may be
admitted into Palau for employment purposes.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no minimum wage law. However, the
Foreign Investment Law states that foreign companies must pay a minimum wage
equivalent to the lowest wage paid a government worker — $2.74 per hour. This
amount appears to be sufficient, given the level of economic development, to provide
a worker and his family with a decent standard of living. Anecdotal evidence indi-
catea that unskilled workers for commercial firms are paid only $1.50 to $2.00 per
hour. However, foreign workers are usually provided, in addition to their wages,
basic accommodations and food at no or nominal cost. Although these wages are low,
Palau continues to attract large numbers of foreign workers from the Philippines,
China, and Bangladesh.
There is no legislation concerning maximum hours of work, although most busi-
nesses are closed on either Saturday or Sunday. The Division of Labor has prepared
some regulations regarding conditions of employment for nonresident workers. The
Division may inspect the conditions of the workplace and employer-provided housing
on specific complaint of the employees, but actual enforcement is sporadic; working
conditions vary in practice. There is no legislation specifically giving woricers the
right to remove themselves from situations which endanger their health or safety
without jeopardy to their continued employment, and there is no legislation protect-
ing workers who file complaints about such conditions.
PAPUA NEW GUINEA
Papua New Guinea (PNG) comprises some 1,000 tribes and over 800 distinct lan-
guages in a population of about 4 million. It has a federal parliamentary system,
based on universal adult suffrage with periodic free and fair elections, and has an
independent judiciary.
Serious disorder erupted in March. PNGDF Commander Brigadier General Jerry
Singirok called on then Prime Minister Julius Chan and Vice Prime Minister Chris
Haiveta to resign, following disclosure of a plan to hire foreign mercenaries from
the company Sandline International in the Bougainville conflict. Looting and dem-
onstrations took place, and both PNGDF troops and civilian protesters surrounded
Parliament. Prime Minister Chan stepped down temporarily but resumed his posi-
tion after being cleared of wrongdoing oy a commission of inquiry. He lost his par-
liamentary seat in July national elections, and a new government headed by Pnme
Minister Bill Skate took office.
The Government has constitutional authority over the Defense Force (PNGDF),
the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary (RPNGC), and intelligence organiza-
tions. Government security forces committed serious human rights abuses.
Exploitation of such natural resources as minerals, hydrocarbons, and tropical
timber, and production of tree crops such as coffee, cocoa, and copra, generate sig-
nificant export and teix revenues. However, 85 percent of the population resides in
isolated villages, and engages in subsistence ana smallholder agriculture. For a ma-
jority of citizens, income and literacy are at a low level, and infant and maternal
mortality rates are high.
The Government's human rights record remained the same. Killings and
kidnapings by both sides in the 9-year secessionist insurgency on Bougainville con-
871
tinued, until a cease-fire was successfully negotiated in October. Besides the conflict
with the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA), there continued to be credible re-
ports that members of the security forces committed extrajudicial killings, were re-
sponsible for disappearances, abused prisoners and detainees, and employed harsh
enforcement measures against civilians. The Government on occasion investigated
allegations of abuse and prosecuted those believed responsible. Prison conditions re-
main poor, there are lengthy pretrial detentions, and the Government infringes on
citizens' privacy rights and limits freedom of assembly. Extensive discrimination
and violence against women, discrimination against the disabled, and violence be-
tween tribes remain serious problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — On February 12, members of the se-
curity forces at Kokopau, Bougainville, allegedly executed a man suspected of killing
a member of the progovemment resistance and a telephone technician. PNGDF sol-
dier Taylor Bojori was arrested for killing a progovemment resistance fighter on
Bougainville on August 15. Members of the constabulary committed a number of
extrajudicial killings during police actions throughout the country, and the authori-
ties on occasion punished constabulary officers.
Excessive use of force by police resulted in several extrajudicial killings. While
praying in the hills near Port Moresby in January, John Leo was shot and killed
by police in pursuit of fleeing robbers. Four policemen in Lae were suspended after
allegedly beating to death a man suspected of sorcery on March 12. A youth who
had allegedly been selling wristwatches in front of a supermarket was shot and
killed while fleeing from police on June 3. Police Sergeant Samson Ambus was sen-
tenced to 7 years' imprisonment on August 27 for killing businessman Sande Ratu
during a search for illegal beer. An off-duty PNGDF soldier, Missian Waingut, was
also sentenced to 7 years for manslaughter after killing a man during an argument.
There was no progress in the investigation of the October 1996 killing of Theodore
Miriung, Premier of the progovemment Bougainville Transitional Government. De-
spite clear indications that members of the progovemment resistance and the
PNGDF were involved, no arrests were made.
The level of armed conflict on Bougainville decreased. However, there were contin-
ued reports of civilian casualties.
A BRA commander who spoke in favor of disarmament was reportedly killed by
his own men in June. A number of PNGDF and other security force personnel were
killed in BRA ambushes.
b. Disappearance. — Reports of disappearances were fewer than in 1996. However,
there continued to be allegations that both sides in the Bougainville conflict de-
tained members of the opposing forces, who were not seen again. Due to limited ac-
cess to Bougainville, these reports are difficult to verify.
Bougainville Member of Parliament John Momis was kidnaped by rebel elements
and held hostage for 16 days before being released in June.
In July the BRA released five members of the PNGDF who had been taken pris-
oner following the Kangu Beach massacre of September 1996.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids torture and other cruel or degrading treatment or punish-
ment. However, members of the security forces abused prisoners and detainees. Po-
lice reportedly threaten suspects with death or severe iryury if they do not confess.
Constabulary members used excessive force at times, particularly in attempts to
compel a community to surrender a criminal suspect. On July 21, police allegedly
burned 30 houses and several shops in retaliation for the slaying of a police ser-
geant in Madang. In August the Government rebuked and reprimanded a police
commander who threatened to bum a number of villages (see Section l.f.).
In March police used tear gas and rubber bullets to quell a riot by approximately
2,000 people over the proposed hiring of foreign mercenaries. However, only one se-
rious injury was reported; a security guard chopped off a looter's hand.
Prisons are overcrowded and understaffed, and are unable to provide adequate
medical care or food to inmates. Conditions are life-threatening. Many prisoners as
well as guards do not have uniforms, making it difficult for outsiders to distinguish
between the two. The authorities closed at least three prisons as the result of dete-
rioration and neglect. Inmates were either moved elsewhere or released. Outbreaks
of typhoid were reported at some prisons.
Trie Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The courts generally enforce constitu-
tional protections against arbitrary arrest and detention. However, these protections
45-909 98-29
872
were weakened by the 1993 Internal Security Act (ISA). Amendments to existing
legislation provide that judicially issued warrants are no longer required when au-
thorities suspect that a person has committed an ISA ofTense or certain other of-
fenses. Under 1993 amendments to the Bail Act and the Criminal Code, only Na-
tional or Supreme Court judges may grant bail in certain criminal cases involving
firearms. In all other cases, bail may be granted unless the judge rules otherwise.
Suspects who are arrested have the right to legal counsel, to be informed of the
charges against them, and to have their arrests subjected to judicial review.
Due to limited police and judicial resources and a high crime rate, suspects are
often held in pretrial detention for a long time, particularly in rural areas. Pretrial
remand is subject to strict judicial review througn continuing pretrial consultations,
especially at the National Court level. Nonetheless, cases are irequently delayed for
months awaiting results of police investigations.
Exile is prohibited by the Constitution and is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent iudi-
ciary, and the courts are independent of executive, legislative, and military authori-
ties.
The Supreme Court is the final court of appeal and holds original jurisdiction on
constitutional matters. The National Court hears most cases and appeals from the
lower district courts established at the provincial level. There are also village courts
headed by lay persons, who judge minor offenses under both customary and statu-
tory law.
The legal system is based on English common law. The Constitution provides for
due process, including a public trial, and the court system generally enforce these
provisions. Defendants have the right to an attorney. Legal counsel is provided ei-
ther by the Public Solicitor's office or by the Law Society upon the recommendation
of the Public Solicitor's office for those accused of serious offenses who are unable
to afford counsel. "Serious offenses" are generally defined as felony charges or any
case heard in either the National or district court (as opposed to the village or mag-
istrate courts). Defendants and their attorneys may confront witnesses, present evi-
dence, plead cases, and appeal convictions.
There were no reports of political prisoners. Several nongovernmental organiza-
tion (NGO) leaders who took part in protests against the Government in March
claimed that charges subsequently brought against them were politically motivated.
The charges were later dropped (see Section 2.b.).
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^Al-
though the authorities generally respect privacy rights, police at times have burned
homes to quell conflict between tribes and punish communities suspected of harbor-
ing criminal suspects (see Sections I.e. and l.f.). Some communities have sought re-
dress through civil suits; this provides compensation to victims but does not result
in criminal prosecution of the perpetrators.
On August 26, the East Sepik police commander threatened to bum a number of
villages ii the suspect in an attack on a foreign tourist was not handed over. Prime
Minister BUI Skate directed that appropriate action be taken against the officer who
had made the threat, and the officer was subsequently "rebuked and reprimanded."
Although provisions in the Constitution require warrants, the police continued to
conduct warrantless searches and raids.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for free speech, in-
cluding freedom oi the media, and the (jovemment generally respects this freedom
in practice.
The media provided independent coverage and analysis of major issues, including
the controversy over the presence of the Sandline mercenaries and the national elec-
tions held in July.
The combined circulation of two daily English-language newspapers is less than
60,000. Two weeklv newspapers, one in English and one in Pidgin (the national lin-
gua franca), are also publisned. All freely express a variety of editorial viewpoints,
and report on controversial issues such as alleged abuses by police and security
forces, cases of alleged corruption by government oflicials, Bougainville insurgent
views, etc. One of the dailies is owned by a Malaysian firm, which has invested
heavily in the country's timber industry; the newspaper publishes little on the con-
troversial subjects of logging and forestry, but is generally independent and unbi-
ased on other issues.
The television broadcasting company, EM-TV, is independent. Television reception
is mostly limited to the Port Moresby area. The government-owned National Broad-
casting Corporation owns two radio networks whose effectiveness is limited by inad-
equate funding and deteriorating equipment. A privately owned radio network.
873
NAU-FM, is popular in Port Moresby and is expanding into other areas of the coun-
try.
Journalists who wish to travel to Bougainville are recjuired to obtain permission
from the Prime Minister's office and from the commander of the PNGDK Requests
are freqpiently denied on the grounds that the Government is unable to guarantee
the reporter's safety.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly; however, the Government limits this right in practice. Public
demonstrations require police approval and 7 days' notice. The authorities fre-
quently deny permission on the grounds that such activities could encourage by-
standers to engage in vandalism and violence.
On May 5, police raided the headquarters of human rights nongovernmental orga-
nizations PNG Watch, Individual and Community Rights Advocacy Forum, and
Rainbow Trust, confiscating books, pamphlets, computers and diskettes. During the
raids, PNG Watch executive officer Jonathan O'ata was arrested and charged with
three counts of illegal assembly related to the Sandline mercenary protests in
March. Sam Inguba, police commander of the National Capital District, said that
the raids were a normal part of preelection operations, and that the police were
searching for illegal firearms. Student activist John Napu and an executive of the
Melanesian Solidarity Front, John Kawowo, were arrested on May 6 and also
charged with unlawful assembly. After learning that his name was on a list of peo-
ple to be arrested, human rights attorney Powes Parkop appeared voluntarily before
the police and was similarly charged on May 13. The men were released on bail.
The arrests were widely publicized and criticized. All charges against the four were
quietly dropped in September, although this fact was not publicized (see Section 4).
The Constitution provides for freedom of association and the Government gen-
erally respects this right in practice. Associations that wish to open a bank account
and conduct financial transactions are required to register for this purpose. The
process of registration may be slowed by bureaucratic inefficiency, but there is no
policy of denjdng registration. International affiliation of church and civic groups is
freely permitted.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Government approval is required to travel to Bougainville. The PNGDF
occasionally imposed sea travel restrictions on villagers living on small islands off
Bougainville due to concerns over potential BRA attacks.
Apart from Bougainville, the Government does not restrict freedom of movement
within and outside the country. The BRA reportedly restricted people from moving
from areas under its control to government-controlled areas.
The Government provides first asylum for approximately 3,000 people who have
fled from the neighboring Indonesian province of Irian Jaya. The Gk)vemment co-
operates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in as-
sisting the Irian Jayans who live in the East Awin refugee camp in Western Prov-
ince, and has administered the camp since June 1996, when the UNHCR office
closed. The Government has a policy of limited integration for Irian Jayans with
certain skills or other qualifications, who are accorded limited residency status and
are permitted to leave the refugee settlement. Those who violate conditions of their
refugee status can be repatriated. There were no known forced repatriations of Irian
Jayans to Indonesia. Several thousand traditional border-crossers live in the border
area and move freely between the two countries.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens freely exercise their right to change their government through direct elec-
tions with a secret ballot and universal adult suffrage. Voters elect a unicameral
parliament with 109 members from all 19 provinces and the National Capital Dis-
trict. Any citizen can stand for election. Because of the high number of candidates
for Parliament, some members have won election with less than 10 percent of the
total votes cast.
Following a general election in June in which G& percent of eligible voters partici-
pated, Bill Skate became Prime Minister, forming a coalition with members of the
People's Progress and Parigu parties. Fifty-five of the 109 seats in Parliament
changed hands.
Although there are no legal barriers to the participation of women in political life,
they are underrepresented in senior positions in government and politics. Two
women were elected to Parliament in the June elections.
874
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no official barriers to the formation of human rights groups. The Gov-
ernment cooperates with human rights NGO's, but sometimes is slow in responding
to their requests for information. The International and Community Rights Advo-
cacy Forum (ICRAF), formed in 1993, concentrated on human rights and the envi-
ronment. ICRAF and PNG Watch Council leaders participated in demonstrations in
March against the planned use of foreign mercenaries in the Bougainville conflict.
Four nongovernmental organization leaders were arrested in May and charged with
unlawful assembly, based on their participation in these demonstrations. They were
released on bail and the charges were quietly dropped in September (see Section
2.b.).
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal protection under the law irrespective of race,
tribe, place of origin, political opinion, color, creed, religion or sex. Despite these
constitutional and other legal provisions, women often face discrimination.
Extreme geographic diversity prevents any one tribe or clan from dominating the
country. The democratically elected government, based on loose coalitions, has con-
sistently avoided favoring any group. Virtually all citizens share Melanesian eth-
nicity, and violence between groups is not ethnically based. Skirmishes and conflicts
tend to be based on disputes between clans over issues such as boundaries, land
ownership, and injuries and insults suffered by one clan at the hands of another.
In the past, clan/tribal warfare was ritualized and fought with traditional weapons;
the availability of high-powered firearms has made sucn conflicts deadlier.
Women. — Violence against women, including domestic violence and gang rape, is
a serious and prevalent problem. Traditional village mores, which served as deter-
rents are weakening ana are largely absent when youths move from their village
to a larger town or to the capital. The number of gang rapes is believed to have
risen. Although rape is punisnable by imprisonment, and sentences are imposed
when assailants are found guilty, few assailants are apprehended. Domestic violence
such as wife beating is also common, but is usually viewed by police and citizens
as a private family matter.
Violence committed against women by other women frequently stems from domes-
tic disputes. In areas where polygyny is still customary, an increasing number of
women have been charged with the murder of another of their husband s wives. Ac-
cording to one report, 65 percent of women in prison are there for attacking or kill-
ing another woman.
The Constitution and laws have provisions for extensive rights for women dealing
with family, marriage, and property issues. Some women have achieved senior posi-
tions in business, the professions, and civil service. However, traditional patterns
of discrimination against women persist. Many women, even in urban areas, are
considered second-class citizens. Village courts tend to impose jail terms on women
found guilty of adultery, while penalizing men lightly or not at all. Circuit-riding
National Court justices frequently annulled such village court sentences. In 1996
the Government approved amendments to the Village Courts Act requiring that or-
ders for imprisonment be endorsed by a district court before they take effect. Po-
lygyny and the custom of paying a bride-price tend to reinforce the view that women
are property.
In addition to the purchase of women as brides, women are also given as com-
pensation to settle disputes between clans. For the first time, in May 1996, an 18-
year-old woman, Miriam Wilungal, refused to accept her clan's decision to include
her, along with $15,000 and 25 pigs, in the compensation paid to another clan to
resolve a Killing. In February a National Court judge ruled in her favor, saying that
her rights to personal freedom and equal status had been violated.
According to a 1996 United Nations International Children's Fund (UNICEF) re-
f>ort, the country has a high maternal mortality rate. Only 40 percent of women are
iterate, trailing men by nearly 10 percent. According to another 1996 U.N. report,
33 percent of girls do not attend primary school, compared with 21 percent of boys.
Efforts by both the Government and NGO's to improve the status and conditions
of women have had limited results. The Government provides a grant to the private
National Council of Women. There is an office of women's affairs in the Ministry
of Home Affairs, Youth, and Women.
Children. — The Government did not dedicate significant resources to protect the
rights and welfare of children. Most programs to protect and develop youth and chil-
dren are operated by NGO's and religious organizations. Many government pro-
grams are underfunded. Under the traditional clan system prevalent in the country.
875
children are generally cared for within the extended family, in accordance with fi-
nancial resources and the tribe's access to services. Because of the geographic isola-
tion and remoteness of many villages, malnutrition and infant mortality rates are
very high. More than 60 of every tnousand children bom do not survive their first
year. Although Papua New Guinea ratified the U.N. Convention on the Rights of
the Child (CRC) in 1993, the Government has not yet completed the report due in
1995 on CRC implementation, nor prepared the national plan of action.
People With Disabilities. — Through the National Board for the Disabled, the Gov-
ernment provides funding to a number of NGO's that provide services to the dis-
abled. The Government itself does not provide programs or services directly. Serv-
ices and health care for the disabled, except for those provided by the traditional
clan and family system, do not exist in several of the country's provinces. There is
no legislation mandating accessibility for the disabled. Disabled persons face dis-
crimination in education, training, and employment.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The right to form and join labor unions is provided
by law, subject to registration by the Department of Industrial Relations. The Gov-
ernment does not use registration as a form of control over unions. However, an un-
registered union has no legal standing with the Department of Labor or before the
courts, and thus cannot operate efiectively. About half of the 250,000 wage-earners
in the formal economy are organized and are members of one of approximately 50
trade unions. Most of the unions representing private-sector workers are associated
with the Trade Unions Congress. Unions are independent of the Gk)vernment and
of political parties.
Both public and private sector unions exercised their legal right to strike in 1997.
Unions may freely afliliate with international organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides for
the right to engage in collective bargaining and to join industrial organizations.
These rights are exercised freely. Under the law, the Government has discretionary
power to cancel arbitration awards or declare wage agreements void when they are
contrary to government policy. This law was criticized by the International Labor
Organization in 1994. Antiunion discrimination by employers against union leaders,
members, and organizers is prohibited by law. The Department of Industrial Rela-
tions and the courts are involved in dispute settlement. Wages above the minimum
wage are set through negotiations between employers and employees or their re-
spective industrial organizations.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution forbids slavery
and all forms of forced or compulsory labor, including that performed by children
and there were no reports of such practices. There were no reports of forced or bond-
ed labor by children.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Em-
ployment Act establishes the minimum working age as 18. However, children be-
tween the ages of 11 and 18 may be employed in a family-related business or enter-
prise provided they haveparental permission, a medical clearance, and a work per-
mit from a labor office. This type of employment is rare, except in subsistence agri-
culture. Forced and bonded labor by children is prohibited and is not known to occur
(see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Minimum wages for the private sector are set
by the Minimum Wage Board, a quasi-governmental body with representatives from
the labor and employer sectors. The Board made a determination in 1992, which is
still valid, reducing the minimum wage for newly hired urban workers to the level
of the minimum wage for rural workers. Also in 1992, the National Youth Wage,
for new entrants into the labor force between 16 and 21 years of age, was set at
75 percent of the adult minimum wage. The adult minimum wage of $28.00 (40
kina) per week does not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family
who live solely on the cash economy. Although the Department of Labor and Em-
ployment and the courts attempt to enforce the minimum wage law, enforcement
is not effective due to lack of resources. Minimum wage levels, allowances, rest peri-
ods, holidays leave, and overtime are regulated by law. The workweek is limited by
law to 42 hours f)er week in urban areas and 44 hours per week in rural areas.
The law provides for at least one rest period of 24 consecutive hours every week.
Enforcement is lax.
Enforcement of the Industrial Health and Safety Law and related regulations is
the responsibility of the Department of Labor and Employment. The law requires
that work sites be inspectea on a regular basis. However, due to a shortage of in-
spectors, inspections take place only when requested by workers or unions. Workers'
876
ability to remove themselves from hazardous working conditions varies by work-
place. Unionized workers have some measure of protection in such situations.
THE PHILIPPHSTES
The Philippines is a democratic republic with an elected president, a functioning
political party system, a bicameral legislature, and an independent judiciary. How-
ever, political corruption remains endemic in many areas of government, including
the electoral and law enforcement systems. The Gfovemment made progress in talks
with insurgent groups. The judicial system suffers from both corruption and ineffi-
ciency.
The Department of National Defense directs the Armed Forces of the Philippines
(AFP), and the Department of Interior and Local Government has authority over the
civilian Philippine National Police (PNP), whose role involves anti-insurgency efforts
as well as normal police work. Despite its official external mission, the AFP became
increasingly involved in local law enforcement. Security forces, including police, sol-
diers, and local civilian militias, committed human rights abuses.
The Government is implementing a far-reaching economic reform program, "Phil-
ippines 2000," to convert its agrarian-based economy into an industrial, market-
driven one and attract foreign investment. The Government has succeeded in liber-
alizing the investment, trade, and foreign exchange regimes. Garments and elec-
tronics make up more than half of merchandise export receipts and are significantly
complemented by overseas worker remittances totaling over $4 billion in 1997.
Gross domestic product grew at approximately 5 percent. While the Government has
accelerated maricet reforms, poverty and inequitable income distribution remain,
and the Government's "social reform agenda' has made little progress. About 36 per-
cent of the population of 70 million have difficulty meeting basic nutritional and
other needs, while the richest 20 percent of families received incomes over 10 times
that of the lowest 20 percent. Annual per capita national income was estimated at
$1,142 for the first 9 months of 1997.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however,
there were problems in some areas. Members of the security forces were responsible
for extrajudicial killings, disappearances, torture and other physical abuse of sus-
pects, and arbitrary arrest and detention. Prison conditions are harsh and in some
cases life threatening. According to the Government's Commission on Human Rights
(CHR), the police continued to be the leading abusers of human rights. Some abuses
were conrunitted by police or military personnel involved in illegal activities, includ-
ing coerced protection, kidnaping gangs, drug syndicates, and illegal logging. In
some cases, police authorities appear to tacitly sanction police brutality and even
collusion with killings as an expedient means to fight crime. The Government has
taken few effective steps to reform the police, the military forces, or a court system
that appears susceptible to the influence of the wealthy and powerful while not pro-
viding equal justice for others. There is a failure to prosecute many who break the
law. The judiciary is inefiicient, lacks sufficient staff, does not ensure expeditious
trials, and suffers from corruption. The courts remain hobbled by backlogs and lim-
ited resources, and long delays in trials are common. There was a marked increase
in the displacement of citizens, accompanied by physical assaults on communities
(indigenous peoples, farm cooperatives or squatter groups).
An estimated 4 million citizens living abroad remained disenfranchised because
Congress has not yet enacted absentee voting, as required by the Constitution. Vio-
lence and discrimination against women and abuse of children continued to be seri-
ous problems. Discrimination against indigenous people and Muslims persists, al-
though the Mindanao peace process is addressing the latter problems in many com-
munities. Legislation passed in October is expected to provide improved protection
for indigenous people. Rural poverty and family displacement worsened a persistent
child labor problem, which the Government took steps to address.
To promote respect for human rights, the Commission on Human Rights, a gov-
ernmental body, organized a system of over 6,000 locality ("barangay") human
rights officers to monitor local authorities and report complaints.
Communist and Muslim insurgent groups committed abuses, including
extrajudicial killings, kidnapings, torture, and detentions.
877
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Police, prison guards, and military
forces committed extrajudicial killings. The nongovernmental organization (NGO)
Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP) reported five extrajudicial killings
by authorities in the first 6 months of 1997, compared with 14 in 1996. The CHK,
which includes killings by insurgents in its totals, investigated 49 extrajudicial
killings in the first 6 months of the year.
The TFDP reported that police personnel killed three persons and wounded three
others during the demolition and removal of an indigenous people's community in
Bxikidnon province, Mindanao, in July. According to both the TFDP and the
Church's Ecumenical Commission for Displaced Families and Communities, ele-
ments of the PNP shot two members of the Higaonon people and a Filipino visitor
in the course of forcibly removing them from land that they claimed as ancestral
domain but to which a powerful local family also laid claim. Three other Higaonon,
including an 8-year-old girl, were woundecl in the gunfire as local security forces,
demolition teams, and the PNP worked together to expel more than a hundred fami-
lies (an estimated 600 people).
Although several thousand PNP officers have taken part in CHR human rights
training. Killings and the mistreating of criminal suspects continued. In May De-
partment of Interior and Local Government (DILG) Secretary Robert Barbers issued
a "shoot to kill" directive to police in situations where they believed they faced an
armed criminal. Barbers sought to respond to allegations of a police killing in the
death of suspected jewelry store robber whose escape from jail was widely reported
by the press (see Section I.e.).
There were numerous deaths in custody due to beatings by prison guards, mal-
nutrition, and disease (see Section I.e.).
The AFP continued its counterinsurgency campaign in Mindanao (see Section l.g.),
and the TFDP reported that the AFP was responsible for 14 civilian deaths during
the first half of 1997.
Extrajudicial killings also resulted from increased AFP involvement in civilian
law enforcement following the declaration by President Ramos in August that the
drug trade was a national security threat. Members of the AFP mistakenly killed
an 8-year-old girl in August during a raid on the home of a suspected drug lord.
The CHR filed a negligence complaint against the AFP unit's commanders. The sol-
diers involved were arraigned on charges of manslaughter.
Many civilian deaths resulted from clashes between the AFP and the Muslim sep-
aratist group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). A cease fire was put into
effect in November, and the (jovemment and MILF have engaged in exploratory
talks. In March in Buldon in Mindanao, 10 Muslim students and a teacner were
killed by artillery fire that destroyed the building where they were holding classes.
A CHR investigation and report indicated that only the AFP used the kind of
105mm howitzer capable of firing the projectiles that struck the community center
holding the classes. However, the AFP claimed that there was evidence that a dif-
ferent Kind of munition was used in the shelling.
Civilian militia units or Citizens Armed Forces (geographical Units (CAFGLTs)
also committed extrajudicial killings. Organized by the police and the AFP to secure
areas cleared of insurgents, these nonprofessional units have inadequate training,
poor supervision, and a propensity for violent behavior. There was a gradual reduc-
tion of CAFGU numbers, however, continued fitting in Mindanao and resistance
from some governors, who feared a renewed Communist threat, particularly in
northern Luzon, hindered efforts to reduce such forces.
The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) reported that in Au-
gust a CAFGU member killed a church worker assigned to pastoral care of prisoners
in the Davao area penal colony at Dapecol. The CBCP indicated that the church vol-
unteer, Rodrigo Guillen, was shot by the CAFGU bodyguard of the superintendent
of the penal colony, retired police colonel Jose Poblacion. Guillen was reportedly a
target for retribution after recently signing a complaint against Poblacion about
abuses in the prison (see Section I.e.).
In February unidentified gunmen killed the head of the Catholic diocese of Sulu,
Bishop Benjamin De Jesus. The gunmen also killed a young girl and wounded four
boys. Prosecutors announced the arrest of two suspects without apparent political
motives. At year's end, the trial had not begun.
Police suspects in the 1995 Kuratong Baleleng robbery case have not yet been
tried in the Sandiganbayan , the ombudsman court. The United Nations Special
Rapporteur on Summary and Arbitrary Execution still awaits a final response from
the Government to its inquiry about the case. The Sandiganbayan appeared pre-
878
pared to issue indictments and open trial early in the year, however, both a
Sandiganbayan justice and Senator Raul Roco, who pushed for the case's resolution,
reported receiving death threats in February. The attorneys assisting prosecution
witnesses in the case complained to the U.N. Special Rapporteur that they also re-
ceived death threats. In February the Rapporteur, Bacre Ndaje, asked the Phil-
ippine Department of Foreign Aflairs to enforce the fundamental principles of the
universal Declaration on Human Rights. In June some of the key high-ranking po-
lice officials, who were about to be charged, were informally "rehabilitated" after the
PNP reinstated them. As the process dragged on, key state witnesses either left the
country due to fear of reprisal, or remained in a witness protection program, due
to fear of retribution against their families.
Corruption and continued impunity hindered the prosecution of cases of killings
from previous years. The Integrated Bar of the Philippines (IBP) urged its 40,000
members in August to protest the lack of government prosecution in eight cases in-
volving the death or disappearance of judges and lawyers since 1994.
Vigilante groups or employees of contract security firms working with the authori-
ties were also responsible for extrajudicial killings. In Davao city there is reportedly
widespread vigilante justice practiced against suspected drug dealers. Senator
Ernesto Herrera, a leader in the Government's antidrug efforts, reported that a
Davao vigilante group calling itself "Servants of the People" killed 39 suspected
drug dealers in the first 8 months of 1997.
Although the Communist insurgency, with its military wing the New People's
Army (NPA), is greatly reduced from its height in the 1980's, NPA insurgents killed
many persons, including civilians. In Zambales province in March rebels ambushed
a police patrol and killed a local police chief, four officers, and two civilians. In Que-
zon province in January NPA forces ambushed a car occupied by employees of a
power station construction site and killed two persons. In Mindoro province in April
NPA forces attacked the town hall in Bansud and killed two unarmed security men.
Members of a faction of the NPA killed two civilians in San Carlos city in Negros
Occidental in February. The NPA faction reportedly killed the two men for their. al-
leged involvement in drug trafTicking and land extortion (see Section 1.0. In 'Teo-
ple's Court" trials, the NPA tortured and summarily executed some defendants (see
Section I.e.).
Urban leftist guerrillas reportedly killed two former NPA members in the Manila
area in June. Members of the terrorist Alex Boncayao Brigade claimed responsibility
for the "execution" of a landowner in Negros Occidental in July.
MILF rebels hijacked a vehicle in the Maguindanao province of Mindanao in June
and killed two passengers.
In late October, NPA units raided a police municipal headquarters in Rizal prov-
ince near Manila. They killed one policeman and abducted the police chief, whom
they held for over a month. In November three policemen and a photographer were
killed in a Bicol province ambush. An NPA attack in Mindoro Occidental in Decem-
ber resulted in the deaths of five policemen and the abduction of a police com-
mander. The NPA released their police captives in both Rizal and Mindoro Occiden-
tal provinces after subjecting them to a "trial" (see Section l.f.).
b. Disappearance. — The (JHR reported eight disappearance in the first 6 months
of the year, compared with five in 1996. The Integrated Bar of the Philippines ex-
pressed concern over the August disappearance oT a defense attorney retained by
the suspect in a highly publicized drug case. The missing attorney was last seen
in the company of a National Bureau of Investigation ofTicer before he was ab-
ducted. According to government sources, there were links between the attorney's
client, a suspected drug smuggler, and the police.
The courts and police have failed to address complaints by victims' families con-
cerning numerous disappearances in the late 1980 s. According to Amnesty Inter-
national, disappearances occurred when people were taken into custody by agents
of the Government, but the Government denied knowledge of their whereabouts and
concealed their custody. An advocacy group, Families of victims of Involuntary Dis-
appearance (FIND), presented to the Government records of 1,635 documented cases
01 missing individuals since the Marcos era. (According to Amnesty International,
there were 759 disappearances under former President Ferdinand Marcos, 830 dis-
appearances during tne Corazon Aquino presidency, and 46 since President Ramos
assumed office in 1992.) Although President Fidel Ramos appointed a conunittee to
investigate such disappearances in 1992, the committee never functioned. FIND
called for its disbanding to dispel any illusion that the problem is being addressed.
Instead FIND appealed for a return visit by the U.N. Working Group on Enforced
and Involuntary Disappearances, which last visited the country in 1990. The ap-
pearance of deliberate government inaction on cases that involve officials who re-
879
main influential helps create a climate of impunity that undermines confidence in
the justice system.
Kidnaping of members of ethnic communities remained a problem. Criminal syn-
dicates and insurgent groups targeted primarily Chinese-Filipino businessmen, al-
though their victims also included ethnic Filipino business people and some foreign
managers. According to the group Citizens Action Against Crime (CAAC), which
monitors incidents that victims' families have chosen not to report, there were 105
kidnapings for ransom in the first 8 months of 1997, involving 172 victims.
Members of the Chinese-Filipino community, which is about 1 to 2 percent of the
population, wield significant commercial inlluence, normally refused to cooperate
with the authorities or to identify their captors, if known. In a typical case, kidnap-
ers seized real estate developer Kok Go and his son in a downtown Manila neighbor-
hood in February. Within hours his family paid about $170,000 (5 million pesos) for
their release without contacting the police. The Chinese community deeply distrusts
the authorities, whom they believe collude with the kidnap gangs. Observers believe
that police involvement is indicated bv the kidnapers' frequent use of sophisticated
communications equipment and high-powered weapons. In December shops in
Manila's Chinese business district closed for 1 day, and there were marches to pro-
test the deaths of two young kidnap victims.
According to the Government's kidnaping task force report in March there was
evidence that 87 police officers and 27 members of the military were involved with
kidnaping operations. Nevertheless, despite press criticism, there were few indict-
ments of police and military personnel on kidnaping charges.
Along with Manila, the city of Cotabato in Mindanao was a frequent site of
kidnapings. Its proximitv to areas controlled by an insurgent Muslim force, the
MILF, makes it especially vulnerable. To respond to a rash of 14 kidnapings in a
month and shop closure protests by the resident Chinese-Filipino business commu-
nity. President Kamos ordered soldiers to replace the police as the law enforcement
authority there in May. Although AFP leaders charged the MILF with seeking ran-
som fiinds and using the kidnapings as a "show of force," observers believed that
many kidnapings were by gangs, many of which were composed of former insurgents
or police and army veterans. In some cases MILF forces also took part or colluded
witn the kidnapers. In one such incident, a German businessman was kidnaped by
the MILF in Zamboanga del Norte in September, at year's end, although his release
seemed imminent, he was still being held. Several bandit groups or fraudulent
intermediaries have emerged to seek ransom money.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture, and evidence obtained through its use is legally
inadmissible. However, members of the security forces and police continued to use
torture and otherwise abuse suspects and detainees. The CHR and the Department
of Interior and Local Government (DILG) provide the police with human rights
training, including primers on the rights of suspects. However, such training is vol-
untary and depenaent on the DILG's uncertain budget. Police awareness of the
ridits of persons in custody remains poor.
The CHR reported one case of torture through June, compared with four in all
of 1996. The TFDP reported eight cases in the first 10 months of 1997, compared
with nine during 1996. A study commissioned by the NGO LawAsia identified the
most common forms of abuse during arrest and interrogation as mauling, slaps,
strangulation, hitting with rifie butts or wooden clubs, poking with a gun, enclosing
a victim's head in cellophane, and applying electrical current to the genitals. Police
also reportedly bum or drag suspects behind cars to force confessions. In February
a CHR medical ofiicer found evidence that police tortured and beat suspects in a
robbery case in which police were allegedly involved. According to the CHR, the po-
lice used electric shocks, blows with rifie stocks, and beatings to force confessions
from the two suspects.
Police used tear gas and force in battling squatters who were being displaced (see
Section l.f.).
The NPA sometimes tortures defendants tried in its informal courts (see Section
l.e.).
Prison conditions are harsh and often life threatening. Jails and prisons are over-
crowded, have limited exercise and sanitary facilities, and provide prisoners with an
inadequate diet. Administrators reportedly budget a subsistence allowance of about
80 cents (25 p)esos) a day. In January there were prisoner riots in the Manila city
jail, reportedly caused by gang rivalries. In July, during another riot there, two pris-
oners and the infant child of an inmate were shot and killed by prison guards at-
tempting to quell the disturbance. Conditions reached crisis proportions when an
outbreak of typhoid fever in the jail led to the death of eight prisoners in February.
Over 2,000 prisoners are housed in the century old jail, where overcrowding and a
880
contaminated water supply caused numerous typhoid cases. Following a 1990—96
CHR study on 6,939 jail facilities, the CHR criticised the imprisonment of women
and children in facilities not fully segregated from male inmates. A September CHR
report notes that budget shortfalls have prevented many local authorities from pro-
viding better jaU conditions.
Ofncial corruption is a serious problem in the prison system. Jail administrators
reportedly delegate much authority to maintain order to senior inmates. Favored in-
mates reportedly enjoy access to outside contacts, enabling them to trade in pros-
titution and drugs from within the jail. The CHR investigated the death of an in-
mate in February after his family charged that his body snowed marks of beatings.
JaU authorities claimed that he fell to his death in an apparent suicide.
Guards often abuse prisoners. Female prisoners are at particular risk of sexual
assault. A CHR ref>ort on jail facilities throughout the country indicated that of 613
jails visited, only 64 had adequate facilities and were in good condition. Some promi-
nent prisoners and celebrities, however, are treated far better. A congressman de-
tained in a Makati city jail for several months soon upgraded his cell quarters with
air conditioning, food service facilities, and video equipment. He was allowed passes
to visit his dentist and others outside the jail.
Conditions in the provincial jails were often as Spartan and overcrowded as in
Manila. Inmates depended on their families for food because of the insufficient sub-
sistence allowance. According to the penal authorities, there were over 21,000 pris-
oners held in regional jails. Many were there at the discretion of local law enforce-
ment authorities without benefit of a trial. In one incident the CAFGU bodyguard
of a penal colony superintendent killed a church volunteer worker (see Section l.a.).
Through the efforts of the CHR between 1988 and 1996, 627 prisoners and detain-
ees were released because they had been imprisoned beyond the term of the sen-
tences imposed, or because the CHR helped obtain their paroles or pardon. The
CHR study found that a major contributor to overcrowding in the prisons was the
courts' failure to hear the cases of detainees who were unable to post bail.
International monitoring groups, the International Committee of the Red Cross,
and foreign embassy ofTicials are allowed free access to jails and prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Although the Constitution requires a ju-
dicial determination of probable cause before issuance of an arrest warrant and pro-
hibits holding prisoners incommunicado or in secret places of detention, police con-
tinue to arbitrarily arrest and detain citizens.
Detainees have the right to a judicial review of the legality of their detention and,
except for offenses punishable by a life sentence or death (when evidence of guilt
is strong), the right to bail. Authorities are required to file charges within 12 to 36
hours of a warrantless arrest, depending on the seriousness of the crime for which
the arrest was made. The CHR listed 34 cases of illegal arrest and detention in the
first 6 months of 1997. The TFDP reported that 81 persons were arrested illegally
in the first 10 months of 1997, compared with 84 such arrests during the previous
year. In late 1996, the politically motivated arrest and detention of a member of the
Communist National Democratic Front (NDF), Danilo Borjal, in Naga city received
extensive publicity. Borjal was an advisor for the Govemment-NPA peace talks, and
despite his right to certain immunities under the Government's peace process agree-
ment with the NDF and related NPA insurgents, he was arrested and held for over
3 months on a charge of illegal possession of an weapon.
The NPA is responsible for some arbitrary arrests and detentions, oflen in connec-
tion with informal courts set up to try civilians and local politicians for "crimes
against the people."
Forced exue is illegal and is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but the judicial system suffers from corruption and inefliciency. Personal ties
undermine the commitment of some government institutions to ensuring due proc-
ess and equal justice, resulting in impunity for those who commit offenses but are
rich and influential.
The national court system consists of four levels: Local and regional trial courts,
a national Court of Appeals divided into 15 divisions, a 15-member Supreme Court,
and an informal local system for arbitrating or mediating certain problems outside
the formal court system.
The Constitution provides that those accused of crimes be informed of the charges
against them, have the right to counsel, and be provided a speedy and public trial.
Defendants are presumed innocent and have the right to confront witnesses against
them, to present evidence, and to appeal convictions. The authorities generally re-
spect the right of defendants to be represented by a lawyer, although poverty often
inhibits a oefendant's access to attorneys. There is no jury system under the law;
all cases are heard by judges.
881
According to the NGO Alterlaw, abuse of personal connections, patronage, influ-
ence peddling, and bribery are common. The judicial process is perceived as biased
in favor of the rich and influential, and there are few instances of the police inves-
tigating and the courts trying white collar criminals. Legal experts in and outside
the justice system also criticize personal and professional relationships between
judges and the individuals and corporations whose cases they are assigned. Some
law firms, known in that profession as "case fixers," gain the favor of judges and
other court officials and brine some witnesses. While it is technically illegal to settle
criminal cases out of court, the practice of reaching an "amicable settlement" is rou-
tine; without key victims or witnesses to testify, the authorities are forced to aban-
don their case. The Government has been unable, for the most part, to take efiiective
action to intervene in these situations.
The pace of justice is slow. The court system is unable to assure detained persons
expeditious tnals. There is a widely recognized need for more prosecutors, judges,
and courtrooms. A leading court administrator indicated that 549 unfilled positions
for judges remained vacant in 1997 for lack of qualified applicants. Many vacancies
were in provincial capitals unattractive to jurists. In other cases, salaries for judges
were considered too low compared with other opportunities. Further impeding ius-
tice was a shortage of prosecutors. A Justice Department official acknowledged in
June that he lacked sufficient resources to hire the prosecutors needed for the na-
tionwide case load. He also acknowledged that prosecutors are susceptible to corrup-
tion because of their low salaries.
According to the Constitution, cases are to be resolved within set time limits once
submitted for decision: 24 months for the Supreme Court; 12 for the Court of Ap-
peals, and 3 months for lower courts. There are no time limits for trials. Because
of numerous technical delays and frequent failures of judges and prosecutors to ap-
pear, trials can last many months. Prosecutors often declined to prosecute certam
types of cases. Officials in the Labor and Social Welfare Departments complain that
prosecutors fail to follow up on cases involving child labor violations (see Section
6.d.). Police who cut short tne investigative process by extracting forced confessions
contribute to lengthy court dockets, as judges reject such denials. of due process.
The CHR reported that only 18 percent of the human rights cases that it referred
to courts and other government agencies were resolved, and that the courts dis-
missed 76 percent of the few cases received for judicial review. Commission officials
blamed the low percentage on the problems inherent in the justice system. To ad-
dress the problem, the CHR arranged to have three Justice Department prosecutors
permanently assigned to its staff to expedite prosecutions.
Although the Sandiganbayan's hanaling of the Kuratong Baleleng case (see Sec-
tion l.a.) was not transparent, the court, as an instrument for reform, served well
in some cases involving regional political figures who might otherwise have swayed
the verdicts of regional courts. However, in other cases involving major political fig-
ures and sensitive issues, the court appeared unable to begin proceedings.
An NGO representing over 400 families of crime victims (Crusade Against Vio-
lence— CAV) reported some success in providing families with legal advice, monitor-
ing court processes, and spurring prosecutors to address cases despite the efibrts of
local crime lords or officials to hinder proceedings. However, CAV president Dante
Jimenez resigned in May in a protest gesture alter his brother's murderer was ac-
quitted in a Manila area court. Jimenez charged that local protectors of the drug
trade had succeeded in corrupting the court process.
More than 10,000 victims claiming indemnification for alleged Marcos-era human
rights abuses await the outcome of a Makati city court case begun in May. Attor-
neys defending Mrs. Imelda Marcos sought to block any court finding by obtaining
a certificate that there were no human rights cases officially on file against the
former president. CHR officials stated that they would support the efforts of the
human rights victims to obtain relief and filed a motion on their behalf in the
Makati court. Former President Corazon Aquino made a public appeal for speedy
court justice for the Marcos-era human rights victims.
In October the TFDP questioned the apparent unfairness in many of court pro-
ceedings that result in death penalty sentences, since the judicial system did not
ensure the rights of defendants to due process and legal representation. At times,
defendants in such cases had no lawyers to assist them when they were arrested,
indicted, and brought to trial.
The NPA "tries" civilians and local politicians for "crimes against the people" in
informal courts. Defendants in such trials are sometimes tortured or summarily exe-
cuted. Former leaders of the Communist Party have been at particular risk in "peo-
ple's court" trials.
In 1995 the Government offered anmesty to former rebels and members of govern-
ment security forces up to a June 1,1995 deadline. In the case of rebels, crimes cov-
882
ered by the amnesty had to have been committed in pursuit of political beliefs; in
that of members of government forces, crimes covered were those committed in the
performance of duty. Members of government security forces who committed serious
human rights violations (arson, torture, extrajudicial killings, massacres, rape, tor-
ture and robbery) were excluded from the program. A quasi-judicial National Am-
nesty Commission (NAC), whose decisions are subject to review only by the Court
of Appeals, was established to process amnesty applications. The NAC processed
and oversaw the release of 41 political prisoners in 1995 and 1996. None were re-
leased in 1997.
The TFDP reported that there were 190 political prisoners held as of December
1. The Government disputes this charge, contending that those held for allegedly
political reasons were really imprisoned for common crimes. Frequently those politi-
cal prisoners counted by the TFDP were charged with illegal possession of firearms.
The TFDP claims that the authorities deliberately "criminalized" the pmUtical of-
fender cases in order to strip political prisoners of public sympathy. In the first half
of 1997, TFDP investigations indicated that there were 87 new illegal arrests for
political reasons (compared with 60 during the same period in 1996). According to
the TFDP the authorities released 24 political prisoners. They were released
through various means, including outright case dismissal (6) and conditional pardon
(11).
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides that search warrants may be issued by a judge on a finding
of probable cause. Restrictions on search and seizure within private homes are gen-
ersdly observed, although searches without warrants do occur. Judges have declared
evidence obtained illegally to be inadmissible.
Although the Government does not interfere with the free personal use of the
mail, there were credible reports in August that military surveillance teams oper-
ated within telephone company exchanges to monitor calls In antinarcotics law en-
forcement operations.
There was a marked increase in displacements of families from their homes to
make way for infrastructure and commercial developments. In January the United
Nations Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights declared the Phil-
ippines to be "one of the top violators" in allowing families to be displaced without
adequate substitute housing. The U.N. Committee filed a formal inquiry with the
Government concerning widespread demolitions in 1996. A member of the CHR,
Mercedes Contreras, complained that in implementing massive infrastructure
projects in Manila, the Government has dislocated thousands of squatter families
(estimated as affecting about 180,000 people during the year). The (jovemment has
had difficulty in implementing its 1992 housing law, which provides for consulta-
tion, compensation, and substitute housing for the squatter families affected by re-
moval plans. Instead there were numerous arbitrary demolitions of squatter areas,
which often resulted in physical confrontations and even deaths to squatter family
members.
A police detachment carried out a demolition of homes belonging to an indigenous
people's community, the Higaonons, which resulted in three deaths in July (see Sec-
tion l.a.). About 100 families were left homeless following the demolition, which was
carried out based on a court order secured by a local landowning family.
In Manila there were repeated incidents of violence associated with the forced dis-
placement of squatter communities. In January 50 police officers using tear gas bat-
tled about 600 squatters to take over a lot in the central Binondo district; dozens
of persons were injured in the melee. In July police and demolition teams helped
clear the Sitio Mendez neighborhood in Quezon City of Metro Manila, leaving about
12,000 people temporarily homeless; three infants died during the confrontation
with residents. Subsequently a community leader among the squatters was shot and
killed by hired security guards. Although the landowner belatedly made arrange-
ments for substitute housing following public criticism, the TFDP described the kill-
ing of the community leader as a move to terrorize slum dwellers opposed to
demolitions."
In a similar case raised with the U.N. Commission on Human Rights in 1997 by
the leading human rights NCK) coalition, the Philippine Association of Human
Rights Advocates, a president of a community farmers association in Cavite province
was abducted in September 1996, following a series of strong protests against the
displacement of the community by a resort developer. The association appealed its
claim to land ownership to the (}overnment's Department of Agrarian Reform,
which has restrained the developer with a court order. But confrontations between
the farmers and developers' agents and local police occurred periodically throughout
the year.
883
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— Despite a 1996 peace agreement between the Government and the Moro Na-
tional Liberation Front, a major Islamic insurgent group, occasional clashes between
government and insurgent forces loyal to the militant Moro Islamic Liberation Front
continued to inflict hardship on civilians. Most of the fighting took place in western
Mindanao provinces, particularly North Cotabato, Maguindanao, Zamboanga del
Norte, and Basilan.
The AFP assumed police duties in the Mindanao area after President Ramos ex-
pressed heightened concern over a series of abductions that was allegedly undermin-
ing the Mindanao peace process. In June despite a negotiated cease-fire with the
MILF, the army attacked a large MILF base area in Maguindanao province to res-
cue alleged kidnap victims, displacing more than 18,000 families.
Displaced families fear careless use of artillery and bombing in areas otherwise
untouched by the conflict. According to the Ecumenical Commission for Displaced
Families and Communities, 14 armed clashes in the first half of the year displaced
some 27,147 families, an estimated 162,800 persons. The TFDP reported that one
civilian was killed and nine wounded as the result of small arms crossfire or from
cannon and rocket fire (see Section l.a.).
Although neither side appeared to have targeted civilian populations or restricted
relief supplies, there were periodic grave food shortages associated with the large
number of displaced families during the army's June clashes with the MILF.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects these rights in practice.
Drug syndicates have frequently retaliated against journalists investigating their
crimes. In December 1996, a television reporter was killed at his home in Cavite
after investigating drug trafficking. There have been no arrests in the case. In June
drug traffickers were implicated in the death of Manila journalist Danny Hernan-
dez, who reported on the scale of Manila area drug operations. The Philippine Press
Institute (PPI) sought a reopening of the police investigation in the case in the belief
that the prior police investigation — which had resulted in the arrest of an alleged
robber — had failed to identify the real perpetrators.
The PPI favors the repeal of legislation that bans political advertising in the
media. The PPI believes that the total ban, enacted in the interest of fairness, fa-
vors incumbents and deprives new candidates of the opportunity to make their
views known.
There appears to be no invasive use of censorship, although there is a govern-
ment-appointed Movie and Television Review and Classification Board which largely
monitors the sexual rather than the political content of productions. The Govern-
ment succeeded in delaying the release of a film depicting the hardships and alleged
rape of an overseas 14-year-old Filipino girl working illegally in a household in the
Middle East. Ofiicials persuaded the film company to withhold the film on the
ground that its content could affect sensitive bilateral relations.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel. Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens enjoy the freedom to change their place of residence and em-
ployment. Travel abroad is limited only in rare circumstances, such as pending
court cases or when government authorities try to discourage travel by vulnerable
workers, such as young women to areas where they face personal risk. The Phil-
ippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) seeks to limit departures for
work abroad to those whom the POEA certifies as qualified for the jobs. An esti-
mated 4 million citizens work overseas and remit money home, which amounts to
5 percent of the gross national product.
The Philippines is a signatory to the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Sta-
tus of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. There is no comprehensive legislation, how-
ever, to implement the Convention. The Government recognized approximately 140
refugees who were under the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees protection. The
Government continued to allow 1,583 asylum seekers from Vietnam to remain after
the termination of the Comprehensive Plan of Action (CPA) on June 30. All these
asylum seekers were denied refugee status in accordance with CPA provisions. Ap-
proximately 385 of these persons reside in a village in Palawan composed largely
of Vietnamese, while the remainder live in major urban areas.
884
The Government continued to encourage voluntary repatriation of these asylum
seekers and has ruled out forcible repatriation. There is significant nongovernment
support (particularly from the Catholic Church) for allowing those asylum seekers
who do not wish to repatriate and are ineligible for resettlement in third countries
to remain in the country permanently.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right through periodic elections. Congress has
yet to enact, however, a system for absentee voting, as required by the Constitution.
This provision affects an estimated 4 million potential voters or about 10 percent
of the electorate, most of whom are expatriates.
An estimated 70 to 75 percent of registered voters participated in 1995 national
and local elections that confirmed the control of a loose progovernment coalition over
both the House of Representatives and the Senate.
However, the 1995 elections disclosed a flaw in the election system, which impairs
the democratic process and the transition of power in government. Election irreg-
ularities invalidated the Senate race results for some candidates. The hand-counting
of millions of paper ballots delayed the election results and contributed to cheating.
Former Senator Aquilino Pimentel filed a complaint with the Senate Electoral Tri-
bunal, alleging he was victimized by vote tampering, known as "Dagdag-Bawas" (lit-
erally "Addition-Subtraction "), which boosted the votes of his rivals. A Senate Elec-
toral Tribunal confirmed the validity of the charges in August, following a recount
of votes in 17 percent of the nation's precincts. Based on these partial results, the
Tribunal concluded that at least 243,700 nonexistent votes were credited to a rival
candidate who had defeated Rmentel. The incumbent remained in office despite the
evidence of vote tampering. The initial public reaction to the Tribunal's findings re-
flected widespread pessimism that there could be an effective reform of the election
system. The Government did not begin prosecution of election oflicials who, accord-
ing to the recount, had a hand in massive cheating. A top official of the Commission
on Elections, Commissioner Regalado Maambong, said that the Commission was
powerless to prevent such cheating. He indicated that the system that allows local
officials to appoint or influence election precinct administrators makes it impossible
for the Commission to police the nationwide system and assure its integrity.
The (jovemment sought through a peace process to include dissident groups with-
in the political process. In September 1996, there was a significant peace agreement
with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). A former MNLF leader was elect-
ed governor of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao shortly after the agree-
ment. The Government sought also to include a second insurgent group, the MILF,
in the peace process.
There was growing debate about the orderly change of government in the next
presidential election, which is scheduled for May 1998. Both the Catholic Church
and human rights groups criticized efforts to extend President Ramos's term of of-
fice. In August term extension proponents in the House of Representatives intro-
duced a measure to convene a constituent assembly and revise the Constitution to
extend the terms of both the President and congressional incumbents. By year's end,
these efforts had ceased, and it apf)eared elections would go forward as scheduled.
The Government continued periodic "peace process" talks with the leadership in
exile of the Communist National Democratic Front (NDF), which coordinates with
its armed resistance group, the New People's Army. A faction that rejects the NDF
leadership, the Revolutionary People's Army, seeks further armed resistance rather
than involvement in the peace process.
There are no restrictions in law or practice on participation by women and minori-
ties in politics. Three women head cabinet departments, 4 of 24 Senators are
women, 23 of 204 elected members of the House are women, and 2 additional
women serve as appointed "sectoral" members of the House.
Muslim leaders appealed for a constitutional change to elect senators by region.
They argue that the current method of election from a nationwide list favors the
established political figures from the Manila area. There are no Muslim senators.
The lower house of the Congress includes one appointed representative for the in-
digenous people's "sector." However, such "sectoral" representatives in Congress
complain that they are excluded from most consultations by congressional colleagues
elected from regular districts.
885
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups op)erated without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Many govern-
ment omcials, including those of the CHK, are responsive to their views. The Phil-
ippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA), a leading NGO network, ef-
fectively monitors human rights problems and seeks redress through its contacts
with the Government, the Congress and the CHR. Human rights workers encoun-
tered minor harassment, largely by individual local military or police commanders.
The Government blocked participation by Nobel laureate Jose Ramos-Horta in a
January regional seminar on human rights diplomacy held at a Manila university.
The Government denied Ramos-Horta a visa, oased on official concern that Ramos
Horta's expression of support for East Timor dissidents could constitute interference
in the internal affairs of an Association of Southeast Asian Nations partner, Indo-
nesia.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination against women, children, and members
of minorities. Implementation of constitutional protections is at times hindered by
lack of implementing legislation and by budgetaiy constraints.
Women. — Violence against women, particularly domestic violence, is a serious
problem. Women's advocates cite the lack of laws on domestic violence, double
standards of morality, and a traditional societal reluctance to discuss private family
affairs as some of the reasons for domestic violence. The absence of divorce under
the law and the lack of job opportunities combine to limit the ability of both poor
and wealthy women to escape destructive relationships.
Nonetheless, women's rights advocates describe the greater willingness of women
to speak out, despite a sense of shame, fear, and a desire to preserve "family honor,"
as a positive movement toward gender eauality. Working in conjunction witn NGO's,
the Government's Bureau of Women's Welfare established temporary shelters to
protect female victims from further harm and high risk situations. Bureau officials
believe that these programs, along with changing attitudes, accounted for the in-
crease in reports of batterings, which continued to ctow rapidly throughout 1996
and the first half of 1997. Both the Bureau and the PNP maintain a Women's Help
Desk to protect women and encourage the reporting of crimes. PNP stations include
female as well as male officers who, with help from NGO's, receive gender sensitiv-
ity training for dealing with victims of sexual crimes and domestic violence.
Rape continues to be a major problem. The number of rapes reported to the police
rose by 22 percent in the first half of the year to 1,466. In September Congress en-
acted a major reform of legislation on rape, classifying it as a crime against a person
punishable under the Criminal Code, instead of as a crime against chastity punish-
able only under the Civil Code. Women no longer must prove that they are either
virgins or not promiscuous in order to claim legally that they have been raped.
As with battering, government officials attributed the increase in reported rape
to changing attitudes. In a widely publicized case, an 11-year-old girl charged a con-
gressman with rape. Intense media reporting compelled prosecution. The congress-
man has been in custody since January, and his Manila trial continued at year's
end.
Women's groups believe that the death penalty, which was restored in 1993, in-
hibits victims, particularly young victims of incestuous rape, from pressing charges.
Convictions for rape could and often did result in imposition of a death sentence.
Many women suffer exposure to violence through their recruitment (often through
deception) into prostitution. Prostitution remains illegal, but widespread. A leading
NGO working with U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF) estimated that 300,000 women
are engaged m prostitution. While penalties for the offense are light, detained pros-
titutes are subjected to administrative indignities. Women's groups called for legal
action against local officials who condone a climate of impunity for those who exploit
prostitutes — both the "entertainment club" employers and their clients. They were
critical of highly publicized official campaigns to close clubs and brothels, because
such tactics failed to rescue young women from abuse. In April President Ramos or-
dered police raids on clubs and brothels following press reports that tour agencies
used the Internet to advertise sex tourism in Angeles city north of Manila. However,
a few days after the raids, the ofTending establisnments were back in business. The
Department of Tourism hosted a world tourism meeting in Manila in May and lob-
bied strenuously for a declaration on the social impact of tourism, including a con-
demnation of sex tourism. Hotel and travel industry leaders pledged to cooperate
with the Government in stopping this practice.
886
Many women seek employment overseas and are particularly vulnerable to exploi-
tation by unethical recruiters who promise attractive jobs or, in some cases, arrange
marriages with foreign men. Some end up working as prostitutes or suffering abuse
at the nands of their foreign employers or husbands. Those recruited to woric as
maids, entertainers, or models may, while overseas, be forced to participate in pub-
lic shows or dances where nudity and the prospect of sex is the principal attraction.
Other women knowingly accept questionahle jobs to support parents, children, or
siblings with their remittances. To curb such abuses, the Government campaigned
to end Ulegal recruiting and, by raising age, educational, and professional standards
for young women seeking jobs abroad, tried to discourage employment migration.
The Migrant Woriters and Overseas Filipinos Act of 1995 sought to provide the Gov-
ernment with greater financial resources and improved authority to combat these
problems. NGO's agreed that these measures were not adequate.
Sexual harassment was also a problem. A survey by the Institute of Labor Studies
found workplace sexual harassment to be widespread yet underre ported, due to vic-
tims' reticence and fear of losing their jobs. A Catholic Church study of conditions
for female workers in the Special Economic Zone indicated that sexual harassment
by managers was common there. The women are often in a vulnerable position.
Most are economic migrants who are required to work long hours and have no inde-
pendent workers organization that could help them file complaints.
In law but not in practice, women have most of the rights and protections ac-
corded men. The Women in Development and Nation Building Act of 1992 termi-
nated previous restrictions on women's rights to buy and sell property. To imple-
ment the act. President Ramos directed that each government agency designate 5
gercent of its annual budget for programs to advance opportunities for women. The
iommission on the Role of Filipino Women, under the ofiice of the President, seeks
to coordinate programs for women. The Commission works closely with many
NGO's, including the 10-million-member National Council of Women in the Phil-
ippines. During the year, the Council conducted seminars and helped launch a pro-
gram for establishing crisis centers in hospitals for women who are victims of vio-
lence. The Department of Labor and Employment upgraded its programs in support
of women, having formed a new Bureau of Women and Young Children to advocate
major programs. In September a U.N. Development Program report noted that the
Government had raised the level of opportunities for women.
However, an inadequate government budget and reluctant implementation of the
1992 reform legislation in some departments limit the effectiveness of the reforms.
A former congresswoman who sponsored the 1992 reform legislation complained
that government agencies failed to implement the act and the President's directive.
Except for government service and jobs in government-owned or controlled cor-
porations, women faced discrimination in employment. On average, a woman's sal-
ary was about 47 percent of a man's. In addition, many women can find only part-
time work. Sixty percent of the work force is not fully employed; the majority of^this
pool of 17 million part-time workers are women.
Church opposition to divorce in this overwhelmingly Catholic nation is strong.
However, changes in the Legal Code have made marriage annulment fairly easy,
and the practice has become more frequent. The legal cost, however, precludes this
option for many women. The practice of "unofficial divorce" (permanent separation)
was common among lower income families; in these cases the wife was usually lefl
with the children, and the husband provided little or no financial support.
Children. — Several government agencies have programs devoted to the education,
welfare, and development of children. Nevertheless, children faced serious problems
in their development. Family poverty apparently forces many school dropouts. About
67 percent of children completed the 6th grade. Approximately 1.5 million children
age 7 to 12 are not in school. Public primary and secondary schools are free of tui-
tion charges, but poor families are unable to meet the numerous peripheral costs
for uniforms, school supplies, shoes, and transportation.
Widespread poverty forces many young children to work. The Department of
Labor and Employment worked with the International I^bor Organization (ILO)
and NGO's to address problems identified in a landmark 1996 study that showed
a widespread incidence of child labor (see Section 6.d.). According to UNICEF and
the ILO more than 2 million children were exposed to hazardous working environ-
ments, including in quarries, mines, and at docksides. Child trafficking by illegal
recruiters often Drought children from poor rural areas to low-paying jobs in cities.
In May a police raid rescued 20 children, the majority age 14 and younger, who
were disembarking from a Manila ferry with their recruiters bringing them illegally
from the southern Visayas region. Typically such children worked as domestic help-
ers or employees in small workshops.
887
The Government's Department of Social Work and Development reported in June
that there were over 50,000 street children in Manila and over 100,000 nationwide.
Reportedly most were abandoned with no family support and engaged in scavenging
or begging. According to another study, the number of street children nationwide
was over 1 million; S" they were defined as children who worked and lived in the
streets and returned to their families only occasionally. Street begging and truancy
were common in large cities. The insurgency in Mindanao and the migration of the
rural poor to Manila aggravated the capital's street children problem.
The Intercountry Adoption Act of 1995, which strengthened safeguards against
the sale and trafficking of children abroad, expanded on children's rights legislation
enacted in 1992 and 1993. Children's rights advocates criticized the Congress's fail-
ure to pass previously introduced legislation that would have created children's and
family courts to hanme juvenile and domestic relations cases. As traditional societal
values defined children as extensions and property of the parents, ordinary courts
favored parental authority over the rights oi a child.
Greater public awareness eroded traditional reticence to report abuses against
children. The CHR reported a major increase in complaints and court cases. Most
offenders were citizens, although the problem of foreign pedophiles also received sig-
niiicant attention in the press. The Government adopted a tough policy of seeking
prosecution of pedophiles, including those who had returned to their home country
after a sex tourism visit. Two foreigners began prison terms in Manila for child-re-
lated offenses. Some 50 suspected foreign pedophiles were arrested during the last
3 years. Four foreigners were prosecuted, convicted, and jailed in their home coun-
tries for child sex crimes committed in the Philippines during the last 2 years.
The world tourism leaders meeting in May included pedophilia as a target for its
efforts against sex tourism. However, despite government efforts at law eniorcement
and expanded children's programs, there are an estimated 60,000 children involved
in the commercial sex industry according to UNICEF. This marks an increase over
the estimated 20,000 involved in prostitution reported in a 1987 UNICEF study.
"The same studies showed that the children in the "entertainment industry" worked
long hours,
starting in the evening until early morning. They came from families with unem-
ployed or irregularly employed parents.
People With Disabilities. — A 1983 law provides for equal physical access for the
disabled to all public buildings and establishments, and a law passed in 1992 pro-
vides for "the rehabilitation, self-development, and self-reliance of disabled persons
and their integration into the mainstream of society." Advocates for the rights of the
disabled contend that these laws have been ineffective, as implementing regulations
have not been published, and that government programs are palliative rather than
focused on reintegration. Senator Orlando Mercado, who authored legislation for the
disabled, estimated in September that only about 2 percent of an estimated 3.5 mil-
lion disabled citizens had access to government services.
Indigenous People. — Indigenous people live throughout the Philippines but pri-
marily in the mountainous areas of northern and central Luzon and Mindanao.
They account for about 18 percent of the population. Although no specific laws dis-
criminate against indigenous people, the remoteness of the areas that many inhabit
and cultural bias prevent their full integration into society. Their ability to partici-
pate meaningfully in decisions affecting their lands, cultures, traditions, and the al-
location of natural resources is minimal. Because they inhabit mountainous areas
also favored by guerrillas, indigenous people suffer disproportionately from
counterinsurgency operations. Indigenous children suffer from lack of basic services,
health, and education.
In October President Ramos signed the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act which is
intended to implement constitutional provisions to protect indigenous people. The
law establishes a National Commission of Indigenous People staffed by tribal mem-
bers empowered to award certificates of title to lands claimed by the over 12 million
native people in the Philippines. It awards "ancestral domain lands" on the basis
of communal rather than individual ownership, impeding unilateral sale of lands by
tribal leaders. The law also requires a process of "informed" consultation and writ-
ten consent by the indigenous group to allow mining on tribal lands. The law also
assigns the indigenous groups a responsibility to preserve forest, watershed, and
biodiversity areas in their domains from inappropriate development.
Other measures affected indigenous communities in adverse ways. For example,
development planning infringed on indigenous people's lands and rights. The Mining
Act of 1995 continued a legislative trend promoting mining operations, hydroelectric
dams, and other large-scale projects that force indigenous communities to relocate
and abandon farming and hunting lands used for generations.
888
In December President Ramos signed into law the Cordillera Autonomy Act,
which is intended to strengthen protection for the indigenous people of the northern
Luzon mountain regions.
There were numerous cases in which indigenous people faced legal threats to
their claims to ancestral lands from developers, mining interests, and local political
interests. The Higaonon people in Mindanao lost portions of their land to the inter-
ests of a powerful local landowning family, which enforced their removal through
a violent demolition conducted by tne PNP and private security forces (see Section
l.a.). Lumad people in Mindanao faced repeated legal battles with government au-
thorities and repeated visits by mining company surveyors and local "mediators" as
they sought to preserve their ancestral lands against mining concessions. In
Pampanga province, several indigenous groups resisted the efforts of real estate de-
velopers to convert their land into a golf resort complex. In Pampanga and Zambales
provinces, the Aetas, a nomadic people, found their traditional lands cut off by min-
ing operations. In the same region, another Aeta group faced a dispute over their
access to ancestral lands.
Religious Minorities. — About 5 million Muslims, who constitute 7 percent of the
population, reside principally in Mindanao and nearby islands and are the largest
single minority group in the country. Historically they have been alienated from the
dominant Christian majority, and government efforts to integrate Muslims into the
political and economic mainstream met with only limited success. The national cul-
ture, with its emphasis on familial, tribal, and regional loyalties, creates informal
barriers whereby access to jobs or resources is provided first to those of one's own
family or group. Many Muslims claim that they continue to be underrepresented in
senior civilian and militar>' positions.
There was progress in improving Christian-Muslim relations following a Septem-
ber 1996 government agreement with the MNLF. In accordance with the agreement,
a Southern Philippines Council on Peace and Development (SPCPD) was established
to coordinate economic growth in 14 provinces in Mindanao and MNLF Chairman
Nur Misuari became its chair. Shortly thereafter Misuari was also elected Governor
of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao, which was established in 1990 to
meet the demand of Muslims for local autonomy in areas where they are a majority
or a substantial minority. The accord also provided for integrating MNLF fighters
into the armed forces and police. The Government promised to permit a 1999 plebi-
scite to form the basis for greater autonomy for an islamic region.
This initiative eased suspicions between Christians and Muslims, setting the
stage for cooperation and economic growth. However, as the anniversary of the
agreement neared in September, Nur Misuari complained tha*^ government economic
support for the region was inadequate and that new jobs and investment remained
below the targets set. Despite the Government's promise to release $1.2 billion in
funds for development, Misuari said that he had received money to pay only for of-
fice operations and the salaries of his governmental employees. The agreement
brought little regional stability, as the Muslim provinces experienced fighting in
June between government and insurgent MILF forces, in which about 150 persons
were killed.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and laws provide for the right of
workers, including public employees, to form and join trade unions. Although this
right is exercised in practice, aspects of the public sector organization law restrict
and discourage organizing. Trade unions are independent of the Government and
generally free of political party control. Unions have the right to form or join federa-
tions or other labor groups. Unions claim to have organized some 12 percent of the
total work force of 29.1 million. Under the Constitution, there are five representa-
tives of the labor movement appointed by the President as "sectoral" members of
Congress.
Subject to certain procedural restrictions, strikes in the private sector are legal.
However, a 1989 law stipulates that all means of reconciliation must be exhausted
and that the strike issue must be relevant to the labor contract or the law. The
Labor Secretary intervened in 11 labor disputes in the first 11 months of the year,
exercising his authority to assume jurisdiction" and mandate a settlement. He can
exercise tnis authority on the condition that he views the industry involved in the
strike as "vital to national security." The Labor Secretary interprets this power
broadly.
In February 1995, the ILO Committee of Experts noted that certain amendments
have been proposed to legislation that the Committee had previously criticized for
placing unoue restrictions on the right to strike in nonessential services. The Com-
mittee remains concerned by the imposition of penalties in cases where strikes have
889
been deemed illegal, by restrictions on the right of government workers to strike,
by some restrictions on the right to organize and form a bargaining unit that are
in conflict with ILO Convention 87 on freedom of association, and by limitations on
the right to elect workers' representatives freely.
In 1996 the ILO's Committee on Freedom of Association issued a finding that sub-
stantiated Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) and International Con-
federation of Free Trade Union (ICFTU) charges of worker rights violations at the
Danao (Cebu province) plant of Japanese manufacturer Mitsumi. The case, which
began with a February 1994 petition by local union officials to the Department of
Labor and Employment (DOLE) to hola a certification election, included the arrest
of top union ofiicials on spurious criminal narcotics charges, the repeated setting
and postponing of elections, and management efibrts to prevent workers from par-
ticipating, or voting freely, in such elections. The DOLE arranged for a new election
to be conducted, altliough there has been no agreement on a date.
According to the Center for Trade Union and Human Rights (CTUHR), which
publicizes allegations of worker rights violations, attacks on striking workers. How-
ever, union leaders claimed that in certain lengthy strike situations their members
faced intimidation tactics by management. The DOLE's efforts at conciliation and
mediation largely averted instances of violence by either side. Strikers at a foreign
owned electronics plant occupied the offices of DOLE officials, including the Sec-
retary, in January in protest over the lack of progress in implementing an agree-
ment earlier mandated by the DOLE. However, the strikers left without incident
after making their case to DOLE officials.
Unions have the right to affiliate with international trade union confederations
and trade secretariats. Two of the largest trade union centrals, the TUCP and the
FFW, are afliHated with the ICFTU and the World Confederation of Labor respec-
tively.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides for
the ri^ht to organize and bargain collectively. The Labor Code provides for this right
for private sector employees and for employees of government-owned or controlled
corporations, but the law limits the rights of government workers. Fewer than
500,000 workers are covered by collective bargaining agreements. Despite union op-
position, the DOLE secretary issued a change in rules on "labor only" subcontract-
mg, which effectively broadens the definition of industries that may legally use part-
time, rotating staff. Unions have argued that this practice allows unscrupulous em-
ployers to use subcontractors to evade obligations to their employees and to break
unions.
Some employers intimidated workers trying to form a union with threats of firing,
factory closure or, as happened at Mitsumi, the filing of criminal charges against
labor leaders. Allegations of intimidation and discrimination in connection with
union activities are grounds for review as possible unfair labor practices before the
National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC). Before disputes reach the time con-
suming, quasi-judicial NLRC, the DOLE provides the services of the National Con-
ciliation and Mediation Board (NCMB). The NCMB settles most of the unfair labor
practice disputes raised as grounds for strikes before such strikes can be declared.
The number of strikes in the first 11 months remained at roughly the same level
as in 1996, with 91 cases reported. However, the workdays lost to strikes and the
number of workers involved increased. Workdays lost were 658,000 compared with
490,000 in 1996. Workers involved in industrial disputes increased to 50,783 in the
first half of the year, from 31,411 in the same period in 1996.
Labor law is uniform throughout the country, including the industrial zones
where tax benefits encourage the growth of export industries. However, local politi-
cal leaders and officials governing these special economic zones (SEZ's) tried to re-
strict union organizing by maintaining "union free/strike free" policies. Hiring is
often tightly controlled through "SEZ Labor Centers" where political ties to local fig-
ures often played a role in gaining job eligibility. In spite of sporadic labor unrest
and some organizing efforts, union successes in the SEZ's have been few and mar-
ginal. Some mainstream unions avoid a major unionizing effort in the lower wage
SEZ industries, such as the garment industry, as unpromising in lirfit of both the
organizers' restricted access to many zones and the rapid turnover of the young, fe-
male staff working on short-term contracts.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor, including forced and
bonded labor by children is prohibited, and the Government efToctively enforces this
prohibition.
The Labor Department has assisted in arrests of illegal recruiters bringing girls
(age 13 to 17) to worit in Manila as domestic helpers under terms that involved a
'loan" advanced to their parents which the children are obliged to pay through their
890
work. The Labor Department has also helped prosecute the case against an informal
sector manufacturer of bleach who is alleged to have used forced child labor.
The Government's efforts to protect workers from abuse also extend to the large
number of citizens who work overseas. By raising the issue in bilateral contacts and
international forums, it attempts to secure firmer protections of basic rights for
guest workers and otherwise provides assistance through its diplomatic missions.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and is fully enforced, although some
problems remain (see Section 6.c.).
The law prohibits the employment of children below age 15, except under the di-
rect and sole responsibility of parents or guardians or where employment as actors
in cinema, theater, radio, or television is essential to the integrity oi the production.
The Labor Code allows employment for those between the ages oi 15 and 18 for such
hours and periods of the day as are determined by the Secretary of Labor but for-
bids employment of persons under 18 years of age in hazardous or dangerous work.
However, a significant number of children work in the informal sector of the urban
economy or as unpaid family workers in rural areas. In the formal manufacturing
sector, child labor violations are few. Both Labor Department officials and NGO's
are concerned that the legal process has not yet resulted in a court conviction of
an employer found using child labor. Children are also abused in the sex tourism
business. Some children continued to be employed as agricultural workers on ba-
nana and sugar plantations. Children also reportedly are employed on the docks of
some regional ports and in a dangerous form of coral reef fishing, which exposes
them to shark and needlefish attacks and increases their vulneraDility to disease.
In addition to projects undertaken with the UNICEF and the ILO's International
Program on the Elimination of Child Labor, the DOLE investigated and attempted
to reduce violations of child labor laws outside the agricultural sector through pub-
licized raids on reported violators. The DOLE's raids were coordinated with police
and, at times, with personnel from concerned NGO's, especially the Kamalayan De-
velopment Foundation. Heightened public awareness led to greater cooperation by
local authorities, increased involvement by government agencies, and prosecution of
violators. None of these prosecutions led to a conviction and sentencing in either
1996 or 1997.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Tripartite regional wage boards set minimum
wages. The most recent round of wage increases occurred in late 1996 and early
1997, with the hidiest rates set in the national capital region (NCR) and the lowest
in rural regions. The minimum wage for NCR nonagri cultural workers was raised
in stages, culminating on May 1 with a level then worth approximately $6.10 (185
pesos) per day. This wage represents a 12 percent nominal increase over the pre-
vious minimum for the region. With this pay level, at least two family members
would have to work full-time to support a family of six above the (Jovemment's
"poverty threshold."
Regional wage board orders cover all private sector workers except domestic help-
ers and those employed in the personal service of another. Boards outside the NCR
exempted some employers because of factors such as establishment size, industry
sector, involvement with exports, financial distress, and level of capitalization.
These exemptions excluded substantial additional numbers of workers from cov-
erage under the law.
Violation of minimum wage standards was common. Many firms hired employees
at apprentice rates below the minimum wage, although no approved training was
entailed in their production line work. A study of the largest export zone showed
that many workers received less than the minimum wage. In the Manila area,
DOLE inspections found 239 firms that violated minimum wage levels in the first
?|uarter of the year. In southern Mindanao, DOLE surveys disclosed 450 offending
irms in the same period. Forty percent of the 15,000 establishments inspected
failed to remit social security premiums. Given the difficulty of prosecuting cases
through the courts, the DOLE relies on administrative procedures and moral sua-
sion to encourage voluntary employer correction of violations.
The standard legal workweek is 48 hours for most categories of industrial workers
and 40 hours for government workers, with an 8 hour per day limit. An overtime
rate of 125 percent of the hourly rate is mandated on ordinary days and 130 percent
on rest days and holidays. The law mandates a full day of rest weekly. Enforcement
of workweek hours is managed through periodic inspections by the DOLE.
A comprehensive set of occupational safety and health standards exists in law. Al-
though policy formulation ana review of these standards is the responsibility of the
DOLE, actual enforcement is carried out by an inspectorate corps of some 260 labor
and employment officers from 14 regional offices. Statistics on actual work-related
accidents and illnesses are incomplete, as incidents (especially in regard to agri-
891
culture) are underreported. Workers do not have a legally protected right to remove
themselves from dangerous work situations without jeopardy to continued employ-
ment.
SAMOA
Samoa, a small Pacific island country with a population of approximately 162,000,
is a parliamentary democracy but with certain concessions to Samoan cultural prac-
tices. The Constitution provides for a Samoan head of state, a unicameral legisla-
ture composed of "matai (family heads) elected by universal suffrage, an independ-
ent judiciary, protection of Samoan land and traditional titles, and guarantees of
fundamental ri^ts and freedoms. Executive authority is vested in the Head of
State, with the Government administered bv the Cabinet, consisting of the Prime
Minister and 12 ministers chosen by him. All laws passed by the Legislative Assem-
bly need the approval of the Head of State, Malietoa Tanumafili H, who holds the
position for life. His successors will be elected by the Legislative Assembly for 5-
year terms.
The country does not have a defense force. The small national police force is firm-
ly under the control of the Grovemment but has little impact beyond Apia, the cap-
ital city. Enforcement of rules and security within individual villages is vested in
the "fono" (Council of Matai), which settles most internal disputes. Judgments by
the fono usually involve fines or, more rarely, banishment from the village.
Samoa is a poor country with a market-based economy in which over 60 percent
of the work force is employed in the agricultural sector. Coconut products and kava
are the principal exports. The small industrial sector is dominated by a Japanese
factory which assembles automotive electrical parts for export. The Government has
initiated a major push for tourism. Per capita gross domestic product is $1,100 per
year. The country is heavily dependent on foreign aid and on remittances sent to
family members by the more than 100,000 Samoans living overseas, mostly in Aus-
tralia, New Zealand, and the United States.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens. FVincipal
human ri^ts abuses arise out of political discrimination against women and
nonmatai, and violence against women and children. Societal pressures and cus-
tomary law may interfere with the ability to conduct fair trials. Those who do not
conform to accepted societal values may face pressure, threats, and violence. There
are some restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, and religion.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that officials practiced
them. However, villages are controlled by customary law, and the fono may mete
out banishment when deemed necessary. This is one of the harshest forms of pun-
ishment in this collective society.
Although jail conditions are fairly basic so far as food and sanitation are con-
cerned, there have been no reports of abuses in prisons. While there are human
rights groups, the question of monitoring of prison conditions by them has not aris-
en. Prison visits by family members and church representatives are permitted.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the (jovemment observes this prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The law assures the right to a fair public trial,
and this is honored by the official court system. However, many civil and criminal
matters are not handled by courts but by village fono, which differ considerably both
in their decisionmaking style and in the number of matai involved in the decisions.
The Village Fono Act of 1990 gives legal recognition to the decisions of the fono and
grovides for limited recourse of appeal to the Lands and Titles Courts and to the
upreme Court. In a 1993 court case, a village fono ordered the property of a vil-
lager to be burned after he had disobeyed and flouted village rules. An angry mob
killed the villager and burned all his belongings. The villager who actually shot the
victim was tried in 1994 and sentenced to death by the Supreme Court. The six
matai members of the fono, although originally charged by the Supreme Court with
inciting murder, were subsequently charged only with willful damage and received
892
a minimal fine and no jail sentence. The Attorney General lodged an appeal in 1994
on the grounds that the sentence was "inadeauate and inappropriate, ' but the ap-
peal was not heard. Similarly, a civil case by tne spouse of the deceased against the
matai involved was dropped. In both the criminal appeal and the civil suit, tradi-
tional reconciliation measures were used by the parties to settle the matter.
In March 1997, in another village on Savai'i, the village fono threatened to bum
at the stake a* villager who refused to accept a banishment order issued as a result
of a disagreement over land being donated for a church. Intervention by police and
religious authorities prevented the threatened burning from being camea out. The
man subsequently left the village for a time but was eventually allowed to return.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
provides for protection from invasion of the home or seizure of property without sub-
stantive and procedural safeguards, including search warrants, which are issued by
the judicial branch. Practically, however, there is little or no privacy in the village.
While village officials by law must have permission to enter homes, there can oe
substantial social pressure to grant such permission.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects these rights in practice.
However, the Government's ban on press coverage of the leader of the opposition
on state-run radio and television stations generated controversy in 1997. In practice,
however, the Government's ban is largely symbolic. Statements by the leader of the
opposition receive prominent coverage in the private news media.
The Newspapers and Printers Act and the Defamation Act require journalists to
reveal their sources in the event of a defamation suit against them. There has been
no court case requiring that these acts be invoked.
Two English-language newspapers and numerous Samoan-language newspapers
are printed regularly in the country. The Government operates a radio station and
the country's sole television station. There are two private radio stations. Television
from American Samoa is readily available.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, along
with freedom of thought and conscience. Nearly 100 percent of the population is
Christian. While the Constitution grants each person the right to change religion
or belief and to worship or teach religion alone or with others, in practice the matai
often choose the religious denomination of the alga (extended family). There is
strong societal pressure to support church leaders and projects financially. Such con-
tributions often total more than 30 percent of personal income.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of internal movement, but in
practice some citizens have been banished either from village activities or com-
pletely from the village. The Government actively supports emigration as a "safety
valve" for pressures of a growing population, especially for potentially rebellious
youths, and because it generates foreign income through remittances. The Govern-
ment does not restrict foreign travel arbitrarily or the right of citizens to return
from abroad.
Samoa has not had any refugees or asylum seekers, and it is not a party to any
international protocol on them. However, the authorities have indicated that they
would conform to international norms if such cases should arise.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government through direct, multiparty
elections, but women's political rights are restricted by the fact that few of them
are matai. While all citizens above the age of 21 may vote, the right to run for 47
of the 49 seats in the Legislative Assembly remains the prerogative of the approxi-
mately 25,000 matai, 95 percent of whom are men. The remaining two seats are re-
served for citizens not oi Samoan heritage. While all adult Samoans may vote for
the Legislative Assembly, matai continue to control local government through the
village fono which are open to them alone.
The political process is more a function of personal leadership characteristics than
of party. In the April general elections, the Human Rights Protection Party (HRPP)
led by Prime Minister Tofilau Eti Alesana, retained the majority of seats in the Leg-
islative Assembly. Tofilau and the HRPP have dominated the political process, win-
893
ning five consecutive elections since 1982. Although candidates are free to propose
themselves for electoral office, in practice, they require the blessing of the village
high chiefs. Tliose who ran in the 1996 elections in spite of fono objections faced
ostracism and even banishment from their village. Following the elections there
were multiple charges of fraud and bribery. Four elections were subsequently over-
turned by tne Supreme Court, and by-elections were held.
Women occasionally reach high public office. The 12-member Cabinet has 1 female
member, and women hold 3 of the 49 seats in Parliament. The first female judge
was named in 1994, and the first female Attorney General was appointed in 1997.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operated without government restriction. Gov-
ernment officials are usually cooperative.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, religion, disability,
language, or social status. This is a homogeneous society with no significant ethnic
minorities. Politics and culture are the product of a heritage of chieny privilege and
power, and members of certain families have some advantages. While there is dis-
crimination against nonmatai and women, women (and particularly female matai)
play an important role in society and may occasionally reach high office.
Women. — The traditional subordinate role of women is changing, albeit slowly, es-
pecially in the more conservative parts of society. While abuse oi women is prohib-
ited by law, social custom tolerates physical abuse of women within the home. The
role and rights of the village fono and tradition would prevent police from interfer-
ing in instances of domestic violence, barring a complaint from the victim — which
viflage custom strongly discourages. While police do receive some complaints from
abused women, domestic violence offenders are typically punished by village coun-
cils, but only if the abuse is considered extreme. (' Extreme abuse" would be visible
signs of physical abuse.) The village religious leader may also intervene in domestic
disputes.
Many cases of rape may still go unreported because tradition and custom discour-
age such reporting. In spite of this, the authorities note a greater number of re-
fjorted cases of rape, as women are slowly becoming more forthcoming with the po-
ice. Rape cases that do reach the courts are treated seriously. Convicted offenders
are often given relatively stiff sentences of several years' imprisonment.
The Ministry of Women's Affairs oversees and helps ensure the rights of women.
Children. — The Government has made a strong commitment to the welfare of chil-
dren through the implementation of various youth programs by the Ministry of Edu-
cation and the Ministry of Health. Law and tradition prohibit severe abuse of chil-
dren, but tradition tolerates corporal punishment. The police noted an increase in
reported cases of child abuse, attributed to Samoans becoming more aware of the
need to report physical, emotional, and sexual abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — ^The Government has passed no legislation pertaining to
the status of handicapped or disabled persons or regarding accessibility for the dis-
abled. Samoan tradition dictates that handicappea persons be cared for by their
family, and this custom is widely observed in practice.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have legally unrestricted rights to establish
and join organizations of their own choosing. To date, two trade unions have been
organized. The Samoa National Union, organized in 1994, is a six-member associa-
tion which includes workers from the three major banks. A second union represents
members at the sole factory in the country. Botn unions are independent of the Gov-
ernment and political parties. There are no laws specific to union activity. The Com-
missioner of Labor would adjudicate any cases of retribution against strikers or
union leaders on a case-by-case basis.
The Public Service Association, representing government workers, an increasingly
important sector of the work force, also functions as a union. The Supreme Court
has upheld the right of government workers to strike, subject to certain restrictions
imposed principally for reasons of public safety. Workers in the private sector have
the right to strike, but in 1997 there were no strikes. The Public Service Association
freely maintains relations with international bodies and participates in bilateral ex-
changes.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — While workers have the legal
right to engage in collective bargaining, they have seldom practiced it, due to the
newness of union activity and the inexperience of union leaders. However, the Pub-
894
lie Service Association engages in collective bargaining on behalf of government
workers, including bargaining on wages. Minimum wages are set by an advisory
commission to the Minister of Labor. Wages in the private sector are determined
by competitive demand for the required skills. Any antiunion discrimination case
would be reported to and adjudicated by the Commissioner of Labor. Arbitration and
mediation procedures are in place to resolve labor disputes, although these rarely
arise.
Labor law and practice in the one export processing zone are the same as in the
rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^While the Government does not
demand compulsory labor, and it is prohibited by law, in this collective society peo-
ple, including minors, are frequently called upon to work for their vUlages. Most
people do so willingly, but if not, the matai can compel them to do so.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Under the
Labor and Employment Act (LEA) of 1972 as amended, it is illegal to employ chil-
dren under 15 years of age except in "safe and light work." The Commissioner of
Labor refers complaints about illegal child labor to the Attorney General for enforce-
ment. Children are frequently seen hawking goods and foodstuffs on Apia street cor-
ners. Although a violation of the LEA, local officials mostly tolerate and overlook
the child vendors. There are no reports of bonded labor by children, but the LEA
does not apply to service rendered to the matai, some of whom require children to
work for the village, primarily on village farms (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — ^The LEA established for the private sector a
40-hour woritweek and an hourly minimum wage of $0.50 (Tala 1.25). This mini-
mum wage suffices for a basic standard of living when supplemented by the subsist-
ence farming and fishing in which most families engage. The act provides that no
worker should be required to work for more than 40 hours in any 1 week.
The act also establishes certain rudimentary safety and health standards, which
the Attorney General is responsible for enforcing. Independent observers report,
however, that the safety laws are not strictly enforced except when accidents high-
light noncompliance. Many agricultural workers, among others, are inadequately
protected from pesticides and other dangers to health. Government education pro-
grams are addressing these concerns. The act does not apply to service rendered to
uie matai. While the act does not specifically address the right of workers to remove
themselves from a dangerous work situation, a report of sucn a case to the Commis-
sioner of Labor would prompt an investigation, without jeopardy to continued em-
ployment. Government employees are covered under different and more stringent
regulations, which are adequately enforced by the Public Service Commission.
SINGAPORE
Singapore, a city-state of 3.6 million people, is a parliamentary republic in which
golitics is dominated by the People's Action Party (PAP), which has held power since
ingapore gained autonomy from the United Kingdom in 1959. Following January
2 parliamentary elections, the PAP holds 81 of the Parliament's 83 elected seats.
Goh Chok Tong completed his seventh year as Prime Minister. Lee Kuan Yew, who
served as Prime Minister from independence in 1965 until 1990, remains active po-
litically, holding the title of Senior Minister. The majority of the population is ethnic
Chinese (77 percent), with Malays and Indians constituting substantial minorities.
The judiciary is efficient and constitutionally independent. However, there is a per-
ception it reflects the views of the executive in politically sensitive cases.
The (jovemment maintains active internal security and military forces to counter
perceived threats to the nation's security. It has frequently used security legislation
to control a broad range of activity. The Internal Security Department (ISD) is re-
sponsible for enforcement of the Internal Security Act (ISA), including its provisions
for detention without trial.
Singapore has an open free market economic system. The construction and finan-
cial services industries and manufacturing of computer-related components are key
sectors of the economy, which has achieved remarkably steady growth since inde-
pendence. Gross domestic product rose approximately 7.5 percent in 1997, and the
annual per capita gross domestic product is approximately $26,000. Wealth is dis-
tributed relatively equally in what is essentially a full-employment economy.
Although there were problems in some areas, the (jovernment generally respected
the human rights of its citizens. The Government stepped up its intimidation of the
opposition in 1997, an election year. After the election, PAP leaders filed a number
of potentially ruinous defamation suits against opposition parties and their leaders.
895
The ruling party's continued use of the judicial system for political purposes high-
lights concerns about the independence of the judiciary in cases that affected mem-
bers of the opposition, or that had political implications. The Government has wide
powers to detain people arbitrarily and subsequently restrict their travel, freedom
of speech, and right to associate freely, and to handicap political opposition. There
was no evidence of a change in the Government's willingness to exercise these pow-
ers when it deemed that necessary in pursuit of its policy goals. The Government
restricts freedom of speech and of the press and intimidates journalists into practic-
ing self-censorship. Trie authorities have the technical capability to intrude on peo-
ple's privacy and may do so in some politically sensitive cases. There is some legal
discrimination against women, which affects only a small percentage of the popu-
lation. The Government has moved actively to counter societal discrimination
against women and minorities. While freedom of religion is generally respected, Je-
hovah's Witnesses have been banned since 1972 and the Unification Church since
1982.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of pxilitical or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture, and government leaders have stated that they oppose its
use. However, there have been credible reports in past years of police mistreatment
of detainees. Reliable reports indicate that police have sometimes employed sleep
deprivation or interrogation of detainees in very cold rooms where the prisoners
may be stripped of their clothes and doused with water. In 1993, the last year for
which statistics are available, of the 94 complaints of police abuse investigated, 14
were substantiated.
The Penal Code mandates caning, in addition to imprisonment, as punishment for
some 30 offenses involving the use of violence or threat of violence against a person,
such as rape and robbery. The law also mandates caning for certain other offenses
including vandalism, drug-trafTicking, and violation of immigration laws.
Caning is discretionary for convictions on other charges involving the use of crimi-
nal force, such as kidnaping, or voluntarily causing grievous hurt. The law pre-
scribes a maximum or minimum number of cane strokes in many of these cases, al-
though the courts do not always abide by these guidelines. Women are exempted
from caning, as are men over 50, under 16, and those determined unfit by a medical
officer. In 1993, the last year for which statistics are available, the courts included
a caning sentence in 3,244 cases.
Prison conditions are generally good and meet minimum international standards.
Some abuses have occurred and have been rejwrted in the press. In March 1996,
for example, three prison ofiicials pleaded guilty to manslaughter for causing the
death of a prisoner in August 1995. The Government had responded quickly to the
abuse and publicly denounced all abuses of power by prison officials.
The Government does not allow human rights monitors to visit prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Internal Security Act (ISA), the
Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Act (CLA), the Misuse of Drugs Act (MDA),
and the Undesirable Publications Act all have provisions for arrest without warrant.
Those arrested must be charged before a magistrate within 48 hours. At that time,
those detained under criminal charges may obtain legal counsel. A functioning sys-
tem of bail exists for those charged.
The ISA, the CLA, and the MDA permit detention without trial. The Government
reserves the right to use indefinite detention without trial to pressure detainees to
"rehabilitate" themselves as well as to make admissions of wrongdoing. In the past,
the Government has acknowledged that, in the case of detentions without trial
under the CLA, the indefinite nature of the detentions served to pressure the de-
tainees. Persons alleging mistreatment under detention may biing criminal charges
against government ofiicials who are alleged to have committed such acts, but they
may be discouraged from making accusations by fear of official retaliation (see Sec-
tion I.e.).
In 1989 Parliament amended the Constitution and the ISA to eliminate judicial
review of the substantive grounds for detentions under the ISA and subversion laws.
This permits the (jovemment to restrict, on vaguely defined national security
grounds, the scope of certain fundamental liberties that had been provided for in
the Constitution.
896
The ISA empowers the pohce to detain a person for up to 48 hours. Any police
oflicer at or above the rank of superintendent may authorize that a detainee be held
for up to 28 days longer. Once initial interrogation has been completed, the authori-
ties have generally allowed ISA detainees access to lawyers and visits by relatives.
The ISA gives broad discretion to the Minister of Home Affairs to order detention
without charges if the President determines that a person poses a threat to national
security. The President may authorize detention for up to 2 years; the detention
order may be renewed for 2-year periods with no limitation on renewal. Although
persons detained without trial under the ISA are entitled to counsel, they have no
right through the courts to challenge the substantive basis for their detention. In-
stead, detainees may make representations to an advisory board that reviews each
detainee's case periodically. The board may make nonbinding recommendations that
a detainee be released prior to expiration of the detention order. If the Minister
wishes to act contrary to a recommendation for release by the board, he must seek
the agreement of the President.
No one has been jailed under formal ISA detention since 1990. However, the Gov-
ernment has maintained some restrictions on the rights of one former ISA detainee
to travel abroad, make public statements, and associate freely. Chia Thye Poh, a
former Member of Parliament, was released from prison in 1989 after 23 years in
Preventive detention under the ISA but was confined to a small island adjacent to
ingapore during evening and night hours until 1992. He cannot issue public state-
ments, attend public meetings, take part in political activity, or associate with other
former detainees without ISD approval, but he was allowed to travel to Germany
in the summer. Until November 1996, Chia had also been required to seek approval
to be employed or travel abroad.
Persons detained without trial under the CLA are entitled to counsel but may
only challenge the substantive basis for their detention to the committee advising
the Minister for Home Affairs on detention issues. The CLA is used almost exclu-
sively in cases involving narcotics and secret criminal societies and has not been
used for political purposes. According to the Government, the cumulative number
of persons currently detained under the CLA as of July 1995, the last period for
which statistics are available, was 570, of whom 248 were for secret society activi-
ties and 322 for drug trafficking. Under the MDA, the Director of the Central Nar-
cotics Bureau may also commit — without trial — suspected drug users to a drug reha-
bilitation center for up to 6 months, with subsequent extensions, in cases of positive
urinalysis tests.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and the Government respects the prohibition in
practice.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but the Government restricts the independence of the judiciary in practice
through its control over the assignment of judges and through laws limiting judicial
review. Many judicial officials, especially Supreme Court judges, have close ties to
the naling party and its leaders. The President appoints judges to the Supreme
Court on the recommendation of the Prime Minister in consultation with the Chief
Justice. The President also appoints subordinate court judges on the recommenda-
tion of the Chief Justice. The term of appointment is determined by the Legal Serv-
ice Commission of which the Chief Justice is the chairman. The 1989 constitutional
amendments that eliminated judicial review of the objective grounds for detentions
under the ISA and subversion laws allows the Government to restrict, or even elimi-
nate, judicial review in such cases and thereby restrict, on vaguely defined national
security grounds, the scope of certain fundamental liberties provided for in the Con-
stitution.
The judicial system has two levels of courts: The Supreme Court, which includes
the High Court and the Court of Appeal; and the subordinate courts. Subordinate
court Judges and magistrates, as well as public prosecutors, are civil servants whose
specific assignments are determined by the Legal Service Commission, which can
decide on job transfers to any of several legal service departments. If they wish, Su-
preme Court Justices remain in office until the mandatory retirement age of 65,
after which they may continue to serve at the Government's discretion for brief, re-
newable terms at full salary. The Constitution has a provision for the Prime Min-
ister or the Chief Justice to convene a tribunal in order to remove a justice "on the
ground of misbehavior or inability ... to properly discharge the functions" of office,
But it has never been used.
In February 1994, completing a transition begun in 1989, Parliament approved a
bill abolishing all appeals to the Privy Council in London. The Court of Appeal
therefore became the highest court of review.
The judicial system provides citizens with an efficient judicial process. In normal
cases the Criminal Procedures Code provides that a charge against a defendant
897
must be read and explained to him as soon as it is framed by the prosecution or
the magistrate. Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence and the right of ap-
peal, in most cases. They normally have the right to be present at their trials, to
be represented by an attorney, to confront witnesses agamst them, to provide wit-
nesses and evidence on their own behalf, and to review government-held evidence
relevant to their cases.
The Constitution extends the above rights to all citizens. However, persons de-
tained under the CLA are not entitled to a public trial. In addition, proceedings of
the advisory board under the ISA are not public (see Section l.d.). In all remaining
cases, trials are public and by judge; there are no jury trials.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government can use its wide discretionary powers under the ISA if it determines
that national security is threatened. In most cases, the law requires search war-
rants, normally issued by the magistrate's court, for intrusion into the home. Law
enforcement ofticers may, however, search a person, home, or property without a
warrant if they decide that searches are necessary to preserve evidence. The CLA
and the MDA permit warrantless searches in dealing with drug- and secret society-
related offenses. The courts may undertake judicial review of such searches at the
request of the defendant.
Divisions of the Government's law enforcement agencies, including the Internal
Security Department and the Corrupt Practices Investigation Board, have wide net-
works for gathering information. The authorities have the capability to monitor tele-
phone and other private conversations and conduct surveillance. It is believed that
the authorities routinely monitor citizens' telephone conversations and use of the
Internet. While there were no proven allegations that they did so in 1997, it is wide-
ly believed that the authorities routinely conduct surveillance on some opposition
politicians and other critics of the Government.
The Government does not permit the import of newspapers from Malaysia, and
bars the import of other publications (see Section 2. a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution permits official restrictions on
the freedom of expression, and, in practice, the Government restricts the freedoms
of speech and the press and intimidates journalists into practicing self-censorship.
The ISA permits the Government to prohibit or to place conditions on publications
that incite violence, that counsel disobedience to the law, that might arouse tensions
among the various classes (races, religions, and language groups), or that might
threaten national interests, national security, or public order. The Government uses
a broad definition of these laws to restrict political opposition and criticism. The
Government does not tolerate discussions in tne press of alleged government corrup-
tion, nepotism, or a compliant judiciary.
All general circulation newspapers in all four official languages — English, Chi-
nese, Malay, and Tamil — are owned by Singapore Press Holdings Ltd. (SPH), a pri-
vate holding company that has close ties to the national leadership. SPH is required
by law to issue ordinsuy and management shares; holders of management snares
have the power to control all SPH personnel decisions. The Government must ap-
prove, and can remove, holders of management shares. Hence, while newspapers
print a large and diverse selection of articles from domestic and foreign sources, edi-
torials and coverage of domestic events closely mirror government policies and the
opinions of government leaders. Government leaders often criticize what they call
the "Western model" of journalism, in which the media are free to report the news
as they see it. Government officials argue that the role of the domestic media is to
act responsibly, which is generally understood to mean support for the goals of the
elected leadership and preservation of social and religious harmony.
A wide range of international magazines and newspapers may be purchased un-
censored, although newspapers printed in Malaysia may not be imported. A 1990
law requires foreign publications that report on politics and current events in South-
east Asia to register and post a bond the equivalent of $141,100, and name a person
in Singapore to accept legal service. These requirements strengthen government
control over foreign media. The Government may ban the circulation of domestic
and foreign publications under provisions of the ISA and the Undesirable Publica-
tions Act. Under amendments to the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act, the Gov-
ernment may limit the circulation of foreign publications that it determines inter-
fere in Singapore's domestic politics. It has done so on occasion in the past.
The Asian Wall Street Journal (AWSJ), Asiaweek, and the Far Eastern Economic
Review (FEER) are "gazetted" (limited in circulation). In July the (jovernment re-
laxed restrictions, raising the weekly circulation limits for the FEER from 6,000 to
898
8,000 and for Asiaweek from 15,000 to 18,000. The limit for the AWSJ remained
at 9,000 per issue. It further allowed the FEER to have a full-time Singapore cor-
respondent.
Import of some publications is barred, and the authorities censor movies, tele-
vision programs, video materials, and music. Censorship of materials and the deci-
sion to deny the importation of specific publications are based on a determination
that such materials would undermine the stability of the State, are pro-Communist,
contravene moral norms, are pornographic, show excessive or gratuitous sex and vi-
olence, glamorize or promote drug use, or incite racial, religious, or linguistic ani-
mosities. The authorities say that there is strong public support for continued cen-
sorship of sex and violence in films.
The Singapore Broadcasting Authority (SBA), established in 1994 to regulate and
promote the broadcasting industry, develops censorship standards with the help of
an advisory panel whose membership represents a cross section of society. It also
regulates access to material on the Internet. In 1996 the SBA introduced a frame-
work of web site licenses to encourage accountability and responsible use of the
Internet. Internet service providers responded by installing "proxy servers" through
which local users must route their Internet connections ana which act as a filter
for objectionable content. While the Government does not classify regulation of the
Internet as censorship, the SBA can direct service providers to block access to web
pages which, in the Government's view, undermine public security, national defense,
racial and religious harmony, and public morals. In September 1996, the SBA order
Internet service providers to block access to about a dozen sites deemed to violate
these rules. Since then the number of prohibited sites has grown to around 100, al-
most all of which are pornographic in nature. The list of prohibited sites is not a
matter of public record.
In response to recommendations by its advisory panel, the SBA announced in Oc-
tober a new Internet Code of Practice, which aims to clarify the SBA's pwlicy on the
regulation of Internet material. The SBA emphasized that its primary concern was
to limit access to material that contains pornography or excessive violence or that
incites racial or religious hatred. The SBA assured citizens that it does not monitor
e-mail messages, chat groups, what sites people access, or what they download. Ac-
cording to the SBA, the new regulations are intended to address in greater detail
what types of material are forbidden, and to better explain the responsibilities of
Internet material and service providers.
As a practical matter, virtually all web sites are available on the Internet. The
Grovemment's regulatory scheme is primarily concerned with the downloading and
firoliferation of objectionable material and less with the purely private use of the
ntemet. Nevertheless, a 1996 Interpol case that led the Government to arrest and
convict a Singaporean for downloading child pornography made all citizens keenly
aware that, even if the Government does not regularly monitor their use of the
Internet, it has the ability to do so.
The government-linked holding company, Singapore International Media PTE Ltd,
has a near monopoly on broadcasting. Its 4 main subsidiaries operate all 4 free tele-
vision channels and 10 of the 15 domestic radio stations. Of the five remaining radio
stations, two are owned by the Singapore Armed Forces Reservists' Association
(SAFRA) and two by the National Trade Union Congress (NTUC), which is closely
affiliated with the Government. The only radio station not under government con-
trol is the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) World Service, which is available
24 hours a day. In addition to the BBC, Malaysian and Indonesian television and
radio broadcasts can be received. An expanded cable service with links to the Gov-
ernment began operation in June 1995 and offers more than 30 channels. Satellite
dishes are banned with few exceptions.
Journalists from foreign publications are required by law to apply annually for re-
newal of the employment pass that allows them to operate in Singapore. The Gov-
ernment has limited the amount of time that some foreign correspondents could re-
main in the country by denying requests for renewal of their employment passes,
usually beyond a period of 3 years. The Government has denied requests in the past
from several major publications to station correspondents in Singapore.
Government leaders use defamation suits or the threat of such actions to discour-
age public criticism and intimidate the press. In 1995 Prime Minister Goh Chok
Tong, Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew, and his son, Deputy Prime Minister Lee
Hsien Loong, won a record defamation judgment of $678,000 against the Inter-
national Herald Tribune (IHT) for an article, published in August 1994, allegedly
suggesting that the younger Lee was appointed to his post on account of his father.
The plaintiffs sought damages in addition to a printed apology, which appeared in
the newspaper on August 31, 1994. During a wiaely publicized public hearing to de-
termine tne scope of the judgment against the IHT, all three plaintiffs testified that
899
the IHT had not apologize in good faith and demanded aggravated damages for the
harm caused to their reputations.
In January 1995, Dr. Christopher Lingle, an American academic who had been
a visiting lecturer at the National University of Singapore, the IHT, and its Singa-
pore printer were fined for contempt of court following the publication of an article
about Asian governments by Lingle on October 7, 1994. Although Singapore was not
mentioned in the article, the court interpreted the article's contention that some
governments were "relying upon a compliant judiciary to bankrupt opposition politi-
ciems or buying out enough of the opposition to take control democratically^ as a
reference to Singapore. Altnough the IHT published an apology for the article in De-
cember 1994, Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew filed a civil libel suit. In November
1995, the IHT agreed to pay the Senior Minister $213,000 in damages plus costs
for the civil suit. Lingle was separately ordered by the courts in April to pay $71,000
in damages, plus costs, to the Senior Minister. These two suits have had the effect
of intimidating the press.
In August the Government demanded that the Foreign Correspondents Associa-
tion cancel a speech by Indonesian opposition leader Megawati Sukarnoputri. The
group's executive committee acceded to the Government's demand.
Faculty members at public institutions of higher education are government em-
f)loyees. A number of university lecturers are concurrently PAP Members of Par-
iament (M.P.''s). Academics sometimes criticize government policies, but they avoid
public criticism of individual government leaders and sensitive social and economic
policies because of possible sanctions. Publications by local academics and members
of think tanks rarely deviate substantially from government views.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution grants citi-
zens the freedom of peaceful assembly and association but permits Parliament to
impose restrictions "as it considers necessary or expedient in the interest of the se-
curity of Singapore." The Government restricts these rights in practice. Assemblies
of more than five persons in public, including political meetings and rallies, must
have police permission. The Government closely monitors political gatherings re-
gardless of the number present. Persons wishing to speak at a public fiinction, ex-
cluding functions provided by or under the auspices of the Government, must obtain
a public entertainment license from the police. Opposition politicians routinely expe-
rience delays of 3 to 4 weeks before being notified of the disposition of their applica-
tions.
Most associations, societies, clubs, religious groups, and other organizations with
more than 10 members must be registered with the Gk>vemment under the Societies
Act. The Government denies registration to groups it believes likely to be used for
unlawfijl purposes or for purposes prejudicial to public peace, welfare, or public
order (see Section 2.c.). The Government has absolute discretion in applying this
broad and vague language to register or dissolve societies. It prohibits organized po-
litical activities, except by organizations registered as political parties. This prohibi-
tion effectively limits opposition activities (see Section 3). It has less of an effect on
the PAP, which uses ostensibly nonpolitical residential committees and neighbor-
hood groups for political purposes.
c. Freedom of^ Religion. — Freedom of religion is provided for in the Constitution
and the Government usually respected this right in practice. There is no state reli-
gion. The Government ensures that all residents of public housing have access to
religious organizations traditionally associated with their ethnic groups. It provides
some financial assistance to build and maintain mosques.
Missionaries are permitted to work and to publish religious texts. However, all
religious groups are subject to government scrutiny and must be legally registered.
The Government restricts some religious groups by application of the Societies Act
and has banned others, such as Jehovah's Witnesses and the Unification Church.
The Government banned the former in 1972 on the grounds that it opposes military
service, and its roughly 2,000 members refuse to periorm military service, salute the
flag, or swear oaths of allegiance to the State. In July 1996, a 72-year-old grand-
mother was arrested and convicted for possession of banned Jehovah's Witness lit-
erature. She was sentenced to a $500 fine. She refused to pay and was ordered to
jail for 7 days. She was first arrested in February 1995, along with 69 other sus-
pected Jehovah's Witnesses, at which time the police seized books, magazines, peri-
odicals, and other materials believed to be related to the group. Of the 69 persons
arrested, 28 were tried and found guilty of holding a meeting of a "banned society"
and were fined between $500 and $2,000.
The 1990 Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act made illegal what the Govern-
ment deems to be the inappropriate involvement of religious groups and officials in
political affairs. The act also prohibits judicial review of its enforcement or of any
possible denial of rights arising from it.
900
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution grants citizens the right to move freely throughout
the country, thoii^h Parliament may pass laws restricting that right on the oasis
of "the security 01 Singapore . . . the public order, public health, or the punishment
of offenders." The Government requires aU citizens and permanent residents over
the age of 12 to register and to carry identification cards. The Government may
refuse to issue a passport and has done so in the case of former ISA detainees. In
January the Government seized the passport of the wife of opposition leader Tang
Liang Hong. Tang himself had left the country earlier that month. Her passport was
returned to her in June (see Section 3).
The ISA allows the Ministers for Law and Home Affairs to suspend or revoke a
detention order or to impose restrictions on former detainees' activities, places of
residence, and travel abroad (see Section l.d.). The right of voluntaiy repatriation
is extended to holders of Singaporean passports. In 1985 Parliament provided for
the loss of citizenship by Singaporeans who reside outside the country for more than
10 years consecutively. Action under this law is discretionary and has been taken
in at least one case involving a well-known government opponent. Tan Wah Piaow.
After the completion of national service, former enlisted men are required to par-
ticipate in reserve training until age 40 and former ofBcers until age 50. Reservists
who plan to travel overseas for less than 6 months must advise the Ministry of De-
fense; for trips longer than 6 months, reservists must obtain an exit permit. Begin-
ning at age 11, boys passports are restricted to 6 months. Males who are eligible
for national service must obtain an exit permit for travel outside Singapore of more
than 6 months, with the exception of travel to peninsular Malaysia on a restricted
passport.
The law stipulates that Singaporean former members of the Communist Party of
Malaya (CPM) residing outside the country must apply to the Government to be al-
lowea to return. They must renounce communism, sever all organizational ties with
the CPM, and pledge not to take part in activities prejudicial to the State's internal
security. In addition, the law requires them to submit to interview by the ISD and
to any restrictive conditions imposed on them.
Singapore neither accepted the Comprehensive Plan of Action for Indochinese
seeking refugee status nor offered first asylum to refugees. Prior to 1991, the Gov-
ernment permitted Indochinese asylum seekers to disembark if a resettlement coun-
try promised to remove them within 90 days and if the rescuing vessel was in
Singapore on a scheduled port of call. In June 1991, the Government halted disem-
barkation on the grounds tnat resettlement countries had not honored their guaran-
tees of removal. Approximately 140 Vietnamese boat people were placed in an open
camp in Singapore. All were interviewed to determine refugee status and a numoer
were resettled in resettlement countries. Ninety-nine Vietnamese boat people were
repatriated in 1996 under the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(IJNHCR) voluntary repatriation program. Five other Vietnamese asylum seekers
have been allowed to remain in Singapore. The authorities permit persons of other
nationalities who make claims for asylum to have their status determined by the
UNHCR for possible resettlement elsewhere. There are no reports of a person hav-
ing been returned to a country where they feared j)ersecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully through democratic means, and the voting and vote-counting systems in
elections are fair, accurate, and free from tampering. However, the PAP, which has
held power continuously for 3 decades, uses the (jovemment's extensive powers to
Slace formidable obstacles in the path of political opponents. It attempts to intimi-
ate the members of the opposition through the threat of libel suits and the subse-
quent loss of their political future, since large judgments in libel suits can lead to
bankruptcy, and under the law bankrupt persons are ineligible to sit in Parliament.
The Government also intimidates the opposition through the threat of potential loss
of employment or professional licenses. Opposition politicians report tnat potential
employers are reluctant to hire them or their supporters. As a result, opposition par-
ties have been unable seriously to challenge the PAPs domination of the political
system since the late 1960's.
Parliamentary elections may be called at any time but must be held no later than
5 years from the date Parliament first sits. Following January 2 parliamentary elec-
tions, opposition politicians hold 2 of the 83 elected seats m the Parliament; the
Singapore People's Party and the Workers' Party (WP) each hold 1 seat. In addition,
the WP holds 1 "non-constituency" seat based on a law that assures at least 3 oppo-
sition members in Parliament, though this member's parliamentary voting rights
901
are restricted. In addition to the 83 elected members, the President appoints "promi-
nent citizens" to serve as nominated members for 2-year terms. The number of nom-
inated members was raised from 6 to 9 for the current term of Parliament.
Singapore's economic success and generally honest, effective government under
the PAP has strengthened the Party's leadership role. However, its grip on power
has also been enhanced by: patronage; political control of the press and the courts;
strong party discipline; restrictions on opposition political activities; and complete
control of the political process. For example, during the campaign leading to the
January elections, senior government officials pointedly warned voters that pre-
cincts that elected opposition candidates would have the lowest priority in govern-
ment plans to upgrade public housing facilities. This heightened concerns among
some observers about voters' genuine freedom of choice.
Although political parties are legally free to organize, the authorities impose strict
regulations on their constitutions, fundraising, and accountability. Government reg-
ulations also hinder attempts by opposition parties to rent office space in govern-
ment housing or to establish community foundations. In 1996 the Government de-
nied an opposition party request to produce and distribute video tapes on the
grounds that visual images can be used to evoke emotional rather than rational re-
sponses. Moreover, according to the Government, the use of videos could allow politi-
cal parties to sensationalize or distort information to capture the maximum atten-
tion of the viewer.
Opposition political figures claim that such impediments are the root cause of the
weakness of the opposition parties. The PAP claims that the lack of an effective op-
position is due to disorganization, lack of leadership, and lack of alternative policy
programs.
Another example of the PAPs manipulation of the political process was the 1993
selection of cant^dates to be Singapore's first elected president, who has some pow-
ers over civil service apjxjintments, government and statutory board budgets, and
internal security affairs. By law, a Presidential Elections Committee (PEC) must
certify the suitability of potential candidates on the basis of integrity, character,
reputation, ability, and experience in managing the financial affairs of a large insti-
tution. The PEC is composed of the Chairman of the Public Service Commission, the
Chairman of the Public Accountants Board, and a member of the Presidential Coun-
cil for Minority Rights. Eligibility for the presidency was considered automatic if the
candidate had 3 years' experience as a high-ranking public servant or chief execu-
tive officer of a large corporation. These requirements limit the pool of potential
presidential candidates. Using these criteria, the committee rejected the applications
of two opposition figures — Secretary General of the WP J.B. Jeyaretnam, and an-
other WP member — for not satisfying the eligibility criteria regarding character and
financial expertise.
In addition, the Government directly or indirectly controls institutions supposedly
outside its orbit, including academia, community service organizations, and nearly
all other nongovernmental organizations. While the PAP Government enjoys the
support of these ostensibly nonpolitical organizations, it has used its broad discre-
tionary powers to hinder the creation of comparable support organizations for oppo-
sition parties.
The threat of civil libel or slander suits continues to discourage criticism or chal-
lenges by opposition leaders. The Legal Code also provides for criminal defamation
offenses, but these provisions are seldom used.
In the wake of the January elections, a group of senior PAP leaders — Prime Min-
ister Goh Chok Tong, Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew, and nine other current or
former M.P."s — sued defeated WP candidate Tang Liang Hong for defamation. Most
of the suits arose from responses Tang had made to the PAP leaders' claim, made
during and after the election, that he was an "anti-Christian, anti-English-educated,
Chinese-language chauvinist." Immediately after the election. Tang fled Singapore,
citing death threats, and has yet to return. In May the Singapore High Court or-
dered Tang to pay the PAP leaders a record $5.77 million in damages.
Also in May, revenue authorities charged Tang with 33 counts of criminal tax eva-
sion. In addition, the Government had seized the passport of Tang's wife when she
attempted to leave Singapore in late January, ostensioly because her name is in-
cluded on some of Tangs tax documents. Her passport was later returned and she
was eventually allowed to leave the country in June.
In January the same PAP leaders who had sued Tang also filed defamation claims
against Tang's WP colleague. Party Secretary General and non-constituency M.P.
J!b. Jeyaretnam. The plaintifts claimed that Jeyaretnam defamed them by implying
that they were guilty of a serious crime when he told a rally on January 1 that Tang
had filed police reports against "Goh Chok Tong and his people."
902
Yet another recent example of the use of libel or slander suits by government enti-
ties to intimidate prominent opposition politicians was that of Chee Soon Juan, a
lecturer at the National University of Singapore and Secretary General of the Singa-
pore Democratic Party (SDP). Chee was dismissed from his teaching position in
March 1993 for alleged irregularities involving his use of research iiinds and sued
by his department chairman, S. Vasoo, a PAP M.P., for making allegedly defamatory
remarks. Chee was ordered to pay $200,000 in damages to Vasoo and two other uni-
versity employees as compensation.
The Government also uses parliamentary censure or the threat of censure to hu-
miliate or intimidate opposition leaders. For example, Parliament censured Chee
Soon Juan and the SDP in November 1995 for allegedly endorsing attacks on tiie
judiciary made by Chee's fellow panelists, dissident Francis Seow and academic
Christopher Lingle, at a forum held in the United States in September 1995. The
Government did not attribute any statement directly attacking tne judiciary or en-
dorsing the views of Seow and Lingle to Chee or the SDP. Ratner, government par-
liamentary leaders said that the failure of Chee and other SDP leaders to contradict
the attacks made by Seow and Lingle constituted positive assent by "clever omis-
sion." In addition, in December 1996 Parliament levied fines in excess of $36,000
against Chee and three other SDP members, claiming that thev had committed per-
jury and other offenses during the proceedings of a special parliamentary committee
examining government health care subsidies. Parliament accused the SDP of fab-
ricating statistics about the extent of these subsidies in a written submission and
subsequent testimony to the committee. Chee and his colleagues claimed that they
had submitted some incorrect figures to the committee in error but that they had
not intended to mislead anyone.
Although there is no legal bar to the participation of women in politics, they are
underrepresented in Parliament. There are no female ministers. The highest rank-
ing woman in the Government is a senior minister of state. Only 4 of the 83 elected
parliamentary seats are occupied by women. From 1994-96, two of the six M.P.'s
then sitting as nominated Members were women.
There is no restriction in law or practice against minorities voting or participating
in politics. Malays, 14 percent of tne general population, currently hold 13 percent
of tne seats in Parliament. Indians make up 7 percent of the general population and
hold 10 percent of the seats in Parliament. Minority representation in Parliament
is in part the result of laws requiring a minority representative in selected group
constituencies.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no nongovernmental organizations, with the exception of the opposition
political parties, that actively and openly monitor alleged human rights violations.
While the Government does not formally prohibit them, efforts by any Independent
organizations to investigate and criticize publicly government human rights policies
would face the same obstacles as those faced by political parties. In the past, the
Government denied that international organizations had any competence whatso-
ever to look into human rights matters in Singapore. For years Amnesty Inter-
national had not been allowed to visit Singapore. However, in August the Govern-
ment allowed observers from both Amnesty International and tne International
Conmiission of Jurists to observe the proceedings in the defamation suits brought
against WP Secretary General J.B. Jeyaretnam (see Section 3).
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution contains no explicit provision providing equal rights for women
and minorities; instead, it states that all persons are equal before the law and enti-
tled to the equal protection of the law. Mindful of Singapore's history of intercom-
munal tension, the Government takes affirmative measures to ensure racial, ethnic,
religious, and cultural nondiscrimination. Social, economic, and cultural facilities
are available to all citizens regardless of race, religion, or sex. Minorities actively
participate in the political process, and are well represented throughout the Govern-
ment, except in sensitive military positions.
Women. — There is no evidence of any widespread practice of violence or abuse
against women. Laws such as the Penal Code and the Women's Charter protect
women against domestic violence and sexual or physical harassment. A battered
wife can obtain court orders barring the spouse from the home until the court is
satisfied that he will stop his aggressive behavior. The Penal Code prescribes man-
datory caning and a minimum imprisonment of 2 years for conviction on a charge
of "outraging modesty" that causes the victim fear of death or injury.
903
Women enjoy the same legal rights as men in most areas, including civil liberties,
employment, commercial activity, and education. The Women's Charter, enacted in
1961, gives women, among other rights, the right to own property, conduct trade,
and receive divorce settlements. Muslim women enjoy most of the rights and protec-
tions of the Women's Charter. Muslim men may practice polygyny; they also may
divorce unilaterally, whereas Muslim women may not. Polygyny occurred in 106 of
4,121 marriages registered in 1996.
Women mdte up 41 percent of the labor force and are well represented in many
professional fields, but they still hold the preponderance of low-wage jobs such as
clerks and secretaries. As a result, their average salary levels are only 78 percent
those of men. Women hold few leadership positions in the private sector. In 1962
the Government instituted the principle of equal pay for equal woric in the civil
service and abolished separate salary scales in 1965.
Some areas of discrimination remain. Children bom overseas to female citizens
are not granted citizenship automatically, while those of male citizens are. Female
civil service employees wno are married do not receive health benefits for their
spouses and dependents as do male government employees. Noncitizen spouses of
female citizens are unable to obtain full residency rights, but the Prime Minister
in his August National Day speech indicated that the Government would review this
policy.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. Access to public education and medical care is equal for all children in society.
In 1993 the Government updated and reenacted the Children and Young Persons
Act. This revised act establishes protective services for those children who are or-
Khaned, abused, disabled, or refractory, and it creates a juvenile court system. The
linistry of Community Development works closely with the National Council for
Social Services to oversee children's welfare cases. Voluntary organizations operate
most of the homes for children, while the Government funds up to 50 percent of all
child costs, which includes normal living expenses and overhead, as well as ex-
penses for special schooling, health care, or supervisory needs. There is no societal
pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — The Government implemented a comprehensive code on
barrier-free accessibility in 1990, which establisned standards for facilities for the
physically disabled in all new buildings and mandated the progressive upgrading of
older structures. Although there is no legislation that addresses the issue of equal
opportunities for the disabled in education or employment, the National Council of
Social Services, in conjunction with various voluntary associations, provides an ex-
tensive job training and placement program for the disabled. Informal provisions in
education have permitted university matriculation for visually impaired, deaf, and
Shysically disabled students. The Government allows the equivalent of a $2,400 tax
eduction for families with a disabled person.
National/ Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Indian and Eurasian communities have
achieved economic and educational success rates on a par with the majority Chi-
nese. Malay citizens, however, still have a lower standard of living, although the
gap has diminished in recent years. Malays remain underrepresented at the upper-
most rungs of the corporate ladder, and, some have claimed, in certain sectors of
government and the military, a reflection of their historically lower education and
economic position, but also a result of employment discrimination. Advertisements
sometimes specify ethnicity and gender requirements or require fluent Mandarin
speakers.
The Constitution acknowledges the "special position of Malays as the indigenous
f)eople of Singapore" and charges the Government to support and promote their "po-
itical, educational, religious, economic, social, and cultural interests." A Presidential
Council on Minority Rights examines all pending bills to ensure that they are not
disadvantageous to a particular group. It also reports to the Government on matters
affecting any racial or religious community and investigates complaints.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides all citizens with the right
to form associations, including trade unions. Parliament may, however, impose re-
strictions based on security, public order, or morality grounds. The right of associa-
tion is delimited by the Societies Act and by labor and education laws and regula-
tions. Under these laws any group consisting of 10 or more persons is required to
register with the Government. The Trade Unions Act authorizes the formation of
unions with broad rights, albeit with some narrow restrictions, such as prohibitions
on the unionization of uniformed employees. The national labor force comprises
about 1.8 million employees, more than 255,020 of whom are organized into 83 em-
45-909 98-30
904
ployee unions. Seventy-five of these unions, representing almost 73 percent of all
unionized workers, are affiliated with the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC),
an umbrella organization that has a close relationship with the Government.
The NTUC unabashedly acknowledges that its interests are closely linked with
those of the ruling PAP, a relationship often described by both as "symbiotic." For
example. President Ong Teng Cheong served simultaneously as NTOC Secretary
General and Second Deputy Prime Minister before assuming his current position as
President in 1993. His successor at the NTUC, Lim Boon Heng, was formerly Sec-
ond Minister for Trade and Industry. He continues as Minister without Portfolio,
and also now has a seat on the board of Singapore Airlines. In addition, several
other high-ranking NTUC officials are PAP M.P."s. NTUC policy prohibits union
members who actively support opposition parties from holding office in affiliated
unions. While the NTUC is financially independent of the PAP, with income gen-
erated by NTUC-owned businesses, the NTUC and PAP share the same ideology.
Workers, other than those in essential services, have the legal right to strike but
rarely do so. No strikes have occurred since 1986. Most disagreements are resolved
through informal consultations with the Ministry of Labor. If conciliation fails, the
disputing parties usually submit their case to the Industrial Arbitration Court,
which has representatives from labor, management, and the (jovemment. These
labor dispute mechanisms, along with the PAP/NTUC nexus, have played important
roles in creating nonconfrontational labor relations. The Government also attributes
the rarity of strikes to high economic growth rates, labor shortages in recent years
that have sustained regular wage increases, the popular conviction that strikes
would undermine Singapore's attractiveness to investors, and a cultural aversion to
confrontation.
The NTUC is free to associate regionally and internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is a nor-
mal part oi management-labor relations, particularly in the manuiacturing sector.
Agreements between management and laoor are renewed every 2 to 3 years, al-
though wage increases are negotiated annually. Collective bargaining agreements
generally follow the guidelines issued by the National Wages Council, a group com-
posed of labor, management, and government representatives, that makes annual
recommendations regarding salary and bonus packages. The Industrial Relations
Act makes it an offense to discriminate against anyone who is or proposes to become
a member or an officer of a trade union. The offense is punishable by a fine equiva-
lent to $1,414 and/or a 12-month prison sentence. Labor laws and regulations are
enforced uniformly.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government prohibits forced
and bonded labor and enforces this provision effectively (see Section 6.d.). Under
sections of the Destitute Persons Act, any indigent person may be required to reside
in a welfare home and engage in suitable work. The International Labor Organiza-
tion (ILO) has criticized the coercive terms of this act, which includes penal sanc-
tions, as not in compliance with the ILO Convention on Forced Labor, ratified by
Singapore in 1965. The Government maintains that the act is social legislation pro-
viding for the shelter, care, and protection of destitute persons; and that work pro-
grams are designed to reintegrate individuals into society.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Gov-
ernment enforces the Employment Act, which prohibits the employment of children
under age 12. A child over age 12 and under age 14 must receive written permission
from the Commissioner for Labor for "light work suited to his capacity in a non-
industrial undertaking." There are few such applications, and the Commissioner for
Labor has never approved one. Employers must notify the Ministry of Labor within
30 days of hiring a child between the ages of 14 and 16 and must forward medical
certification to the Commissioner. The incidence of children taking up permanent
employment is low, and abuses are almost nonexistent. The Government prohibits
forced and bonded labor and enforces this provision effectively (see Section 6.c.).
Ministry of Labor regulations prohibit night employment of children and restrict
industrial work for children between the ages of 14 and 16 to no more than 7 hours
a day. Children may not work on commercial vessels, with any machinery in motion,
on five electrical apparatus lacking effective insulation, or in any underground job.
The Ministry of Laoor effectively enforces these laws and regulations.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There are no laws or regulations on minimum
wages or unemployment compensation. The labor market offers relatively high
wages and good working conditions. The Employment Act sets the standfird legal
workweek at 44 hours and provides for one rest day each week. The Ministry of
Labor effectively enforces laws and regulations establishing working conditions and
comprehensive occupational safety and health laws. Enforcement procedures, cou-
905
pled with the promotion of educational and training programs, have reduced the fre-
quency of job-related accidents by a third over the past decade. While a worker has
me ri^t under the Employment Act to remove himself from a dangerous work situ-
ation, his right to continued employment depends upon an investigation of the cir-
cumstances by the Ministry of Labor.
Because of a domestic labor shortage, approximately 400,000 foreign workers (ac-
cording to government statistics) are employed legally, 20 percent of the total work
force. There are no reliable estimates of the number of foreigners working illegally.
Most foreign workers are unskilled laborers and household servants from other
Asian countries. Foreign workers face no legal wage discrimination. However, they
are concentrated in low-wage, low-skill jobs and are often required to work long
hours. Foreign construction workers often live in substandard housing on construc-
tion sites. There are about 90,000 foreign maids, mainly from the Philippines, Indo-
nesia, and Sri Lanka. Maids, foreign or domestic, are not covered under tne Employ-
ment Act. Most work 6 days per week from very early morning until late in the
evening. Many contracts allow only 1 day off per month. Contracts often stipulate
that, even when she is ostensibly not working, a maid must remain on the premises
except for official duties or on her day off. According to Ministry of Labor statistics,
wages average around $230 per month (not including free room and board). Maids
must often put aside most or all of their wages for the first several months of em-
ployment to reimburse their placement agents. Work permits for low-wage workers
stipulate the cancellation of such permits if workers apply to marry or marry a
Singapore citizen or permanent resident. Maids only occasionally complain since
they find the wages and working conditions to be generally acceptable. Although
many lower paid workers not covered under the Employment Act are ineligible for
the limited free legal assistance that is available to citizens, the Ministry of Labor
also offers mediation services for all employees, foreign or local. The (jovemment
allows complainants to seek legal redress and takes a firm stand against employers
who abuse their domestic servants. The authorities have fined or imprisoned em-
ployers who have abused domestics, often with great publicity.
SOLOMON ISLANDS
Solomon Islands, with its approximately 400,000 people, is an archipelago stretch-
ing over 840 miles in the South Pacific. Its government is a modified parliamentary
system consisting of a single-chamber legislative assembly of 50 members. Executive
authority lies with the Prime Minister and his Cabinet. The Prime Minister, elected
by a majority vote of Parliament, selects his own Cabinet. Political legitimacy rests
on direct election by secret ballot. There have been five general elections since inde-
pendence in 1978, most recently in August. The judiciary is independent.
A police force of about 500 men under civilian control is responsible for law en-
forcement. There were occasional reports of police abuse of human rights.
About 85 percent of the population engages to some extent in subsistence farming,
obtaining food by gardening and fishing, and has little involvement in the cash econ-
omy. Approximately 10 to 15 percent of the woricing population (15 years and older)
are engaged in nonsubsistence production. Although exports, particularly of unproc-
essed logs, have boomed, the number of wage earners has remained unchanged for
the past several years, despite high population growth.
Most basic individual rights are provided for in the Constitution, respected by au-
thorities, and defended by an indef)endent judiciary. Discrimination and violence
against women remain problems, and the Government on occasion has imposed re-
strictions on the media. There is a constitutionally provided ombudsman to look into
and provide protection against improper or unlawful administrative treatment.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
These practices are prohibited by law. Complaints of excessive use of force by police
when making arrests, as well as other complaints about police behavior, are handled
by the police s internal investigations office or by the courts. There were no known
complaints of excessive use of force by the police in 1997.
906
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards. A new prison complex,
slated for completion in 1997, was to have provided separate facilities for short-, me-
dium-, and long-term prisoners, as well as for juvenile offenders. It has not yet been
completed. Since there are no human rights organizations in Solomon Islands, the
question of whether the Government would permit visits by human rights monitors
has never arisen. A government-appointed Committee of Mercy, comprised of church
and social leaders, recommends pardons for rehabilitated prisoners.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — There was no evidence of politically moti-
vated arrests or detentions. Exile is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary and it is independent in practice.
The judicial system consists of a High Court and magistrates' courts. Accused per-
sons are entitled to counsel. The law provides for a judicial determination of the le-
gality of arrests. Officials found to have violated civil liberties are subject to fines
and jail sentences.
There were no reiports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — In addi-
tion to legal provisions, the traditional culture provides strong protection against
these types oi abuses. A constitutionally provided ombudsman, with the power of
subpoena, can investigate complaints of official abuse, mistreatment, or unfair treat-
ment. The Ombudsman's Office did not report any incidents involving interference
with these rights. While the Ombudsman's ofiice has potentially far-ranging powers,
it is limited by a shortage of investigators and other resources.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government generally respects the con-
stitutional provisions for freedom of speech and of the press. The media comprise
the Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation (SIBC), a statutory body that comes
directly under the Prime Minister's office and whose radio broadcasts are heard
throughout the country; a privately owned FM radio station; and three privately
owned weekly or semiweekly newspapers. Given the high rate of illiteracy, the SIBC
is more influential than the print media. The Department of Information in the
Prime Minister's office publishes a monthly newspaper which is strongly
progovemment. At least two nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) publish peri-
odic news journals; their environmental reporting frequently is critical of the Gov-
ernment's logging policy and foreign logging companies' practices. In addition to the
three establishea newspapers, a newspaper in Solomon Islands Pidgin, the language
understood by most of the population, began semiweekly publication in late 1996.
A private company has been given a license to begin limited television operations
in 1997.
The state-owned SIBC is relatively bias free. A radio call-in show on SIBC critical
of the performance of the Government in power prior to the August elections was
reportedly forced to terminate its broadcast part way through the program. In 1996
the Prime Minister banned SIBC from broadcasting any statements by the Honiara-
based spokesman of the Papua New Guinea secessionist movement, the Bougainville
Revolutionary Army (BRA). This action followed demands from the Papua New
Guinea Government that the Solomon Islands not allow BRA rebels to operate in
its territory. It is not clear whether this ban is still in effect or has been quietly
lifted. Also in 1996, following a news report that the Government believed un-
founded and prejudicial to the national security, the SIBC governing board directed
that all news and current affairs jprograms have executive management clearance
before being broadcast. Several SIBC newswriters and producers subsequently
staged a short sit-in to protest against management statements that adversely re-
flected on their professionalism. The Solomon Islands Media Association also re-
acted strongly, saying that the prescreening of news broadcasts was unnecessary.
The requirement for executive clearance has oeen lifted.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of association, and this right is freely exercised. Demonstrators must ob-
tain permits, but permits are not known to have been denied on political grounds.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Govern-
ment respects this provision in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government places neither legal nor administrative restrictions on
the movement of citizens within or out of the country. Native-bom citizens may not
be deprived of citizenship on any grounds.
The Government provides first asylum to approximately 1,000 to 2,000 people
from Papua New Guinea's Bougainville Island, who fled the conflict there several
years earlier. Although they have not been granted formal refugee status, they have
907
been allowed to remain. Most reside in Honiara with friends, while several hundred
live in Red Cross-administered care centers elsewhere.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government through periodic free elec-
tions. Since independence in 1978, there have been five parliamentary elections,
most recently In August, and several elections for provincial and local councils. On
four occasions changes of government resulted from either parliamentary votes of
no confidence or the resignation of the PVime Minister. Suftrage is universal over
ISyears of age.
Traditional male dominance has limited the role of women in government. Al-
though 14 women ran for Parliament in the August elections, only 1, the previous
incumbent and sole woman in Parliament, was elected.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
While there are no restrictions on the formation of local organizations to monitor
and report on human ri^ts, none has been established to date. There were no
known requests for investigation by outside human rights organizations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides that no person — regardless of race, place of origin, po-
litical opinions, color, creed or disabilities — shall oe treated in a discriminatory man-
ner in respect of access to public places. The Constitution fiirther prohibits any laws
which would have discriminatory eflects, and provides that no person should be
treated in a discriminatory manner by anyone acting in an official capacity. Despite
constitutional and legal protections, women remain the victims of discrimination in
this tradition-based society. Due to high rates of unemployment, there are a limited
number of jobs available to the disabled.
Women. — While actual statistical data are scarce, incidents of wife beating £ind
wife abuse appear to be common. In the rare cases that are reported, charges are
often dropped by the women before the court appearance or are settled out of court.
Police are reluctant to interfere in what they perceive as domestic disputes. In addi-
tion, many of the laws benefiting women derive from the British tradition and are
viewed by many Solomon Islanders as "foreign laws" not reflective of their own cus-
toms and traditions. The magistrates' courts deal with physical abuse of women as
with any other assault, although prosecutions are rare.
The law accords women equal legal rights. However, in this traditional society
men are dominant, and women are limited to customary family roles. This situation
has prevented women from taking more active roles in economic and political life.
A shortage of employment opportunities throughout the country has inhibited the
entry of women into the work force. The majority of women are illiterate; this is
attributed in large part to cultural barriers. According to a 1995 United Nations De-
velopment Program (UNDP) report on human development, Solomon Islands ranked
very low on the gender empowerment measure that examines women's ability to
Rarticipate in economic and political life. The National Council of Women and other
fGO's attempt to make women more aware of their legal rights through seminars,
workshops and other activities. The government's Women Development Division
also addresses women's issues.
Children. — Within the limits of its resources, the Government is committed to the
welfare and protection of the rights of children. There is no compulsory education,
and, according to some estimates, only 60 percent of school age children have access
to primary education; the percentages of tnose attending secondary and tertiary in-
stitutions are much smaller. Children are respected ana protected within the tradi-
tional extended-family system, in accordance with a family's financial resources and
access to services. As a result, virtually no children are homeless or abandoned. Al-
though some cases of child abuse are reported, there is no societal pattern of abuse.
The Constitution grants children the same general rights and protection as adults.
Existing laws are designed to protect children from sexual abuse, child labor, and
neglect.
People With Disabilities. — There is no law or national policy on the disabled, and
no legislation mandates access for the disabled. Their protection and care are left
to the traditional extended family and nongovernmental organizations. With high
unemployment countrywide and lew jobs available in the formal sector, most dis-
abled persons, particularly those in rural areas, do not find work outside the family
structure. The Solomon Islands Red Cross continued to conduct private fund-raising
efforts to build a new national center for disabled children.
908
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution implicitly recognizes the right of
workers to form or join unions, to choose their own representatives, to determine
and pursue their own views and policies, and to engage in political activities. The
courts have confirmed these rights. Only about 10 to 15 percent of the population
participate in the formal sector of the economy. Approximately 60 to 70 percent of
wage earners are organized (90 percent of employees in the public sector and about
50 percent of those in the private sector).
Although the law permits strikes unions seldom resort to them, preferring to ne-
gotiate. Disputes are usually referred quickly to the Trade Disputes Panel (TDP) for
arbitration, either before or during a strike. In practice, the small percentage of the
work force in formal employment means that employers have ample replacement
workers if disputes are not resolved quickly. Employees, however, are protected
from arbitrary dismissal or lockout while the TDP is deliberating.
Unions are free to afiiliate internationally, and the largest trade union, the Solo-
mon Islands' National Union of Workers, is afiiliated with the World Federation of
Trade Unions, the South Pacific Oceanic Council of Trade Unions, and the Common-
wealth Trade Union Congress.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^The Trade Disputes Act of
1981 provides for the rights to organize and to bargain collectively and unions exer-
cise these rights frequently.
Wages and conditions of employment are determined by collective bai^ainlng. If
a dispute between labor and management cannot be settled between the two sides,
it is referred to the TDP for arbitration. The three-member TDP, comprising a chair-
man appointed by the judiciary, a labor representative, and a business representa-
tive, is independent and neutral.
The law protects workers against antiunion activity, and there are no areas where
union activity is officially discouraged.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
labor, including forced and bonded labor by children, and, except as part of a court
sentence or oroer, this prohibition is observed.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
forbids child labor by children under the age of 12, except light agriculture or do-
mestic work performed in the company of parents. Children under age 15 are barred
from work in industry or on ships; those under age 18 may not work underground
or in mines. The Labor Division of the Ministry oi Commerce, Trade, and Industry
is responsible for enforcing child labor laws. Given low wages and high unemploy-
ment, there is little incentive to employ child labor.
Forced and bonded labor by children is constitutionally prohibited and is not
known to occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum hourly wage rate was raised in
1996 from its 1988 rate of $0.22 (0.74 Solomon Islands dollars) to $0.42 (1.50 Solo-
mon Islands dollars) for all workers except those in the fishing and agricultural sec-
tors, who now receive $0.34 (1.20 Solomon Islands dollars). Even at the new rate,
the legal minimum wage is not sufiicient to support an urban family living entirely
on the cash economy. However, most families are not dependent solely on wages for
their livelihoods.
The Labor Act of 1969, as amended, and the Employment Act of 1981, as well
as other laws, regulate premium pay, sick leave, the right to paid vacations, and
other conditions of service. The standard workweek is 45 hours and is limited to
6 days per week. There are provisions for premium pay for overtime and holiday
work and for maternity leave.
Both an active labor movement and an independent judiciary ensure widespread
enforcement of labor laws in major state and private enterprises. The Commissioner
of Labor, the Public Prosecutor, and the police are responsible for enforcing labor
laws. However, they usually react to complaints rather than routinely monitoring
adherence to the law. The extent to which the law is enforced in smaller establish-
ments and in the subsistence sector is unclear. Safety and health laws appear to
be adequate. Malaria is endemic in Solomon Islands and affects the health of many
employees. Agricultural workers have a high risk of contracting malaria.
THAILAND
Thailand is a democratically governed constitutional monarchy that until 1992
had a history of military coups and powerful bureaucratic and military influences
909
on political life. The King exerts strong informal influence and has the constitu-
tionally mandated power, to date never used, to veto legislation (requiring two-
thirds of Parliament to override) or to dissolve the elected House of Representatives.
The country adopted a new constitution in October. The coalition government, led
by Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai's Democrat Party, was formed in November fol-
lowing the resignation of prime minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh. The judiciary is
independent but subject to corruption.
The security apparatus has wide-ranging legal powers, derived primarily from
past militarily controlled administrations. Military leaders still have an informal
out influential role in internal politics. Since 1992 the armed forces have become
increasingly professional and increasingly subject to civilian control. The police have
primary responsibility for internal security and law enforcement. Elements of both
the armed forces and the Royal Thai Police have a reputation for corruption. Some
members of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.
Thailand is a newly industrializing country with a strong free enterprise system.
Serious economic decline during the year lowered national income sharply from its
1996 level of approximately $3,000 per capita. The Government generally provides
protection for individual economic interests, including property rights. A lack of
transparency in many governmental processes leads in some cases to discriminatory
commercial treatment for favored firms and institutions. Although industrial and
service sectors contribute more than half the gross national product, approximately
60 percent of the population is rural and agrarian. The Government's efforts to close
the economic gap between the urban and rural populations have been lai-gely inef-
fective. Rural dissatisfaction with land rights ana tenure was the theme of large
gatherings organized by the "Assembly of the Poor" in Bangkok.
ITie Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, but some sig-
nificant problems remain. Police officers killed many criminal suspects while at-
tempting to apprehend them, and police and government leaders tacitly appeared
to endorse excessive violence in the treatment of narcotics trafficking suspects. The
Government remained reluctant to prosecute vigorously those members of security
forces who were accused of extrajuaicial killings. Police occasionally beat suspects.
An ingrained culture of corruption persists in many parts of the civilian bureaucracy
and the security forces. Routine demands for bribes undermine the rule of law and
permit a climate of impunity for various illegal activities, such as income tax eva-
sion, gambling, trafficking, goods smuggling, and prostitution. Enforcement of a
broad range of laws and regulations by police continues to be noticeably lax.
Conditions in immigration detention facilities are poor, and the prolonged deten-
tion of aliens is a problem. The Chavalit government on occasion sought to discour-
age free speech, particularly with regard to the reporting of deteriorating economic
conditions; journalists continue to practice some self-censorship. While the Govern-
ment generally continued to adhere to its policy of providing asylum to those fleeing
persecution from neighboring countries, there were several instances of their invol-
untary return to Burma and denial of asylum to members of Burmese ethnic minori-
ties by military and civilian authorities. Legal and societal discrimination against
women, violence against women and children, prostitution, and illegal and forced
child labor persist. Societal discrimination against religious and ethnic minorities is
a problem. The Government imposes restrictions on the movement of tribal people.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings. However, in a climate of increasingly prolific and violent narcotics traffick-
ing, some police units continued to use deadly force against some suspects during
arrest attempts. While there were no cases in which police killed suspects after ap-
prehension, public statements by several high-ranking police figures implied en-
dorsement of^ the use of excessive force. Credible reports indicated that at least 35
criminal suspects were killed during arrest in the first half of the year; a significant
number of these were suspected of narcotics trafficking.
One death occurred under particularly suspicious circumstances: In January a
handcufied robbery suspect hung himself in his prison cell. The suspect was found
in a sitting position with a shoelace tied around his neck.
The Government prosecutes few police or military officers accused of extrajudicial
killings. During the year, no police officers were convicted of wrongdoing in deaths
during arrest. Routine exoneration of police oflicers contributes to a climate of impu-
nity that is a significant factor in preventing any major change in police behavior.
This also discourages relatives of the deceased from pressing lor prosecution. Fami-
lies rarely take advantage of a provision in the law that allows personal suits
910
against police ofiicers for criminal action during arrest. During the initial police in-
quiry, most police investigations routinely determine that no wrongful action was
taken on the part of the police; judges generally follow the prosecutors recommenda-
tions. K pursued by the family, the case is handled by the same office, in some in-
stances by the same prosecutor, who has already ruled that no criminal action oc-
curred. Tnere is no information to determine how many cases are settled out of
court. But in cases in which suits are filed, the official charged often compensates
the family of the deceased, and the suit is waived. However, some lawsuits were
filed during the year and are under consideration.
There were no developments in the 1996 killing of environmental protester
Thong-in Kaew-Wattha and of farmer activist Joon Bhoonkhuntod. There were no
developments in the unsolved 1995 murder of conservation activist Winai
Chantamanao.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
There were no developments in the 1994 disappearance of environmental activist
Suchada Khamfubutra or the 1991 disappearance of Labor Congress of Thailand
president Thanong Po-an.
The number of prodemocracy protesters officially listed as missing following the
military suppression of demonstrations in May 1992 was reduced to 38 after one in-
dividual was located alive. Her disappearance had not previously been related to po-
liticed activity. Most, if not all, are presumed by family members and nongovern-
mental organizations (NGO's) to be dead.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Criminal Code forbids cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.
However, there were credible reports that police occasionally beat criminal suspects
in order to coerce confessions. The Government made no visible efforts to prosecute,
convict, and punish those responsible or those who had committed abuses in past
years.
IMson conditions are Spartan but do not in general threaten the life or health
of inmates. Sleeping accommodations and access to medical care are areas of con-
cern that require continued attention to meet minimum international standards.
Some prison guards resort to physical abuse of both Thai and foreign prisoners
in response to disciplinary problems. Credible sources reported in past years that
prisoners caught in escape attempts were severely beaten — sometimes to death. Sol-
itary confinement and heavy leg irons are sometimes used to punish difficult pris-
oners. Medical care in prisons is inadequate. To care for a total prison population
of 112,000, the Corrections Department employs only 10 full-time and 11 part-time
doctors and 4 dentists.
In April, four Lao women being held in the Rayong district police station were
raped by male inmates over a 4-day period. Although regulations mandate that pris-
oners be separated by gender, overcrowding led police to place these women in a
sub-cell to which male prisoners had access. The Government responded to this inci-
dent by transferring three police officers to inactive posts. Three other police Lieu-
tenant Colonels are facing cfisciplinary investigation.
Access to prisoners is not restricted, and the Government permits visits by human
rights monitors.
Conditions at Bangkok's Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Center (IDC) were
poor, as immigration facilities throughout the country were overwhelmed by a sub-
stantial influx of undocumented workers from the southern border area. Overcrowd-
ing and shortages of food and water were severe, especially when the IDC's popu-
lation nearly doubled to 2,600. Conditions in provincial detention centers are signifi-
cantly worse, and many detainees transferred to Bangkok arrived in a debilitated
state. The Government responded by allocating funds for six additional provincial
facilities, each with a capacity of roughly 300 detainees. Immigration detention fa-
cilities are not administered by the Department of Corrections and are not subject
to many of the regulations that govern the regular prison system. Some IDC detain-
ees who cannot afford repatriation have been held for several years.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — With few exceptions, including crimes in
progress, the law requires that police officers making an arrest have warrants, and
authorities respect this provision in practice. Arrested persons must be informed of
the likely charges against them immediately after arrest. Police must submit crimi-
nal cases to prosecutors for the filing of charges in court within 48 hours of arrest.
While detainees have a right to have a lawyer present during questioning, they are
often not informed of this right. Foreign prisoners are often forced to sign confes-
sions and stand trial without oenefit of a translator.
There is a functioning bail system. The only legal basis for detention by the police
without specific charges for long periods (up to 480 days) is the Anti-Communist Ac-
tivities Act, which was not invoked during the year.
911
As of October, there were 125,069 prison inmates, of which 10,713 were held in
special prisons for those accused of narcotics violations. Approximately 21 percent
01 the total prison population were pretrial detainees. Pretrial detainees are not
usually segregated from the general prison population.
Of the 12 Burmese activists held in the Special Detention Center in 1996, four
were released. Eight remain in custody for violating the regulations of the
Ratchaburi Refugee Camp. The longest-held of the eight has been detained since
June 1994. None of the eight has a scheduled trial.
Exile is not used as a means of political control.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and, although generally regarded as independent, the judiciary has a reputa-
tion for venality.
Tlie civilian judicial system has three levels of courts: Courts of first instance,
courts of appeal, and the Supreme Court. A separate military court hears criminal
and civil cases pertaining to military personnel as well as those brought during peri-
ods of martial law. There is no ngnt to appeal military court decisions. Islamic
(Shari'a) courts provide due process and hear only civil cases concerning members
of the Muslim mmority.
The Constitution provides for the presumption of innocence. Access to courts or
administrative bodies to seek redress is provided for and practiced.
There is no trial by jury. Trials for misdemeanors are decided by a single judge,
and more serious cases require two or more judges. While most trials are public,
the court may order a trial closed. This is done most often in cases touching on na-
tional security or the royal family. Career civil service judges preside over the
courts. Judicial appointments and structures are not subject to parliamentary re-
view.
Defendants tried in ordinary criminal courts enjoy a broad range of legal rights,
including access to a lawyer of their choosing. A government program provides free
legal advice to the poor, but indigent defendants are not automatically provided
with counsel at public expense. Most free legal aid comes from private groups, in-
cluding the Thai Lawyers' Association and the Thai Women Lawyers' Association.
There are no known political prisoners aside from one Muslim mullah, Sorayut
Sakunnasantisat, who is serving an unusually lengthy criminal sentence of 12 years'
imprisonment for leading a 1990 political protest in Pattani. He was convicted of
offenses against the monarchy and violating national security.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
in most instances requires police to obtain a warrant prior to a search. Warrants
are issued by the police with prior Ministry of Interior or provincial governor ap-
proval and are not subject to judicial review. Police at times endorsed blank searai
warrants or used legitimate warrants to begin intrusive searches outside the stated
evidentiary domain. In February a police task force searched houses in Bangkok's
Klong Toey area without warrants. This type of operation is permitted under the
criminal code when it takes place under the supervision of senior officials, but some
legal sources regarded the action as a violation of civil rights.
Credible Western sources reported being subject to a warrantless search of their
premises or person by low-level police officials.
The Anti-Communist Activities Act allows officials engaged in "Communist sup-
pression operations" to conduct searches without warrants, but these powers have
rarely been invoked in recent years and were not invoked in 1997. Security services
monitor persons espousing extremist or highly controversial views, including foreign
visitors.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for, and citizens gen-
erally enioy, a large measure of freedom of speech. However, the law prohibits criti-
cism of the royal family (lese majeste), threats to national security, or speech likely
to incite disturbances or insult Buddhism. Freedom of the press is also constitu-
tionally guaranteed.
In July police forces entered two foreign-operated brokerage firms and searched
for evidence that those firms had distributed faxes containing inaccurate financial
information. The police had a warrant alleging that these faxes would undermine
government stability. This incident received strong press and public criticism and
was widely interpreted as an unjustified effort by the Government to intimidate
those who reported adverse economic news.
The Constitution provides for freedom of the press. However, newspapers and
periodicals practice some self-censorship, especially with regard to the monarchy
and national security issues. Nonetheless, strong media criticism of political parties,
public figures, and the Government is common and vigorous. Journalists are gen-
912
erally free to comment on governmental activities without fear of reprisal. However,
in August, an explosive device was detonated outside the home of a newspaper exec-
utive known for his highly critical views of the Government. This bombing was
widely perceived as an attempt by pro-Government individuals to warn the execu-
tive to moderate his political commentaries.
In June the Government established a Media Monitoring Center. Operating under
the auspices of the Ministry of the Interior, the Center's announced purpose was to
clarify inaccurate reporting and limit sensationalism in the media. The Center had
no specific powers and dia nothing more than issue occasional warnings to journal-
ists. It has had little or no influence on journalistic practices, and was disbanded
after 5 months of operation. However, the Centei's formation, combined with restric-
tions contemplated by those drafting a proposed constitution, galvanized joumaUsts
to organize a long-envisioned Thai Press Council. The goal of this independent and
self-regulatory body is to promote greater professionalism in journalism by encour-
aging voluntary adherence to specific ethical guidelines.
Under the Printing and Advertisement Act of 1941, the Royal Thai Police Special
Branch issues warnings to publications for various violations such as disturbing the
peace, interfering with public safety, or oflending public morals. It issued 22 such
warnings in 1996 and 58 through mid-December. The 1941 Act permits police clo-
sure of newspapers or printing presses in time of war or national emergency, but
only with a court order.
Radio and television stations are licensed by the Government and operated under
the direct or indirect oversight of the Government and the military forces. Radio sta-
tions must renew their licenses every year, and their signals are broadcast via gov-
ernment transmitters. They are required by law to broadcast government-produced
newscasts twice daily, 30 minutes each in the morning and evening.
Programmers are generally free to determine the content and nature of television
broadcasts. However, as with the print media, self-censorship exists. Stations occa-
sionally edit or "black out" portions of programming deemed politically sensitive or
pornographic. A government internal censorship board exists in the Prime Min-
ister's office, but it rarely takes action.
There are three cable television networics, which enjoy almost complete autonomy
under the indirect oversight of the Mass Communications Authority of Thailand. In
addition a wholly independent ultra high frequency television station managed by
a private consortium including the outspoken Nation Multimedia Group began oper-
atmg in 1996.
Domestic publications continued to present a wide range of political and social
commentary. Unless critical of the royal family or the monarchy, foreign and domes-
tic books normally are not censored and circulate freely. Police have, but generally
do not exercise, tne authority to ban the importation of publications. Some publica-
tions, mainly pornographic material but also including books written by Com-
munists, have been prohibited for many years. In March the Cabinet approved a
resolution abolishing a regulation banning publication or possession of Communist-
oriented printed matter, but the resolution has not yet received parliamentary ap-
proval.
An antipomography law allows police to restrict or confiscate printed publications
and other materials deemed obscene; the interpretation given usually covers hard-
core pornographic materials.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The legal system recognizes
the right of peaceful assembly, and the Government respects this right in practice.
Permits are not required for private meetings or gatherings unless neld on public
property; these are routinely granted.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association. Private associations must
register with the Government; such registration is routinely approved.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Freedom of religion is protected by law, and the Govern-
ment generally respects this right in practice. The de facto state religion is
Therevada Buddhism, but other religions are not restricted.
Religious minorities objected to attempts by some members of the constitution
drafting committee to declare Buddhism the official state religion, and the assembly
did not include such a provision in the Constitution.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel. Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for the ri^ht of citizens to change their resi-
dence or workplace, and authorities resf)ect this right in practice. Travel is re-
stricted in certain border areas where foreign or vestigial domestic insurgent groups
remain active. Longstanding restrictions on the travel and domicile of certain Viet-
namese aliens who immigrated to Thailand in 1945—46 and Chinese who immi-
grated between 1953 and 1961 remain in place. In addition, some long-term nonciti-
913
zen residents, including several hundred thousand tribal people, are required to
seek permission from local authorities or the army for foreign or domestic travel.
In practice, authorities rarely enforce these restrictive measures, and registered
resident aliens are able to move freely within the country.
In September 1996, the Government issued a regulation allowing illegal alien
workers already in the country to register and obtain work permits for manual labor
employment in 43 of the 76 provinces. From September 1996 until May, more than
323,000 of an estimated 700,000 to 1 million aliens registered, and over 313,000
were issued work permits. Aliens taking advantage of this regulation are allowed
to work and move freely for a 2-year period, after which the Government reserves
the right to deport them formally.
Thailand continued to provide first asylum to small numbers of Vietnamese and
Lao asylum seekers pending their resettlement abroad by third countries. Following
repatriation of the remaining screened-out (that is, non-refugee) Vietnamese, the
Sithiu camp was closed on Feoruary 20.
Refugee status screening continued for more that 1,000 Lao citizens at Na Pho
Camp. There were no reports that new refugees arrived from either Laos or Viet-
nam, and no reports that government officials had turned back persons seeking asy-
lum from those countries.
As Burmese army activity drove persons into Thailand, the Government generally
followed its policy of providing asylum to new arrivals. However, in January, Thai
security forces were unable to protect Burmese in three camps in Tak Province
against intruding Burmese forces. There were also incidents in February, May, and
November in which security personnel forced a total of more than 2,000 asylum
seekers bfick into Burma. Tnere also were credible reports that civilian authorities
periodically returned groups of Shan asylum seekers to the border. Immigration au-
thorities do not acknowledge that the Shan ethnic minority have displaced person
status. The Government provided asylum to more than 60,000 Cambodians who
crossed into Surin and Trat provinces to escape factional fighting.
The Government continued to permit the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) to exercise its mandate with regard to Vietnamese and Lao
camps, as well as in the Safe Area, a camp for ethnic Burman students and dis-
sidents in the interior of Ratchaburi province. Residents at the latter site had regu-
lar access to the UNHCR, which concluded that conditions generally met inter-
national standards for the protection and welfare of asylum seekers. The Govern-
ment generally continued to restrict access to the Safe Area to those persons from
Burma to whom the UNHCR accorded "person of concern" status prior to mid-1996.
Also, the Government barred resettlement abroad of any Burmese except "persons
of concern" who had been admitted to the Safe Area. The Government restricted the
UNHCR's activities to the monitoring of the refugee situation but offered NGO's lee-
way to provide food, medical services, housing, and other care. While Burmese out-
side of the camps were periodically arrested as illegal aliens, the Government^ did
not deport any Burmese recognized by the UNHCR as a "person of concern." At
year's end, a number of Burmese dissidents remained in immigration detention cen-
ters in central Thailand.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for the right of citizens to choose or change their gov-
ernment through free and fair elections based on universal suffrage. Citizens exer-
cised this right in November 1996 in an election that was generally viewed as free
but marred oy widespread vote-buying, a recurrent problem in Thai elections. The
Constitution prohibits monks and nuns from voting or seeking office. It includes pro-
visions to place supervision of elections under an independent Election Commission.
The Senate completed selection of the five-member Commission in November. It also
provides for aosentee ballots to address the concern of workers previously
disenfranchised because they could not afford the time or cost of returning to rural
villages to vote.
The Constitution and law require that jwlitical parties field a minimum number
of candidates and have at least one member elected to the House of Representatives
in order to remain registered as a party. The Supreme Court ordered the dissolution
of four political parties for failing to meet those criteria in the November 1996 elec-
tion.
While there are no legal restrictions on their political participation, women are
generally underrepresented in national politics, especially at senior levels. There
was essentially no change in the number of women assigned or elected to positions
of leadership. There are 22 women in the 391-member Parliament, and 21 women
in the 260-member Senate. There is one woman in the Cabinet.
914
No laws prohibit the political participation of ethnic minorities, but few hold posi-
tions of authority in national politics. Members of ethnic minorities in the north
often lack documentation of citizenship, effectively barring their participation in the
political process (see Section 5). Muslims from the south hold significant elected
posts in the Government, although they continue to be underrepresented in local
and provincial government positions, which are appointed by the central govern-
ment.
There are 17 Muslim Parliament members, including the House Speaker; 8 in the
Senate; and 1 Cabinet member.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Local human rights oivanizations operate without government restriction. Inter-
national human rights NGO's generally work freely on controversial issues, inves-
tigating and publisning their findings without official hindrance. The Government
sometimes criticized these groups for being politically motivated and biased, but did
not penalize or hinder human rights observers.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cicU Status
The Constitution provides for equal treatment under the law without respect to
race, sex, religion, disability, language, or social status. In practice some discrimina-
tion exists, and government enforcement of equal protection statutes is uneven.
Women. — Domestic abuse continues to be a serious problem affecting the welfare
of many women; reliable reports indicate that domestic abuse crosses all social
classes. One NGO estimates that as many as 50 percent of women living in Bang-
kok's slum areas are victims of abuse. Police do not enforce laws against such vio-
lence vigorously, and domestic violence often goes unreported. Under the Criminal
Code, spousal and child abuse is covered by assault provisions, but rules of evidence
often make prosecuting such cases difficult. Since 1994 a pilot project operating in
three Bangkok police stations has provided female teams totaling 13 investigators
to handle and encourage reporting of cases of rape and abuses. Under the law, a
man cannot be prosecuted for spousal rape.
Prostitution, although illegal, flourishes and is deeply ingrained. Government and
NGO estimates of the number of women and children engaged in prostitution vary
widely because of temporary sex workers and the migratory nature of prostitution.
The Ministry of Public Health's official estimate of prostitutes is under 70,000, al-
though some NGO's and government departments use a figure of approximately
200,000, which is considered more credible. These figures include estimates of chil-
dren.
The majority of prostitutes are not kept under physical constraint, but a large
number labor in debt bondage. Brothel procurers often advance parents a substan-
tial sum against their daughter's future earnings, often without consent of the
young woman involved. The women are then obligated to work in a brothel to pay
back the loan.
Some women are forced into prostitution, although the number of such cases is
difficult to determine. Coerced prostitution commonly involves women from hill
tribes and neighboring countries. Because they cannot speak Thai and are consid-
ered illegal immigrants, these women are particularly vulnerable to physical abuse,
confinement, and exploitation. Some women are lured with promises of jobs as wait-
resses or domestic helpers, but then forced to work as prostitutes. As illegal immi-
grants, these women have no rights to legal counsel or nealth care if arrested. This
group is also not protected by the amnesty offered to illegal alien workers (see Sec-
tion 2.d.). The number of Burmese and Cambodian women and children trafficked,
and in some cases abducted for prostitution, reportedly increased during the year.
Vietnamese and Chinese citizens were also reportedly trafficked to Thailand. Their
illegal entry was reportedly accomplished with the complicity of local officials. Ac-
cording to a local NGO, girls between the ages of 12 and 18 are increasingly traf-
ficked form southern China and Burma to work in the commercial sex industry.
This trade was highlighted in October when a raid by a child welfare agency discov-
ered 10 underage Chinese girls working in a Bangkok "short-time" hotel. The NGO
reported that the girls knew that they were to work as prostitutes and that border
police and immigration authorities facilitated their illegal entry into the country.
The Government and NGO's have established vocational training and education pro-
grams to combat the lure of prostitution. Despite occasional highly publicized raids
on brothels, the Government has not effectively enforced laws against prostitution,
and in many cases, brothels operate with the protection of local government rep-
resentatives and police. The law prohibits the trafficking of women and children for
915
the purposes of prostitution or slave labor. However, there continue to be credible
reports of involvement by some corrupt police, military, and Government oflicials in
trafficking schemes.
Women generally have equal legal rights, but inequalities remain in the law. A
man may sue for divorce on the grounds that his wife committed adultery, but a
woman faces the additional legal burden of proving that her husband has main-
tained or honored another woman in a manner equal to that of his wife.
Women represent 47 percent of the economically active population and hold an
increasing share of professional positions. Grovemment regulations require employ-
ers to pay equal wages and benefits for equal work regardless of genaer. However,
there is a significant gap between average salaries earned by men and women be-
cause women are concentrated in traditionally lower paying jobs. In practice women
also generally receive lower pay for equal work in virtually all sectors of the econ-
omy. Despite improvements in the Government's performance regarding women's
rights, many women's rights NGO's remain skeptical about women's prospects to
enjoy equal opportunities or positions.
Women generally have access to higher education; currently, more than half the
university graduates each year are women.
Children. — The Government has taken steps to promote the rights and welfare of
children, although child labor and the relatively small compulsory education re-
Puirement of 6 years remain areas of concern. The Government's Social Welfare
'Ian for Underprivileged People doubled the budget for children's programs for
1997-2001, compared with the previous 5-year Plan.
Child prostitution, including force prostitution and trafficking of children, is a se-
rious problem (see Section 6.c.). The Government and NGO's estimate that there are
20,000 to 40,000 prostitutes under the age of 18. In 1996 the Government enacted
a stronger law against trafficking in, patronizing, or profiting from child prostitutes.
However, as of year's end, police sources were unable to confirm that anyone had
been arrested for violation of that law, which provides for up to 6 years' imprison-
ment of traffickers and patrons. Efforts to curb the trade in cnildren for commercial
sex appear to have had little success.
The Criminal Code provides for the protection of children from abuse, and laws
on rape and abandonment provide for harsher penalties when the victim is a child.
As with domestic violence against women, however, police are often reluctant to in-
vestigate abuse cases, and rules of evidence make prosecution of child abuse cases
difficult.
People With Disabilities. — The law requires that firms hire one disabled person for
every two hundred other workers, but this has not been enforced. Employers may
be exempted by contributing to a fund that benefits people with disabilities. Nation-
wide, there are 7 Government-operated and 10 NGO-operated training centers for
people with disabilities. There are no laws mandating access to public facilities for
disabled persons.
Religious Minorities. — Muslims represent 4 to 5 percent of the country's popu-
lation but constitute the majority in the four southernmost provinces, which border
Malaysia. Although the Government has attempted to integrate the Muslim commu-
nity into society through developmental efibrts and expanded educational opportuni-
ties, societal discrimination remains widespread.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Progress in integrating ethnic minorities
into society is limited. Only half the estimated 500,000 to 600,000 members of hill
tribes reportedly possess documentation that either identifies them as citizens or
certifies their eligibility for future citizenship. The remainder lack documentation,
and thus access to adequate education and health care. As noncitizens they are also
barred from participating in the political process. Undocumented hill tribe people
cannot own land and are not protected by labor laws, including minimum wage re-
quirements. Approximately 45,000 Vietnamese immigrants ana 40,000 Chinese im-
migrants reside in rural provinces and live under a set of laws and regulations that
restrict their movement, residence, education, and occupation (see Section 2.d.). De-
spite a strong desire for Thai citizenship, fewer than 100 Vietnamese and 3,000 to
4,000 Chinese have been able to naturalize in the last 32 years. Children who were
bom in Thailand of these legal permanent resident immigrants may now request
Thai citizenship through district offices. These requests are routinely granted. Ap-
proximately 10,000 Thai-bom Vietnamese children have acquired citizenship in this
manner, as have 8,000 Thai-born Chinese children.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law grants freedom of association to private sec-
tor workers. Workers have the right to ftrm and join unions of their choosing with-
out prior authorization; to decide on the constitutions and rules of these associations
916
and unions; to express their views without government or employer interference; to
confederate with other unions; to receive protection from discrimination, dissolution,
suspension, or termination by any outside authority because of union activities; and
to have employee representation in direct negotiations with employers. However, no
law explicitly protects workers from discrimination due to their participation in or-
ganizing new unions that have not yet been ofiicially registered. Union leaders re-
port that employers often discriminate against workers seeking to organize unions.
Workers in the public sector do not have the right to form unions. In state enter-
prises, the law allows woricers in each state enterprise to form a single "association"
after at least 30 percent of the enterprise's employees submit a petition to the Min-
istry of Labor to register such an association. These associations submit employee
grievances to management and propose changes in benefits and working conaitions
but may not negotiate wages. Associations do not have the right to confederate or
to join private sector federations. Unofficial contacts between public and private sec-
tor unions continue, however, and the Government has not interfered with these re-
lationships.
The law denies all state enterprise workers the right to strike. In the private sec-
tor, to be considered legal a proposed strike must be approved by a majority of the
union members in a secret ballot and be registered beforehand with the Ministry
of Labor.
In 1991 the International Labor Organization (ILO) criticized labor law amend-
ments adopted by a military-appointed legislature in March 1991 that dissolved
state enterprise unions, transferred their assets, limited the number of associations
that may be formed in each state enterprise, set relatively high minimum member-
ship reqpiirements for associations, denied associations the right to affiliate with pri-
vate sector unions, and completely forbade strikes in state enterprises. Althou^ the
Government has not vigorously enforced these restrictions, it pledged to pass a new
version of the law that would restore most rights enjoyed by state enterprise work-
ers prior to the 1991 changes. A draft bill, which failed to become law during the
1995-96 Banham government, was resubmitted to Parliament by the Chavalit Gov-
ernment in December 1996. The bill passed the House but was amended by the Sen-
ate in August. The Senate version contained elements that diminish labor rights
and was previously criticized when reviewed by the ILO. The House rejected the
Senate version of the Bill. At year's end, the bill remained under discussion.
The Government has the authority to restrict private sector strikes that would
"affect national security or cause severe negative repercussions for the papulation
at large." The Government seldom invokes tnis provision and did not do so during
the year. Labor law also forbids strikes in "essential services," defined much more
broadly than the ILO criteria for such services. No strikes were disapproved during
the year. The number of legal strikes has averaged fewer than 10 annually for the
past 10 years.
More than half the work force is employed in the unorganized agricultural sector.
Less than 2 percent of the total work force, although nearly 11 percent of industrial
workers, is unionized. Cultural traditions and unfamiliarity with the concept of in-
dustrial relations are often cited as the reasons for low rates of labor organization.
While violence against labor leaders is rare, the 1991 disappearance of^outspoken
labor leader Thanong Po-an remains unsolved (see Section l.b.).
There is a legacy of corrupt public sector union leaders who were exploited by the
military forces, politicians, or employers for their own purposes, but private unions
generally operate independently of the Government and other organizations.
Unions are free to associate internationally with other trade union organizations,
and they maintain a wide variety of such affiliations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The 1975 Labor Relations Act
recognizes the right of private sector workers to organize and bargain collectively
and defines the mechanisms for such negotiations and for government-assisted con-
ciliation and arbitration in cases under dispute. In practice, genuine collective bar-
gaining occurs only in a small fraction of workplaces and in most instances contin-
ues to De characterized by a lack of sophistication on the part of employee groups
and autocratic attitudes on the part of employers. Wage increases for most workers
come as a result of increases in the minimum wage, rather than as a result of collec-
tive batyaining.
The Government sets wages for both civil servants and state enterprise employ-
ees. A system of labor courts created in 1980 exercises judicial review over most as-
pects of labor law for the private sector. These functions are exercised by the
Central Labor Court. Workers may also seek redress for their grievances from the
Tripartite Labor Relations Committee. Redress of grievances for state enterprise
workers is handled by the State Enterprise Labor Relations Committee. Labor lead-
ers generally did not indicate dissatisfaction with the treatment that their concerns
917
received in these forums, although they complained that union leaders dismissed
unjustly usually are awarded only monetary compensation.
No separate labor legislation applies in export processing zones, where wages and
working conditions are often better than national norms because of the preponder-
ance oiWestem and Japan-based multinational firms.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government does not specifi-
cally prohibit forced or bonded labor by children, and such practices occur. The Con-
stitution prohibits forced or compulsory labor except in the case of national emer-
gency, war, or martial law. These provisions are generally enforced; however, there
are reports of sweatshops in the informal sector that physically restrain workers
from leaving the premises. There are no estimates of now many such workshops
exist, but the growing number of illegal aliens from Burma, Cambodia, and Laos
increases the opportunities for such abuse.
Although the law prohibits traflicking of women and children for purposes of pros-
titution, some women and children are forced into prostitution. Burmese, Cam-
bodian, and Chinese women and children are also reportedly trafficked and, in come
cases, abducted to Thailand for the purpose of prostitution. Although the Govern-
ment passed strong antiprostitution le^slation in 1996, raising the criminal pen-
alties for traffickers of women, owners of places of prostitution, and parents who sell
their children into the sex industry, the authorities have not effectively enforced this
law. There are credible reports that police, military personnel, and government offi-
cials are involved in trafficking schemes (see Section 5). Brothel procurers often ad-
vance parents a substantial sum against their daughter's future earnings, often
without consent of the young woman involved. The women are then obligated to
work in a brothel to pay back the loan.
For several years, the ILO has cited Thailand for violations of Convention 29 on
forced labor. In 1995 it was the subject of a country "observation " but the ILO de-
clined to make the country the subject of a special paragraph. The primary focus
of ILO criticism is forced child labor, especially child prostitution. Since the date at
which the ILO raised these concerns, the Government has cooperated in establish-
ing important institutional links, particularly with the International Program on the
Elimination of Child Labor, to adaress the problem.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum age for employment is 13 years. A bill raising the minimum age for em-
gloyment to 15 years has passed the lower house and is being considered by the
enate. Nearly 90 percent of children complete six grades of compulsory education
at age 12; but only 60 percent of 13-year-olds are enrolled in seventh grade, al-
though this percentage is increasing. The law permits the employment of children
between the ages of 13 and 15 only in "light work," where the lifting of heavy loads
and exposure to toxic materials or dangerous equipment or situations is restricted.
The employment of children at night (from 10 p.m. to 6 a.m.), or in venues where
alcohol is served, is prohibited by law. An analysis based on population and school
enrollment data shows that between 850,000 and 1,480,000 children work in Thai-
land, mostly on family farms. Between 240,000 and 410,000 (from 2 to 4 percent
of the 6-to-14 age group) are estimated to be in urban employment at particular
risk of labor abuse. Most children employed in urban settings work in the service
sector, primarily at gas stations and restaurants. Child labor is not evident in larger
foreign or Thai export oriented factories. NGO's have found it difficult to penetrate
the snophouses which employ children under harsh conditions to make goods for as-
sembly in small and medium sized factories. Consequently, no comprehensive sur-
vey of child labor in this sector exists. The Ministry of Labor has increased the num-
ber of inspectors specifically responsible for child labor issues, although not all offi-
cers are engaged in full-time inspection work. Enforcement of child labor laws is not
rigorous and inspectors usually respond only to specific public complaints or exposes
in newspapers. The inclination when dealing with violators is to negotiate promises
of better future behavior, rather than to seek prosecution and punishment.
The Government's attempt to address the problem of child labor by proposing to
extend compulsory education from 6 to 9 years was not implemented. The Education
Ministry instead plans to expand facilities in rural areas so that children who wish
to continue their studies need not leave their localities.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — A tripartite wage committee consisting of gov-
ernment, employer, and worker representatives agreed in September to increase the
daily legal minimum wage by 7.6 percent at that time. The increase had not been
put into effect by year's end, and minimum wage rates now range from $2.72 (128
Baht) to $3.34 (157 Baht) per day depending upon the cost of living in various prov-
inces. This wage is not adequate to provide a decent standard of living for a worker
and family. With extended family members' financial contributions, the minimum
wage provides the basis for a marginally adequate overall standard of living. How-
918
ever, more than half of workers countrvwide receive less than the minimum wage,
especially in rural provinces. Unskillea migrant workers, as well as illegal aliens,
often work for wages signiflcantly less than the minimum wage. The minimum wage
does not apply to undocumented hill tribe people, who are likewise not protected by
other labor laws. The Ministry of Labor is responsible for ensuring that employers
adhere to minimum wage requirements. Despite encouragement of employees to re-
port violations to labor inspectors, the enforcement of minimum wage laws is mixed.
The Government has not mandated a uniform workweek for the entire labor force.
By regulation, commercial employees work a maximum of 54 hours per week, em-
ployees in industry work 48, and those in "dangerous" work such as in the chemical,
¥etroleum, mining, or other industries involving heavy machinery, work 42 hours,
ransportation workers are restricted to no more than 8 hours per day. Enforcement
of these standards is weak. There is no 24-hour rest period mandated by law.
Working conditions vary widely. The rate of injury from industrial accidents has
remained approximately constant over the last 10 years at 4.5 percent of the total
workforce. But in the last 6 years, the average rate of work-related deaths was high
at 25 per 1,000 workers. Occupational diseases are rarely diagnosed or com-
pensated, and few doctors or clinics specializing in occupational diseases exist. In
medium-sized and large factories, government health and safety standards are often
applied, but enforcement of safety standards is lax. In the large informal sector,
health and safety protections are substandard. Employers are able to ignore safety
regulations in part because nonunionized workers often do not understand safety
and health laws and do not report violations. When 188 workers died in the May
1993 Kader Toy Factory fire near Bangkok, the Government brought suit against
8 persons, including the managing director. The case began in June 1994 and has
continued in once-weekly sessions without conclusion. There is no law affording job
protection to employees who remove themselves from dangerous work situations.
The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare promulgates health and safety regulations
regarding conditions of work. Labor inspectors are responsible for enforcement of
health and safety regulations; the strictest penalty is 6 months in jail.
TONGA
The Kingdom of Tonga comprises 169 small islands scattered over a wide area of
the South Pacific. Most of the approximately 105,000 inhabitants are Polynesian.
Tonga is a constitutional monarchy in which political life is dominated by the King,
the nobility, and a few prominent commoners. It is fully independent and a member
of the Commonwealth of Nations. The judiciary is independent.
The security apparatus is composed of the Tonga Defense Services (TDS) and a
police force. Trie 430-man TDS force is responsible to and controlled by the Minister
of Defense.
The economy is based primarily on the cultivation of tropical and semitropical
crops. An increasing demand for imported manufactured goods and products un-
available locally has led to a substantial trade deficit. This has been offset largely
by remittances from Tongans employed abroad, overseas aid, and to a lesser degree
tourism. Remittances continued to diminish.
The principal human rights abuse remains severe restrictions on the right of citi-
zens to change their government. A relatively small group of commoners vocally
challenges the Constitution, arguing for a more representative and accountable gov-
ernment. Some women suffer from domestic violence, and discrimination within tra-
ditional society limits the opportunities available to women.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids torture and inhuman or degrading punishment or other
such treatment, and there were no reports of such practices. Prison conditions are
basic, especially as regards food and sanitation, but in accordance with local living
standards. Church representatives and family members are permitted to visit pris-
oners. No local nongovernmental organizations attempt human-rights monitoring
visits, and the permissibility of such visits has not arisen.
919
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution proscribes arbitrary ar-
rest or detention and provides for the right to judicial determination of the legality
of arrest; these are observed in practice. There is no preventive detention, although
there are no statutory limits to the length of time a suspect may be held prior to
being charged. The law does not limit access by counsel and family members to de-
tained persons. There is no forced exile, internal or external.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary, whose top judges have been expatri-
ates, is independent of the King and the executive branch.
The Court of Appeals, as the appellate court of last resort, is the highest court.
The Ring's Privy Council presides over cases relating to disputes over titles of nobil-
ity and estate boundaries. The King has the right to commute a death sentence in
cases of murder or treason. In addition, the court system consists of the Supreme
Court (which has original jurisdiction over all major cases), the police magistrates'
courts, a general court, a court martial for the TDS, a court tribunal for the police
force, and a court of review for the Inland Revenue Department.
The law provides for the right to a fair public trial, and the Government honors
it in practice. A court may not summon anyone without providing the person a writ-
ten indictment stating the offenses it charges the person committed. Defendants are
entitled to counsel, and lawyers have free access to defendants.
There were no reports of political prisoners, although some observers allege that
Parliament's conviction and imprisonment of a parliamentarian and two journalists
for contempt in September 1996 were politically motivated.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — By law
and in practice, no one may enter or search the home of another or remove any item
of property unless in possession of a warrant issued by a magistrate. Neither the
State nor political organizations intrude arbitrarily into a person's private life.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press; however, at times the authorities infringe on these rights.
Tonga has two weekly newspapers (one of which is government owned) and one
national magazine. The Government owns the one television station and the one
radio station. While there is generally little editorializing in the government-owned
media, opposition opinion appears regularly alongside government statements and
letters. A privately owned newspaper, Kele'a, openly criticizes the (jovemment with-
out interference. However, infringements on freedom of the press do occur. The Min-
ister of Police has on occasion threatened action against the independent media.
Specific infringements are usually tied to a particular event.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for peaceful
assembly and association. There are no significant restrictions.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens are free to travel anywhere within the Kingdom and abroad.
The law places no restrictions on repatriation.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refiigees. No
person in recent memory has applied for refugee status, and the Government has
not formulated a formal policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first asylum.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the ability to change their leaders or the system of govern-
ment. The King and 33 hereditary nobles dominate political life. They assert author-
ity largely throu^ control of substantial landholdings and their dominant numbers
in Parliament. While the Constitution allows the monarch broad powers, many of
which do not require the legislative branch's endorsement, the King sometimes per-
mits "the system" to work its will without his guidance. The King appoints the
Prime Minister and appoints and presides over the Privy Council (called the Cabinet
when the King is not presiding), which makes major policy decisions. Currently, the
Cabinet is made up of nine ministers and two governors; it includes both nobles and
commoners, who serve at the King's pleasure.
The unicameral legislature, the Legislative Assembly, consists of the Cabinet,
nine nobles elected by their peers, and nine people's representatives elected by the
general population. TTie King appoints the Speaker from among the representatives
of the nobles.
920
Cabinet members and nobles usually vote as a bloc; however, recent votes related
to impeachment charges against a commoner member of the Cabinet demonstrated
that nobles and people's representatives do have the capacity to override the Cabi-
net's wishes at times.
In recent years, a number of people both inside and outside the establishment
have called for democratic change, usually while emphasizing the importance of
more government accountability. Very few challenge retention of the monarchy; the
King is greatly respected. A prodemocracy movement continues to exist, although
it currently lacks formal structure due to differences of views among its leaders. All
nine current people's representatives advocate various degrees of democratic reform.
Proposals for constitutional revision tend to center on popular election of all par-
liamentarians, with the parliamentarians then selecting their speaker.
There are no female Members of Parliament, although there have been in the
past.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no known barriers to the formation of local nongovernmental organiza-
tions (NGO's) that concern themselves with human rights. Some local NGO's include
among their interests human rights problems, although none currently undertake
investigations of alleged violations. No outside organizations are known to have
made requests to investigate alleged human rights violations, but at least one pub-
licly protested the imprisonment of two journalists and a parliamentarian for con-
tempt in 1996. Tonga is not a member of the United Nations; it does participate
in some U.N. subsidiary organizations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Social, cultural, and economic facilities are available to all citizens regardless of
race or religion. However, members of the hereditary nobility have substantial ad-
vantages. These include control over most of the land and a generally privileged sta-
tus. Nonetheless, it is possible for commoners to rise to cabinet positions in govern-
ment and to accumulate great wealth and status in the private sector.
Women. — Domestic violence is seldom publicized, but it is a problem. Incidents of
wife beating are generally dealt with in traditional ways within families or by vil-
lage elders. Abused wives sometimes return to their families if mediation fails.
Tonga has a male-dominated society, and women generally occupy a subordinate
role. For a woman to rise to a position of leadership, she usually needs to have the
support of the nobility or to possess exceptional talent. The King's mother reigned
for many years, and a female member oi the royal family is one of Tonga's most
prominent businesspersons. Some female commoners hold senior leadership posi-
tions in business.
Some village women, with help from NGO's, are leading local development
projects.
tne Government has a women's unit within the Prime Minister's office. Although
some NGO's initially viewed this unit with suspicion, it appears to be functioning
cooperatively with them. A government-sponsored National Council of Women also
is making jxjsitive contributions.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's human rights and welfare
and provides commensurate funding for children's welfare within the context of the
total resources available to the State. Child abuse, if it occurs, is rare and has not
become a source of societal concern.
People With Disabilities. — No mandated provisions for accessibility to buildings
and services for the disabled exist. There were no known complaints of discrimina-
tion in employment, education, or provision of other state services. Education of chil-
dren with special needs has been a longstanding priority of the Queen.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the right to form unions under the
1964 Trade Union Act, but to date no unions have been formed, presumably because
of the small size of the wage economy and the lack of a perceived need for unions.
The lack of unions makes the question of the ability of unions to afliliate with inter-
national bodies moot; however, such a right is neither protected, prohibited, nor lim-
ited by the Government.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Since no unions have been
formed, collective bargaining is not practiced. There is no legislation permitting and
protecting collective bargaining or the right to organize. Labor laws and regulations
are enforced in all sectors of the economy, including in the two small export en-
hancement zones.
921
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced labor in-
cluding forced and bonded labor by children, and it is not practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Child
labor is not used in the wage economy, although there is no legislation prohibiting
it. The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and enforces this
prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
Education has been compulsory since 1882. Although it is sometimes criticized as
being of poor quality, education is provided for all children through Form 6 (high
school). Compliance rates are good.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no minimum wage law. Labor laws
and regulations, enforced by the Ministry of Labor, Commerce, and Industry, limit
the workweek to 40 hours. The Ministry of Labor enforces laws and regulations rea-
sonably well in the wage sector of the economy, particularly on the main island of
Tongatapu. Enforcement in agriculture and on the outer islands is limited by isola-
tion.
Industrial accidents are rare, as few industries exist that would expose workers
to significant danger. Due to these factors, there has been little or no work done
on industrial safety standards.
TUVALU
Tuvalu, with about 10,000 primarily Polynesian people, occupies a land area of
26 square kilometers on 9 atolls in the central South Pacific. It became independent
from the United Kingdom in 1978 and is a member of the Commonwealth of Na-
tions. Its Constitution provides for a Westminster-style parliamentary democracy.
Tuvalu's Head of State is the British Queen, represented by the Governor General
who must be a Tuvaluan citizen. The judiciary is independent.
A 32-member police constabulary, the only security force, is responsible to and ef-
fectively controlled by civilian authority.
The primarily subsistence economy relies mainly on coconuts, taro, and fishing.
Tuvalu depends heavily on foreign aid, mainly from Australia, New Zealand, Japan,
and Taiwan. Remittances from Tuvaluans working abroad as well as the sale of
postage stamps and of fishing licenses to foreign vessels provide additional foreign
exchange. Tuvalu's isolation and meager natural resources limit the prospects for
economic development.
Tuvaluan society is egalitarian, democratic, and respectful of human rights. Social
behavior, as determined by custom and tradition, however, is considered as impor-
tant as the law and is ensured by village elders. There were no reports of specific
human rights abuses. However, in the traditional culture of the islands, women oc-
cupy a siK)ordinate role, with limits on their job opportunities, although recently
there has been a substantial effort to accord women equality in employment and de-
cisionmaking.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated or other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids torture and inhuman or degrading punishment, and there
were no reported instances of such practices. Local hereditary elders exercise consid-
erable traditional authority — including the seldom invoked right to inflict corporal
fmnishment for infringing customary rules — which can be at odds with the national
aw.
Prison facilities in this tiny island nation with a population of less than 11,000
consist of several holding cells at the back of the police station. There have been
no serious crimes within the memory of local officials. It is rare for a prisoner to
spend as long as a week in a cell; more commonly, a f>erson is incarcerated over-
night because of drunkenness. While prison conditions are somewhat Spartan as re-
gards food and sanitation, the level of complaints seems to be minimal or nonexist-
ent. Since there are no local human rights groups, the question of prison monitoring
by them has not arisen. Visits by church groups and family members are permitted.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this pronibition.
922
e. Denial of Fair Public TVial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciajy, and it is free of governmental interference.
The judicial system consists of the higher courts, namely, the Privy Council, the
Court of Appeal, and the High Court; and the lower courts, i.e., those of the senior
and resident magistrates, the island courts, and the land courts. The Chief Justice,
who is also Chief Justice of Nauru, sits on the Hi^ Court about once a year.
The right to a fair public trial is ensured by law and observed in practice. The
Constitution provides that accused persons must be informed of the nature of the
offenses with which they are charged and be provided the time and facilities re-
quired to prepare a defense. An independent people's lawyer is ensured by statute.
The services of this public defender are available to all Tuvaluans free of charge.
The right to confront witnesses, present evidence, and appeal convictions is provided
by law. Procedural safeguards are based on English common law.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government adheres in practice to the legal protection of privacy of the home. It
does not arbitrarily intrude into the private life of the individual.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government respects in practice freedom
of speech and press. The one radio station is under government control.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and association, and there are no significant restrictions in
practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for separation of church and
state, and imposes no restrictions on freedom of religion. The Government respects
these provisions.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens are free to travel within the country and abroad. The Govern-
ment does not restrict repatriation.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. No person in re-
cent memory has applied for refugee status, and the Government has not formu-
lated a formal policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first asylum.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The people freely and directly elect a 12-member unicameral Parliament whose
normal term is 4 years. Each of Tuvalu's nine atolls is administered by a six-person
council, also elected by universal suffrage to 4-year terms. The minimum voting age
is 18 years.
The Cabinet consists of the Prime Minister, elected by secret ballot from among
the Members of Parliament, and up to four other ministers, appointed and removed
from office by the Governor General with the advice of the Prime Minister. The
Prime Minister may appoint or dismiss the Governor General on behalf of the Brit-
ish Monarch. There are no formal political parties. The Prime Minister may be re-
moved from office by a parliamentary vote of no confidence. In 1996 the then incum-
bent Prime Minister was removed by a vote of no confidence.
For cultural reasons, women are underrepresented in politics. The Parliament has
one female member, who is a member of the Cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There have been no reported allegations of human rights violations by the Gov-
ernment and no known requests for investigations. While no known barriers block
their establishment, there are no local nongovernmental organizations that concern
themselves with human rights. Tuvalu is not a member of the United Nations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, creed, sex, or na-
tional origin, and the Government generally respects these prohibitions. However,
the traditional culture has limited women's job opportunities.
Women. — Violence against women is rare. If wife beating occurs, it is infrequent
and has not become a source of societal concern.
Women increasingly hold positions in the health and education sectors, and also
are more active politically.
923
Children. — The Government is committed to children's human rights and welfare
and provides commensurate funding for children's welfare within the context of the
total resources available to the State. There are no reports of child abuse.
People With Disabilities. — Although there are no mandated accessibility provisions
for the disabled, there are no known reports of discrimination in employment, edu-
cation, or provision of other state services.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers are free to organize unions and choose their
own labor representatives, but most of the population lacks permanent employment
and is engaged in subsistence activity. The law provides for the right to strike, but
no strike has ever been recorded.
In the public sector, civil servants, teachers, and nurses — who total less than
1,000 employees — are grouped into associations which do not presently have the sta-
tus of unions. The only registered trade union, the Tuvalu Seamen's Union, has
about 600 members, who work on foreign merchant vessels. Unions may affiliate
with international bodies. The Seamen's Union is a member of the International
Transportation Workers' Federation.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Industrial Relations Code
(1978) provides for conciliation, arbitration, and settlement procedures in cases of
t labor disputes. Although there are provisions for collective bargaining, the practice
in the private sector is for wages to be set by employers. For both the private and
public sectors, the legal procedures for resolving labor disputes are seldom used; in-
stead, the two sides normally engage in nonconirontational deliberations in the local
multipurpose meeting hall.
Tuvalu is not a member of the International Labor Organization.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Tuvalu Employment Ordi-
nance (1978) prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children, and there
have been no reports of either being practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Em-
ployment Law prohibits children under the age of 14 from working. Education is
compulsory for children from 6 through 13 years of age. The Law also prohibits chil-
dren under 15 years of age from industrial employment or work on any ship and
stipulates that children under the age of 18 years are not allowed to enter into for-
mal contracts, including work contracts. Children are rarely employed outside the
traditional economy.
The GJovemment prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and enforces this
prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The modest minimum wage, set administra-
tively by the (jovemment, is sufiicient to allow a worker and family in the wage
economy to maintain a decent standard of living. The present minimum wage in the
public (government) sector is $0.73 ($A1.00) per hour. This rate applies regardless
of sex and age. In most cases, the private sector adopts the same minimum wage
rate.
The Labor Office may specify the days and hours of work for workers in various
industries. The workday by law is set at 8 hours. The majority of workers are out-
side the wage economy. The law provides for rudimentary health and safety stand-
ards. It requires employers to provide an adequate potable water supply, basic sani-
tary arrangements, and medical care. Specific provisions of the law provide for the
protection of female workers. The Ministry of Labor, Works, and Communications
IS responsible for the enforcement of these regulations, but it is able to provide only
minimum enforcement.
VANUATU
Vanuatu, a small South Pacific island nation of approximately 170,(X)0 people
which was jointly administered by Britain and France prior to its independence in
1980, has a parliamentary form of government with a 50-member Parliament, a
Prime Minister, and a President. The latter's powers are largely ceremonial, except
when acting on the advice of the Council of Ministers. Political legitimacy is based
on majority rule. The courts are normally independent of executive interference.
The civilian authorities normally control the small police force and the para-
military Vanuatu Mobile Force (VMF). In the wake of a mutiny by elements of the
VMF in October, 1996, the mutineers were arrested, tried and sentenced. Seven of
them were dismissed from the VMF by the Police Service Commission. The Govern-
924
ment accepted recommendations placing the VMF more firmly under the operational
control of the Police Commissioner.
Subsistence and small-scale agricultural production and fishing support more
than 80 percent of the population. Copra, cocoa, and beef cattle are the main cash
crops. The service sector — government, tourism, and an offshore financial center —
provides most formal employment and represents the largest component of the coun-
try's gross domestic product.
Government control over much of the media, attacks on an outspoken ombuds-
man, together with discrimination and violence against women, were the country's
major human rights problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Constitutional provisions against torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treat-
ment are observed in practice and enforced by the courts. The law provides that
prisoners shall have recourse to the Ombudsman, a constitutional position.
FVison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors, if requested.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — There were no reports of arbitraiy ar-
rests. Arrest is by warrant. The Constitutional provision that suspects must be in-
formed of the charges and given a speedy hearing before a judge is observed in prac-
tice. There is no exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The courts are normally free of military or execu-
tive interference. Most routine legal matters appear before magistrate's courts.
There is also a Supreme Court, and above the Supreme Court an Appeals Court
with three judges, two of whom are appointed by the President and chosen from
among supreme court judges in other south Pacific nations as required.
The judicial system is based on British law. The courts uphold constitutional pro-
visions for a fair public trial, presumption of innocence until guilt is proven, prohibi-
tion against double jeopardy, the right of judicial determination of the validity of
arrest or detention, and appeal to the Supreme Court. However, the executive has
tried to pressure the largely expatriate judiciary in cases with political implications.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — There
were no reports of arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home, or correspond-
ence.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press; however, these provisions have not always been honored in practice.
The Government controls mucn of the country's media, including a weekly news-
paper, one AM and one FM radio station, and a limited-service television station
confined to the capital. Port Vila, which provides English and French news service
three times a week. In late 1994, an independent weekly, which has since expanded
into semiweekly editions, began publishing. Opposition political parties and
groupings occasionally publish newsletters.
In July the Council of Ministers began moves, which are currently under court
review, to remove Ombudsman Marie Noel Ferrieux Patterson, who had angered
some politicians by continued reporting of their corruption and malfeasance. Two
weekly newspapers, the Vanuatu Weekly Hebdomadaire and the Vanuatu Trading
Post, covered the ongoing conti-oversy.
Vanuatu governments have not been as concerned over media reports directed to
external audiences. PACNEWS, a Pacific regional news agency located in Vanuatu
since 1994, continued to transmit stories throughout the region even when they in-
cluded criticism of the country's leaders. Correspondents for international media are
also allowed to report without interference.
The Government respects academic freedom. Vanuatu has three institutions of
higher education — a teachers college, an agricultural school, and an annex of the
University of the South Pacific.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Permits must be obtained to
hold public demonstrations and rallies; they are routinely granted.
The Government does not restrict the forming of political parties and other
groups.
925
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Govern-
ment respected it in practice. Missionaries of various Christian denominations work
without restriction. TTie Government apparently has not attempted to enforce the
1995 Religious Bodies Act, which the President refused to sign on constitutional
grounds. The act gives the Government the ri^t to register and potentially to con-
trol the activities of religious organizations.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^All citizens are free to travel internally and externally and to return
from abroad without restrictions.
The Government has not formulated a policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first
asylum. The issue of the provision of first asylum has never arisen.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides for parliamentary elections every 4 years, through
which citizens can freely change tneir government. Parliamentary majorities have
been unstable, with legislators spending much time and energy accumulating sup-
Kort for votes of no confidence on the one hand and fending tliem off on the other,
fone of the three main parties gained a majority in the general elections held in
1995. The present Government, a coalition led by Prime Minister Serge Vohor, as-
sumed office in October 1996 after two earlier coalitions had been toppled by no-
confidence votes. Since that time, Vohor has shuffled his cabinet several times. Al-
though the President dissolved Parliament on November 27 and called for new elec-
tions on January 20, 1998, the Appeals Court is reviewing whether the dissolution
of ParUament was constitutional. The prospects for elections remained uncertain at
year's end.
While outside observers generally consider the November 1995 voting to be fair,
the government's influence on the media prevented opposition parties from fully
pubhcizing their views. That government, as well as successor governments, have
also been accused of politically oiased employment practices.
Traditionsd attitudes, in which men are dominant and women are frequently lim-
ited to customary family roles, hamper women from taking a more active role in eco-
nomic and political life. One Member of Parliament is a woman, who also served
briefly as a cabinet minister in the current government. The Ombudsman is a
woman.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no restrictions on the formation of local human rights organizations,
and Vanuatu's first, the Human Rights Forum, was founded in 1994.
In July the Council of Ministers began moves, which are currently under court
review, to remove Ombudsman Marie Noel Ferrieux Patterson, who had angered
some politicians by continued reporting of their corruption and malfeasance (see
Section 2.a.). In November Parliament repealed the Ombudsman Act. The President
refused to sign the bill into law until the Supreme Court had reviewed it. If the
repeal of the act is upheld, the current Ombudsman would remain in office until
a new act is drafted and passed.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The 1980 Constitution provides fundamental rights and freedoms to "all persons
. . . without discrimination on the grounds of race, place of origin, religious or tradi-
tional beliefs, political opinions, language, or sex." Despite constitutional and legal
protections, women remain victims of discrimination in this tradition-based society.
Due to high rates of unemployment, there are few jobs available to the disabled.
Women. — Violence against women, particularly wife beating, is believed to be com-
mon, althou^ no accurate statistics exist. Courts occasionally prosecute offenders
using common law assault as a basis for prosecution since there are no specific laws
against wife beating. However, most cases of violence against women, including
rape, go unreported oecause women, particularly in rural areas, are reluctant to re-
port them for fear of ftirther abuse. In addition police are frequently reluctant to
intervene in what are considered to be domestic matters.
While women have equal rights under the law, they are only slowly emerging
from a traditional culture characterized by male dominance, a general reluctance to
educate women, and a widespread belief that women should devote themselves pri-
marily to childbearing. In announcing Vanuatu's ratification of the U.N. Convention
on Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) at the 1995
U.N. Conference on Women in Beijing, the then-Deputy Prime Minister stated that
it would take time to implement the laws giving equal rights to women.
926
The majority of women enter into marriage through "bride-price payment," a prac-
tice that encourages men to view women as property. Women are also inhibited by
tradition from owning land, and at least one women's advocate believes thds limita-
tion serves to underpin their secondary status. Many female leaders view village
chiefs as a major oostacle to attaining social, political and economic rights for
women. The National Council of Women organized seminars prior to the November
1995 general elections to increase women's awareness of their political ri^ts.
ChUdren. — Although the Government has made education a priority, access to
education is limited and school attendance is not compulsory. Children are protected
within the traditional extended-family system. Members of the extended family, par-
ticularly paternal uncles, play an active role in a child's development. As a result,
virtually no children are nomeless or abandoned. There is no societal pattern of
abuse, although cases of child abuse are occasionally reported.
People With Disabilities. — There is no known governmental or national policy on
the disabled and no legislation mandating access for them. Their protection and care
is left to the traditional extended family and to voluntary nongovernmental organi-
zations.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Most of the population is made up of Mela-
nesians. Small minorities of Chinese, Fijians, Vietnamese, Tongans, and Europeans
are generally concentrated in two towns and on a few plantations; they experience
discrimination with regard to land ownership. There is no evidence to suggest a pat-
tern of ethnic discrimination in the provision of the limited basic services which the
Government provides.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^The law provides workers with the right to organize
unions. Unions may not afliliate with international labor federations without gov-
ernment f>ermission.
Approximately 29,000 persons participate in the formal economy as wage earners.
There are five trade unions. The unions are grouped under an umbrella organiza-
tion, the Vanuatu Council of Trade Unions, a member of the International Confed-
eration of Free Trade Unions. The trade unions are independent of the Government
and ran a number of candidates under the Labor Party banner in the November
1995 general elections, although no Labor candidate was elected to Parliament or
received more than a small percentage of the votes.
The high percentage of the population still engaged in subsistence agriculture and
fishing deters extensive union activity. In addition membership in the Vanuatu F*ub-
lic Servants Union fell dramatically following the Government's wholesale dismissal
of hundreds of full-time public servants during a protracted general strike in 1994.
The Supreme Court in February 1994 ruled that the union had not complied with
its own rules when it undertook the general strike and declared the strike illegal.
Combined union membership in the private and public sectors reportedly has fallen
from more than 4,000 to less than 1,000 in the aftermath of the 1994 strike.
The law prohibits retribution if the strike is legal. In the case of private-sector
employees, violations would be referred to the Labor Department for conciliation
and arbitration. In the public sector, violations would be handled by the Public Serv-
ice Commission.
In August 1995, T'arliament passed a law requiring unions to give 30 days' notice
of intent to strike, with a list oi the names of intending strikers.
There was no significant strike activity in 1997.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Unions exercise the right to
organize and bargain collectively. Labor unions negotiate wages and conditions di-
rectly with management. If the two sides cannot agree, the matter is referred to a
3-member arbitration board appointed by the Minister of Home Affairs. The board
consists of one representative from organized labor, one from management, and the
senior magistrate of the magistrate's court. While a dispute is before the board,
labor may not strike and management may not dismiss union employees. Unions
and management, however, generally reach agreement on wages without having to
refer the matter to arbitration. Complaints of antiunion discrimination are referred
to the Commissioner of Labor. While the law does not require union recognition,
once a union is recognized, it does prohibit antiunion discrimination.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, including forced and bonded labor by children, and there were no re-
ports that either adults or children were subject to conditions of forced, bonded, or
compulsory labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits children under 12 years of age from working outside of family-owned agri-
927
cultural production, where many children assist their parents. There were no re-
ports of forced or bonded labor by children, which is prohibited by law (see Section
6.c). Employment of children from 12 to 18 years of age is restricted by occupational
category and conditions of labor, for example, restnctions on employment in the
shipping industry and on night-time employment. The Labor Department effectively
enforces these laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Vanuatu has a legislated minimum wage, ef-
fectively enforced by the Labor Department. In February 1995, it was raised to a
flat rate of approximately $143 (16,000 vatu) f>er month for both urban and rural
workers. The previous minimum wage was approximately $93 for rural workers and
$107 (13,200 vatu) for urban workers. The minimum wage would not support an
urban family living entirely on the cash economy. Most families are not dependent
solely on wages for their livelihoods.
Various laws regulate the rights to sick leave, annual vacations, and other condi-
tions of employment, including a 44-hour maximum woritweek, with at least one 24-
hour rest period weekly. Vanuatu's Employment Act, enforced by the Labor Depart-
ment, includes provisions for safety standards. However, the 1987 safety and health
legislation is inadequate to protect workers engaged in logging, agriculture, con-
struction, and manufacturing, and the single inspector attacned to the Labor De-
partment is hard pressed to enforce the act fully. Workers have the right to remove
themselves from dangerous work situations without jeopardy to their continued em-
ployment.
VIETNAM
The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is a one-party state ruled and controlled by the
Vietnamese Conxmunist Party (VCP). The VCPs constitutionally mandated leading
role and the occupancy of all senior government oositions by party members ensures
the primacy of party Politburo guidelines. The National Assembly, chosen in elec-
tions in which ail candidates are approved by the party, remains subservient to the
VCP. The party reduced its formal involvement in government operations. The Gov-
ernment made progress in strengthening the capacity of the National Assembly and
reforming the bureaucracy. Government-proposed legislation received wide press at-
tention, and the National Assembly played a stronger role in that debate in 1997.
The Assembly also was more active in revising legislation and vetting ministerial
and other candidates for office. Government omcials have more latitude in imple-
menting policies than in previous years. The judiciary remains subservient to the
VCP.
The military services are responsible for external defense, including the border de-
fense force. The military forces are assuming a more important role as the ultimate
guarantor of internal security, as they seek to establish themselves in public edu-
cation and campaigns against perceived threats to society. The Government contin-
ued to restrict significantly civil liberties on grounds of national security. The Min-
istry of Interior controls the police, a special national security investigative agency,
and other units that maintain internal security. Under the control of the party and
the Government, the Ministry enforces laws and regulations that significantly re-
strict individual liberties and violate other human rights. The Ministry of Interior
maintains a system of household registration and block wardens to monitor the pop-
ulation, concentrating on those suspected of engaging, or being likely to engage, in
unauthorized political activities. However, this system has became less obvious and
pervasive in its intrusion into citizens' daily lives. Members of the security forces
committed human rights abuses.
Vietnam is a very poor country undergoing transition from a centrally planned to
a more market-oriented economy. Agriculture, primarily rice cultivation, employs
two-thirds of the work force and accounts for one-third of gross domestic product
(GDP). The country has experienced rapid growth in many primary industries, in-
cluding construction, petroleum, textiles, and light manufacturing. Exports, led by
crude oil, rice, marine products, textiles, and foodstuffs, have increased sharply. Es-
timated annual GDP per capita is approximately $300. Particularly in urban areas,
economic reforms have raised the standard of living and reduced party and govern-
ment control over, and intrusion into, citizens' daily lives. Reforms have created a
popular demand for social, legal, educational and physical improvements.
The Government's human rights record continued to be poor. The Government
continued to repress basic political and some religious freedoms and to commit nu-
merous abuses. While the VCP moved to reform orocedures and internal debate, the
Government denied citizens the right to change tneir government. There were credi-
928
ble reports that security oflicials beat detainees. Prison conditions remain harsh.
The Government arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens, including detention for
peaceful expression of political and religious objections to government policies. The
Government denied citizens the right to fair and expeditious trials and holds a num-
ber of political prisoners. The Government restricts significantly citizens' privacy
rights, although the trend toward reduced government interference in citizens' daily
lives continued. The Government significantly restricted freedom of speech, assem-
bly, and association. The Government continued its longstanding policy of not toler-
ating most types of public dissent, although exceptions were made if they appeared
to serve the interests of the party or the Government. The Government allowed citi-
zens slightly greater freedom of expression and assembly to protest grievances. The
Government prohibited indef>endent political, labor, and other organizations; such
organizations exist only under government control. The Government significantly re-
stricts freedom of religion; it limits the operation of religious organizations to those
entities approved by the State. Societal discrimination and violence against women
remained problems. Trafficking in women and children for prostitution within the
country and abroad grew, although the Government continued to combat the prob-
lem. Discrimination against ethnic minorities and child labor are problems. There
were reports that certain prisons employed forced labor, sometimes as part of com-
mercial ventures.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Pcditical and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no known politically mo-
tivated extrajudicial killings. Little information is available on the extent of deaths
in police custody or on official investigations into such incidents. There were reports
that harsh prison conditions contributed to the death of a number of inmates (see
Section I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits physical abuse. There were no known reports of torture of detain-
ees. Little information is available on the extent of police brutality during interroga-
tions.
Prison conditions are harsh. Conditions generally do not threaten the lives of pris-
oners, but some released prisoners reported that the death rate among male pris-
oners was higher than for female prisoners. Overcrowding, insufficient diet, and
poor sanitation remain serious problems. Conditions in pretrial detention are par-
ticularly harsh, and there were credible reports that authorities sometimes denied
inmates access to sunlight, exercise, and reading material. Most prisoners have ac-
cess to basic health care and, for those with money, to supplemental food and medi-
cine. However, some political prisoners were denied visitation rights, and there were
reports that some prisons employ the use of forced labor, sometimes as part of com-
mercial ventures (see Section 6.c.). F*risoners sentenced to hard labor complained
that their diet and medical care were insufficient to sustain health, especially in re-
mote, disease-ridden areas. Several political prisoners with serious medical condi-
tions are held under harsh conditions in remote prisons, with limited access to med-
ical care. For example. Dr. Doan Viet Hoat (see Section I.e.) continued to serve a
15-year sentence at the Thanh Cam camp, a remote and malaria-ridden area of
Thanh Hoa province, 1,400 kilometers from his home and relatives. His location has
made it difficult for his family to provide him with medicine for his kidney disorder.
Similarly, Do Van Thac, sentenced to 14 (reduced to 12) years' imprisonment on
charges of attempting to overthrow the Government, remains imprisoned in remote
Nam Ha province, despite reports that he suflered a stroke and is suffering from
heart disease.
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of its prison and deten-
tion system.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Government continued to arrest and
detain citizens arbitrarily. The 1990 Criminal Procedures Code provides for various
rights of detainees, including time limits on pretrial detention and the right of the
accused to have a lawyer present during interrogation. In practice, the authorities
often ignore these legal safeguards.
The Supreme People's Procuracy approves the issuance of arrest warrants, but
law enforcement officials appear able to arrest and incarcerate persons without pre-
senting arrest warrants. Once arrested, detainees often are held for lengthy periods
without formal charges or trial. Le Hong Ha was held without trial from December
5, 1995, until his conviction at a 1-day trial on August 22, 1996. He was finally re-
929
leased on August 6. Time spent in pretrial detention generally counts towards time
served upon sentencing.
There were credible reports that authorities moved juvenile offenders from reform
schools to labor camp prisons without legal due process, upon their reaching the age
of majority.
Those arrested for peaceful expression of views opposed to official policy are sub-
ject to be charged under any one of several provisions in the Criminal Code outlaw-
ing acts against the State.
No official statistics are available on the percentage of the prison population that
consists of pretrial detainees or the average period of time that such detainees have
been held, ft is difficult to determine the exact number of political detainees, in part
because the Government usually does not publicize such arrests.
The Government does not use exile as a means of political control but has em-
ployed internal isolation to restrict the movement of certain political and religious
dissidents. For example, credible reports indicate that the leader of the United Bud-
dhist Church of Vietnam (UBVC), Thich Huyen Quang, is under administrative de-
tention and is prohibited from returning to his home pagoda in Hue. The Govern-
ment claimed tnat he is not under any legal restrictions but did not permit out-
siders to verify his status.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution provides for the inde-
f)endence of judges and jurors, in practice the VCP controls the courts closely at all
evels, selecting judges primarily for political reliability. Credible reports indicate
that party officials, including top leaders, instruct courts how to rule on politically
important cases. The National Assembly votes for candidates that are presented by
the President for Supreme People's Court president and Supreme People's procu-
rator. The President appoints all other judges.
The court system consists of the Supreme People's Court in Hanoi, provincial
courts, district courts, and military tribunals. The Supreme People's Court can re-
view cases from the lower courts or tribunals. Separately, economic courts handle
commercial disputes. Administrative courts deal with complaints by citizens about
official abuse and corruption. The economic and administrative courts have ad-
dressed few cases since their creation in 1994 and 1995, respectively. Local mass
organizations are empowered to deal with minor breaches of law or disputes.
The Supreme People's Procuracy has unchecked power to bring charges against
the accused and serves as prosecutor during trials. A judging council, made up of
a judge and one or more people's jurors (lay judges), determines guilt or innocence
and also passes sentence on the convicted. The relevant people's council appoints
[)eople's jurors, who are required to have high moral standards but need not have
eg^ training.
The Government continued its effort to develop the legal system as part of ex-
panding the rule of law. The Government has made some progress; in July 1996,
the 838-article Civil Code came into effect, a major step in this effort. Many judges
and other court officials lack adequate legal training, and the Government conducts
a training program to address this problem. However, the lack of openness in the
judicial process and the continuing subservience of the judiciary to the party under-
mined the Government's efforts to develop a fair, effective, judicial system.
Trials generally are open to the public, although judicial authorities sometimes
closed trials or strictly limited attendance in sensitive cases. Defendants have the
right to be present at their trial and to have a lawyer. The defendant or the defense
lawyer has the ri^t to cross-examine witnesses. In political cases, however, there
are credible reports that defendants are not allowed access to government evidence
in advance of tne trial, to cross-examine witnesses, or to challenge statements. Little
information is available on the extent to which defendants and their lawyers have
time to prepare for trials. Those convicted have the right to appeal.
The Government continued to hold a number of political prisoners incarcerated for
the peaceful expression of dissenting religious or political views. For example, Doan
Viet Hoat is serving a 15-year sentence imposed in 1990 for publishing a reformist
newsletter. Others arrested with him, including Nguyen Van Thuan and Le Due
Vuoug, are also serving lengthy prison sentences. Human rights activist Nguyen
Dan Que, sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment in 1991 for publicly supporting politi-
cal reform and respect for human rights, remains in isolation in prison despite re-
portedly being in poor health. Nine people, including Nguyen Dinh Huy, remain in
prison for trying to organize a conference on democracy in Ho Chi Minh City in
1993. At least seven Catholic priests of the Congregation of the Mother Co-
Redemptrix remain in prison under long sentences imposed after their 1987 arrest
and conviction on charges of "sowing disunity between the people and State." Some
political prisoners were denied visitation rights.
930
Amnesty International lists 54 prisoners held for political reasons but suggests
that the total may be higher. Vietnamese exile groups have claimed that there are
as many as 1,000 political prisoners in the country; other reliable sources put the
figure closer to 200 persons. The Government continued to release prisoners as part
of regular amnesties to commemorate important national holidays. The Government
released political prisoner Pham Due Knam on September 4 and allowed him to
emigrate to join his family. Kham was arrested with Doan Viet Hoat and had served
7 years of a 12-year sentence on charges of plotting to overthrow the Government.
The Government states that it does not hold any political prisoners; however, it
usually does not publicize the arrests of citizens for political reasons and frequently
conducts closed trials and sentencing sessions.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^The
Constitution provides for the right to privacy of home and correspondence. However,
the Government restricts this right. It operates a nationwide system of surveillance
and control through household registration and block wardens who use informants
to keep track of individuals' activities. Citizens must register with police when they
leave home, remain in another location overnight, or when they change their resi-
dence (see Section 2.d.); however, these requirements are not consistently enforced.
Many foreign observers in the country believe that this monitoring continues to be
done with less vigor and efficiency than in past years, as the authorities focused on
those suspected of involvement in unauthorized political or religious activities. Anec-
dotal evidence suggests that government monitoring is stricter in the south, espe-
cially in Ho Chi Minh City. 'Hiere have been reports that some families have been
unable to obtain household registration or residence permits, causing serious legal
and administrative problems. In urban areas, most citizens were free to maintain
contact and work with foreigners, but police questioned some citizens and families
of citizens with extensive or close relations with foreigners.
On April 14, the Government issued a decree that specified regulations controlling
"administrative surveillance." There is as yet no information as to how the decree
is being implemented, but the language of the decree appears to give authorities ex-
tremely broad powers to place persons under surveillance. According to the official
army newspaper. The People's Army, the regulations define administrative surveil-
lance as an administrative penalty imposed on persons who break the law and vio-
late national security, as determined by the definition of crimes in the Criminal
Code, but whose offenses are not yet at the level that warrants "criminal respon-
sibility." Persons under administrative surveillance must live and work in a des-
ignated locality and subject to the management and education of the local authori-
ties and population. There are reports that these measures are used against sus-
pected political dissidents, including a group in Dalat. The time span of administra-
tive surveillance ranges from 6 months to 2 years but does not apply to persons
under 18 years of age. The Ministry of Interior is reportedly the lead agency in im-
plementing the decree.
The Government opened and censored citizens' mail, confiscated packages, and
monitored telephone, electronic mail, and fax transmissions. The party now exerts
little pressure on people to belong to one or more mass organizations, which exist
for villages, city districts, schools, workers (trade unions), youth, veterans and
women. Membership in the VCP remains an aid to advancement in the Government
or in state companies and is vital for promotion to senior levels of the (Jovemment.
At the same time, diversification of the economy has made membership in mass or-
ganizations and the VCP less essential to financial and social advancement.
The Government continued to implement a family planning policy that urges all
families to have no more than two children. In principle the Government can deny
promotions and salary increases to government and party employees with more than
two children. In practice the penalty is not generally applied to employees in good
standing.
For others, there are no penalties for those with more than two children, but local
regulations permit fines based on the cost of extra social services incurred by the
larger family or reductions in state subsidies for those services. These penalties are
not uniformly or universally applied.
While foreign language periodicals are widely available in the cities, the Govern-
ment occasionally censors articles about the country in foreign periodicals for sale
within the country. There were credible reports that the (jovernment interfered
with international radio broadcasts. The Government has not allowed citizens unre-
stricted access to the Internet, citing concerns for national security and cultural
preservation. By law, access to satellite television is limited to top ofiicials, foreign-
ers, hotels, and the press. The law is not enforced and many people in urban areas
and some in rural areas have access via home satellite equipment.
931
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, out in practice the Government severely limits these freedoms, es-
pecially concerning political and religious subjects.
Both the Constitution and the Criminal Code include broad national security and
antidefamation provisions that the Government uses to strictly limit such freedoms.
The party and Government tolerated public discussion and permitted somewhat
more criticism than in the past. For example, citizens could and did complain openly
about inefficient government, administrative procedures, corruption, and economic
policy. However, there were limits imposed in these areas as well, and in the latter
part of the year, the party and Government moved to rein in the media. In Septem-
oer the Government adopted a directive requiring Vietnamese journalists to obtain
approval from the Ministry of Culture and Information before passing any informa-
tion to foreign journalists. In October the party Politburo issued a circular under-
scoring that media activities are "under the leadership of the State and the manage-
ment of the party." Also in October, journalist Nguyen Hoang Linh, the editor of
a business newspaper, was arrested and charged with revealing state secrets. His
arrest was believed^ to be related to a series of articles he wrote detailing corruption
among customs officials.
The Government continued to prohibit free speech that strayed outside narrow
limits to question the role of the party, criticize individual government leaders, pro-
mote pluralism or multiparty democracy, or questioned the regime's policies on sen-
sitive matters such as human rights. Several authors whose worits attracted official
censure in past years continue to be denied permission to publish, speak publicly,
or travel abroad. There continued to be an amoiguous line between what constituted
private speech about sensitive matters, which would be tolerated, and public speech
in those areas, which would not. Human Rights Watch/Asia (HRW/A) reported that
local authorities in Dalat on March 28 interrogated Ha Si Phu, a nuclear scientist
and political essayist previously imprisoned for possessing an internal party docu-
ment, Bao Cu, a writer, and Bui Minh Ouoc, a poet, on grounds of conveying dispar-
aging and distorted information about the State. HRW/A reported that the authori-
ties pressed the three men to promise not to send letters or articles abroad or give
interviews to overseas media.
In September the Government banned a journalist from accepting a United Na-
tions fellowship and traveling abroad.
The party, the Government, and party-controlled mass organizations control all
print and electronic media. The Government exercises oversight through the Min-
istry of Culture and Information, supplemented by pervasive party guidance and na-
tional security legislation sufficiently broad to ensure effective self-censorship in the
domestic media. The Government approved a number of new newspapers for publi-
cation, but in accordance with the Press Law of 1989, none is privately owned. With
apparent party approval, several newspapers engaged in investigative reporting on
corruption and mismanagement as well as in open and sometimes heated debate on
economic policy. There were credible reports that the Government interfered with
international radio broadcasts, restricted access to the Internet, and censored for-
eim publications (see Section l.f.).
The Government announced that as of November, it would permit unrestricted ac-
cess to the Internet. However, technical difficulties have delayed full implementa-
tion. Some universities and medical facilities reported having Internet access.
Foreign journalists must be approved by the Foreign Ministry's Press Center and
must be based in Hanoi. The number of foreign staff allowed each fore^ press or-
ganization is limited. The center monitors journalists' activities and decides on a
case-by-case basis whether to approve their interview, photograph, film, or travel re-
quests, all of which must be submitted 5 days in advance. A Foreign Ministry offi-
cial accompanies foreign journalists during all interviews with citizens. The Govern-
ment censors television footage and delays export of footage by several days.
The Government allowed artists some latitude in choosing the themes of their
works. Many artists received permission to exhibit their works abroad, receiving
exit permits to attend the exhibits and expwrt permits to send their works out oT
the country. Police and municipal cultural authorities, however, prohibited several
exhibits or removed selected works from authorized exhibits when they judged that
the works strayed too far from what authorities considered the mainstream, made
too much social commentary, or could have been interpreted as criticizing or making
fun of the Government.
The Government has permitted a significant increase in the flow of information
within the country and into the country from abroad, including the university sys-
tem. Foreign academic visitors working temporarily at universities said that they
were able to discuss nonpolitical issues widely and freely in the classroom. Govern-
932
ment monitors regularly attend classes taught by foreigners and citizens without of-
ficial notification. Academic publications usually reflect the views of the party and
the Government^ with more freedom for differing views on nonpolitical subjects.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The right of assembly is re-
stricted in lav/ and practice. People wishing to gather in a group are required to
apply for a permit, which local authorities can issue or deny arbitrarily. However,
people routinely gather in informal groups without government interference. The
Government does not permit demonstrations that could be seen as having a political
purpose. However, it was more tolerant than in the past of occasional demonstra-
tions by citizens about specific grievances against local officials. Nonetheless, the
Government did not tolerate extended demonstrations. For example, reports indicate
that the Government dispatched security forces to restore public order in at least
two provinces to quell demonstrations by local citizens protesting corruption on the
part of local officials. Domestic press reporting of these events was delayed but ac-
knowledged the demonstrations and the dissatisfaction of the demonstrators with
corrupt and inefficient local officials.
With a few exceptions, the Government prohibits the establishment of private,
independent organizations, insisting that individuals work within established,
party-controlled organizations. Citizens may not establish any type independent or-
ganization, including political parties, labor unions, religious, or veterans organiza-
tions. Such organizations exist only under government control.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Both the Constitution and government decrees provide
for freedom of worship; however, the Government continued to restrict severely
those religious activities it defined as being at variance with state laws and policies.
The Government generally allowed people to practice the religion of their choice,
and participation in religious activities throughout the country continued to spread
signiiicantly. However, government regulations control religious hierarchies and or-
ganized religious activities, in part because the party fears that organized religion
may weaken its authority and influence.
Religious organizations must obtain government permission to hold training semi-
nars, conventions, and celebrations outside the regular religious calendar, to build
or remodel places of worship, to engage in charitable activities or operate religious
schools, ana to train, ordain, promote, or transfer clergy. These powers lie prin-
cipally with provincial or city people's committees. All religious groups face difficulty
in obtaining teaching materials, expanding training facilities, publishing religious
materials, and expanding the clergy in training in response to increasing demand
from congregations.
The Government requires all Buddhist monks to work under a party -controlled
umbrella organization, the Central Buddhist Church of Vietnam. The uovemment
suppressed efforts by the non-government-sanctioned United Buddhist Church of
Vietnam (UBCV) to operate inaef)endently, and tension between the Government
and the UBCV continued. In November an appeals court upheld the 3-vear sentence
of Nguyen Moi, who was arrested in 1995 for possession of propaganda against the
authorities and the official Buddhist church. An emigre organization estimated in
September that about 70 UBCV members were in detention.
Credible reports from within the country indicate that the UBCVs leader, the
Venerable Thich Huyen Quang, was moved to administrative detention against his
will. The reports indicate that he is not allowed to visit his home pagoda in Hue.
Worshipers in several Buddhist, Catholic, and Cao Dai centers of worship report
that undercover government observers attend worship services and monitor the ac-
tivities of the congregations and clergy. The Government stated that it had legally
recognized Cao Dai, and had encouraged Cao Dai sects to expand.
ITie Government controls the Catholic Church hierarchy, in part by requiring all
clergy to belong to the government-controlled Catholic Patriotic Association. It also
insisted on approving Vatican appointments. The Government approved the Vati-
can's ordination of two bishops. The local Church hierarchy remained frustrated by
the Government's restrictions but has reportedly accommodated them for many
years. The Government prohibits the Catholic Church from engaging in educational
and charitable activities.
The Government allowed bishops and priests to travel freely within their dioceses
but restricted their travel outside these areas. The Government limits the Church
to operating 6 major seminaries throughout the country, totaling approximately 500
stuoents. The Government allows the Church to recruit new students only every 2
years. All students must be approved by the Government, both upon entering the
seminary and prior to ordination as priests. The number of graduating students is
insufficient to support the growing Catholic population, estimated at 5 million.
There is no ofnciallv sanctioned umbrella organization for Protestants, but the
Christian Missionary Alliance of Vietnam, the only government-approved Protestant
933
organization in the country, operated with slightly greater freedom. Church attend-
ance grew substantially despite continued government restrictions on proselytizing
activities. Protestants reported that congregations are not allowed to cooperate on
loint religious observances or other activities. Police have raided house churches.
Nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) abroad reported continued arrests and gov-
ernment harassment of some ethnic Hmong Protestants for proselytizing in north-
em Vietnamese villages. There were reports that members of the Cao Dai religion
were subjected to arbitrary detention and persecution.
Mosques serving the country's small Muslim population operate in Hanoi, Ho Chi
Minh City, and several provinces in the southern part of the country. The Govern-
ment restricts exit permits for Muslims seeking to make the hajj (see Section l.d.).
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, roreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^Most citizens enioy freedom of movement within the country. However,
there were credible reports that local authorities required members of ethnic minor-
ity groups to obteiin permission to travel outside certain highland areas. Officially,
citizens must obtain permission to change their residence (see Section l.f.). In prac-
tice, many people continued to move without approval, esjpecially migrant or itin-
erant laborers moving from rural areas to cities m search of work. However, moving
without permission restricted their ability to obtain legal work permits. Citizens
must notify police if they will be away from their residence overnight and register
with police ajnywhere they stay overnight. These requirements are not always strict-
ly enforced. The Government has employed internal isolation to restrict the move-
ment of political and religious dissidents.
Foreigners are generally free to travel throughout the country, except in some
areas restricted on grounds of national security. The Government retains the right
to approve travel to border areas, to some areas in the central highlands, and to
some islands, but in practice foreigners can easily travel to most border areas with-
out approval. On several occasions, however, local police detained and fined foreign-
ers wno, police said, ventured too close to borders. In one instance, police detained
foreigners and fined them for approaching the border with Cambodia in Gia Lai
provmce.
In September the Government barred a journalist who was awarded a U.N. fel-
lowship from traveling abroad to accept it (see Section 2.a.).
In November the Government required citizens traveling abroad, including gov-
ernment officials, to obtain exit and reentry visas. Both law and regulation provided
for the right of all citizens to obtain an exit permit, except for the following: Mem-
bers of the small Muslim community seeking to make tne hajj; political activists;
certain Buddhist clerics; the mentally ill; and those serving prison sentences under
criminal investigation; holding state secrets; suffering serious health problems; in-
volved in tax or real estate disputes; or whose sponsors abroad were engaged in ac-
tivities opposed to the Government. The (Jovemment maintained the ri^t to reject
exit visa applications in these categories. In practice, citizens had to demonstrate
an invitation and sponsorship from abroad to oe issued a passport and exit permit.
In November the Government announced an easing of travel restrictions. Accord-
ing to a decision by the Prime Minister that came into effect on November 26, citi-
zens holding valid passports would be freed from exit and reentry visa require-
ments. The directive also contained measures to punish citizens who stayed abroad
longer than allowed without informing one of the country's embassies or consulates.
Citizens must demonstrate eligibility to emigrate to another country and show
sponsorship abroad, before the Government issues exit f>ermits. Citizens' access to
exit permits was frequently constrained by factors outside the law. Refugee and im-
migrant visa applicants to the Orderly Departure Program (ODP) sometimes en-
counter local omcials who arbitrarily delay or deny exit permits based on personal
animosities or on the official's perception an applicant does not meet program cri-
teria, or in order to extort a bribe.
The ODP continued to resettle immigrant and refugee beneficiaries, including
Amersaians, former reeducation camp detainees, and family unification cases, at the
rate of over 2,0(X) persons per montn. Other nations operate smaller resettlement
programs for Vietnamese citizens. There are some concerns that members of minor-
ity ethnic groups, particularly nonethnic Vietnamese such as the Montagnards, may
not have ready access to these programs. The Government denied exit permits for
certain Montagnard applicants for emigration.
The Government generally permits Vietnamese who emigrate to return to visit,
but it considers them Vietnamese citizens and therefore subject to the obligations
of a Vietnamese citizen under the law, even if they have adopted another country's
citizenship. However, migrants are not permitted to use Vietnamese passp>orts after
they adopt other citizenship. Because overseas Vietnamese are considered a valu-
able potential source of foreign exchange and expertise to Vietnam but also a poten-
934
tial security threat, the Government generally encourages them to visit Vietnam but
monitors many of them carefully.
In January Vietnam and the United States signed an agreement to allow several
thousand Vietnamese returned from refugee camps elsewhere in Southeast Asia to
apply for resettlement in the United States. Applicant interviews and movements
to the United States were under way at year's end.
Vietnam cooperated with the international conMnunity in implementing the Com-
prehensive Plan of Action which was in effect between 1988 and June 1996, to re-
solve the situation of the thousands of Vietnamese who departed the country ille-
gally. In 1988 Vietnam had signed a memorandum of understanding with the Unit-
ed Nations Hi^ Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to increase acceptance of vol-
untary repatriates from camps in countries of first asylum, provided that there was
financial assistance. The agreement included a commitment to waive prosecution
and punitive measures for the illegal departure from Vietnam of persons who return
under the UNHCR voluntary repatriation program. Vietnam also agreed to permit
the UNHCR to monitor the returnees through direct visits. More than 109,000 Viet-
namese have returned from countries of first asylum. Of those, more than 95,000
returned voluntarily. Another 13,000 were repatriated involuntarily. A CToup of 522
was deported from Hong Kong, China during the year under a bilateral Hong Kong-
Vietnam agreement. These persons had committed crimes in camps of first asylum,
were tried and convicted, and had served iail sentences in the Hong Kong Special
Administrative Region. The UNHCR, which monitors a high proportion of repatri-
ates under all categories, reports that they do not face retribution or discrimination.
There was no credible evidence to substantiate claims that refugees returned under
UNHCR auspices were harassed or persecuted because they previously had fled the
country. Individual returnees have faced legal action after return on charges of ille-
gal activities carried out either before departure (other than illegal departure) or
after return.
The Constitution allows consideration of asylum under certain circumstances for
foreigners persecuted abroad. Otherwise, Vietnam is not signatory to, and does not
have provisions for, the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the
standards of the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its
1967 Protocol. There were no reports that any individuals requested asylum in Viet-
nam. In the 1970's and 1980's, Vietnam admitted refugees from Cambodia, most of
whom were ethnic Chinese. More recently, between 1993 and 1995, Vietnam admit-
ted 30,000 persons from Cambodia, mainly ethnic Vietnamese. The Government co-
operates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refu-
gees. There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they
feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. Party control over the
selection of candidates in elections for local government, the National Assembly, the
presidency and the prime ministership, and this undermines this right. All author-
ity and political power is vested in the VCP; political opposition movements and
other poRtical parties are not tolerated. The VCP Central Committee is the supreme
decisionmaking body in the nation, and the Politburo is the locus of policymaking.
A standing board, consisting of five members of the Politburo, oversees day-to-day
implementation of leadership directives. Public debate and criticism are limited to
certain aspects of individual, state, or party performance determined by the VCP it-
self. No public challenge to the legitimacy of the one-party State or even debate on
the subject is permitted (see Section 2.a.).
Eligible citizens are required to vote in elections, although there is no penalty for
not voting. Citizens elect the members of the National Assembly, ostensibly the
main legislative body, but the party must approve all candidates, most of whom are
VCP members. In July citizens voted for candidates to the 450-seat National Assem-
bly; 66 nonparty members (15 percent) were elected, nearly double the previous pro-
portion of nonparty members (8 percent) in the Assembly. Most Assembly members
belong to the VCP, although in July, in elections for a new assembly nonparty rep-
resentation increased from 8 to 15 percent. For the first time, the electoral roster
included candidates not nominated by party or state organs. Of the 11 "self-nomi-
nated" candidates, 3 were elected, although 1 was disqualified before taking office
on grounds of adultery.
The National Assembly remained subservient to the VCP. It does not initiate leg-
islation and may not pass legislation that the party opposes. Party officials occupied
most senior government and National Assemblv positions and continued to have the
final say on key issues. During the year, the National Assembly engaged in increas-
935
ingly vigorous debate on economic, legal, and social issues, including the banking
sector and management of the budget. Legislators questioned and criticized min-
isters and voted down the Government's nomination of the ministerial-level chair-
man of the state bank to serve a new term. However, in voting for a new prime
minister, president, vice president and cabinet, members could consider only can-
didates advanced by the party.
The law provides the opportunity for equal participation in politics by women and
minority groups, but in practice they are underrepresented. Most of the top leaders
are male. There is one woman in the Politburo. Women hold a few important posi-
tions, including vice president and several vice ministerships or equivalent posi-
tions. Voters elected 25 women, 10 percent more than in the previous National As-
sembly. The President of the National Assembly, who is also a Politburo member,
is a member of an ethnic minority.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not permit private, local human rights organizations to
form or operate. It generally prohibits private citizens from contacting international
human rights organizations. The Government permitted the UNHCR and inter-
national visitors to monitor implementation of its repatriation commitments under
the Comprehensive Plan of Action and carried on a limited dialog with foreign
human rights organizations based outside Vietnam.
The Government showed increased willingness to discuss human rights problems
bilaterally with other governments if such discussions take place under the rubric
of "exchanges of ideas" rather than as "investigations." Several foreign governments
held official talks concerning human rights problems.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, religion, or
social class. Enforcement of these prohibitions was uneven. People formerly interned
in reeducation camps on the basis of pre-1975 association with the government of
the former Republic of South Vietnam continued to report varying levels of discrimi-
nation as they and their families sought access to housing, education, and employ-
ment. They and their families generally are not allowed employment with the Gov-
ernment. This prohibition is less important than earlier because of the growth in
private sector job opportunities.
Women. — International NGO workers and many women report that domestic vio-
lence against women is common. The law addresses the issue of domestic violence,
but it is not enforced effectively. Most divorces are reportedly due to domestic vio-
lence, but many women likely remain in abusive marriages rather than confront the
stigma of divorce. Domestic abuse appears to be more prevalent in rural areas.
The Government, international NGO's, and the press reported a marked increase
in recent years in the trafficking of women both domestically and to other countries
for purposes of prostitution. The Government is working with international NGO's
to supplement law enforcement measures and is cooperating with other govern-
ments to prevent this activity. Organized rings reportedly lure poor, often rural,
women with promises of jobs or marriage and force them to work as prostitutes.
Some women are kidnaped and sold as wives to men in other countries.
While there is no legal discrimination, women face deeply ingrained social dis-
crimination. Despite extensive provisions in the Constitution, in legislation, and in
regulations that mandate equal treatment, and although some women occupy hidi
Government posts, few women compete effectively for higher status positions. The
lonstitution provides that women and men must receive equal pay for equal work,
but the Government does not enforce this provision. Despite the large body of legis-
lation and regulations devoted to the protection of women's rights in marriage as
well as in the workplace and labor law provisions that call for preferential treat-
ment of women, women do not receive equal treatment. Nonetheless, women play
an important role in the economy and are widely engaged in business and in social
and educational institutions.
The party-controlled Women's Union has a broad agenda to promote women's
rights, mcluding political, economic, and legal equality, and protection from spousal
abuse. International NGO's and international organizations regard the union as ef-
fective, but they and women's union representatives believe that much time is re-
quired to overcome societal attitudes relegating women to lower status than men.
The Government also has a Committee for the Advancement of Women.
Children. — Reputable international organizations, including the U.N. Children's
Fund (UNICEF), report that despite the Government's promotion of child protection
45-909 98 - 31
936
and welfare, children are increasingly at risk of economic exploitation. It cited gov-
ernment estimates that approximately 29,000 children are working in exploitative
labor (see Section 6.d.). While education is compulsory, the authorities do not en-
force the requirement, especially in rural areas where government and family budg-
ets for education are strained (see Section 6.d.). The Government has continued a
nationwide immunization campaign, and the government-controlled press regularly
stresses the importance of health and education for all children. Reports from local
sources indicate that responsible officials generally take these goals seriously but
are constrained by severely limited budgets. Despite some success, UNICEF esti-
mates that there are still 3 million children living in "especially difficult" cir-
cumstances, of an estimated 18 million children in the country.
Continued widespread poverty has contributed to the reported increase in traffick-
ing of minors domestically ana to foreign destinations as prostitutes. UNICEF re-
ported that government agencies are engaged in combating this abuse. There is no
information publicly available on the extent of child abuse (see Section 6.c.).
People With Disabilities. — Government provision of services to the disabled is lim-
ited, and the Government provides little official protection or effective support for
the disabled. Government agencies responsible for services to the disablea worked
with domestic and foreign groups to "identify measures" to provide protection, sup-
Eort, and physical access for the disabled. Implementation is hampered by limited
udgets. Tne 1995 Labor Law requires the State to protect the rights and encourage
the employment of the disabled. It includes provisions for preferential treatment lor
firms that recruit disabled persons for training or apprenticeship and a special levy
on firms that do not employ disabled workers. It is uncertain whether the Govern-
ment enforces these provisions. The (jovemment has permitted international groups
to assist those disabled by war or by subsecruent accidents involving unexploded ord-
nance and has developed indigenous prostnetics manufacturing capabilities. There
are no laws mandating physical access to buildings.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Although the Government states that it is
opposed to discrimination against ethnic minorities, there continued to be credible
reports that local officials sometimes restricted ethnic minority access to education,
employment, mail services, and travel, both domestic and foreign. However, many
local and some central government officials, including the chairman of the National
Assembly, are members of ethnic minorities. The Government continued to imple-
ment policies designed to narrow the gap in the standard of living between ethnic
groups living in the highlands and lowland ethnic Vietnamese by ^'anting pref-
erential treatment to domestic and foreign companies investing in highland areas.
There were anecdotal reports that the (jrovemment continued to repress some high-
land minorities for suspected ties with resistance groups.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^All unions are party controlled. Workers are not free
tojoin or form unions of their choosing; such action requires approval from the local
ofiice of the party controlled Vietnam General Confederation of Labor (VGCL). The
VGCL is the umbrella organization under which all local trade unions must operate,
and it claims 4 million members in branches in each of the major cities ana prov-
inces. VGCL officers report the VGCL represents 95 percent of public sector work-
ers, 90 percent of workers in state-owned enterprises and 12-15 percent of private
sector workers. The Labor Law requires provincial trade union organizations to es-
tablish unions within 6 months at all new enterprises with more than 10 employees
as well as at existing enterprises that currently operate without trade unions. Man-
agement of those companies is required by law to accept and cooperate with those
unions. However, many joint ventures and small, private companies, especially at
the retail level, do not have unions. The International Labor Organization (ILO) and
foreign governments are providing technical assistance and training to the Ministry
of LfU)or, Invalids, and Social Affairs and to the VGCL.
The Labor Law provides for the right to strike under certain circumstances. The
law requires that management and labor resolve labor disputes throudi the enter-
f)ri8e's own labor conciliation council. If that fails, the matter goes to the provincial
abor arbitration council. Labor courts, which were established in 1996 within the
people's court system, heard a small number of cases but still are in the early stages
of development. Unions have the right to appeal a council decision to the provincial
people's court and to strike. However, the law prohibits strikes at enterprises that
serve the public and those that are important to the national economy or national
security and defense. These functions are defined by the Government and include
electrical production, posts and telecommunications, railway, maritime and air
transportation, banking, public works and the oil and gas industry. The law also
grants the Government the right to suspend a strike considered detrimental to the
937
national economy or public safety. Strikes are prohibited in 54 occupational sectors
and businesses, including public services, businesses producing "essential" goods,
and businesses serving national defense under the Ministries of Interior and Na-
tional Defense.
Tlie number of strikes increased further in 1997, primarily against foreign-owned
or joint venture companies but also involving state-owned and private firms. The
Government toleratea these strikes, even though most were illegal. None was orga-
nized by the VGCL or its affiliate unions. The Labor Law prohibits retribution
against strikers, and there were no credible reports of such retrioution.
Vietnam is a member of the ILO. Individual unions are not legally free to, and
do not in practice, individually join, affiliate with, or participate in international
labor bodies. However, the VGCL has relations with 95 labor organizations in 70
countries.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers must have the ap-
proval of the provincial or metropolitan branch of the VGCL in order to organize
unions in their enterprises, but they can also bargain collectively through the party-
approved unions at their enterprises. In the past, the State generally set wages,
since most employees woriced for state companies. With the growth of the private
sector and the increased autonomy of state firms, a growing percentage of conipa-
nies are setting wages through collective bargaining with the relevant unions. Mar-
ket forces also play a much more important role in determining wages. The Labor
Law prohibits antiunion discrimination on the part of employers against employees
seeking to organize.
There are a number of export processing zones and industrial zones, which are
governed by the same labor laws as the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Labor Law prohibits all forms
of forced and bonded labor. The law does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded
labor by children, but such practices are not known to occur. Officials state that ju-
veniles in reeducation camps, which function much as reform schools or juvenile de-
tention centers do elsewhere, are assigned work for educational purposes that does
not generate income. There were credible reports that some prisons employ the use
of forced labor, sometimes as part of commercial ventures, without compensation to
prisoners. TTie Government denies that this occurs. The Government periodically as-
sesses required labor, or its monetary equivalent, on national infrastructure
projects. The Government announced that every citizen of working age would be re-
quired to contribute 10 days' labor or its monetary equivalent toward the construc-
tion of a new national highway.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The
Labor Law sets the minimum age for employment at 18 years of age, but enter-
prises may hire children from 15 to 18 years of age so long as the firm obtains spe-
cial permission from the Ministry of Labor, Invalids, and Social Affairs and ensures
that these young workers do not undertake hazardous work or work that harms
their physical or mental development; that they do not work more than 42 hours
per week; and that they receive special health care. It is not clear whether authori-
ties enforce these regulations. Children as young as the age of 13 can register at
trade training centers, which are a form of vocational training. There were no re-
ports that state-owned enterprises or foreign-invested companies used child labor.
In rural areas, children work primarily on family farms and in other agricultural
activities. In urban areas, children work in family-owned small businesses. There
are compulsory education laws, but they are not effectively enforced, especially in
rural areas v/here children are needed to work in agriculture. However, the culture's
strong emphasis on education leads people who can afford to send their children to
school to Qo so rather than work. The law does not specifically prohibit forced and
bonded labor but there were no reports of such practices (see Section 6.c.).
However, UNICEF announced in August that children below the age of 16 face
increased risk of economic exploitation and cited the Government's estimates that
approximately 29,000 children below the age of 15 are victims of exploitative labor.
That estimate may be low, UNICEF noted, since most children are working in the
informal sector. IJNICEF cited evidence of children working in gold mines, as do-
mestic servants, or working up to 14 hours a day in hazardous conditions for meager
pay or no payment.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Law requires the Government to set
a minimum wage, which is adjusted for infiation and other economic changes. The
official monthly minimum wage for foreign-investment joint ventures is $45
(518,000 dong) in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, $40 (461,000 dong) in certain other
large cities, and $35 (403,000 dong) elsewhere. The minimum monthly wage for Vi-
etnamese-owned companies is $12.50 (144,000 dong). The Government can tempo-
rarily exempt certain joint ventures from paying the minimum wage during the first
938
months of an enterprise's operations, or if the enterprise is located in a very remote
area, but the minimum wage in these cases can be no lower than $30. These mini-
mum wage rates are inadequate to provide a worker and family with a decent
standard of living. However, many workers receive bonuses and supplement their
incomes by engaging in entrepreneurial activities. A decreasing numt«r of workers
receive govemment-subsidizea housing. The Government eniorces the minimum
wajge only at foreign and major Vietnamese firms.
Ine Labor Law sets working hours at a maximum of 8 hours per day and 48
hours per week, with a mandatory 24-hour break each week. Any additional hours
require overtime pay at 1.5 times the regular wage and 2 times the regular wage
on holidays. The law limits compulsory overtime. It is uncertain how well the Gov-
ernment enforces these provisions.
According to the law, a female employee who is to be married, is pregnant, is on
maternity leave, or is raising a child under 1 year of age cannot be dismissed unless
the enterprise is closed. Female employees who are at least 7 months pregnant or
are raising a child under 1 year of age cannot work overtime, at night, or in distant
locations.
The Labor Law requires the Government to promulgate rules and regulations to
ensure worker safety. The Ministry of Labor, in coordination with local people's com-
mittees and labor unions, is charged with enforcing the regulations. In practice, en-
forcement is inadequate because of the Ministry's inadequate funding. The VGCL
reports that there are 300 labor inspectors in the country but that at least 600 are
needed. Anecdotal evidence indicates that workers, through labor unions, have been
more elTective in forcing changes in working conditions than has the Government.
There was no information on the ability of workers to remove themselves from woric
situations that endanger health or safety without jeopardy to their continued em-
ployment.
EUROPE AND CANADA
ALBANIA
Albania is a republic with a multiparty Parliament, a Prime Minister, and a
President elected by the Parliament. The Prime Minister heads the Government; the
Presidency is a largely ceremonial position with limited executive power. The Law
on Major Constitutional Provisions serves in the place of a constitution. (A par-
liamentary commission is authorized to begin work on a new constitution, but the
principal opposition party has been reluctant to join the process.) The Socialist
Party (PS) and its allies won 111 out of 155 parliamentary seats in June multiparty
elections that observers deemed acceptable and satisfactory under the cir-
cumstances. The elections followed a 5-month period of chaos and anarchy in the
country. Fatos Nano, the Socialist Party chairman, formed a new Government in
July. The judiciary was unable to function for much of the year.
Local police units reporting to the Ministry of the Interior are principally respon-
sible for internal security. Tne police disappeared from the streets in many cities,
especially in the south. Security forces were able to keep some control in Tirana for
all except a few days of the unrest, but in the rest of the country they totally lost,
and in many places still do not exercise, control and authority.
The Albanian national intelligence service (SHIK) is responsible for both external
and domestic intelligence gathering and counterintelligence functions. SHIK'S inter-
nal responsibilities in support of law enforcement agencies include gathering infor-
mation on government corruption and anticonstitutional activities. A public percep-
tion arose before and during the violence in February and March that SHIK was
firmly under the control of then-President Berisha and that he and the Democratic
Party were using SHEK for their own political ends. SHIK personnel, particularly
in the south, suffered beatings and harassment and in several cases were brutally
murdered. At year's end SHIK was functioning but at an extremely limited level.
The new Government plans to restructure the intelligence organization. Police re-
portedly committed some human rights abuses.
Albanians suffered severely due to the collapse of a number of pyramid schemes
in which many citizens placed large sums of money. This precipitated a political and
social crisis, since many citizens had sustained themselves on the "interest" pay-
ments received from such schemes. The ensuing violence and instability undermined
economic growth, reversed improvements in infrastructure, and led to growing infla-
tion and increased unemployment. The agricultural sector employs about 60 percent
of the workforce. Remittances from Albanians working abroad and foreign assist-
ance are major sources of income. Considerable income is also believed to derive
from numerous criminal activities. Following formation of the new Government in
July, efforts to restore order and confidence in the economy led to a modest recov-
ery. The Government has committed itself to meeting the international financial
community's demands that pyramid schemes be clearly outlawed and that the re-
maining pyramid schemes be audited and, if insolvent, liquidated to repay deposi-
tors partially. However, measurable results have been slow in coming.
The country's human rights record deteriorated sharply around the time of the
state of emergency from March 2 until July 24, reflecting the country's general
breakdown of governmental authority and civil society. Depending on the specific
time and the government in power, accusations were made that police, SHIK, and
unofficial paramilitary groups committed killings and beatings. Given the break-
down of order, however, there is very little, if any, firm evidence to substantiate
these accusations, although the Government acknowledges that police may have
killed some persons in custody. However, there were numerous casualties as a re-
sult of the cnaos and anarchy. According to unofficial estimates over 2,000 persons
were killed and many more wounded during the first 6 months of 1997. Moreover,
a much lower but continuous level of killings and injuries continued throughout the
year. Most deaths were due to accidents, whether from firearms or grenades, as ar-
(939)
940
mories were looted. Many intentional deaths, however, resulted from acts of re-
venge, from traditional blood feuds, or from fighting among rival criminal groups.
Some deaths also reportedly resulted from insurgent attacks on the police or SHK.
Poor prison and pretrial detention conditions continued; however, the escap>e of all
firisoners in March enabled the Government to try to rebuild and reconstruct the
acilities to meet international standards. Two prisons were repaired and are func-
tioning again. A partial amnesty program attracted some prisoners to return to jail
in exchange for reduced sentences.
The judicial system, which was inefficient and subject to corruption and executive
pressure in normal times, was undermined by the chaos and unable to function in
many places. Mtmy of the courts were vandalized or burned down. Some judges
were intimidated by the fact that criminals they had sentenced were freed. There
are still numerous complaints about unqualified and unprofessional judges. Mem-
bers of the opposition say that the Government infringed on their privacy rights.
The antigenocide (lustration) law — which could bar potential candidates — was
amended twice, once prior to the June elections, to allow additional groups and indi-
viduals to run for ofuce despite their role in the former Communist regime, and
again in August, to further lessen its impact.
The Government is working with the Greek government to assure continuing im-
proved conditions for the ethnic Greek minority. The two Governments ratified and
put into force a seasonal worker agreement and the Greek Government has in-
creased its bilateral assistance programs.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings by government ofTicials, but the Government acknowledged that police may
have killed some persons in custody.
Numerous casualties resulted from the chaos and anarchy. According to unofficial
estimates, over 2,000 persons were killed and many more were wounded during the
first 6 months of the year. Moreover, a much lower but continuous level of killings
and injuries continued throughout the year. Most deaths were due to accidents, as
armories were looted; however, many instances of targeted killings occurred as well.
Many intentional deaths resulted from acts of revenge, from traditional blood feuds,
or from fighting among rival criminal groups. Some deaths also reportedly resulted
from insurgent attacks on the police or SHIK. An estimated 30 or more police were
killed and dozens wounded during the worst violence in March and April. In Sep-
tember inside the parliament building socialist party M.P. Gafur Mazreku shot
democratic party M.P. Azem Hajdari four times. Hajdari survived and is recovering
from the wounds. The two had previously been engaged in a physical altercation
over "lack of respect" for each others' opinions.
Authorities arrested former president Ramiz Alia on February 1, 1996, and
charged him with the internment and imprisonment in concentration camps of thou-
sands of citizens during the Communist regime. After Alia entered pretrial deten-
tion, the prosecutor added other charges: ordering the killing of people who at-
tempted to leave the country; ordering troops and police to fire on the people who
toppled the Hoxha monument in Tirana; ordering the arming of military students
who subsequently killed some civilians; and ordering the shootings on April 2, 1991,
in Shkodra that lefl four dead. The investigation was still ongoing at the start of
the year. Alia, however, went free along with all the other prisoners in March when
all the prisons were abandoned. He was subsequently rumored to have fled to
France and to be living there with his son. After apparently living in various Euro-
pean cities with relatives. Alia returned to Albania December 21. On October 20 a
Tirana court dismissed charges of genocide and crimes against humanity against
Alia. Similar charges against two former Interior Ministers, Simon Stefani and
Hekuran Isai, and against former General Prosecutor Qemal Lame, also were
dropped.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Law on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms stipulates that "no one can
be subject to torture, punishment, or cruel and brutal treatment." The Penal Code
makes the use of torture a crime punishable by up to 10 years in prison. In sporadic
cases police beat journalists, political party representatives, students, and others
during the unrest in the first half of the year and afler the June elections.
There were sporadic reports that police used physical force against demonstrators
in February. During the June election campaign there was considerable praise for
the police force's efforts to handle difficult situations in a tense and unstable atmos-
941
phere. The police used great restraint many times when demonstrators against the
pjrramid schemes as well as those in political rallies took to the streets and main
squares in great numbers.
The overwhelming majority of police have little or no professional training. In
January a training course on human rights and freedoms was conducted for some
police in Denmark. Other police training courses ceased when authorities lost con-
trol of the security situation. International teams have been assessing the reconsti-
tuted police force's needs and plan training and other assistance efforts. In July the
Western European Union (WEU) organized a seminar for members of the public
order police and later extended its mandate to assist police development and reorga-
nization.
The Interior Ministry opened an ofllce in 1996 to deal with citizens' complaints
and questions about police behavior and the office continued operating in 1997. Min-
istry officials have met since August with representatives from the Albanian Center
for the Documentation of Human Rights to coordinate on a curriculum for seminars
to train police officers in fundamental human rights principles and for correct be-
havior with the public. The Center published a book on human rights to help edu-
cate police supervisors, and the WEU is producing elementary level leaflets on
human rights for use by rank and file police oflicers.
The Interior Ministry has an Internal Affairs OfTice to monitor police performance
and to uncover corruption. Accusations of corruption among public officials have
been raised during each of the three governments.
At the beginning of the year 1,209 persons were imprisoned, but they were all re-
leased by armed groups that stormed the prisons in mid-March during the worst
of the chaos. All of the prisons were either severely damaged or totally destroyed.
As of September there were 310 inmates. A total of 5 women of the 35 previously
in custo(^ were back in jail; no minors were held. Some 80 prisoners, mostly those
convicted of lesser crimes, returned voluntarily when then-President Berisha in
April offered to reduce their sentences by one-third under an amnesty law. The
Nano Government extended this amnesty offer until January 15, 1998. The remain-
der of those in prison were arrested after the original amnesty offer expired in April.
President Berisha pardoned other prisoners in March, if they had less than 2 years
to serve, and also pardoned Socialist Party Chairman and current Prime Minister
Fatos Nano on March 14.
Past prison conditions failed to meet minimum international standards, but with
the total destruction or serious damage to all seven prison facilities when dem-
onstrators attacked them from March 13 to March 15, the Government is rebuilding
facilities to meet those standards. The destruction negated all improvements made
in 1996. By September only two jails were functioning in Tirana and one in
Lushnja, where reconstruction is well underway or complete. Other facilities under
reconstruction were expected to be ready by years' end. Authorities plan to open two
new pris-ons in Lezha and Vaqarri in early 1998. The prison at Vaqarri is to include
a vocational training school. The European Union is providing much of the funding
for these projects.
Women currently have their own prison with dormitory sleeping facilities and an
open-air community atmosphere. Some training and education classes are available.
Plans include a separate prison for minors at the new Lezha facility, where violent
prisoners will be kept separate from those sentenced for lesser offenses.
Family members may visit prisoners four times per month after sentencing, but
only twice a month when in detention, with an opportunity for additional visits with
the consent of the prosecutor's office. Personnel from nongovernmental organizations
(NGO's) as well as journalists can obtain unlimited visitation rights, but must first
secure permission from the General Director of Prisons. Some NGO's complained at
the start of the year that they could not get permission to visit detainees. The Inter-
national Committee of the Red Cross started negotiating with the Nano Government
in August for an agreement on visiting detention centers. The Red Cross signed
agreements in Octooer with the Ministers of Interior and Justice for visitation
rights to see detainees in accordance with its standards. The visits took place with-
out problems.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The 1995 Penal Procedures Code sets out
the rights of detained and arrested persons. By law a police officer or prosecutor
may order a suspect into custody. Detained persons must be immediately informed
both of the charges against them and of their rights. If detained by the police, a
prosecutor must be notified immediately. Within 48 hours from the arrest or deten-
tion a court must decide, in the presence of the prosecutor, of the suspect, and of
the suspect's lawyer, as to the security measures to be taken. Legal counsel must
be provided free of charge if the defendant cannot afford a private attorney.
942
Bail in the form of money or property may be required if the judge beheves the
accused may not appear for the hearing. Alternatively, a suspect may be placed
under house arrest. The court may order pretrial confinement in cases where there
is reason to believe the accused may leave the country or is a danger to society.
The Penal Procedures Code requires completing pretrial investigations within 3
months. The prosecutor may extend this period by 3-month intervals in especially
difficult cases. The accused and the injured party have the right to appeal these ex-
tensions to the district court.
F*retrial detention conditions remained deficient at the start of the year, but the
Government has begun building or renovating structures to address those needs.
Plans for one building in Tirana under renovation envision a capacity for 334 de-
tainees.
The government does not employ exile as a form of punishment or political con-
trol.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Law on Major Constitutional Provisions pro-
vides for an independent judiciary, but with the breakdown of society, the judiciary
was unable to function in many places as courts were burned and some judges fled
their posts. Fifteen out of 36 district courts were totally destroyed along with an
unknown amount of records, papers, and other legal materials. A few courts contin-
ued to operate to some extent, although they were inhibited by the chaos, the inabil-
ity of police to enforce court decisions, and the lack of prisons. Some cases were sent
to Tirana courts for adjudication. By year's end all courts had reopened.
The judiciary was previously hampered by political pressures, insufficient re-
sources, inexperience, patronage, and corruption. Numerous complaints remained
about unqualified and unprofessional judges, but the government is seeking to im-
prove and professionalize the judiciary. The Justice Ministry's administrative role
in the judicial budget process potentially constrains the judiciary's independence.
The judicial system comprises district courts, six courts of appeal, and the Court
of Cassation. Each of these courts is divided into three jurisdictions: criminal, civil,
and military. The Court of Cassation hears appeals from the court of appeals, while
the separate Constitutional Court reviews those cases requiring interpretation of
constitutional legislation or acts.
The President heads the High Council of Justice which appoints and dismisses all
other judges. The Council's membership was increased from 9 to 13 in 1997. In addi-
tion to the President, the Justice Minister, head of the Cassation Court, and the
Prosecutor General, the Council now consists of three judges, chosen by other
1'udges, two prosecutors, selected by other prosecutors, and four independent, well-
cnown, and respected lawyers whom parliament names. The new composition of the
Council gives the judicial branch significantly more independence from the executive
than in the past.
According to its internal statute, the High Council of Justice has broad powers
to fire, demote, transfer, or otherwise discipline district and appeals court judges for
incompetence, commission of a serious crime, or for questionable morality. Judges
were previously not called before the Council to testify in their own behalf, but in
the past there have been no cases in which dismissed judges have complained either
through the press or directly to the courts. Some administrative staff from the Cas-
sation Court who were removed did complain and were later reinstated. After it
started meeting again in September, the High Council of Justice dismissed three
judges and relocated a number of others as disciplinary measures. The three re-
moved from the bench appeared before the Council during the proceedings against
them. In December Parliament passed a law "On the Organization oi Justice,"
which gives judges the right to appeal their dismissals to the Cassation Court, and
the FVesident signed the new law in January 1998.
Parliament has the authority to approve and dismiss the 9 judges of the Constitu-
tional Court and the 11 members of the Court of Cassation. These judges may be
dismissed only for mental incompetence or conviction of a serious crime. Constitu-
tional Court justices serve maximum 9-year terms, rotating in three new justices
every 3 years. Cassation Court judges are elected for 7 years.
Criticism continues about the appointment of judges who only completed a 6-
month training course. The long-awaited magistrates' school, a government-sub-
sidized and European-funded institution aimed at assuring the professional training
of judges and prosecutors, began classes in mid-October with 20 students, who were
selected competitively from 150 applicants. The school is expected to address the in-
adequate educational preparation of judges and help increase the level of profes-
sionalism among those who sit on the bench. Once in full operation, the training
program will include mandatory initial training of. candidates for the magistrature
as well as a program of continuing education.
943
Parliament appoints prosecutors on the recommendation of the President, and
they also serve at the pleasure of the High Council of Justice, except for the pros-
ecutor general and deputy prosecutor general, who serve for 7 years and can only
be removed for mental incompetence or after being found ^ilty of a crime. After
a new prosecutor general was appointed on August 14 and tne Council was reorga-
nized, it fired the prosecutor from the Elbasani district for violating procedures and
for releasing violent criminals after the police arrested them. These criminals subse-
quently killed one and wounded two others in a shoot-out in Elbasani's main square.
Some prosecutors and judges resigned after the Socialist Party's victory in June and
the change of government in July.
Parliament approves the courts' budget and allocates to each a set amount at the
start of the year. Each court then determines how to spend the money. The Justice
Ministry provides and approves administrative and support personnel, but the Min-
istry stresses that it heis no involvement with judicial budget decisions. The courts,
however, have continued to argue that this administrative role can be used to con-
strain the judiciary's independence.
The efforts of the Council of Europe and NGO's to work with the Government to
print and distribute the penal codes and laws throughout the country were under-
mined by the unrest and damage to the courts early in the year. Most foreign con-
sultants and advisors were evacuated in mid-Marcn and were slow to return, al-
though some offices remained open with local staff. With the destruction of many
courts and public buildings and records in towns around the country, it will take
a long time to resume functioning fully.
At year's end, all courts were in session, but few cases came before them due to
lack of investigation by local prosecutors' offices. The prosecutors are hampered, in
turn, by the failure of police to provide sufficient facts and evidence for the prosecu-
tors to take the cases to court.
The Law on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms provides for the right to
a fair and speedy trial. It also mandates public trials, except in cases where the in-
terests of public order, morality, national security, the private lives of the parties
involved, or justice require restrictions. If convicted, the accused has the right to ap-
geal the decision within 5 days to the court of appeals and again to the Court of
lassation, which renders the final verdict. The law does not specify any time period
within which the court of appeals or the Court of Cassation must hear appeals.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Law on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms provides for the inviolability of
the individual person, of dwellings, and of the privacy of correspondence. Parties op-
posed to then-President Berisha and the Democratic Party, particularly at the be-
ginning of the year, made a number of allegations of government-sanctioned tamper-
ing with correspondence, wiretapping, or interference with telephone service. Al-
though such complaints are less prominent about the Nano Government, which only
came into office in July, members of the present opposition believe that the same
type of invasion of privacy is occurring targeted against them.
Parliament twice revised the anti-genocide and lustration laws, narrowing the list
of those required to undergo scrutiny for past crimes under the Hoxha and Alia
Communist regimes, which could render them ineligible to run for public office until
2002. No candidates were banned, after appeals, from running in the June par-
liamentary elections, even though some were not decided until the last minute, and
ballots had to be revised at that point.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Law on Fundamental Human Rights and
Freedoms provides for freedom of speech and of the press, and the Government gen-
ereJly respected these rights. Although journalists complain about lack of freedom
of the press, they are free to write, uncensored and unverified, virtually anything
they wish. There was a period of a month and a half under the state of emergency
when no newspapers except the Democratic Party paper were published and another
period before the elections in June when, especially in the south, the democrats had
difficulties distributing their newspaper. Each party during the time it has been in
opposition complained about their lack of exposure on the state-run electronic
media, but there was no censorship of content.
In September Parliament passed a well-received law that provided for broad press
freedom. However, the law is extremely vague and had not yet been implemented
by year's end.
During the unrest and the June election campaign, journalists complained of the
difficulties in reporting stories (such as having cameras and equipment stolen and
being attacked by criminal gangs), and political parties raised tne problems and
944
dangers of campaigning and distributing respective party newspapers in different
parts of the country.
Little sense of journalistic responsibility or professional integrity exists. Sensa-
tionalism is frequently the norm in the print media. Many criticisms, accusations,
and fabrications are still printed in the party-oriented newspapers without substan-
tiation, but also without reprisal.
The press remains willing and able to criticize whichever government is in power
and continued to do so during the three governments in 1997. The notable exception
was in the first 6 weeks of the state of emergency when the government imposed
censorship. No newspapers appeared for a month and a half except the Democratic
Party paper Rilindja Demokratike. Access to newspapers in different parts of the
country was limited, even after the immediate crisis, as carriers were threatened
and the national roads blocked by well-armed groups.
Political parties, independent trade unions, and various societies and groups pub-
lish their own newspapers, some of which have only limited appeal and distribution.
Dependence on outside sources for revenues may lead to pressures which limit the
independence of reporting. Taxes on publications, in addition to rising printing
costs, make it difficult for independent media to be economically viable without sub-
sidies or loans from their patrons, e.g., political parties, social organizations, or pri-
vate businesses. Journalists accused former President Berisha and the Meksi gov-
ernment of using excessive taxation as a deliberate means to cripple the independ-
ent and opposition press. The Nano Government had by September also refused to
lower taxes, and journalists are concerned that taxes will go up even more as the
new administration continues to pursue all potential revenue sources to offset the
government's deficit. In November newspapers went on strike for lower taxes and
other government subsidies ,and the Government promised to meet many of their
demands.
However, at any one time an estimated 200 different publications are available,
including daily and weekly papers, magazines, newsletters, and pamphlets. Three
Greek minority newspapers are published in southern Albania.
Koha Jone, a mildly sensationalist, independent daily newspaper with the lareest
circulation, took a strong anti-Berisha/Democratic Party line early in the year. Koha
Jone and other then-opposition papers accused the Meksi government and Berisha
of systematic harassment. The Koha Jone office was ransacked and burned by un-
known persons in the early moraing of March 3, the first night of the state of emer-
gency. Pro-Democratic Party forces were widely assumed to be responsible, but
Koha Jone never produced any evidence to support this theory. Koha Jone's editor
left the paper in May and started his own new newspaper. The Indipendent, con-
tinuing his previous editorial approach. The Indipendent has since ceased pubHca-
tion, and its former editor is now the Prime Minister's press spokesperson.
Journalists seem uncertain about their relations with the Nano Government, but
some reporters think the Government is exercising indirect pressure on the press
by appomting a number of journalists to government jobs. Owner and director of
Koha Jone, Nikoll Lesi, an independent Member of Parliament and a member of the
Media Commission, complainea in September about the higher taxes and higher
costs of running a newspaf>er in a Koha Jone article.
Reporters regularlv claim harassment from police and threats from unknown indi-
viduals, and particularly during the first half of the year, a number of beating and
harassment incidents occurred involving journalists from both sides of the political
spectrum.
State-run radio and television provide the bulk of domestic programmingj^ and the
Nano Government has increased the number of members of the State Executive
Committee of Radio and Television. The stated intention of this expansion is to help
redress imbalance and political bias as well as access to the media. The Democratic
Party, now in opposition, complained about a lack of equal access, just as the Social-
ists had previously complained when the Democratic Party was in power. In August
former parliamentary speaker PJETER Arbnori started a hunger strike to empha-
size the need for equal access. His hunger strike lasted 20 days until a compromise
between the Democratic Party and the Socialist Party was reached on the media law
providing for equitable access for all the parties.
Most municipalities offer international programs received via satellite. Home sat-
ellite dishes abound and most citizens, even in remote villages, have access to inter-
national broadcasts. In May Parliament passed a law authorizingprivate commer-
cial broadcasting licenses that is expected to take effect in 1998. The law is liberal
as far as ease in obtaining a license, but apparently is unsatisfactory to some be-
cause it may limit the number of licenses available. The Government plans to con-
trol the procedures through the establishment of a National Committee.
945
There are 12 unlicensed private television stations and 10 private radio stations.
The number keeps increasing. These stations are currently unregulated. There is no
official state foreign language broadcasting. Widely received and listened to are sta-
tions from Italy, Greece, and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. The Voice
of America (VOA) and the BBC are also popular. As of September, the VOA is
broadcast on the FM band from a private radio station in Vlora.
University professors continue to complain about the lack of academic freedom.
Their complaints include firings and hirings for political reasons and the admission
of unqualified students as political favors. Universities were closed during the state
of emergency and students were able to finish only part of their spring term. A new
fall semester started on October 15. The Government apparently does not plan to
extend the Meksi government's decision in 1996 to prohibit foreigners who were not
the part of a university-to-university agreement from teaching in the country's uni-
versities. During the fall semester, a number of professors and department heads,
as well as all university rectors were removed from their posts. The Nano Govern-
ment stated that these employment changes were designed to remove unqualified
and incompetent professors, but those dismissed insist that the firings were under-
taken for political reasons.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Law on Fundamental
Human Rights and Freedoms provides for the right of peaceful assembly and states
that "no one may be denied the right to collective organization for any lawful pur-
fiose." The government generally respected this right in practice. According to the
aw, rally organizers must notify police authorities 3 days m advance about the loca-
tion, time, number of participants, and other details. The chief of police must issue
his decision, with explanations for any refusal, no later than 24 hours before the
event. The police may refiise the permit in cases when the rally may violate human
rights and freedoms; traffic obstruction may be a problem; there is sufficient evi-
dence that violent or criminal acts may occur; if another rally is planned for the
same time; or if a rally would interfere with a national event, e.g., a presidential
speech. No advance ofiicial permission is now required for meetings held in closed
non-public places. The police no longer have the authority to pre-approve speech or
slogan content. There were a large number of demonstrations in 1997, both to pro-
test the country's situation and for the election campaigns. Most gatherings went
on unauthorized and unchallenged, although police, mainly in Tirana, did try to as-
sert control. A few demonstrations turned violent, with snootings and injuries, but
it was unclear in all cases who was responsible.
In early March, the Meksi government banned public gatherings of more than
four people and imposed a curiew. The curfew and limit on public gatherings were
f>art of the state of emergency, which the new Parliament litled July 23 during its
irst session.
The Law on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms provides for the right of
association, and the Government generally respects this right in practice. A political
party must apply to the Ministry of Justice for ofTicial certification. It must declare
an arm or purpose that is not anticonstitutional or contrary to law, and it must de-
scribe its organizational structure and account for all public and private funds it re-
ceives.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Law on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms
provides that "freedom of thought, conscience, and religion may not be violated."
Citizens may freely change their religion or beliefs and may manifest them alone
or in community with others, in public or in private life, and in worship, teaching,
practice, and observance. The Government respects these provisions in practice.
There is no law to control either violation of religious rights or so-called religious
groups which may violate or abuse the rights of others.
The majority of citizens are secular in orientation after decades of rigidly enforced
atheism. Muslims, who make up the largest traditional religious group, adhere to
a moderate form of Sunni Islam. The Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox and Roman
Catholic Churches are the other large denominations. The Albanian Orthodox
Church split from the Greek Orthodox Church early in the century, and there is a
strong identification with the national church as distinct from the Greek church.
The current archbishop is a Greek citizen, even though the Albanian Orthodox
Church's 1929 statute states that all its archbishops must be of Albanian heritage,
because there are no Albanian clerics qualified for this position.
Foreign clergy, including Muslim clerics. Christian and Ba'hai missionaries, Jeho-
vah's Witnesses, and many others freely carry out religious activities. The Religious
Council of the State Secretariat, an office that functions under the Prime Minister's
authority, but has no clear mandate and is unable to make decisions on its own,
estimates that there are 20 different Muslim societies and sects with around 95 rep-
resentatives in country. There are more than 2,500 missionaries representing Chris-
946
tian or BaTiai organizations. No religious missionaries have suffered any acts of vio-
lence or been arrested because they are missionaries.
The government has not yet returned all lands and religious objects under its con-
trol that were confiscated under the Communist regime. Some warehouses in which
church groups stored food and other basic commodities were seriously damaged and
looted during the unrest. Each religion is slowly recovering old properties, but in
cases where the sites or buildings were "cultural monuments protectea by the state,"
the transfer of ownership continues to be problematic and slow. All major religious
groups continue to complain of this slow pace of property return.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no restrictions on freedom of movement within the country.
During the period of unrest, citizens either individually or in small groups were
not prevented from traveling to Tirana. Rebels in the south set up roadblocKs, and
¥eople had trouble traveling in that region. The police set up roadblocks around
irana when rumors indicated that a group was coming from the south to cause
trouble in the capital; the group never appeared.
There are generally no restrictions on entry and exit from the country.
Albanian-bom citizens abroad are eligible to apply for dual citizenship. With the
collapse of the pyramid schemes and the ensuing disorder, an unknown number of
Albanians fled to Greece, Italy, and other western countries, with most entering
those countries illegally. There are estimates that over 15,000 fled to Italy alone.
Albanians who fled the country during the Communist dictatorship are welcomed
back with citizenship restored and without adverse consequences, as are all Alba-
nians who left at any time after the Communist regime fell.
The Government nas no formal refugee policy. Transit of refugees without visas
is problematic, and organized criminal gangs have turned illegal refugee smuggling,
including transporting Albanians illegally into neighboring countries, into a lucra-
tive business. In some cases criminals have taken advantage of the illegals' plight
by telling them that they were going to Italy, collecting their money (up to $500 to
1,000 per head) up front, sailing up the coast to Durres, dropping them off, and re-
turning to Vlora. The most numerous refugees are Kurds, Pakistanis, Chinese,
Turks, and others from the Middle East and Asia on their way to Western Europe,
usually through the port at Vlora on their way to Italy.
The Unitea Nations High Commissioner wr Refugees (UNHCR), in conjunction
with the Albanian Red Cross, runs a "care and maintenance" program for those per-
sons whom they consider "vulnerable" — those who arrive ana cannot return where
they came from, or have failed in their attempts to continue further. The UNHCR
office in Tirana assesses refugees and, for those whom they believe should not be
returned to the home country, approves grants of money, shelter, and food. The
UNHCR also attempts to reunite families whenever possible, mostly in the case of
refugees from Kosovo. However, most of the illegal refugees do not come to the
UNHCR offices for assistance. Nationalities taking advantage of the UNHCR facili-
ties include Kosovars, Macedonians, Iraqis, Syrians, and Algerians. Chinese, Paki-
stanis, Sri Lankans, Iraqi Kurds, and Turks tend to avoid the UNHCR. The
UNHCR also runs a public information program on radio and television to try to
discourage Albanians from going abroad illegally, coordinates with the Albanian of-
fice for refugees in the Interior Ministry, and works with the Labor Ministry to pro-
mote repatriation of Albanians internally displaced during the crisis. During 1997,
people came and went during the unrest; about 30 refugees were under unhcr care
at any one time. The Government did not forcibly expel anyone who had a valid
claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change their Govern-
ment
The Law on Major Constitutional Provisions states that citizens have the right
to change their government "by free, general, equal, direct, and secret ballot," and
in June citizens elected a government in what international observers considered to
be a satisfactory process, given the preceding months of chaos and anarchy.
In January and February, citizens who lost their savings in failed pyramid
schemes took to the streets in protest, demanding that the government compensate
them for their losses. Opposition parties, seizing the opportunity that this economic
calamity presented, expanded the demands and called lor the resignation of the gov-
ernment of Prime Minister Aleksander Meksi and President Sali Berisha, blaming
them for the crisis. The demonstrations increased in size and frequency and on Feb-
ruary 9 the first death, blamed on a local policeman, occurred in Vlora, prompting
a massive funeral procession there February 11 and a subsequent student hunger
strike at the university in Vlora. These events, in turn, sparked even more protests.
Then-Prime Minister Meksi and his ministers resigned under pressure March 1.
947
The Parliament declared a state of emergency March 2 and passed legislation de-
signed to deal with the mounting civil disturbances. The next day parliament re-
elected Sali Berisha President for a second 5-year term. An interim National Rec-
onciliation Government was formed on March 9 following multiparty negotiations,
with a limited mandate to restore order and prepare for new parliamentary elec-
tions.
Berisha appointed a new prime minister, Bashkim Fino, with the consensus of 10
leading political parties. The same consensus process was used to agree on the nam-
ing of the cabinet and in filling some other government positions. Ministers in the
new government came from all 10 of these parties. In addition, the Democrats and
other right of center parties, along with the newly created left of center Forum for
Democracy (a temporary alliance of opposition parties led by former Communist-era
political prisoners opposed to Berisha), met in a series of roundtable sessions, signed
a number of agreements, and moved toward the ultimate goal of new parliamentary
elections. During the period of public disorder, which developed into general anarchy
and reached its high jwint in mid-March throughout the country, the political forces
were able to find ways, often only after a series of political debates on a subject,
to cope with the situation. The international community, working both bilaterally
and multilaterally through the chairman in office of the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe's personal representative Dr. Franz Vranitzky, helped
the various political forces develop the cooperation and compromises needed to con-
duct the new parliamentary elections on June 29 and to see their results put into
effect.
A number of serious difficulties were encountered and eventually overcome
throughout the process, including agreement on a new election law. As in the period
preceding past elections, this law determined whether the Parliament would be
elected on a majoritarian or proportional basis or, as worked out, on the basis of
some compromise between the two. The law also changed the number of deputies
to be elected from 140 to 155. The Democratic Party complained about problems
campaigning in the south and there were some incidents of violence directed against
their candidates and party officials. Other parties' candidates and leaders suffered
in isolated incidents as well. Media access was monitored domestically and inter-
nationally and was deemed fairly equitable.
A simultaneous referendum on the type of government — parliamentary republic or
a monarchy — took place on June 29 as well. The monarchy lost, but monarchists led
by claimant to the throne Leka Zogu protested that the Socialists fixed the vote
count. One person was killed and four were injured on July 3 when a pro-monar-
chist demonstration turned violent.
International and domestic observers mounted an intensive monitoring effort cov-
ering almost the entire country. They judged the elections to be satisfactory, ade-
quate, and acceptable under the circumstances. There were isolated incidents of vio-
lence and some reports of fraud and manipulation, but observers determined these
did not significantly affect the final outcome. Voter turnout was 60 to 65 percent.
Discrepancies in a few districts were serious enough to require the Government to
rerun the parliamentary elections in these areas, and in a couple of more remote
regions elections were delayed because not all the materials were delivered in time.
The Democrats, who protested that they were not able to campaign freely in the
south, initially called for a repeat of the elections in that half of the country. They
later accepted the results ana their role as an opposition party, but delayed their
.entry into Parliament and have continued to call the new Parliament a "Kalash-
nOtov Parliament."
The Albanian Helsinki Committee (AHC), International Helsinki Federation,
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, and the Norwegian Helsinki Committee issued a
joint public statement declaring that "considering the conditions surrounding the
elections," they judged them "in general, as free and fair."
'The Socialist Party won 100 seats out of 155 in the Parliament, with another 11
seats going to its allied parties. President Sali Berisha resigned July 23. The new
Parliament elected I^ Secretary General Rexhep Meidani as president on July 24.
PS Chairman Fatos Nano became the new Prime Minister on July 27.
In 1992 Parliament amended the old law on political parties; the amendment pro-
hibits formation of any party or organization with an antinational, chauvinistic, rac-
ist, totalitarian, fascist, Stalinist, Enverist or Communist, and/or Marxist-Leninist
character, or any political party with an ethnic or religious basis.
The Unity for Human Rights Party, founded by ethnic Greeks, but representing
several ethnic minorities, is most popular in the south where the majority of the
Greek minority resides. The courts approved in April the organization of one new
political party, the Movement for Democracy Party (LPD) which was created by dis-
948
affected Democratic Party members. Courts did not approve an application by an
"immigration party," citing lack of documentation.
While there are no legal impediments to their participation, women are still
underrepresented in politics and government. The major political parties have wom-
en's organizations and there are a few women on the parties' leadership committees.
As a result of the 1997 elections, there are 10 female M.P.'s, one of whom is deputy
speaker of the Parliament. In the Nano Government one minister of state, one min-
ister, and two deputy ministers are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government generally permitted various human rights and related organiza-
tions to function freely, altnou^ all were severely limited during the first naif of
the year when it was too dangerous to travel in many parts of the country. The Al-
banian Helsinki Committee (AilC) played an active role in monitoring the crisis sit-
uation and elections. The AHC focuses on the status of minorities, rule of law is-
sues, and the importance of a new constitution. It is still pressing for a new law
on the organization of SHIK. Several local NGO's focus on the rights of women and
children. The Albanian Human Rights Documentation Center continues to actively
prepare human rights educational materials for use in elementary and secondary
schools, as well as to train police. Like all local NGO's, the Center's work is ham-
pered by a lack of sufiicient funding and equipment. The Society for Democratic Cul-
ture works with civic education, monitoring elections, and women's issues.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Law on Major Constitutional Provisions prohibits discrimination based on
sex, race, ethnicity, language, or religion, but women and some minority groups
complain that, in practice, discrimination continues.
Women. — Violence against women and spousal abuse still occur in this traditional
male-dominated society, but the breakdown in police controls, coupled with the low
level of concern that pwlice showed in such cases in the past, means that most abuse
foes unreported. No government-sponsored program protects the rights of women,
ut one small shelter for abused women is found in Tirana. The shelter consists of
a small room that can hold only one or two women for a limited time. The NGO
that operates the shelter maintains a hot-line that women and girls can call for ad-
vice and counseling. Over 1,500 calls were received since October.
Many men, especially those from the north, still follow the old traditions, known
as the kanun, in which the women are considered chattel and treated as such. The
concept of marital rape is still foreign to many and is not considered a crime. In
1996 1,901 cases of divorce were recorded in the courts; in the first half of 1997,
even with the unrest, there were 1,116 cases. Women and girls continue to be lured
into prostitution rings, especially in Greece and Italy.
Women are not excluded, either by law or practice, from any occupations, but nei-
ther do they typically rise to the top of their fields. The Labor Code mandates equal
pay for equal work; however, no data are available on how well this is implemented
in practice. Women have suffered more from unemployment and discrimination in
seeking jobs. Although women enjoy equal access to higher education, they are not
accordea full, equal opportunity and treatment with men in their careers. An in-
creeising number of women are beginning to venture out on their own, opening shops
and small businesses. Many are migrating along with Albanian men to Greece and.
Italy to seek employment.
A number of NGO's are devoted to women's issues. However, seminars, training
courses, and counseling for women were on hold during the period of unrest. Groups
are now attempting to restart or restructure previous programs. International foun-
dations and NGO's give much- needed financial support to women's NGO's.
Children. — The Government's commitment to children's rights and welfare is
based on domestic law and international agreements. School attendance is manda-
tory throu^ the eighth grade (or age 18, whichever comes first). Schools were
closed during the state of emergency and reopened in some areas only at the end
of April. All schools opened in September, although many suffered from either total
destruction or severe damage and looting estimated at $35 million (5.25 billion Lek).
There was also a problem with squatters in some school buildings as police were
unable to remove them, but the squatters left when pupils came back to school.
Child abuse is a little-reported problem, but authorities and NGO's believe it ex-
ists. According to numerous reports, organized criminal elements kidnap children,
especially young girls, and send them to Italy and elsewhere to work as beggars and
prostitutes. Romani children particularly are used as beggars, in full view oT the po-
949
lice, who take no action either for the children or against the adults who use them.
Child Hope, an NGO funded by the European Union, operates a center for street
children.
People With Disabilities. — Widespread poverty and poor medical care account for
a large number of disabled persons. The disabled are eligible for various forms of
public assistance, but budgetary constraints limit the amount received. The public
care section of the Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Women organized social
service administrators throughout the country whose goal is to improve the quality
of services to disabled persons and promote their social integration. With the three
changes in government during the year, there were no new measures to address the
problems of the handicapped. No law mandates accessibility to public buildings for
people with disabilities and little has been done on their behalf.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — There are two main minority populations,
ethnic Greeks and Macedonians. While no recent official statistics exist regarding
the size of the various ethnic communities, ethnic Greeks are the most organized
and receive the most attention and assistance from abroad. Unknown numbers of
ethnic minorities fled the country during the extensive rioting and unrest in the
first half of the year. A few thousand ethnic Macedonians remain as do a small
group of ethnic Montenegrins and ethnic Serbs in the north. No discrimination was
reported against the Vlachs, who speak Romanian as well as Albanian, or against
the Cams, non-Orthodox ethnic Greeks. Both groups live mainly in the south. Roma
are also present.
Relations between Albania and Greece continued to improve and in 1997 the two
Governments brought into force the 1996 agreement on Albanian seasonal workers
in Greece. The government in 1996 opened three new first-year classes in Greek in
the southern cities of Saranda, Gjirokastra, and Delvina when the school year start-
ed. Classes for the Greek minority are held in villages throughout those districts
and two villages in the Permeti district as well. Classes are also available for the
Macedonian minority in villages in the districts of Pogradeci and DevoUi bordering
the FYROM. These classes also ceased when Albania's schools were closed under the
state of emergency, but resumed in September.
Schools throughout the country suffered severe damage and looting during the un-
rest, and the Education Ministry plans new programs and texts (provided free of
charge to the Government from Greece and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Mac-
edonia (FYROM) and teacher training (mainly in Greece and the FYROM) for mi-
nority education classes. The Greek and FYROM Governments provide texts in their
national language for use in these classes. Without their contributions, the minority-
language classes would probably be conducted entirely in Albanian using Albanian
texts, defeating the purpose of minority-language education. These classes are gen-
erally conducted one-third of the time in Albanian. The Government introduced
classes in Greek in high schools in areas inhabited by ethnic Greeks. There is a
shortage of minority teachers. Many fled during the disturbances, and Education
Ministry officials believe that many of these teachers prefer to stay in Greece or the
FYROM due to the better wages and work conditions there.
The Education Ministry, in cooperation with the Soros Foundation, plans to build
four new schools for minorities and to reconstruct some others.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers obtained the right to establish independent
trade unions in 1990. The 1993 Labor Code calls for protecting workers rights
through collective bargaining agreements. The Independent Confederation of Trade
Unions of Albania (BSPSH), with an estimated 280,000 members, acts as an um-
brella organization. A separate Confederation of Trade Unions (KS) also represents
a separate group of other unions (i.e., some workers in the school, food, petroleum,
postal and telecommunications, and railroad sectors), and estimates its membership
at 130,000 to 150,(X)0. A few independent unions are not affiliated with either fed-
eration. None of the unions claim any political party affiliation. The private sector
normally employs more than 800,000 workers, mostly in agriculture, small shops,
enterprises, and restaurants, but very few have formed unions to represent them-
selves. The BSPSH and KS are attempting to get more accurate numbers on the
private sector employment and determine how jointly to strengthen worker rights
m all sectors. For example, in September, health workers in both unions signed an
agreement to worii together on issues and not to act as strike breakers against each
otner. The government gives the unions no financial assistance.
According to the Law on Major Constitutional Provisions and other legislation, all
workers, except members of uniformed military forces, the police, and some court
authorities, have the right to strike. The law forbids strikes that are openly declared
to be political, or so judged by the courts.
950
Miners in the south and some employees at the Port of Durres went on strike de-
manding higher salaries for a couple of days after the 20 percent value added tax
went into enect October 1. There were no incidents during the strikes.
Labor's major problem is rapidly increasing unemployment, a critical problem
made worse with the number of enterprises damaged or destroyed during the rioting
and chaos in the first half of the year. Union omcers estimate that overall unem-
ployment is about 35 percent, with figures reaching as high as 60 to 70 percent in
more remote regions. Current retirement pensions in the villages are around $7
(1,050 Lek) per month and approximately $20 (3,000 Lek) per month in the cities.
The average family may spend $20-25 (3,000 to 3,750 Lek) per month on bread,
which remains the diet staple.
Labor federations are free to maintain ties with international organizations and
have worked to increase those ties to get assistance in any form tney can. Union
officials cited the recovery of workers' money lost in the pyramid scheme collapse
as their first priority, along with reestablishment of public order and safety. Unions
hoped to meet with Prime Minister Nano and other appropriate government ofiicials
to discuss training, employment, rebuilding the industrial sector, salaries, pensions,
and other relevant issues. At year's end, tne Nano Government had made no com-
ment and taken no actions regarding workers or the unemployed. President
Meidani's office sent the BSPSH a questionnaire to fill out and union officials hope
to meet with the President after they send it in early in 1998.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Citizens in all fields of em-
ployment, except uniiormed members of the armed forces, police officers, and some
court employees, have the right to organize and bargain collectively. In practice
unions representing public sector employees negotiate directly with the government,
but unions complain that government officials from none of the three governments
in power during the year were willing to sit down with them to discuss outstanding
issues. Privatization expanded to include many sectors in 1996, but slowed consider-
ably in 1997 with the year's economic and political instability. The privatization
ministry never effectively functioned during the second Meksi government, was dis-
banded under the national reconciliation government, and was then resuscitated in
Aiigust under the title of Ministry of Public Economy and Privatization.
Salaries in the state sector are based on a prepared wage scale. Pensions are reg-
ulated under a 1993 law on social security, which union officials would like to see
amended and updated. There is no official record of salaries in the private sector,
but it is widely believed that they are much higher than state sector wages.
In 1996 the BSF^H agreed with the Meksi government to index workers' salaries
to inflation every 6 montns, starting in January. None of the country's three govern-
ments honored this agreement. Union officials sav that Prime Minister Nano stated
that he expected inflation to hit 50 percent by the end of the year, but nothing in
his new government's program dealt with how workers might be compensated for
or protected from such increases in inflation.
Parliament passed a law in 1996 establishing free trade zones between Tirana
and Durres and elsewhere. The plan is for the areas to become export processing
zones, but the zones still do not function due to the lack of implementing regula-
tions.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Law on Major Constitutional
Provisions and the Labor Code prohibit forced labor, including that performed by
children, and there were no cases reported.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The
Labor Code sets the minimum age of employment at 16 years and limits the amount
and type of labor that can be performed by persons under age 18, but children ages
14 to 16 may work in part-time menial jobs during summer vacations.
The Labor Ministry may enforce the minimum age requirement through the
courts. In rural areas, children continue to be called on to assist families in farm
work. The law prohibits forced or bonded labor involving children, and there is no
evidence that it occurs. In Tirana a number of children wander the streets selling
cigarettes and chocolates.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage for all workers over age
16 is approximately $30 per month (4,400 Lek), a decline from 1996 due to nearKr
50 percent depreciation oi the Lek. This is not sufficient to maintain a decent stand-
ard of living, especially for workers with a family. In the past, workers tried to find
second or part-time jobs to supplement their incomes, or relied on remittances from
family members residing abroad or proceeds from the pyramid schemes. Such jobs
have become more difficult to find, and unemployment is growing. The law provides
for social assistance (income support) and unemployment compensation; however,
this is extremely hmited, both in the numbers of unemployed who receive such aid
and in the amounts that they receive. The average monthly wage for workers in the
951
public sector is approximately $58 (8,638 Lek), significantly lower than the 1996 av-
erage of approximately $100, again due to the drop in the Lek's value. No data are
available for private sector wages, but the average wage is still assumed to be con-
siderably higher than in the public sector.
Working hours are determined by collective and individual bargaining contracts,
but the legal maximum limit is 48 hours per week. Many workers normally work
6 days a week; the Council of Ministers must approve exceptions. The Labor Min-
istry enforces this law whenever possible.
Tne government sets occupational health and safety standards but has limited
funds to make improvements in the remaining state-owned industries, and health
and safety are generally very poor. The unions are attempting to include health pro-
tection and safety standards in collective bargaining contracts, but even if they suc-
cessfully negotiate terms, implementation is difficult. The Labor Code spells out ob-
ligations of employers and their employees regarding workplace safety. The law,
however, does not provide specific protection to workers who choose to leave the
workplace for fear of hazardous conditions.
ANDORRA
The Principality of Andorra became a parliamentary democracy in 1993 when its
Constitution was approved by popular referendum. Two princes with joint authority
representing secular and religious authorities have governed since 1278. Under the
constitution, the two princes — the President of France and the Spanish Bishop of
Sue D'urgell — serve equally as heads of state and are each represented in Andorra
by a delegate. Elections were held in February to choose members of the Consell
General (the Parliament), which selects the head of government. The judiciary func-
tions independently.
Andorra has no defense force. The national police, under efTective civilian control,
have sole responsibility for internal security.
The market-based economy is dependent on those of its neighbors France and
Spain. With creation of the European Union internal market, Andorra lost its privi-
leged duty-free status and is suffering an economic recession. Tourism is still an im-
portant source of income. Because of banking secrecy laws, the financial services
sector is growing in importance.
The Government respected the human rights of its citizens, and the law and the
judiciary provide effective means of dealing with instances of abuse.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that officials
employed them.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The highest judicial body is the five-member Superior Council of Justice. One
member each is appointed by: the two princes; the Head of Government; the Presi-
dent of the Parliament; and, collectively, members of the lower courts. Members of
the judiciary are appointed for 6-year terms.
The judiciary provided citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides citizens with safeguards against arbitrary interference with
their "privacy, honor, and reputation," and government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions. Private dwellings are considered inviolable. No searches of pri-
vate premises may be conducted without a judicially issued warrant. Private com-
munications also are protected by law.
952
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An independ-
ent press, an effective judiciary, and a mnctioning democratic poHtical system com-
bine to ensure freedom of speech and the press, including academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice. Since adoption of the
1993 constitution, the Government has registered seven poUtical parties.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. The Constitution acknowlec^es a special
relationship between the Roman Catholic Church and the State, "in accordance with
Andorran tradition." The Catholic Church receives no subsidies from the Govern-
ment.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice. The Government cooperates with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refu-
gees. It is government policy not to expel persons having valid claims to refugee sta-
tus, and there were no reports of such expulsions. The issue of first asylum did not
arise during the year.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
Women have enjoyed full suffrage since 1970. Progress has been made, but
women continue to play a relatively minor role in politics. Notwithstanding the ab-
sence of formal barriers, few women have run for ofTice. Only 1 of 28 members of
Parliament is a woman, and only 2 women occupy cabinet level positions. Prior to
the current administration, only 2 women held elective ofTice.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
While there are no restrictions to prevent their formation, no formal human rights
organizations operate in the principality.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution declares that all persons are equal before- the law and prohibits
discrimination on grounds of birth, race, sex, origin, religion, opinions, or any other
personal or social condition, although the law grants many rights and privileges ex-
clusively to citizens. The Government effectively enforces these provisions.
Women. — No data exist on the incidence of domestic violence, but spousal abuse
appears to be virtually nonexistent. No hot lines or shelters exist.
There is no legal discrimination against women, either privately or professionally.
Children. — There is no evidence of any special commitment by the Government
to children's rights and welfare, although there is no indication of any problem in
this area. Free public education begins at age 4; government-funded child care is
not provided. No special programs for children's health care are offered.
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. The law man-
dates access to new buildings for people with disabilities, and the Government en-
forces these provisions in practice.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Spanish nationals are the largest group of
foreign residents, accounting for 47 percent of the population. Other sizable foreign
groups are Portuguese, French, and British. A small number of North African and
African immigrants work mostly in agriculture and constiuction.
Although the Constitution states that legal residents enjoy the same rights and
freedoms as Andorran citizens, some immigrant workers do not believe that they
have the same rights and security. Recent legislation has improved the quality of
life for immigrant workers. Nevertheless, many immigrant workers hold only "tem-
porary work authorizations." These permits are valid only as long as the job for
which the permit was obtained exists. When job contracts expire, temporary workers
must leave the country. The Government prohibits the issuance of work permits un-
less the workers can demonstrate that they have a fixed address with minimally
satisfactory living conditions.
953
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution recognizes the right of all persons
to form and maintain managerial, professional, and trade union associations with-
out prejudice. In accordance with constitutional provisions, a registry of associations
was established in 199S and is being maintained. Strikes were illegal under the old
system, and the new Constitution does not state explicitly that strikes are per-
mitted.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution states that
both "workers and employers have the right to defend their own economic and social
interests." Parliament is charged with adopting legislation to regulate this right in
order to guarantee the provision of essential services. Antiunion discrimination is
not prohibited under current law. However, no trade unions have been formally es-
tabhshed.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor, including that per-
formed by children, is not specifically prohibited by law, but it does not occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Children
under the age of 18 are normally prohibited from working, although in exceptional
circumstances children ages 16 and 17 may be allowed to work. Child labor regula-
tions are enforced by the Labor Inspection Office in the Ministry of Social Welfare,
Public Health, and Labor. Forced and bonded labor by children is not specifically
prohibited, but there were no reports of its practice (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The workweek is limited to 40 hours, although
longer hours may be required. The legal maximums for overtime hours are 66 hours
per month and 426 hours per year. An ofTicial minimum wage is set by government
regulations. Other, hi^er wages are established by contract. The minimum wage
is approximately $4.50 (Ptas 600) per hour and it is enforced by the Labor Inspec-
tion Office. Workers can be dismissed with 15 days' to 6 months' notice depending
on how long they have been working for the company. A minimal indemnification
of 1 month's salary per year worked is paid if a worker is fired without justification.
A dismissed worker receives social security and health benefits for only 25 days;
thereafter, there is no unemployment insurance. Retirement benefits are controlled
by a board composed of Andorran nationals, although they represent only a small
portion of the work force. Labor complaints are heard by the Labor Inspection Serv-
ice.
The Labor Inspection Service sets occupational health and safety standards and
takes the necessary steps to see that they are enforced. The law authorizes employ-
ees to refuse certain tasks if the customary level of protection is not provided by
their employers.
ARMENIA
Armenia has a constitutional government in which the President has extensive
powers of appointment and decree, and the role of the legislature relative to the ex-
ecutive branch is severely circumscribed. The President appoints the Prime Min-
ister, who is in charge of the Cabinet. President Levon Ter-Petrossian was reelected
in a controversial multicandidate election in September 1996, which was flawed by
numerous irregularities and serious breaches of the election law. A transitional Na-
tional Assembly in which ruling Armenian National Movement (ANM) members and
their allies won about 88 percent of the seats was elected in July 1995; local and
international observers characterized these elections as "generally free but not fair."
To protest the presidential elections, a number of opposition parties continue to boy-
cott parliamentary sessions. Both the Government and the legislature can propose
legislation. The legislature approves new laws and can remove the prime minister
by a vote of no confidence. Elections for a new National Assembly are scheduled for
1999. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice
judges are subject to political pressure from tne executive branch.
The Ministiy of Internal Affairs and National Security is responsible for domestic
security, intelligence activities, border control, and the national police force. Over-
sight of the security services improved after the merger of the Interior Ministry with
the National Security Ministry, but members of the security forces committed seri-
ous human ri^ts abuses.
The transition from a centralized, controlled economy to a market economy contin-
ues to move forward. Industrial output remains low, leaving over 50 percent of the
population unemployed or underemployed, with a high degree of income inequality.
Most small and medium enterprises have been privatized, as has most agricultural
954
land. About one-third of permanent land titles had been issued by the end of the
year. Gains in the privatized trade, service, and agriculture sectors generated an ap-
proximately 3 percent increase in gross domestic product (GDP) in 1997, to about
$550 per capita. However, inflation rose to about 21.9 percent for the year. Foreign
assistance and remittances from Armenians abroad play a major role in sustaining
the economy.
The Constitution provides for broad human rights protections, but human rights
problems persist in several important areas. The Government's manipulation oi the
1996 presidential election continued to restrict citizen's ability to change their gov-
ernment. Members of the security forces made arbitrary arrests and detentions
without warrants, beat detainees during arrest and interrogation, and did not re-
spect constitutional guarantees regarding privacy and due process. At least two
cases of police abuse resulting in death occurred; adequate institutional mechanisms
do not exist to protect individuals from police abuse. Prison conditions remained
poor. The judiciary is subject to political pressure and does not enforce constitu-
tional protections effectively. Opposition groups charged that defendants in three
major criminal cases were political prisoners. The Government continued to place
some restrictions on freedom of the press and maintains the dominant role in na-
tionwide television and radio broadcasting. A semiofficial list of forbidden subjects
encourages some media self-censorship. However, the nongovernmental media often
criticize the country's leadership and policies. Local independent television and
newspapers, along with private radio stations, continued to multiply. The Govern-
ment maintains some Umits on freedom of association. A previously suspended
prominent political party, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF/Dashnaks),
was not reinstated, although the authorities tolerated its activities, restored its of-
fices, and permitted publication of a Dashnak newspaper. The legislature called into
question its commitment to constitutional provisions for freedom of religion, by
amending the law on freedom of conscience to further strengthen the role of the Ar-
menian Apostolic Church and create new barriers to other denominations. The Gov-
ernment places some restrictions on freedom of movement. Discrimination against
women, minorities, and the disabled remained a problem.
Efforts began in October to train current and prospective judges and prosecutors
on the draft civil and criminal law codes, scheduled for passage in 1998.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings There were a number of deaths of military servicemen
reportedly due to mistreatment (see Section I.e.). There were a number of deaths
in custody due to poor prison conditions and inadequate medical treatment (see Sec-
tion I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution and the law prohibit torture. However, the practice of security per-
sonnel beating pretrial detainees during arrest and interrogation remains a routine
part of criminal investigations. Most cases of police brutality go unreported. Pros-
ecutors rely on confessions to secure convictions. Although defense lawyers may
present evidence of torture in an effort to overturn improperly obtained confessions,
and according to law all such charges must be investigated, judges and prosecutors
routinely ignore such complaints even when the abuser can be identified. No one
has been charged or disciplined for the beatings of opposition figures following the
September 1996 postelection disturbances.
The Government has not conducted investigations of abuse by security services
except in rare cases where death has resulted. A death in police custody, in Gyumri
in August, alleged by police to be a suicide, prompted intensified press and human
rights group criticism of mistreatment of detainees. Photographic evidence showed
that the detainee had been seriously beaten. In September four police officers were
arrested for abuse of authority in connection with that death. In November the
Prosecutor held a press conference to publicize the ongoing investigation, but the
trial had not begun by year's end. Investigation of a second death in custody in
April at Yerevan's Knorhrdayin police station was closed without prosecution.
Charges against five police officers for a 1993 death, a case repeatedly remanded
for investigation by the Supreme Court, will once again be taken up in 1998, accord-
ing to the Prosecutor General.
The press also reported on a number of deaths of military servicemen, ofTicially
reported as accidents or suicide, where forensic evidence obtained by the families
suggested mistreatment or possible murder. The Ministry of Defense responded that
955
these human ri^ts group charges were baseless. The military does not provide in-
formation on peacetime deaths of servicemen, but a human rights group alleged that
as many as one soldier a day died in 1997 of noncombat causes.
In July members of a local "Yerkrapah" group (an armed veteran's militia that
is part of the Defense Ministry implicated in 1995 and 1996 human rights viola-
tions) broke into a human rights library in Vanadzor and removed the contents (see
Section l.f.).
Prison conditions are poor. Facilities are often overcrowded, and food is inad-
equate to preserve health unless supplemented by families. Medical and sanitary fa-
cilities in prisons are inadequate. Tuberculosis and other communicable diseases are
common with eight deaths from tuberculosis officially reported in the first half of
the year. The Government's judicial reform package under debate in the lemslature
at year's end included a provision to transfer responsibility for prisons to the Min-
istry of Justice from the Ministry of Internal and National Security Affairs in 1998,
with a goal of improved oversight.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) enjoyed unimpeded access
to detention facilities run by the Ministir of Interior and National Security, a sig-
nificant improvement over 1996. The ICRC continued to visit all the prisoners in-
volved in the "Dro," "31," and "September 25" trials (see Section I.e.).
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Authorities continued to arrest and de-
tain criminal suspects without legal warrants, often on the pretext of being a mate-
rial witness. Those arrested are irequently broudit to prison without notification of
family members. It is often several days before family members obtain information
as to whether someone has been arrested and their location. Access of lawyers and
family members to prisoners is often restricted until the preliminary investigation
phase is complete, a process that can last weeks.
There was no repetition in 1997 of the massive violations of constitutional safe-
guards which followed the September 1996 elections. At that time, many opposition
politicians or activists were aetained and seriously beaten. Most were released in
the following weeks. Of 16 individuals held into 1997 for "participation in mass dis-
order," several were administratively released. No charges are pending against
those released. Another 11 were tried, convicted, and released with suspended sen-
tences during the course of the year.
The transitional provisions of the Constitution provide that the Soviet-era proce-
dures for searches and arrests are to be maintained until the Soviet-era Criminal
Code and Criminal Procedure Code are redrafted and brought into line with the
Constitution in 1998. A suspect may be jailed for no more than 12 months pending
trial, after which the suspect must be released or tried. This latter provision, how-
ever, is not always enforced. There is no provision for bail although detainees may
sign a document and remain at liberty under their own recognizance pending trial.
For example two political figures who emerged from hiding in September to face
charges stemming from the election protests were released by the prosecutor after
signing such documents.
The ICRC reported that civilian and military personnel on all sides of the
Nagomo Karabakh dispute conflict occasionally engage in cross-border hostage tak-
ing, usually to win release of a friend or relative held on the other side, but some-
times for financial gain. The ICRC successfully assured a number of prisoner ex-
changes but has no access to undeclared hostages.
There were no reports of forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution nominally provides for
an independent judiciary, its provisions do not appear designed to insulate the
courts from political pressure. (Jther legal and constitutional provisions make judges
dependent on the executive branch for their employment. In practice courts are sub-
^'ect to political pressure and corruption. The inherited Soviet system views the court
argely as a rubber stamp for the prosecutor and not a defender of citizens' rights.
Prosecutors still greatly overshadow defense lawyers and judges during trials. The
constitutionally mandated presumption of innocence is ineffective, and acquittals
are very rare once a case comes to trial. Under the Constitution, the Justice Council,
headed by the President, the Prosecutor (jeneral, and the Justice Minister, appoints
and disciplines judges for the tribunal courts of first instance, review courts, and
the Court of Appeals. The President appoints the other 14 members of the Justice
Council and 4 of the 9 Constitutional Court judges. This authority gives the Presi-
dent dominant influence in appointing and dismissing judges at all levels. Judges
are subject to review by the President through the Council of Justice after 3 years.
Thereupon, their tenure is permanent until tney reach the age of 65.
The judicial system continued its transition and restructuring is due to be com-
pleted in 1998. The revised civil and criminal codes under preparation are designed
to clarify contradictory provisions of the law and create a more unitary, modem, and
956
workable legal system. However, prosecutors are expected to continue to have more
influence than iudges. There are calls from within the judiciary to strengthen judi-
cial review and to give the courts more authority in safeguarding human rights. In
addition to the proposed reforms, increased iudicial independence and a balance
among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches are critical to the success of
judicial reform.
According to the transitional provisions of the Constitution, the existing courts are
to retain their powers until the new judicial system is established. District courts
try most cases, with a right of appeal to regional courts and then the Supreme
Court. In 1998 the Supreme Court and regional courts are to be replaced by review
courts and a court of appeals as required by the Constitution. As part of the package
of judicial reform legislation mandated by the Constitution, both judges and pros-
ecutors will be subject to retraining and recertification by examination in April or
May 1998 in order to retain their positions.
TTie Constitutional Court rules on the conformity of legislation with the Constitu-
tion, approves international agreements, and decides election-related legal ques-
tions. It can accept only those cases proposed by the President, one-third of all Na-
tional Assembly deputies, or election-related cases brought by candidates for par-
liament or the presidency. Unless the Constitution is amended, the Constitutional
Court is not an effective guarantor of constitutional human rights safeguards.
The military tribunal operates essentially as it did in the Soviet era. Military
prosecutors perform the same functions as their civilian counterparts, operating in
accordance with the Soviet-era legal code.
Trials are public except when government secrets are at issue. Defendants are re-
quired to attend their trials unless they have been accused of a minor crime not
punishable by imprisonment. Defendants have access to a lawyer of their own choos-
ing. The court appoints an attorney for any defendant who needs one. Defendants
may confront witnesses and present evidence. The Constitution provides that those
accused of crimes shall be informed of charges against them. Defendants and pros-
ecutors have the right of appeal.
Three major criminal trials involving political parties or personalities continued
into 1997. Opposition parties and some human rights groups charge that some of
the defendants are political prisoners. The law lacks an adequate test (e.g., "clear
and present danger'O for defining the difference between protected free speech and
illegal calls to overthrow the Government by violent means. Without the safeguard
of a strong, independent judiciary, allegations that the Government exploited these
trials for political purposes cannot be refuted.
Final appeals in the long-running "Dro" trial of a group of 11 persons accused of
terrorist activities concluded in June 1997. The Government cited such accusations
when it banned the ARF/Dashnak party in 1994. In December 1996, the judge pro-
nounced the defendants guilty of premeditated murder, banditry, arms violations,
or concealing a crime. Although these crimes were committed, with evidence for the
guilt of most of the accused, the trial was marred by procedural irregularities, alle-
gations of torture, recanted testimony, and accusations of deliberate delay by the au-
thorities. The appeals judges commuted one of the three death sentences. There
have been no executions since independence when the President announced a mora-
torium. The Government has made a political commitment to the Council of Europe
to abolish the death penalty.
The "Trial of 31," involving a group of 31 alleged coup plotters, including Vahan
Hovannisyan, a senior ARF member, opened in March 1996. Closing arguments
were completed in October and all but two of the defendants were found guilty of
various charges in December. Hovannisyan was sentenced to 4 years' imprisonment
(including time in pretrial detention), with sentences of 3 to 7 years for 14 others.
One defendant was sentenced to death for the murder of two pwlicemen. Eleven de-
fendants were released for time served or with suspended sentences. Appeals are
reportedly planned. Most defendants in the case cnarged that they were denied
timely access to legal counsel. They subsequently complained that they had been
tortured and pressured into giving false testimony. The Court denied defense mo-
tions to investigate these allegations. Credible evidence linked some of the 31 to the
deaths of 2 policemen and other serious violations of the criminal code. The prosecu-
tor dropped treason and other charges against Hovannisyan, accusing him instead
of "inciting armed insurrection" in his meetings with an extremist group. No evi-
dence was presented linking him to acts of violence.
The trials of 11 persons accused of involvement in the postelection protests at the
parliament building on September 25, 1996 that turned violent were completed in
July. After lengthy detention, the defendants were convicted on minor charges,
given suspended sentences, and released. One person, arrested in October, remained
in pretrial detention for the same events, and two others, in hiding for a year, pre-
957
sented themselves to the Prosecutor in October and were released on their own re-
cognizEince, pending completion of the investigation. Security forces badly beat many
of the defendants at the time of arrest or afterwards.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits unauthorized searches and preserves citizens' rights to pri-
vacy and coniidentiality of correspondence, conversations, and other messages. Pro-
cedurally, the security ministries must petition the prosecutor's office for permission
to wiretap a telephone or intercept correspondence. The prosecutor's office purport-
edly must find a compelling need for the wiretap before granting the agency permis-
sion to proceed. No evidence of illegal wiretapping came to public attention during
the year.
The law requires security forces to obtain a search warrant from a prosecutor be-
fore conducting a search; in practice, searches continue to be made without a war-
rant. New legislation passed in December improved secrecy of bank deposits, requir-
ing a court order for account information to be released to tax or law enforcement
authorities. The offices of the National Self-Determination Union, a political party,
were ransacked by police in September 1996. When the Interior Ministry was
merged with National Security, the new minister promised to provide compensation.
Durmg 1997 some $10,000 (5 million dram) was paid, about one-third of the total
damages claimed.
In Vanadzor in July, members of a local "Yerkrapah" group (an armed veteran's
militia that is part of the Defense Ministry implicated in 1995 and 1996 human
rights violations) broke into a human rights library and removed the contents. This
library was housed in two rooms in a children's library granted by the mayor of
Vanadzor to the Constitutional and Human Rights Protective Center. Although the
dispute was primarily over control of the space rather than the activities of the cen-
ter, and the center was subsequently promised new quarters elsewhere, the incident
underscored the freedom of these local militias to act outside the law — in this case
against a human rights organization. No action was taken against the persons re-
sponsible. The mayor of Vanadzor offered the Center a new site, but the necessary
permissions to make the transfer had not been granted at year's end.
There continued to be violations of the right to privacy during army conscription
drives. Armed forces recruiters periodically engage in sweep operations for draft-age
men, and have taken hostages to compel the surrender of drail-evading or deserting
relatives. There are credible reports of improper conscription of refugees from
Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan, and of punitive conscription of males who have
offended local oflicials.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press; however, while the Government generally respects freedom of speech,
it continues to place some significant restrictions on freedom of the press. Publica-
tions present a variety of views, and the opposition press regularly criticizes govern-
ment policies and leaders, including the President, including on sensitive issues
such as the Nagomo Karabakh peace process. However, the range of subjects con-
sidered sensitive for national security is relatively large. Althougn there is no offi-
cial censorship, the Government circulates an informal list of "Forbidden subjects"
and journalists practice some self-censorship to avoid problems with authorities. Be-
cause of past episodes of retribution by powerful ministers or businessmen, includ-
ing beatings, detention and financial pressure, journalists are cautious in reporting
on major corruption or national security issues.
Newspapers operate with extremely limited resources, and few are completely
independent of patronage from economic or political interest groups or individuals.
Total newspaper circulation is small, about one copy per hundred persons. State-
owned companies have a monopoly on newspaper printing and distribution facilities,
and most newspapers are permanently in deot to the printers. The State retains,
through its ownership of the printing and distribution network, the potential to shut
or otherwise pressure newspapers that take too strident an opposition position. The
Government disbanded the Ministry of Information at the end of 1996, a move wide-
ly welcomed by the nongovernment media; however, the Government then partly re-
created the ministry as a department of the Prime Minister's office in early 1997.
In December a new board oi directors was created for the state television, news
agency, and press distribution company, made up of three representatives each from
the resident's office, the Government, and Parliament. The declared aim of the
board is to supervise these agencies' transformation into commercial enterprises, al-
beit with the State retaining controlling interest in the near term.
In June three employees of Noyan Tapan news agency were summoned to the
Ministry of Interior and National Security and pressured unsuccessfully over sev-
958
eral hours to reveal the soui"ce of information for an article containingdetails of con-
fidential negotiating documents regarding Nagomo Karabakh. The editor of
Yerevanyan Orer was seriously beaten by unidentified attackers in March after re-
fusing to delete a newspaper article from the computer. ARF-afliliated media, which
the Government shut down in 1994, remained closed, but a new ARF-linked news-
paper began publication and another newspaper, published abroad, resumed public
sale.
The two most widely visible television channels belong to state television, and
tend to present a positive view of officials and their activities. However, television
coverage of opposition protests of the Government's Karabakh policy from October
through Deceniber demonstrated some tendency toward greater oalance. Most radio
stations are now private. The opening of more nongovernmental television and radio
outlets has encouraged greater freedom of expression and somewhat broader news
coverage. There are now 6 independent radio stations and 8 independent television
stations operating in Yerevan, and 1 independent radio and 13 independent tele-
vision stations in the regions. Opposition parties and politicians received adequate
news coverage and access on these channels. Legislation has not yet been passed
to regulate the current arbitrary and nontransparent process of license issuance, al-
though at year's end a draft broadcasting law on this subject was circulating in the
lepslature.
The few international newspapers and magazines imported are not censored. Mid-
dle and upper class citizens nave access to international satellite and cable tele-
vision from abroad. Internet and electronic mail have substantially increased the
amount of foreign and domestic information available.
The Government partially respects academic freedom. Over 50 private institutions
of higher education have been established since independence in 1991. The Ministry
of Education must approve the curriculum of all schools that grant degrees recog-
nized by the State, seriously limiting the freedom of individual schools and teachers
in their choice of textbooks and course material.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government generally respects this ri^t in practice.
A series of peaceful demonstrations took place in 1997, organizea by opposition
groups to protest the 1996 elections and, in the fall, the Governments Karabakh
policy. On one occasion in December, Yerevan municipal authorities refused to grant
permission for organizers of a demonstration to march to the Foreign Ministry. The
march took place, nonetheless, and the organizers theoretically were subject to a
small fine, which had not been levied at year's end.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government gen-
erally respects this right in practice with some important exceptions. There are reg-
istration requirements for all parties, associations, and organizations. The process
of registering an organization is time consuming, and some human rights or political
organizations have been compelled by the Government to revise their bylaws several
times in order to have their registration accepted. No political parties were refused
initial registration in 1997. The ARF party, suspended since 1994, has had an appli-
cation for reinstatement pending with the Ministry of Justice since 1996; the law
requires a written answer within 30 days of filing, but by year's end the Ministry
had not provided a response. Although the party is still officially suspended, officials
did not interfere with its activities.
In October the ARF offices were restored to the party. The authorities charge that
the ARF is not really a domestic political party but rather the arm of a foreign-
dominated international political organization (the ARF International Bureau), and
thus does not conform to the law on public political organizations requiring Arme-
nia-based leadership. The party reconstituted its ruling bodies in 1996 and created
indigenous local structures, which, ARF claimed, distinguish it from the inter-
national organization and meet the law's criteria. Many observers charge that con-
tinuation of the ban is political, designed to keep the ARF from competing in poli-
tics.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion; how-
ever, in practice the law imposed growing restrictions on religious freedom, in par-
ticular on the religious freedom of adherents of faiths other than the Armenian Ap-
ostolic Church (the Armenian Orthodox Church).
The 1991 law on freedom of conscience establishes the separation of church and
state, but grants the Armenian Apostolic Church special status. The law forbids
"proselytizing (undefined in the law) except by the Apostolic Church, and requires
all religious denominations and organizations to register with the state Council on
Religious Affairs. Petitioning organizations must "be free from materialism and of
a purely spiritual nature," and must subscribe to a doctrine based on "historically
recognized holy scriptures."
959
A presidential decree issued in 1993 supplemented the 1991 law and strengthened
the position of the Armenian Apostolic Church. The decree enjoins the Council on
Religious Affairs to investigate the activities of the representatives of registered reli-
gious organizations and to ban missionaries who engage in activities contrar>' to
their status. No action was taken against missionaries in 1997.
In June Parliament passed legislation amending the religion law. The legislation
tightened registration requirements for other denominations by raising from 50 to
200 adult members the minimum number required for registration. It also tightened
funding restrictions so that foreign -based churches may not be supported by funds
from their headquarters outside Armenia (a provision that seriously affects the ac-
tivities of several substantial denominations). The legislation also mandated that re-
ligious organizations except the Apostolic Church need prior f)ermission from the
state Council on Religious Affairs to engage in religious activities in public places,
travel abroad, or to invite foreign guests to Armenia. The President, however, re-
turned the law to Parliament with a recommendation that these objectionable as-
pects be deleted. In September Parliament voted to drop most of the items that the
President recommended for deletion. However, Parliament confirmed the increase in
the membership requirement and the ban on outside funding. All "foreign" (i.e. non-
Apostolic) denominations are now required to reregister within 6 months of the
law's entry into force. The President signed the law in September. So far religious
groups have reported no adverse consequences from the new law.
Fifteen religious denominations and an assortment of smaller religious associa-
tions were registered in 1997 under the old law, including Catholics, Protestants,
Russian Orthodox, Mormons, and others. According to the law, a religious organiza-
tion refused registration cannot publish a newspaper or magazine, rent a meeting
place, have its own program on television or radio, or officially sponsor the visas
of visitors. The Council on Religious AfTairs continued to deny registration to Jeho-
vah's Witnesses on the grounds that the group does not permit military service. As
of September, 14 Jehovah's Witnesses were in prison, including 4 who had already
served 1- to 3-year sentences for refusing military service and upon release were re-
tried and convicted by a military tribunal for desertion, even though they had never
entered the military. Seven Jehovah's Witnesses were in pretrial detention, and
seven others were reportedly in hiding to escape prosecution for refusing military
service. A large quantity of Jehovah's Witnesses literature was seized in April, on
the grounds that it could not be imported legally in the absence of registration.
Despite a government pledge to apprehend those, allegedly "Yerkrapah" members,
who staged a series of destructive attacks against a dozen religious groups in 1995,
the authorities took no steps in 1997 to bring the perpetrators to justice (see Section
5).
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement within the country,
foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, but the Government places restrictions
on some of these rights. According to informed estimates, up to one-third of the pop-
ulation has temporarily or permanently emigrated during the last 7 years. Travel
passports may be denied to persons possessing state secrets, to those subject to mili-
tary service, and to those whose relatives have made financial claims against them.
The Office of Visas and Registrations (OVIR) has eased travel and emigration proce-
dures by discontinuing the requirement for exit visas; however, men of military age
need to overcome substantial bureaucratic obstacles to international travel. The
Government does not restrict internal movement, and citizens have the right to
change freely their residence or work place; however, they must negotiate with a
corrupt and inefficient bureaucracy to register these changes.
Once the Nagomo Karabakh conflict erupted between Armenia and Azerbaijan in
1988, ethnic minorities on both sides were subject to discrimination and intimida-
tion, often accompanied by violence intended to drive them from the country. Almost
all of the ethnic Azeris living in Armenia at the time, some 185,000 persons, fled
to Azerbaijan. Of the 400,000 ethnic Armenians then living in Azerbaijan, 330,(K)0
fled to and were granted refugee status in Armenia. The majority of tne rest took
refuge in Russia, with small numbers remaining in Azerbaijan.
Armenia is a signatory to the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Ref-
ugees and its 1967 Protocol. The National Assembly passed a law on citizenship in
1996 which provides for refugees of Armenian ethnicity to gain citizenship, provided
they are stateless and have resided in the country for the past 3 years. Implement-
ing regulations for the law and naturalization procedures have not yet been com-
pleted, and few refugees, even those who have resettled permanently, have gained
citizenship.
960
The Government cooperates with the oflice of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees ana other humanitarian organizations in assisting ethnic Arme-
nian refugees.
Armenia respects the right of first asylum in principle, but has no practical mech-
anism to provide it, and border officials have no traming in asylum issues. In the
absence of a law specifying procedures for formal recognition of political asylum,
asylum seekers not of Armenian ethnicity have no legal status. In some cases, those
denied permission for legal residence are subject to fines for illegal residence when
they attempt to depart the country. There were no reports of forced return of per-
sons to a country wnere they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Government's manipulation of the 1996 presidential election continued to re-
strict the constitutional ability of citizens to change their government peacefully. Se-
rious breaches of the election law and numerous irregularities in the 1995 and 1996
elections resulted in a lack of public confidence in the integrity of the overall elec-
tion process.
In the 1996 presidential elections, incumbent President Ter-Petrossian was de-
clared the victor. His leading challenger, Vazgen Manukyan claimed fraud and filed
an appeal with the Constitutional Court. The Court upheld the official election re-
sult, but many questions were raised regarding the Court's procedures in the case
and the Central Election Commission's refusal to release aetailed voting results
from all precincts. An OSCE election observer mission noted "irregularities," "dis-
crepancies," and 'Very serious breaches of the election law" which caused "concern
for the overall integrity of the election process." Nevertheless, observers concluded
that although the presidential election was Hawed, the conduct of the campaign was
an improvement over the 1995 parliamentary elections.
In anticipation of the 1999 parliamentary elections. Parliament took up the ques-
tion of a universal electoral code. In the spring, a draft was prepared by the State
and Legal Affairs Committee of the National Assembly, with the cooperation of op-
position parties, nongovernmental organizations, and international experts. In Sep-
tember a competing draft was prepared bv a working group of the National Assem-
bly undei' the auspices of the majority ANM faction, without such input. The new
chairman of the State and Legal Affairs Committee held a series of meetings and
conferences with political party representatives, local nongovernmental organiza-
tions, and international experts in an attempt to create a conipromise draft that
would, he stated, be consistent with international standards. This draft was not
complete at year's end. It was clear that serious difTerences remained between the
ruling ANM and opposition parties on a number of issues, particularly on how to
constitute balanced and effective electoral commissions.
Yerevan mayor Vano Siradeghian won election to the Parliament in a closelv
watched by-election in Hrazdan in October. Domestic observers, who were given full
access to the electoral process, reported that the voting and counting were free of
major irregularities. Their report highlighted gaps in the current electoral law on
registration and voting of military personnel and on uniformed police presence at
poTUng stations. They also noted tnat authorities did not enforce a oan on campaign-
ing outside polling stations.
In Novemoer Siradeghian, in his capacity as recently-elected ANM chairman, stat-
ed that the ANM would not accept an electoral law that condemned them to elec-
toral defeat. Siradeghian was Interior Minister during the Government's brutal
crackdown after the flawed 1996 presidential election and demonstration that
turned violent. He retains his position as mayor while serving in the Parliament.
Under the Constitution, the President appoints the Prime Minister and has con-
siderable influence in appointing judges. Tne Constitution provides for independent
legislative and judicial oranches, but in practice these branches are not insulated
from political pressure from the executive oranch.
The Government appoints the 10 regional governors (marzpets). The Constitution
gives local communities the right to elect local authorities. However, local elected
officials have limited powers, and are overshadowed in practice by powerful presi-
dentially appointed governors, who can remove them from office.
The National Assembly continues to operate as a part-time institution for the du-
ration of its first term. Regular sessions are held twice a year: the first from mid-
September to mid-December and the second from early February until mid-June.
Approximately one-third of the parliamentarians have been designated full-time
deputies. Special sessions may be called, but may not last more than 6 days.
There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women and minorities in
government and politics. However, due to traditional social attitudes, both are
961
underrepresented in all branches of government. There is one woman in the Cabinet
(Minister of Social Welfare). Only 11 of the 190 deputies in the Parliament are
women. There are no members of minorities in the Cabinet or in the Parliament.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are several nongovernmental human rights organizations that are active
and operate openly, criticizing publicly and publishing their findings on government
human rights violations. The Government has permitted monitoring of human
rights by the Council of Europe and the ICRC, which had full access to civilian de-
tention facilities in 1997, including detainees in politically sensitive trials.
The Government accepted an OSCE election observer mission for the 1996 presi-
dential elections and provided international observers with countrywide access; how-
ever, local observer organizations, which had observed the 1995 parliamentary elec-
tions, were not allowed to observe the presidential election.
The new Prosecutor General created a special ofiice in July to communicate with
international organizations, and pledged to provide more detailed human rights in-
formation than was publicly available earlier. Although the Prosecutor's office did
provide responses on specific cases, this information remained relatively incomplete
and general, as are most government statistics.
A human rights group that publicly criticized peacetime deaths in the military
was accused by the Defense Ministry in a public statement of colluding with an
enemy country.
In July members of a Yerkrapah group in Vanadzor broke into the library of the
Constitutional and Human Rights Protective Center (see Section l.f.).
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Discrimination based on race, sex, religion, disability, language, or social status
is prohibited by the Constitution. Cultural and economic factors, however, prevent
women, ethnic and religious minorities, and persons with disabilities from partici-
pating fiilly in public life.
Women. — The law (the old Soviet code) cites specific punishments for rape, forced
abortion, forbidding a woman from marrying, and discrimination in hiring due to
pregnancy. There is no specific law banning violence against women. Few cases of
rape, spouse abuse, or other violence against women were reported in this conserv-
ative, patriarchal society, however, their number is likely higher than the statistics
indicate. In 1997 the Prosecutor's OfTice registered approximately 28 cases of rape.
In the workplace, women receive equal pay for equal work, but are generally not
afforded the same professional opportunities given to men and are often relegated
to more menial or low-skill jobs. The 1992 Law on Employment prohibits discrimi-
nation in employment, but tne extremely high unemployment rate makes it difficult
to gauge how effectively the law has been implemented to prevent discrimination.
According to a women's group, women make up 73 percent of those ofTicially reg-
istered as unemployed.
Currently there are more women receiving university and postgraduate education
than men.
Children. — The Government does not have the economic means to provide fully
for the welfare of children. Education is free, universal, and compulsory through age
16, but facilities are poor and teachers are forced to tutor pupils privately to sur-
vive. Free children's health care is available, but of poor quality, with an increasing
trend toward overt or concealed payment of fees for service. The (jovemment fo-
cuses its efforts on children's rights and welfare with measures to insulate large
families — four or more children — from the effects of the country's current difficult
circumstances. The Government similarly targets foreign humanitarian aid pro-
grams at large families. A program led by the President's wife has helped to address
the growing problem of street children. The family tradition is strong, and child
abuse does not appear to be a serious problem.
Girls and boys receive equal educational opportunities.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution provides for right to social security in
the event of disability. The 1993 Law on Invalids provides for the social, political,
and individual rights of the disabled but does not mandate the provision of acces-
sibility for the disabled. In its current economic circumstances, the (jovemment has
difficulty fulfilling its commitments in this area. The (jovemment's enforcement of
the rights of the disabled remains rudimentary. There is societal discrimination
against the disabled. Hospitals, residential care, and other facilities for the seriously
disabled do not meet international norms.
962
Religious Minorities. — There was no reported violence against minority religious
groups. However, newer religious organizations, especially of an evangelical nature,
are treated with suspicion. Such groups are accused of proselytism, including using
material inducements or offers of emigration to entice converts. A relatively high
percentage of members of some of these religious groups joined the wave of emigra-
tion from Armenia, for social, economic, and philosophical reasons. Despite the Gov-
ernment's pledge to apprehend those allegedly "Yerkrapah" members who staged a
series of destructive attacks against a dozen religious groups in 1995, the authori-
ties took no steps in 1997 to bring the perpetrators to justice.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Government does not discriminate
against the small, officially recognized, "national" communities, though their eco-
nomic and social situation has deteriorated substantially since Armenian independ-
ence. Groups which the Government include in this category are Russians, Jews,
Kurds, Yezidis, Georgians, Greeks, and Assyrians. Following the protracted
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict (see Section 2.d.), there is no significant Azeri minority.
The several hundred Azeris or persons of mixed Azeri heritage still living in Arme-
nia maintain a low profile in the face of societal discrimination.
The Constitution grants national minorities the right to preserve their cultural
traditions and language, and the 1992 law on language provides linguistic minori-
ties with the right to publish and study in their native language. There are token
publications in minority languages, but the Government has devoted minimal re-
sources to maintaining minority language schools. The large network of Russian-
language schools has been greatly reduced in recent years. In practice, virtually all
students, including members of the Yezidi and Greek communities, now attend Ar-
menian-language schools with very limited classes in their mother tongue. In the
Yezidi community, a high percentage of pupils do not attend school, partly for family
economic reasons and partly because of discrimination from ethnic Armenian school-
mates and teachers.
Yezidi leaders complained in a July letter to the President that their community
(which speaks a Kuroish dialect and practices a traditional non-Christian, non-Mus-
lim religion) is subject to discrimination by police and local authorities. They cited
numerous incidents of unfair adjudication of land, water and grazing disputes, non-
receipt of privatized a^cultural land, and lack of police response to even serious
crimes committed against Yezidis. They alleged unfair adjudication of land and
water disputes. The letter also complained of unequal treatment by the military,
and listed nine Yezidi conscripts who allegedly died since 1996 during peacetime
military service. The Armenian authorities made no effective response to these seri-
ous complaints, although the letter received coverage from human rights journalists
in the independent press.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides eniployees with the right
to form and join trade unions and the right to strike. The (Constitution stipulates
that the right to form associations — including political parties and trade unions —
may be limited with respect to persons serving in the armed services and law en-
forcement agencies. A 1993 presidential decree prohibits the Government and other
employers from retaliating against strikers and labor leaders, but workers have no
confidence in this guarantee. In practice labor organization remains weak due to
high unemployment and the poor economy. Workers have neither financial resources
to maintain a strike nor enforceable legal protection against retaliation, and the ex-
isting unions play a relatively passive role. There has not, however, been any retal-
iation against strikers or labor leaders. Creation of a new, purportedly independent
labor federation was reported in December, involving members of the journalists
union and a few other relatively stronger labor organizations.
Unions are free to affiliate with international organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is not
practiced. The Constitution provides all citizens with the right to a just wage no
lower than the minimum set by the Government. Although the 1992 Law on Em-
ployment provides for the right to organize and bargain collectively, voluntary and
direct negotiations do not take place between unions and employers without the par-
ticipation of the (jovemment because most large employers remain under state con-
trol. The near collapse of major industrial production has undercut the organization
of labor unions.
The (jovemment encourages profitable factories to establish their own pay scales.
Factoiy directorates generally set the pay scales, without consultation with employ-
ees. Wage and other labor disputes are adjudicated through the Arbitration Court.
There are no export processing zones.
963
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution and the 1992
Law on Employment prohibit forced andf bonded labor, including by children, and
it is not known to occur. This provision is enforced by the local councils of deputies,
unemployment offices, and, as a final board of appeal, the Arbitration Commission.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Forced or
bonded labor by children is prohibited, and is not known to occur (see Section 6.C.).
According to the 1992 Law on Employment,
16 years is the minimum age for employment. Children may work from the age
of 14 with the permission of a medical commission and the relevant labor union
board. TTie Law on Employment is enforced by the local councils of deputies, unem-
ployment offices, and, as a final board of appeal, the Arbitration Commission.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government sets the minimum wage by
decree. In September the national minimum wage was $2 (1000 drams) per month,
a purely theoretical figure given that 10 times the minimum wage is insufficient to
support an individual.
The majority of the population lives below the officially recognized poverty level
as a result of the economic dislocations caused by the breakup of the Soviet union,
the 1988 earthquake, the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, and the resulting blockade
and disruptions in trade. The majority of enterprises are either idle or operating at
a fraction of their capacity. Some furloughed workers are still receiving minimal
partial compensation from their enterprises, but most are no longer receiving any
payment if they are not working. The standard legal workweek is 41 hours; many
people work multiple jobs.
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to clean and safe work places,
but Soviet-era occupational and safety standards remain in force. Labor legislation
from 1988 places responsibility on the employer and the management of each firm
to ensure 'nealthy and normal" labor conditions for employees, but it provides no
definition of healthy and normal. The employment situation is such that workers
are unlikely to attempt to remove themselves from hazardous working conditions
due to the risk of losing their jobs.
AUSTRIA
Austria is a constitutional democracy with a federal parliamentar>' form of gov-
ernment and an independent judiciary. Citizens choose their representatives in peri-
odic, free, and fair multiparty elections.
The police are subordinated to the executive and judicial authorities. The national
police maintain internal security. The army is responsible for external security.
Austria's highly developed, market-based economy, with its mix of technologically
advanced industry, modem agriculture, and tourism affords its citizens a hign
standard of living.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, and the law
and judiciary provide effective means of dealing with individual instances of abuse.
There were occasional reports of abuse by police. Legislation went into effect to in-
crease protection for women against domestic violence.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the Constitution prohibits such practices, government statistics for 1996
showed 235 complaints against federal police officials for illegal violations of per-
sonal freedoms, such as intimidation, threats, abuse, and mistreatment. Comparable
statistics for prior years are not available.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards. The Government is a
party to the Europ)ean Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fun-
damental Freedoms, which includes a provision for human rights monitoring mis-
sions. In individual cases, investigating judges or prison directors have jurisdiction
over questions of access to the defendant.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition.
In criminal cases the law provides for investigative or pretrial detention for up
to 48 hours, except that in cases of charges of "aggressive behavior" an investigative
964
judge may within that period decide to grant a prosecution request for detention up
to 2 years pending completion of an investigation. The grounds required for such
investigative detention are specified in the law, as are conditions for bail. The inves-
tigative judge is required to evaluate an investigative detention at 2 weeks, 1
month, and every 2 months after the arrest.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides
citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of the
press, and the Government generally respects this right in practice, although strin-
gent slander lews tend to discourage reports of police brutality. Publications may
be removed from circulation if they violate legal provisions concerning morality or
public security, but such cases are extremely rare.
The government monopoly in television and national radio is gradually being dis-
mantled. A law passed in 1993 permitted licensing of regional private radio stations,
but implementation of the law was delayed due to legal challenges by unsuccessfiil
applicants for licenses. A private radio station, however, has now opened in Styria
and another in Salzburg. Rewritten radio frequency rules are scheduled to go into
effect in October. Similar steps are expected for television in coming years.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and association, except for Nazi organizations and activities (an
exception stipulated also in the Austrian State Treaty of 1955). The law on the for-
mation of associations states that permission to form an organization may be denied
if it is apparent that the organization will pursue the illegal activities of a prohib-
ited organization.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution generally provides for freedom of reli-
gion of individuals. The status of religious organizations, however, is governed by
the 1874 "Law on Recognition" of churches. Omcially, 75.3 percent of the populace
is Roman Catholic, and there are 11 other recognized religious organizations.
Reli^ous recognition under the 1874 law has wide-ranging implications, e.g., the
authority to participate in the state-collected religious taxation program, engage in
religious education, and import religious workers to act as ministers, missionaries,
or teachers. Although in the past nonrecognized religious groups have had problems
obtaining resident permits for foreign religious workers, administrative procedures
adopted in 1997 partially have addressed this problem.
Previously, some nonrecognized religious groups were able to organize as legal en-
tities or associations, although this route has not been universally available. Some
groups even have done so while applying for recognition as religious communities
under the 1874 law. Many such applications for recognition have languished in the
Education Ministry, in some cases for years. Following years of bureaucratic delay
and an administrative court order instructing the Education Ministry to render a
decision, the Ministry denied in July the request for recognition of Jehovah's Wit-
nesses. Jehovah's Witnesses appealed this decision to the Administrative Court.
In December Parliament passed a new law that allows nonrecognized religious
groups to seek official status as confessional communities without many of the bene-
fits available to recognized religions. To apply groups must have 300 members and
submit to the Government their written statutes, describing the goals, rights, and
obligations of members, membership regulations, officials, and financing. Groups
also must submit a written version of their religious doctrine, which must differ
from that of any existing religion recognized under the 1874 law or registered under
the new law, for a determination that their basic beliefs do not violate public secu-
rity, public order, health and morals, or the rights and freedoms of citizens. The new
law also sets out additional criteria for eventual recognition according to the 1874
law, such as a 20 year observation period (at least 10 of which must be as a group
organized as a confessional community under the new law) and membership equal-
ing at least two one-thousandths of the Austrian population. Many religious groups
and independent congregations do not meet the 300-member threshold for registra-
tion under the new law, and only Jehovah's Witnesses currently meet the higher
membership requirement for recognition under the 1874 law.
Proponents oi the law describe it as an opportunity for religious groups to become
oflicially registered as religious organizations, providing them with a government
965
"quality seal." Numerous religious groups not recognized by the State, as well as
some religious law experts, however, dismiss the purported benefits of obtaining sta-
tus under the new law and have complained that the new law's additional criteria
for recognition under the 1874 law obstruct claims to recognition and formalize a
second-class status for nonrecognized groups. Experts have questioned the new law's
constitutionality.
In 1997 the Government continued its information campaign against religious
sects considered potentially harmful to individuals and society. As part of this cam-
paign, the Family Ministry published a widely distributed brochure describing the
potential dangers of membership in various nontraditional religious groups. The
Family Minister publicly declared his determination to combat dangerous religious
groups.
In August the Austrian People's Party (OeVP) decided that party membership is
incompatible with membership in a sect. Understanding that he would be expelled
as a consequence of this decision if he did not withdraw from either Scientology or
the party, a local OeVP politician resigned from the party and abandoned plans for
running on the OeVP ticket in October local elections. In July a national OeVP poli-
tician was criticized heavily across the political spectrum for his friendship with the
local politician.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government does not restrict movement, including emigration.
Citizens who leave the country have the right to return at any time.
Austria has signed the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status
of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, but subscribes to the "safe country" concept,
which requires asylum seekers who have entered illegally to depart and seek refu-
gee status from outside the country. In response to continuing cnticism by the office
of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other human-
itarian organizations, the Government passed an amendment to the 1991 asylum
law in July designed to bring some improvements to the "safe country" rule and the
appellate procedure. The Government cooperates with the UNHCR and other hu-
manitarian organizations in assisting refugees and relies upon UNHCR information
to determine safe countries." Individuals found to be true refugees by government
authorities are not sent back to the countries from which they have fled.
The Government provides "temporary protected status," similar to first asylum,
to refugees who fled fighting in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Those who arrived between
April 1992 and July 1993 were granted protected status and provided government
assistance without having to file asylum applications. The government assistance
program for Bosnian war refugees in temporary protected status has been extended
untu July 31, 1998 for certain categories of refugees. Under this program, those
whose temporary protected status expires and who have not been integrated into
the society may be required to depart.
Asylum applications rose in 1996 by 1,000 over the previous year to 6,991, while
the approval rate declined, with 716 applications approved. This figure includes asy-
lum seekers from Iraq (183), Iran (136), the Federal Republic oi Yugoslavia (92),
Bosnia-Herzegovina (69), and Vietnam (55).
There is no reported or observed pattern of abuse of refugees. Following criticism
of conditions in detention centers in 1996, the Government promised to take steps
to improve them; no new criticism was reported.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right peacefully to change their gov-
ernment. Citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elec-
tions held on the basis of universal suffrage.
Approximately 26 percent of the members of Parliament and 4 of 16 cabinet mem-
bers are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. In some cases, they
have been dissatisfied with the information authorities have supplied in response
to specific complaints.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law provides for protection against any of these kinds of discrimination in
employment, provision of welfare benefits, and other matters, and the Government
generally enforces its provisions effectively.
966
Women. — Official data for 1996 show 11,932 reported cases of violence against
women, of which 470 were rapes and 373 other sexual assaults. Police and judges
enforce laws against violence: however, less than 10 percent of abused women are
estimated to file complaints. On May 1, a law on the "Protection of the Family" went
into force that empowers police officials to expel abusive family members from fam-
ily homes and pronibit them from returning for a 7-day period. This period can be
extended to as long as 3 months by a court order.
Most legal restrictions on women's rights have been abolished. Women are still
prohibited by law from night work in most occupations. Although this ban is some-
times used as a pretext for not hiring women, it is supported by the Women's Affairs
Ministry and women's organizations. (Nurses, taxi drivers, and a few other occupa-
tions are exempted from this ban.) According to a 1994 ruling by the European
Court of Justice, a sex-based prohibition of nighttime work is not permissible. The
Government has been granted a transition period until 2001 to adapt its legislation
to gender-neutral European Union regulations, but at year's end, legislation revising
this prohibition was still pending.
An April petition drive to force discussion of women's rights in the Parliament
drew 645,000 signatures. The exclusion of women from the culturally important Vi-
enna philharmonic orchestra ended, although only one female member has been ac-
cepted into the orchestra.
In addition to the federal Women's Affairs Ministry, a federal Equality Commis-
sion and a federal Commissioner for Equal Treatment oversee laws prescribing
equal treatment of men and women. Sixty percent of women between tne ages of
15 and 60 are in the labor force. Despite substantial gains in women's incomes, they
average 20 percent lower than those of men. Although women still are not allowed
in the military, the Government made a policy decision to integrate women into the
military as soon as implementing laws are passed. On December 11, Parliament
passed a legislative package that cleared the way for the entry of women into the
military. The target date Tor entiy of the first female volunteers is April 1, 1998.
Although labor laws providing for equal treatment extend to women in the civil
service, they remain underrepresented there. To remedy this circumstance, a 1993
law requires hiring women of^ equivalent qualifications ahead of men in civil service
areas in which less than 40 percent of the employees are women; but there are no
penalties for failure to attain the 40 percent target.
Women may be awarded compensation of up to 4 months' salary if discriminated
against in promotions because of their sex. The Labor Court can also award com-
pensation from employers to victims of sexual harassment.
Women's rights organizations are partly politically affiliated, and partly autono-
mous groups. In voicing their concerns, they receive wide public attention.
Children. — Laws protect the vast majority of children's rights established in inter-
national conventions and in some respects go beyond them. Each provincial govern-
ment and the federal Ministry for Youth and Family Affairs has an "Ombudsperson
for Children and Adolescents" whose main function is to resolve complaints about
violations of rights of children.
While 9 years of education are mandatory for all children, beginning at age 6, the
Government also provides free education through the level of technical or vocational
programs or university. Educational opportunity is equal for girls and boys. Com-
prehensive, government-financed medical care is available for all children without
regard to gender.
There is no societal pattern of abuse against children, although heightened public
av/areness of abuse has led the Government to increase its efforts to monitor the
issue and prosecute offenders. Reports of suspected sexual abuse of children in 1996
increased by 13 percent over 1995 to 738; the number of related convictions rose
from 260 to 339. This increase is generally held to be a result of increased aware-
ness and reporting.
Stricter regulations on child pornography went into effect on March 1. Under the
new laws, any citizen engaging in child pornography in a foreign country becomes
punishable under Austrian law even if his actions are not punishable in the country
where he committed this violation. The new laws also entail more severe provisions
for possession, trading, and private viewing of pornographic materials. For example,
exchanging videos is now illegal even if done privately rather than as a business
transaction. There was no prosecution of the suspected Austrian-Slovak child por-
nography ring reported in 1996.
People With Disabilities. — Disabled individuals are protected by law from discrimi-
nation in housing, education, and employment. In July the Parliament passed an
amendment to the Constitution explicitly reauiring the State to provide for equal
rights for the disabled "in all areas of everyaay life." The law requires all private
enterprises and state and federal government offices to employ 1 disabled person for
967
every 25 to 45 employees, depending on the type of work. Employers who do not
meet this requirement must pay a fee to the Government, and the proceeds help
finance services for the disabled such as training programs, wage subsidies, and
workplace adaptations. No federal law mandates access for the physically disabled;
some public buildings are virtually inaccessible for those unable to climb stairs.
Mentally retarded females can be involuntarily sterilized at the request of par-
ents, in the case of minors, or, in the case of adults, by request of the responsible
family member or by court order. One political party called for more restrictive leg-
islation to make it more difficult to sterilize mentally retarded women. In July Par-
liament passed a constitutional amendment explicitly committing the state to secure
equal rights for the disabled "in all areas of everyday life."
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — ^According to a government report on ri^t-
wing extremism, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia, the number of complaints and inci-
dents dropped by 40 percent, from 482 in 1995 to 290 in 1996. Thirty-two cases re-
sulted in criminal sentences. The arrest and imprisonment in recent years of leading
rightwing extremists is generally credited for the downward trend. In August the
Anti-Defamation League opened an office for central and eastern Europe in Vienna.
The European Union planned to open an office against racism and xenophobia in
Vienna but by year's end, it had not done so.
Legislation was passed in October to provide law enforcement agencies with ex-
panded investigative tools, such as electronic eavesdropping, merging of data bases,
and witness protection programs. Criminal investigations begun in 1995 against
three Austrians for spreading fascist and extreme rightwing propaganda through
the Internet were still pending at year's end.
Religious Minorities. — In the cases of desecration of Jewish cemeteries in Rechnitz
and Holiabrunn in May and November 1996, respectively, children and adolescents
unaware of the gravity of their crime were found to be the perpetrators. The second
suspect in the desecration of the Jewish cemetery in Eisenstadt in 1993 has not
been apprehended.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the right to form and join unions
without prior authorization, under general constitutional guarantees of freedom of
association. In practice trade unions have an important and independent voice in
the political, social, and economic life of the country. Fifty-two percent of the work
force was organized into 14 national unions, all belonging to the Austrian Trade
Union Federation (0GB), which has a highly centralized leadership structure. Indi-
vidual unions and the OGB are independent of government or political party control,
although formal factions within these organizations are closely allied with political
parties.
Although the right to strike is not explicitly provided in the Constitution or in
national legislation, it is universally recognized. Historically, strikes have been com-
paratively Tew and usually of short duration. This year there was one strike by em-
ployees of the Finance Ministry. A major reason for the record of labor peace is the
unofficial system of "social partnership" among labor, management, and govern-
ment. At the center of the system is the Joint Parity Commission for Wages and
Prices, which has an important voice on major economic questions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Unions have the right to or-
ganize and bargain collectively. Almost all large companies, private or state-owned,
are organized. Worker councils operate at the enterprise level, and workers are enti-
tled by law to elect one-third of the members of the supervisory boards of major
companies. Collective agreements covering wages, benefits, and working conditions
are negotiated by the OGB with the National Chamber of Commerce and its associa-
tions, which represent the employers. Wage and price policy guidelines are set by
the Joint Parity Commission. A 1973 law obliges employers in enterprises with more
than five employees to prove that job dismissals are not motivated by antiunion dis-
crimination. Employers found guilty of this offense are required to reinstate work-
ers. Labor and business representatives remain in longstanding disagreement over
how to comply with the obligation under the International Labor Organization's
Convention 98 to provide legal protection to employees against arbitrary dismissals
in firms with five employees or fewer.
Typically, legal disputes between employer and employees regarding job-related
matters are handled by a special arbitration court for social affairs. The OGB is ex-
clusively responsible for collective bargaining. The leadership of the Chamber of
Labor, the Chamber of Commerce, and the OGB are elected democratically.
There are no export processing zones.
45-909 98-32
968
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^Forced labor is prohibited by law
and is not practiced. The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children
and enforces this prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The mini-
mum legal working age is 15 years. The law is effectively enforced by the Labor
Inspectorate of the Ministry of Social Affairs. The Grovemment has adopted laws
ana policies to protect children from exploitation in the work place. The law pro-
hibits forced and bonded child labor, and the Government enforces this prohibition
effectively (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no legislated national minimum wage.
Instead, nationwide collective bargaining agreements set minimums by job classi-
fication for each industry. The generally accepted unofficial minimum gross income
is $14,000 per year. Every worker is entitled to a variety of generous social benefits.
The average citizen has a high standard of living, and even the minimum wages
are sufficient to permit a decent living for workers and their families.
Although the legal workweek has been established at 40 hours since 1975, more
than 50 percent of the labor force is covered by collective bargaining agreements
that set the workweek at 38 or 38V2 hours.
Extensive legislation, regularly enforced by the Labor Inspectorate of the Ministry
of Social Affairs, provides for mandatory occupational health and safety standards.
Workers may file complaints anonymously with the Labor Inspectorate, which may
bring suit against the employer on behalf of the employee, but this option is rarely
exercised, as workers normally rely instead on the Chambers of Labor, which file
suits on their behalf.
The Labor Code provides that workers have the right to remove themselves from
a job if they fear ' serious, immediate danger to life and health" without incurring
any prejudice to their job or career.
AZERBAIJAN
Azerbaijan is a republic with a presidential form of government. Heydar Aliyev,
who assumed presidential powers after the overthrow of his democratically elected
predecessor, was elected President in 1993. Although Azerbaijan took significant
steps toward economic reform in 1997, it made little progress in moving toward de-
mocracy. President Aliyev and his supporters, many from his home region of
Nakhchivan, continue to dominate the Government, the multiparty 125-member
Parliament chosen in the November 1995 elections, and the judiciary. The Constitu-
tion, adopted in a November 1995 referendum, established a system of government
based on a division of powers between a strong presidency, a legislature with the
power to approve the budget and impeach the President, and a judiciary with lim-
ited independence.
After years of interethnic conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis, Armenian
forces and forces of the self-styled "Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh" (which is not
recognized by any government) occupy 20 percent of Azerbayan's territory. A cease-
fire was concluded in 1994, and the peace process continues. Serious clashes along
the Azerbaijan-Armenian border and along the line of contact with Nagorno-
Karabakh in the spring and summer caused scores of casualties. Military operations
continued to affect the civilian population. There are 780,000 Azerbaijani refugees
and internally displaced persons (IDP's) who cannot return to their homes. In the
part of Azerbaijan that the Government controls, government efforts to hinder the
opposition continue to impede the transition to democracy. In the part of Azerbaijan
tnat Armenians control, a heavily militarized ruling structure prevents ethnic
Azerbaijanis from returning to their homes.
Police, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Ministry of National Security are
responsible for internal security. Members of the police committed numerous human
ridits abuses.
The economy is in transition from central planning to a free market. A highly or-
ganized system of corruption and patronage hampers economic development. The
country has rich petroleum reserves and significant agricultural potential. OU and
oil products are the largest export, followed by cotton. Other key industries are
chemicals, oil field machinery, and air conditioning equipment. However, most in-
dustry languishes in a post-Soviet depression. The Government signed five oil pro-
duction sharing agreements with foreign oil companies in 1997, bringing the total
to nine. In agriculture, which employs 35percent of the labor force, the leading
crops are cotton, grapes, tea, and tobacco. The Government continued its policies oT
fiscal and monetary austerity, inflation continued to fall, and interest rates declined
969
to less than half of 1996 levels. The pace of privatization accelerated with the initi-
ation of auction sales of shares in large state-owned enterprises. Privatization of the
cotton gins ended the Government's monopoly on trade in cotton. Privatization of
farmland continued, but new small farmers have poor access to credit and markets,
and commercial agriculture remains weak. Per capita gross domestic product is
about $300 per year. According to the World Bank, 60 percent of citizens live in pov-
erty. Much of the labor force is "employed" by state enterprises that operate at very
low levels of capacity and pay their workers intermittenly if at all. The overall eco-
nomic situation of the average citizen remains precarious, although in urban areas
a growing moneyed class with trade and oil-related interests has emerged. Economic
opportunity depends on connections to the Government. Severe disparities of income
have emerged that are partly attributed to patronage and corruption.
The Government's human rights record continued to be poor, and the Government
continued to commit serious abuses. Police beat persons in custody, and some beat-
ings resulted in deaths. Police also arbitrarily arrested and detained persons; con-
ducted searches and seizures without warrants; and suppressed and refused to allow
peaceful public demonstrations. In most instances, the Government took no action
to punish abusers. In a variety of separate incidents, the Government arrested at
least 19 members of the opposition Azerbaijan Popular Front Party. Prison condi-
tions remained harsh. The entire judiciary is corrupt, inefiicient, and subject to ex-
ecutive influence. The Government holds about 120 political prisoners. The Govern-
ment tolerated the existence of many opposition political parties, although it contin-
ued to refuse to register some of them. The Government restricts citizens' ability
to change their government peacefully. The Government restricted freedom of
speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and privacy when it deemed it in its
interest to do so. Press censorship continued, as did the Government's control over
the broadcast media. Discrimination against ethnic minorities and societal discrimi-
nation and violence against women are problems. Worker rights suffered a setback
when managers in the state-owned oil industry, without a vote of the union mem-
bership, formed a progovemment union of oil and gas workers to displace the inde-
pendent union that had represented the interests of workers in those industries.
Nevertheless, there were some positive signs. Scores of opposition and independ-
ent newspapers continued to publish and discuss a wide range of sensitive domestic
and foreign policy issues. The Government abolished military censorship and the
press began open discussion of the issue of censorship. Opposition political parties
carried on a variety of public activities. After 4 years of internal exile, and 2 months
of confinement to a village, former president Elchibey returned to Baku in October
and resumed full political activity. Although critical of certain domestic human
rights activists, the Government was open to limited dialogue with domestic and
international human rights organizations. The Government arrested two police offi-
cials for inflicting injuries on detained persons that resulted in death.
Cease-fire violations by both sides in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict increased.
They resulted in injuries and deaths among combatants and the taking of prisoners,
including civilians. Insurgent Armenian forces in Nagorno-Karabakh and the occu-
pied territories continued to prevent the return of IDPs to their homes. This restric-
tion resulted in significant human suffering for hundreds of thousands of people.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Shahin Hamidov died in January as
a result of beatings after being held for 4 days in police custody in the province of
Barda. The provincial prosecutor opened and later closed an investigation without
filing charges. After having been beaten in a Baku police station, Firuz Gurbanov
died in August. The Government arrested a police ofiicial in this case, but at year's
end there had been no further action. Samir Zulfugarov died in a Baku police sta-
tion in August of injuries inflicted while in police custody. A police official is under
investigation for that death. None of the three victims was involved in politics.
There has been no action by the Government in the killing of opposition Azer-
baijan Popular Front Member of Parliament Shakhsultan Jafarov in July 1995.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
All sides to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict still detain prisoners. The International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) visited 26 persons held in relation to this con-
flict. In April and May, the parties freed 27 persons in a prisoner exchange. Subse-
quently, Azerbaijan has detained three Armenians and Nagorno-Karabakh authori-
ties have detained three Azerbaijanis. The ICRC repeatedly asked the concerned
parties for notification of any person captured in relation to the conflict, access to
all places of detention connected with the conflict, and release of all such persons.
970
The ICRC also urged the parties to provide information on the fate of persons re-
ported as missing in action. The Government has presented to the ICRC a list of
856 persons allegedly held by the Armenians.
c. Torture ana Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Torture is illegal; however, the police practice oi beating prisoners during arrest and
interrogation was widespread. Severe beatings were common in detention. Three
persons died after being oeaten while in police custody (see Section l.a.).
On one occasion, police beat journalists (see Section 2.a.).
Police also dispersed demonstrators by force (see Section 2.b.).
Prison conditions are harsh. The quality of food, housing, and medical care is
poor. Prisoners often must rely on their families to procure food and medicine. There
are widespread and credible reports that authorities deny, or give inadequate, medi-
cal treatment to prisoners with serious medical conditions. Authorities severely limit
opportunities for exercise for prisoners in security prisons.
The family of Kenan Gurel, who was convictea of participating in a coup attempt,
reports that he continues to receive inadequate treatment lor a kidney ailment.
Human rights organizations were able to visit a prison on at least one occasion.
The Government continued to deny the ICRC access to all prisons, except those
where persons held in relation to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict were detained.
Various embassies have petitioned the Government for permission to visit all pris-
ons. In general, when asked, the authorities grant foreign officials access to regular
prisons to visit imprisoned nationals of their countries. However, the Government
denies access to detainees held in security prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Arbitrary arrests without legal warrant
occur. Often authorities do not notify family members after arrests. Frequently, it
is days before family members are able to obtain information as to whether authori-
ties have arrested someone and where authorities are holding the detainee. Family
members do not enjoy the right of visitation. Authorities generally deny bail to de-
tained individuals and often do not inform detainees of the charges against them.
There is no legal protection concerning the right of detainees to he charged or re-
leased within a certain period of time, or for accused persons to receive an expedi-
tious trial. Access to lawyers is often poor. In addition police sometimes arrest rel-
atives of suspects being sought in an attempt to force the family to reveal a sus-
pect's where aoouts.
During the year, the police arrested at least 19 members of the opposition Azer-
baijan Popular Front Party and held them for short periods. Another member of an
opposition party was arrested and sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment for illegal
weapons possession and for forming an illegal armed group.
The Government released former Prime Minister Panakh Huseynov in February,
after detaining him for 9 months without charge. Also released in March was Azer-
baijan Popular Front member Kemal Talibov, who was held for 6 months, allegedly
for threatening state officials, and "hooliganism."
At least two persons, an aide to opposition leader Isa Gambar and his relative,
are known to be detained for political reasons; they were charged with failure to
notify the Government of a crime, or possession of weapons.
The Government does not practice forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for a judiciary with lim-
ited independence. The President appoints Supreme and Constitutional Court
judges, suDJect to confirmation by Parliament. The President directly appoints lower
level judges with no requirement for confirmation. Constitutional provisions for judi-
cial independence to the contrary, judges do not function independently of the execu-
tive branch. The judicial system is subject to the influence of executive authorities
and has been widely seen as corrupt and inefficient.
Courts of general jurisdiction may hear criminal, civil, and juvenile cases. District
and municipal courts try the overwhelming majority of cases. The Supreme Court
may also act as the court of first instance, depending on the nature ana seriousness
of the crime.
The Government organizes prosecutors into offices at the district, municipal, and
republic levels. They are ultimately responsible to the Minister of Justice, are ap-
pointed by the President, and confirmed by Parliament. The Constitution prescribes
equal status for prosecutors and defense attorneys before the courts. In practice,
however, prosecutorial prerogatives still generally outweigh those of defense attor-
neys. Investigations often rely on obtaining confessions rather than obtaining evi-
dence against suspects.
Cases at the district court level are tried before a panel consisting of one judge
and two lay assessors. Judges frequently send cases unlikely to end in convictions
back to the prosecutor for "additional investigation." Such cases may be either
dropped or closed, occasionally without informing the court or the defendant.
971
The Constitution provides for public trials except in cases involving state, com-
mercial, or professional secrets, or matters involving confidentiality oT personal or
family matters. The Constitution provides for the presumption of innocence in crimi-
nal cases, and numerous other rights, including an exclusionary rule barring the use
of illegally obtained evidence, a suspect's ri^t to legal counsel, to be informed im-
mediately of his legal rights, and of the charges against him. However, the Govern-
ment has not made significant efforts to enforce these rights throughout the crimi-
nal justice system. Defendants may confront witnesses and present evidence. The
court appoints an attorney for indigent defendants. Defendants and prosecutors
have the right of appeal. The Government has generally observed the constitutional
provision for public trial. Foreign and domestic observers generally were able to at-
tend trials. However, a trial of leaders of the Islamic party, which resulted in sen-
tences of up to 12 years, was held without public observers.
The Government held approximately 120 political prisoners at year's end.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for secrecy of correspondence and telephone conversations,
subject to limits provided by law in criminal investigations or in prevention of a
crime. The Constitution allows searches of residences only with a court order or in
cases provided by law. However, citizens widely believe that the Ministry of Na-
tional Security monitors telephones, especially those of foreigners and prominent po-
litical and business figures. Police often conduct searches without a warrant, and
investigations sometimes resulted in confining the individuals to their city of resi-
dence or a brief jail sentence for questioning. There were credible reports that police
arrested relatives of suspects to compel them to reveal a suspect's whereabouts (see
Section l.d.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and specifically outlaws press censorship; however, the Government
often did not respect these rights in practice. The Government practiced censorship
and created an atmosphere in which journalists exercised self-censorship. However,
prominent politicians criticized the Government publicly without reprisal.
While the press debated a wide variety of sensitive topics, censorship liniited the
public's ability to be informed about and discuss political issues. Most newspapers
are printed in the Government's publishing house. They must submit their copy to
a government censor. The Government's near monopoly of publishing facilities en-
abled it to exert indirect pressure over the press by controlling the price of news-
print, a critical matter given the precarious finances of most opposition newspapers.
Censorship continued at approximately 1996 levels. Although in September the Gov-
ernment ofTicially abolished censorship of military topics, censorship of political top-
ics continued. The Ministry of Information can legally close a newspaper for 1
month for violating censorship rules. Censors deleted portions of newspaper articles
or entire articles. Journalists often exercise self-censorship. Two major opposition
newspapers claimed that 74 and 84 of their issues, respectively, had encountered
censorship. The Government banned three issues of smaller opposition newspapers.
In addition the Ministry of Information withdrew permission to publish from a
newspaper after its first issue appeared, citing the newspaper's "opposition tend-
ency" and never granted it permission to publish. Police on one occasion in Septem-
ber beat two journalists; one of them was hospitalized. At the end of the year, two
journalists had been beaten; no investigation conducted into the beating of^the jour-
nalists. No journalists were detained or imprisoned. However, several journalists
were prevented from visiting former president Elchibey (see Section 2.d.). Foreign
journalist Irena Lasota, editor of a quarterly journal, was searched and questioned
by armed forces personnel after interviewing former president Elchibey in July.
The investigation of the 1996 beating of a journalist continued, but no charges
were brought.
Despite government censorship, the independent and opposition press continued
to play an active, influential role in politics. Articles critical of government policy
ana high government figures (with the exception of President Aliyev) appeared rou-
tinely in the opposition and independent print media. Newspapers began to discuss
censorship itself. Newspapers were able to publish articles opposing government
views in sensitive areas such as Azerbaijan's relations with Russia and Iran and
Nagorno-Karabakh peace negotiations. Newspapers also exposed government short-
comings in economic reform, corruption in nigh government offices, and conflicts
within the presidential administration and the President's political party.
A large number of newspapers continued to publish. One reliable source put the
number of registered newspapers at 375, and the number actually publishing at
nearly 100. These included independent newspapers and newspapers with links to
972
major and minor opposition parties. Government-run kiosks and independent news
distributors distributed opposition and independent newspapers.
The Government, however, tightly controlled most radio and television, the source
of information for most of the population. Opposition parties had virtually no access
to the official electronic media. There is a limited range of private television sta-
tions, and some of them are accessible only to those local residents who own mod-
em, foreign-produced television sets. Independent radio, the choice of the over-
whelming majority of listeners, is almost entirely entertainment oriented. Independ-
ent television and radio broadcasters are reluctant to air controversial political top-
ics due to fear of government retaliation.
The Ministry of Justice continued to deny registration to nine independent tele-
vision stations, five of which are kept from broadcasting. Eight independent tele-
vision stations continue to operate in Baku and other regions. Several foreign tele-
vision stations and radio programs are rebroadcast locally throu^ Azerbaijani fa-
cilities and are seen and heard in most parts of the country. There are no restric-
tions on reception of foreign stations via satellite.
Appointments to government-controlled academic positions are heavily dependent
on political connections. Nevertheless, several professors with tenure are active in
opposition parties. There were no complaints oi violation of academic freedom or of
censorship of books or academic journals.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly; however, the Government restricts this right when it decides
that it is in its interest to do so. The Grovemment denied permission for several
demonstrations by opposition parties in the capital. It dispersed demonstrations by
force on at least two occasions.
The Government cited no clear criteria when it denied permission to assemble.
Authorities frequently prevent opposition political parties from conducting local con-
gresses, meetings, and outdoor gatherings.
The Government provides for freedom of association; however, the Government re-
stricts this right when it decides that it is in its interest to do so. The Government
requires political parties to register. There are nearly 40 registered political parties.
Some of these are affiliated with or support the President's party. At least 10 reg-
istered parties are considered opposition parties. There are at least two opposition
parties that the Government continued to refuse to register. Members of tne Azer-
baijan Democratic Party, long unable to register, staged a hunger strike that lasted
over 3 weeks to protest the Government's refusal to register it. The Supreme Court
in December overruled the Ministry's refusal to register the party; nowever, at
year's end, the Grovemment had not ofiicially registered the party.
The Government generally allowed associations other than political parties to
function freely. However, the Ministry of Justice requires private organizations to
register. The Government did not grant this registration freely and expeditiously.
It denied or unduly delayed registration for numerous private voluntary organiza-
tions, including three private human rights organizations. Reports of harassment of
political figures continued. There were credible reports of individuals linked to oppo-
sition parties being fired from their jobs.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for no state reUgion and allows
people of all faiths to practice their religion without restrictions. The Government
respects this provision in practice for Shi'a and Sunni Muslims, Russian Orthodox
Christians, and Jews. However, a law on foreigners and stateless persons contains
language that prohibits religious "propaganda" oy foreigners. This provision was re-
inforced by a presidential decree in January. The law on religion subordinates all
Islamic religious oivanizations to the Azerbaijan-based spiritual Directorate of
Caucasus Muslims. Tnia law permits the production, importation, and dissemination
of religious literature only with the agreement of local government authorities. The
Ministry of Justice continued to deny registration to a foreign Christian group, but
allowed it to continue to function. Registration enables a religious organization to
maintain a bank account legally, rent property, and generally to act as a legal en-
tity. Lack of registration makes it harder, but not impossible, for a religious group
to function. Non-Orthodox Christian groups credibly complained of official harass-
ment. Articles appeared sporadically in progovemment and independent newspapers
crudely depicting various religious groups, including some non-Orthodox Christian
missionary groups, as a threat to national identity, traditions, and morals. The Gov-
ernment arrested a member of the Baku community of Jehovah's Witnesses in No-
vember and accused him of attempting to bribe a state official. Prosecutors ques-
tioned other Jehovah's witnesses. Members of this community report that an official
in the Baku city prosecutor's office struck two of these persons during questioning;
one of them sustamed injuries. The official was subsequently removed from the case.
Because of anti-Armenian sentiment and the forced departure of most of the Arme-
973
nian population, Armenian churches remained closed. Azerbaijan's Jewish commu-
nity has freedom to worship and conduct educational activities.
There is some evidence of strong prejudice against ethnic Azerbaijanis who have
converted to Christianity. A Christian Azerbaijani was detained after being as-
saulted by another Azerbaijani while he was engaging in religious conversation in
a public park. He was taken to a police station, beaten, and sentenced by a judge
to 2 weeks in jail.
Government bias against foreign missionary groups persists. In June the Govern-
ment published a booklet with alarmist warnings against foreign missionaries, list-
ing names and addresses of missionary offices in Azerbaijan. The book cover depicts
a cross symbol and a dagger in the heart of a map of Azerbaijan.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for the right of citizens to choose freely their
place of domicile and to travel abroad and return. Residents of border areas in both
Azerbaijan and Iran travel across the border in this restricted zone without visas.
Foreigners and citizens require a visa to travel to the Autonomous Republic of
Nakhchivan. There were reports that local officials denied passports to members of
the Armenian minority (see Section 5).
There continue to be bans on travel outside of Baku or outside the country on
some prominent political leaders who are under criminal investigation. Two opposi-
tion party leaders remain under such restrictions: Isa Gambar (charged with using
military force in the context of a rebellion leading to the overthrow of the Elchibey
government in 1993); and Sulheddin Akper, under investigation for his role in the
Popular Front government of 1992-93. Both were prevented several times from ac-
cepting invitations to travel abroad and did not travel outside the country this year.
For 2 months, police restricted access to the village where former President Elchibey
resided, and prevented several journalists and Members of Parliament from travel-
ing there and meeting him. In October Elchibey was allowed to return to Baku,
where he resumed full political activity.
The Government officially recognizes freedom of emigration. Jewish emigration to
Israel is unrestricted. However, with the majority of those who wish to emigrate al-
ready having left, the number of Jewish emigrants is now small. The remaining Ar-
menian population in Azerbaijan (other than Armenians residing in the Nagorno-
Karabakn region of Azerbaijan) is approximately 10,000 to 20,000, mostly persons
of mixed descent or in mixed marriages. While official government policy is that Ar-
menians are free to travel, low-level officials seeking bribes have harassed Arme-
nians wishing to emigrate.
There were no draft notifications that restricted movement during the year. Draft-
age men must obtain documents from military officials before they can leave for
international travel.
The number of refugees and internally displaced persons is approximately
780,000. Armenians have settled in parts of the occupied territories. However, the
Armenians have not allowed the hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis who were
forced out of the now-occupied territories to return to their homes. Most of these
internally displaced persons continue to live in camps and other temporary shelters,
often at below-subsistence levels, without adequate food, housing, education, or med-
ical care. The parties to the conflict have cut normal trade and transportation links
to the other side, causing severe hardship to civilians in Nagorno-Karabakh, Arme-
nia, and the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhcnivan.
The Constitution provides for political asylum consistent with international
norms. The Grovernment is receptive to international assistance for refugees and in-
ternally displaced persons. It cooperates with international organizations to provide
aid for them. The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in as-
sisting refugees. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise. There were
no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to refugee status. Two
Iraqi refugees ordered by the Government in 1996 to leave the country remain while
awaiting refugee processing to travel to a third country.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
In theory the election law and Constitution allow citizens to change their govern-
ment by peaceful means. However, government interference in past elections re-
stricted citizens' ability to change their government peacefully.
Azerbaijan is a republic with a strong presidency, and a legislature that the Con-
stitution describes as independent. As a result of the flawed 1995 parliamentary
elections, however, the New Azerbaijan party led by President Aliyev and other par-
ties and nominally independent deputies loyal to the President occupy the over-
974
whelming majority of seats in the 125-member Parliament. Parties considering
themselves as belonging to the opposition hold eight seats. Opposition parties con-
tinued to be active outside the Parliament, agitating for their views in their news-
papers and through public statements. However, the Government continued to deny
registration to at least two opposition parties not represented in Parliament (see
Section 2.b.). Explicitly ethnically or religiously based parties were prohibited from
participating in past elections.
In practice the legislature's independence from the executive is marginal. The
Parliament exercises little legislative initiative independent of the executive.
Following Rasul Guliyev's forced resignation as Speaker of Parliament in 1996
and reports in December that he would run for president in 1998, the Parliament
stripped him of his mandate as a Member of Parliament.
The Constitution, adopted in 1995, required the formulation of a municipal elec-
tion law and the holding of municipal elections by November 1997. As of year's end,
such a law had not been passed and elections were not held by the constitutionally
mandated date.
The Constitution allows citizens to file court proceedings to challenge illegal ac-
tions of government officials. However, citizens rarely made use of this provision,
preferring to appeal to higher levels of authority, up to and including the human
rights committee of the legislature, and the President.
There are no legal restrictions on women's participation in politics. However, tra-
ditional social norms restrict women's roles in politics. Men cast the votes of their
wives and other female members of their families in past elections. There are 11
female members of Parliament and 2 women with ministerial rank.
There are no restrictions on the participation of minorities in politics as individ-
uals. However, explicitly ethnically or religiously based parties were prohibited from
participating in past elections. Members of indigenous ethnic minorities such as
Talysh, Lezghis, and Kurds occupy some senior government positions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Several human rights organizations monitor the human rights situation in the
country. For the most part, the (jovernment posed no objections to international
human rights groups. Some of these groups investigate human rights abuses and
disseminate their findings through the media. The Government, however, has been
critical of certain domestic human rights activists who have raised politically sen-
sitive issues. Eighteen local women's groups are active.
The Government has demonstrated a limited willingness to discuss human rights
problems with international government and nongovernmental organizations
(NGO's). The Ministry of Justice allowed representatives of local NGO human rights
organizations to visit a prison. The ICRC has had access to prisoners of war as well
as civilians held in relation to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the
ICRC has requested and been denied access to prisoners not related to the Nagorno-
Karabakh conflict being held in special security and other prisons.
Ministry of Interior officials conducted discussions with the Azerbaijani National
Committee of the Helsinki Citizens Assembly on human rights violations by police
and mistreatment of detainees. However, when that organization's representative
complained about the country's treatment of ethnic Armenians, the Government's
political party launched a press campaign against her, accusing her of cooperation
with foreign intelligence services. In addition government newspapers published ar-
ticles accusing the chairman of another human rights organization of cooperation
with foreign intelligence organizations. In a November speech. President Aliyev ac-
cused domestic human rights advocates of spreading lies and rumors and of cooper-
ating with foreign special services. In the same speech, he included conciliatory re-
marks toward opposition parties. The Ministry of Justice continued to deny registra-
tion to several human rights groups, but the Government has not tried to halt their
activities. Registration enables a human rights organization to maintain a bank ac-
count legally, rent property, and generally to act as a legal entity. Lack of registra-
tion makes it harder, but not impossible, for a human rights group to function.
The ICRC conducted education programs on international humanitarian law for
officials of the Ministries of Interior and Defense, and for university and secondary
school students. Government officials participated in UNHCR-organized training
sessions aimed at reforming the Law on Refugees and Displaced Persons.
A local NGO published a monthly bulletin listing cases of human rights violations
taken from the press.
975
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal rights without respective for gender, race, na-
tionality or national origin, religion, language, social status, or mernbership in polit-
ical parties, trade unions, or other public organizations. However, in the wake of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, there is widespread anti-Armenian sentiment in society.
Preventing discrimination is not a major government priority.
Women. — Discussion of violence against women is a taboo subject in Azerbaijan's
patriarchal society. In rural areas, women have no real recourse against violence by
their husbands, regardless of the law. Rape is severely punishable, but, especially
in rural areas, only a small fraction of offenses against women are reported or pros-
ecuted. Police statistics note 44 cases of rape in the first 8 months of tne year. These
figures probably reflect underreporting, especially from the conservative rural areas.
There are no specific laws concerning spousal abuse or spousal rape.
Women nominally enjoy the same legal rights as men, including the right to par-
ticipate in all aspects of economic and social life. In general women have extensive
opportunities for education and work. However, traditional social norms continue to
restrict women's roles in the economy. Representation of women is sharply lower in
higher levels of the work force. There are few women in executive positions in lead-
ing economic enterprises.
The Association for the Defense of Rights of Azerbaijani Women spends most of
its time fighting uniquely post-Soviet problems. It has helped divorcea women, wid-
ows, and wives whose husbands are in prison, all of whom have become socially and
legally vulnerable since the fall of the Soviet Union. It assisted widows whose land-
lords privatized their apartments and then evicted them. It also worked with di-
vorced women who feel unfairly treated by divorce courts.
Children. — The Constitution and laws commit the Government to protecting the
rights of children to education and health. Difficult economic circumstances limit the
Government's ability to carry out these commitments. Education is compulsory until
age 17. The Constitution places children's rights on the same footing as those of
adults. The Criminal Code prescribes severe penalties for crimes against children.
The Government provides minimum standards of health care for children, although
the quality of medical care overall has fallen dramatically since the collapse of tne
Soviet Union. The Government has authorized subsidies for children in an attempt
to shield families against economic hardship in the wake of price liberalization. The
subsidies do not come close to covering the shortfall in family budgets, and the Gov-
ernment does not have the financial means to meet its commitments. There are a
large number of refugee and displaced children living in substandard conditions in
refugee camps and public buildings. Children beg on the streets of Baku and other
towns.
People With Disabilities. — The law on support for the disabled, enacted in 1993,
prescribes priority for invalids and the disabled in obtaining housing, as well as dis-
counts for public transport, and pension supplements. The Government does not
have the means in its current financial crisis to fulfill its commitments. There are
no special provisions in the law mandating accessibility to buildings for the dis-
ablea.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — ^The outbreak of hostilities and anti-Arme-
nian riots in the final years of the Soviet Union led to the expulsion of many Arme-
nians and the departure of others. An estimated 10,000 to 20,000 Armenians still
live in Azerbaijan, mostly in mixed Azerbaijani-Armenian families. Some have
changed their nationality, as reported in their passports, to Azerbaijani. With the
nearly complete departure of the Armenian population, the number of problems re-
ported by this ethnic minority has decreased. The leader of a local human rights
NGO complained of officially sponsored discrimination against Armenians (see Sec-
tion 4). Armenians have complained of discrimination in employment and harass-
ment at schools and workplaces, and of refusal of local government authorities to
grant Armenians passports or pay pensions. Armenian widows have had permits to
live in Baku revoked. However, some persons of mixed Armenian-Azerbaijani de-
scent continue to occupy government positions.
Indigenous ethnic minorities such as the Talysh, Lezghis, Avars, and Georgians
do not suffer discrimination. However, Meskhetian Turks displaced from Central
Asia as well as Kurdish displaced persons from the Lachin region complain of dis-
crimination.
In the area of the country controlled by insurgent (Armenian) forces, the Arme-
nians forced approximately 550,000 ethnic Azerbaijanis to flee their homes. The re-
gime that now controls these areas has effectively banned ethnic Azerbaijanis from
all spheres of civil, political, and economic life.
976
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Most labor unions still operate as they did under the
Soviet system and remain tightly linked to the Government. The Constitution pro-
vides for freedom of association, including the right to form labor unions. However,
one or another subbranch of the government-run Azerbaijani Labor Federation orga-
nizes most industrial and white-collar workers. Most major industries remain state-
owned.
Furthermore, the Government undermined the sole significant independent labor
union, the Free Trade Union of Azerbaijan Oil and Gas Industry Employees. In May
management officials of the State Oil Company of the Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR)
formed a new, progovemment union, the Azerbaijan Oil and Gas Industry Workers
Trade Union. The new union installed a senior SOCAR manager as its chairman,
enrolled most subbranches of the old union in its ranks without a vote of the rank
and file, and took over the headquarters of the free trade union. An independent
group of oil workers, the Committee to Defend the Rights of Azerbaijani Oil Work-
ers, operates outside established trade union structures and promotes the interests
of workers in the petroleum sector.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike, and there are no legal restric-
tions on strikes nor provisions for retribution against strikers. After a history of
wildcat strikes in the oil industry in which some striking workers were fired, there
were no reported strikes in that sector during the year. Oil workers continue to de-
mand restoration of wage arrears amounting to several months pay. Employers did
not meet assurances to restore back pay. There are no established mechanisms to
avoid wildcat strikes.
Unions are free to form federations and to affiliate with international bodies, how-
ever, none has done so.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^There is effectively no system
of collective bargaining. Government-appointed boards and directors run the major
enterprises and set wages. Unions do not participate in determining wage levels. In
a carryover from the Soviet system, both management and workers are considered
members of the professional unions.
There are no export processing zones. Although there has been a United Nations
Development Program-supported effort underway to create an economic zone in
Sumgait since 1995, Parliament has not considered legislation to create such a zone.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution allows forced or
compulsory labor only under states of emergency or martial law, or as the result
of a court decision affecting a condemned person. The Government has not invoked
this clause. Two departments in the General Prosecutors Office (the Department of
Implementation of the Labor Code and the Department for Enforcement of the Law
on Minors) enforce the prohibition on forced or compulsory labor. There are no con-
stitutional provision or law specifically prohibiting forced and bonded labor by chil-
dren, but such practices are not known to occur. There were no reports this year
of compulsory cotton picking by children or adults.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but such
practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.c.). The minimum employment age
is 16 years. Primary school education is compulsory, free, and universal. Children
are normally in school until the age of 17. The law allows children of age 14 to work
during vacations with the consent of their parents and certification of a physician.
Children of age 15 may work if the workplace's labor union does not object. There
is no explicit restriction on the kinds of labor that children of age 15 may perform
with union consent. The Labor and Social Security Ministry has primary enforce-
ment responsibility for child labor laws. With high adult unemployment, there have
been few, if any, complaints of abuses of child labor laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government sets the nationwide adminis-
trative minimum wage by decree. It is $1.40 (5,500 manat) per month. The wage
is not sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. The
recommended montnly wage level to meet basic subsistence needs was estimated to
be $78 (310,000 manat). There seems to be no active mechanism to enforce the mini-
mum wage. However, since most people who work earn more than the minimum
wajge, its low level is not a major issue in labor or political debate.
Trie disruption of economic links with the rest of the former Soviet Union contin-
ues to affect employment in many industries. Idle factory workers typically receive
less than half ot their former wage. Under these conditions, many workers rely on
the safetv net of the extended family. More workers and unemployed persons turn
to secona jobs and makeshift employment in the informal sector, such as operating
the family car as a taxi, selling produce from private gardens, or operating small
977
roadside shops. Combinations of these and other strategies are the only way for
broad sectors of the urban population to reach a subsistence income level.
The legal workweek is 41 hours. There is a 1-hour lunch break per day and short-
er breaks in the morning and afternoon. The Government does not enforce these
rules in the informal sector.
Health and safety standards exist, but they are usually ignored in the workplace.
Workers cannot leave dangerous work conditions without fear of losing their jobs.
BELARUS
Belarus has a government in which nearly all power rests in the hands of the
President. Since his election in July 1994 as the country's first President, Aleksandr
Lukashenko has steadily amassed power. He held a November 1996 referendum to
amend the 1994 Constitution, which broadened his powers and extended his term
in office. The President ignored the then Constitutional Court's ruling that the Con-
stitution could not be amended by referendum, and implemented the referendum's
provisions. As a result of the President's actions, the Government and political sys-
tem are based on the November 1996 version of the Constitution, which was adopt-
ed in an unconstitutional manner. Most members of the international community
criticized the results of the flawed referendum because it violated fundamental
democratic principles, and they do not recognize the legitimacy of the 1996 Constitu-
tion or the legislature. Although the 1996 Constitution provides for executive, legis-
lative, and judicial branches it does not provide adequate checks and balances and,
as a result, nearly all authority rests in the hands of the President. The President
appoints the Cabinet of Ministers, the executive heads of the country's 6 provinces,
and 6 of the 12 Constitutional Court Justices (including the Chair, as well as the
Chairs of the Supreme and Supreme Economic Courts). Presidential decrees made
when the legislature is out of session have the force of law, except — in theory — in
those cases restricted by the 1996 Constitution. The 1996 Constitution also allows
the President to issue decrees having the force of law in circumstances of "specific
necessity and urgency," a provision that President Lukashenko has broadly inter-
preted. Citing the re^rendum results, which created a bicameral legislature, F*resi-
dent Lukashenko urged legislators to defect from the legitimate parliament, which
he disbanded in November 1996. The acting legislature was not directly elected but
was created out of the remnants of the former parliament through a combination
of volunteers, presidential appointments, and regional council elections. The Con-
stitution limits the legislature to meeting twice per year for no more than a total
of 170 days. The judiciary is not independent.
The Committee for State Security (KGB) and Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD),
both answerable to the President, continued to be the chief law enforcement and po-
lice organs. Under President Lukashenko's direction, the Presidential Guard — ini-
tially created to protect senior officials — continued to act against the President's po-
litical enemies, with no judicial or legislative oversight. Members of the security
forces committed numerous human rights abuses.
The economy grew in 1997, largely due to government credits to state enterprises.
Economic experts do not consider this approach to growth sustainable over time.
The Cxovemment continued limited, small-scale privatization, but did not take steps
toward privatizing or restructuring large state enterprises. Most state enterprises
and collective farms reportedly operate at a loss. The (jovemment controls the
prices of staple food products. The Crovemment's exchange rate policy has resulted
in a critical shortage of foreign currency reserves and stifled the export sector. Per
capita gross national product was $1,308 in 1996. Leading exports are transport ve-
hicles, mineral products, and machinery. The majority oi workers are employed in
the industrial and agricultural sectors. While standards of living continue to decline
for many segments of society, people sustain themselves through unreported eco-
nomic activity and kitchen gardens.
The Government's human rights record again worsened significantly as the Presi-
dent continued to lead Belarus back toward Soviet-era authoritarian practices. The
(jovemment severely limits the right of citizens to change their government. Secu-
rity forces reportedly beat detainees and prisoners regularly. Severe hazing in mili-
tary units abated, but was not eradicated. Prison conditions remained poor. Security
forces arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens.
Prolonged detention and delays in trials were common. The security services in-
fringed on citizens' privacy rights and monitored the activities of opposition politi-
cians and other segments of the population closely. Restrictions on freedoms of
speech, the press, and peaceful assembly all increased and the Government did not
978
respect freedom of association. Formations of MVD troops used force to break up
political demonstrations and again made mass arrests.
International human rights monitors were closely monitored, and frequently har-
assed. Discrimination ana domestic violence against women remainea sigmficant
problems. Authorities continued to restrict workers' rights to associate freefy and to
organize and bargain collectively. The Government continued to restrict worker
ri^ts.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The 1996 Constitution provides for the inviolability of the person and specifically
f>rohibits torture, as well as cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment. However, po-
ice and prison guards reportedly regularly beat detainees. Law enforcement and
prison officials may use pnysical force against detainees and prisoners if the latter
are violent, have refused to obey the instructions of the prison administration, or
have "maliciously violated the terms of their sentences. However, human rights
monitors credibly repwrt that investigators coerce confessions using physical and
psychological pressure. Although such behavior is against the law, the Government
seldom, if ever, punishes people who commit such abuses. Guards used force against
the detainees to coerce confessions as well as during routine activities.
In July and August, security forces detained seven employees of the Russian tele-
vision station ORT, and charged them with attempting to illegally cross the
Belarusian-Lithuanian border (see Section l.d. and 2. a.) Two of the journalists, Rus-
sian citizen Anatoliy Adamchuk and Belarusian citizen Dimitry Zavadsky, sent pur-
{)orted confession letters to President Lukashenko, but after their respective re-
eases, each claimed that the letters were written under duress and psychological
pressure.
The Ministry of Defense announced in 1996 that "dedovshchina," the practice of
hazing new recruits, would no longer be tolerated. This practice of severe harass-
ment and physical abuse of new draftees by senior soldiers to maintain strict dis-
cipline has abated, but human rights groups continue to receive some reports that
hazing continues and that the military does not consistently punish offenders.
Prison conditions are poor, and are marked by severe overcrowding, shortages of
food and medicine, and the spread of diseases such as tuberculosis and syphilis.
Conditions at prison hospitals are similarly poor, according to human rights mon-
itors. Detainees in pretrial detention facilities also reported poor conditions and de-
nial of medical treatment, which contributed to declining health while they awaited
trial.
Former National Bank Chairwoman Tamara Vinnikova's attorney reported that
Vinnikova suffered from a serious kidney ailment and cancer. Vinnikova, who had
been detained since January without formal charge (see Section l.d. and Section 5),
petitioned to seek treatment at a facility other than the KGB prison clinic, which
is regarded as inferior to other hospitals (see Sections l.d. and I.e.). She was re-
leased from detention in November but remains under house arrest.
Prison officials refused proper medical treatment to Albert Lavrenev, a Jewish
doctor, detained between July 1996 and August 1997 on the charge of complicity in
the murder of his elderly neighbor (see Section I.e. and Section 5). According to his
family and local human rights observers, Lavrenev's shoulder was broken by prison
guards while he was in detention; he also had a kidney ailment. With Lavrenev's
health in serious jeopardy, a judge released Lavrenev in August pending a new trial.
Human rights monitors were granted access to observe prison conditions, though
the Government did not honor some requests to meet with individual prisoners.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Belarus has only slightly amended its So-
viet-era law on detention. Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens,
most often in connection with demonstrations, some of which were not authorized.
The Criminal Procedure Code provides that police may detain a person suspected
of a crime for 24 hours without a warrant, within which time the procurator is noti-
fied. The procurator then has 48 hours to review the legality of the detention. If
the procurator deems the detention legal, a suspect can be held for a maximum of
10 days without formal charge. However, usually, once the decision is made to hold
a suspect, a formal charge is made. Once a suspect is charged, a trial must be initi-
ated within 2 months, although in some cases the Procurator General can extend
pretrial detention to 18 months to allow for further investigation. Alternatively, a
979
suspect who has been charged can be released on a written pledge not to flee, in
which case there is no time limit on the pretrial investigation. The law allows de-
tainees the right to apply to the court (ratner than the procurator) to determine the
legality of their detentions. In practice, however, suspects' appeals to have their de-
tentions reviewed by the courts frequently are suppressed because the detainees are
at the mercy of investigators and detention officials are unwilling to forward the ap-
peals. According to the Belarusian Helsinki Committee, there are 65,000 persons in
detention; no statistics are available as to the number of persons who are in pretrial
detention and the length of their detentions.
By law detainees may be allowed unlimited access to legal counsel and, for those
who cannot afford counsel, the court appoints a lawyer. However, investigators rou-
tinely fail to inform detainees of their rights and conduct preliminary interrogations
without giving detainees an opportunity to consult counsel. The information gained
is then used against the defendant in court.
Prisoners and lawyers both report restrictions on consultations. In August inves-
tigators reportedly confiscated notes taken by an attorney during a private meeting
with her client, Dimitry Zavadsky, a journalist for Russian television who was de-
tained and charged with illegally working on crossing the Belarusian-Lithuanian
border while doing a news story about the border. (See Section 2. a.)
There were hundreds of political detainees during the year. Most were peaceful
participants in antigovemment demonstrations who were held anywhere from sev-
eral hours to several days. The police also detained journalists (see Section 2. a.).
Throughout the spring, unidentified, nonuniformed officials working for the security
services apprehended participants in antigovemment demonstrations (see section
2.b.). There are credible reports that officers, who presumably worked for the secu-
rity services, infiltrated the antigovemment demonstrations, and provoked incidents
that leading to clashes with security forces. Security forces were then given signals
indicating which demonstrators to follow in order to apprehend them at their
homes.
Security forces occasionally preemptively apprehended organizers and individuals
considered to be potential participants prior to demonstrations, including those that
had been sanctioned by the Government (see Section 2.b.). On February 13, militia
officers detained Vitaly Umreiko, a member of the youth wing of the Belarusian
Popular Front, and reportedly sentenced him to 5 days in prison for his alleged fail-
ure to pay a fine for a past offense. The militia reportedly ofTered to release him
if he promised to urge participants in the following aay's antigovemment protest to
disperse.
On April 2, police forcibly detained former chairman of the Supreme Soviet
Stanislav Shushlcevich while he was on his way to an art exhibit, apparently be-
cause they mistakenly assumed that he would take part in a simultaneous
antigovemment demonstration occurring elsewhere in the city.
In May police detained two students from the Belarusian Humanitarian Lyceum
who happened to be in a location where an unauthorized political meeting was
scheduled to be held. Police reportedly attempted to coerce tne students to sign a
statement attesting to their participation in an unsanctioned demonstration.
Following demonstrations, police held many detainees incommunicado. Police did
not allow detainees who participated in demonstrations, including minor children,
to inform their families of their whereabouts. Due to the large numbers of detainees
after antigovemment rallies, police moved detainees outside of the district where al-
leged offenses took place, in violation of the law. Noting this trend, the Belarusian
Helsinki Committee began to send monitors to all of the Minsk area detention facili-
ties after demonstrations to ascertain which persons had been picked up and inform
their families.
Following the March 15 demonstration marking the anniversary of the adoption
of the superseded 1994 Constitution as a protest against the implementation of the
1996 Constitution, police officers attempted to detain the organizers of the event.
They went to opposition leader Gennadiy Karpenko's home, but Karpenko refused
to allow the officers in, citing a provision of the law that allows citizens to deny po-
lice entry after 10:00 p.m. The following day, police officers returned to Karpenko's
home with dogs, but he was not there. On March 17, Karpenko telephoned for an
ambulance because he was suffering from high blood pressure. The police, who ap-
parently were monitoring Karpenko's telephone or home, used the opportunity to
enter his apartment in another attempt to arrest him and demand that he sign a
confession that he had organized an unauthorized demonstration. A doctor con-
firmed that Karpenko required hospitalization, and he remained in the hospital
with a police guard for over a week.
According to the Belarus League for Human Rights, on May 1, police detained
Vladimir Lysko for participating in an antigovemment rally on March 23 and for
980
allegedly resisting arrest, despite the fact that Lysko had already been fined for the
same charge.
In addition to the hundreds of antigovemment protesters who were held for sev-
eral hours or days, there were several prominent political detainees who were held
for as long as 10 months. In June poet Slavomir Adamovich, who was detained in
1996 and accused of inciting a terrorist act with the publication of his poem "To Kill
A President," was sentenced to 10 months in prison (see Section 2.a.). The court
ruled that the poem was not intended to incite a terrorist act, but determined that
it was insulting to a government figure. The court determined that the 10 months
Adamovich spent in pretrial detention counted against his sentence and he was re-
leased.
Former National Bank Chairwoman Tamara Vinnikova was arrested in January
on allegations of malfeasance during her previous tenure as head of a state bank.
The timing of her arrest, coinciding with her increasing public challenges to
Lukashenko's economic policies, suggested a political motivation. It is also widely
believed that the presidential administration was already aware of the alleged ille-
gal acts at the time of her appointment as national bank chairwoman. Moreover,
during the course of her 10-month detention her health seriously declined, but until
November the court repeatedly denied her appeals for release to seek proper medi-
cal treatment on a pledge not to flee.
In August police in the town of Stolptsy detained students Alexei Shidlovskiy (22
years old) and Vadim Labkovich (16 years old), both members of the youth branch
of the opposition Belarusian Popular Front (BNF), for "malicious hooliganism." The
pair are accused of spray painting "Long Live Belarus" and antipresidential slogans
on walls in the town. They are also accused of replacing the state flag with the
white-red-white banner of independent Belarus on several buildings. Despite the
nonviolent nature of the alleged crime (and despite the fact that Labkovich is a
minor), both were denied release pending trial. According to credible human rights
monitors, Shidlovskys wife, Ina Pemenava, was threatened by the KGB and coerced
into accusing a prominent BNF leader of raping her; otherwise, the KGB reportedly
warned, she never would see her husband alive. After the retraction, she was
threatened with expulsion from her university (see Section 2.b.). Shidlovsky and
Labkovich remained in pretrial detention at year's end.
On December 20, 1996, the Government granted amnesty to five of the seven
Ukrainian nationalists who were detained in conjunction with an April 26, 1996,
antigovemment rally, and released the other two in January 1997 after a court re-
duced their sentences to time already served.
Police also detained and coerced a number of journalists. Pavel Sheremet and
Dimitry Zavadsky, both Belarusian citizens working for the Russian television net-
work ORT, whose reporting was critical of the Government, were apparently de-
tained for political reasons. In July security forces detained the pair, along with two
of their colleagues and charged them with illegally attempting to cross the
Belarusian-Lithuanian border. They had been working on a news story about the
border (also see Sections I.e. and 2. a.). In August a second ORT crew was detained
on the same charge.
Exile is not expressly forbidden in the 1996 Constitution, but it is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but in practice the judiciary is not independent and is largely unable to act
as a check on the executive branch and its agents. The Supreme (Jouncil passed leg-
islation to support the independence of the judiciary in 1995, but these reforms were
not implemented. Without major structural reforms, the independence of the judici-
ary cannot be realized. The November 1996 constitutional referendum further sub-
ordinated the judiciary to the executive branch by giving the President the power
to appoint 6 of the 12 members of the Constitutional Court, including the Chairman.
The remaining six are appointed by the Council of the Republic, which itself is com-
posed of individuals appointed by the President or elected by individuals influenced
by the President. The President also appoints the Chairmen of the Constitutional
Court, the Supreme Court, and the Supreme Economic Court. The President also
has authority under the Constitution to appoint and dismiss all district and military
judges.
The criminal justice system, following the former Soviet model, has three tiers:
district courts, regional courts, and the Supreme Court. Several modifications have
been made, brought about by the passage of the new Constitution, including direct
presidential appointments. A Constitutional Court was established in 1994 to adju-
dicate serious constitutional issues but, dependent on the executive branch, it does
not challenge presidential initiatives. In addition, the Constitutional Court has no
means to enforce its decisions.
981
Judges adjudicate trials; only in capital offense trials in which the defendant
pleads not guilty and demands a jury trial do juries determine innocence or guilt.
Judges are dependent on the Ministry of Justice for sustaining the court infrastruc-
ture and on local executive branch officials for providing their personal housing. In
addition, judges owe their iwsitions to the President. Although the procurator's of-
fice categorically denies it, telephone justice" (the practice of executive and local au-
thorities dictating to the courts the outcome of trials) is widely reported to continue.
Prosecutors, like the courts, are organized into offices at the district, regional, and
republic levels. They are ultimately responsible to, and serve at the pleasure of, the
Procurator General who, according to tne Constitution, is appointed by the Council
of the Republic.
Partly in ostensible response to allegedly exorbitant defense attorneys* fees, Presi-
dent Lukashenko issued a decree (number 12) in May which, according to inter-
national legal experts and human rights monitors, seriously compromises the inde-
pendence of lawyers from the (Jovernment. The decree subordinates all lawyers to
the Ministry of Justice, which now controls the licensing of lawyers. As a result of
this decree, several lawyers, including President Lukashenko's political opponents
(such as former Chairman of the Supreme Soviet Mecheslav Gryb) were stripped of
their licenses.
The Constitution provides for public trials, although exceptions can be made in
cases established by law (for example, in cases of rape or on grounds of national
security). Defendants have the legal right to attend proceedings, confront witnesses,
and present evidence on their own behalf. However, these rights are not always re-
spected in practice. Defendants' legal right to be represented by counsel is also not
always respected in practice. While the 1996 Constitution establishes a presumption
of innocence, in practice defendants frequently must prove their innocence.
Trials for those detained on misdemeanor charges following antigovemment pro-
tests throughout the spring (see Section l.d.) were subjected to assembly-line style
trials, without the right to counsel or the opportunity to present evidence or call wit-
nesses. In criminal cases, the prosecution has the right to appeal a not-guilty verdict
to a higher court. In at least one case, the pressure to appeal appeared to be applied
by external forces in what appears to be a vendetta against a defendant (see Sec-
tions l.c, l.e, and 5.).
Both defendants and prosecutors have the right of appeal, and most criminal
cases are appealed, according to legal sources. In appeals, neither defendants nor
witnesses appear before the court; the court merely reviews the protocol and other
documents from the lower court's trial. Appeals rarely result in reversals of verdicts.
The law allows persons who have been acquitted of a crime to be retried by a higher
court for the same chaise.
Despite a lack of credible evidence, police detained Albert Lavrenev, in July 1996
and charged him with arranging the mortal beating of his elderly neighbor (see Sec-
tions l.c. and Section 5). A lower court convicted Lavrenev in September 1996. Upon
LavreneVs appeal, the Supreme court ruled that the trial had many procedural vio-
lations and ordered a new trial. The lower court repeatedly delayed the new trial,
allegedly in order to allow further investigation. In the meantime, Lavrenev's health
seriously declined due to beatings by prison guards while in detention. His petitions
to be released with a pledge not to leave Minsk were denied. The State based its
case almost entirely on the testimony of the victim's son, who recounted what he
alleged that his mother had told him following the beating. At the new trial in July,
however, medical experts testified that the victim could not have communicated an
identification of her attacker due to the severity of her injuries. The I'udge ruled that
another panel of medical experts should review the case, but he released Lavrenev
pending the next trial. Lavrenev was acquitted in November but under obvious pres-
sure from the deceased's family, at year's end the case was being appealed to the
Supreme Court.
There were no reports of political prisoners at year's end.
f Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Govern-
ment monitoring of residences and telephones continued unabated. The KGB is
widely believed to enter homes without warrants, conduct unauthorized searches,
and also to read mail. Political, human rights, and other nongovernmental organiza-
tions believe that their conversations and correspondence are routinely monitored
by the security services. Opposition figures have reported a reluctance to visit some
foreign embassies for fear oi reprisal.
The KGB, the MVD, and certain border guard detachments have the right to re-
quest permission to install wiretaps, but legally must obtain a prosecutor's permis-
sion before installation. The Presidential Guard formed in 1995 reportedly con-
ducted surveillance activities of the President's political opponents. There is no judi-
982
cial or legislative oversight of the Presidential Guard's budget or activities, and the
executive branch has repeatedly thwarted attempts to exercise such oversight.
The Government makes no secret of the security service's activities or capabilities
and conducts active surveillance of opponents of the Lukashenko Government. Mili-
tia assigned to stand post outside diplomatic missions are known to keep records
of visits by political opposition leaders.
In September a Ministry of Foreign Affairs official told an NGO representative of
the Belarusian Soros Foundation, that the Ministry knew of a decision made at a
grivate meeting in Minsk between the OSI and BSF representatives to close the
oros Foundation, even before the OSI or the BSF told the Ministry or made the
news public.
Nearly all opposition political figures assume that the Government monitors their
activities and conversations. The Lukashenko Government did nothing to refute
these assumptions. Indeed, government oflicials do not appear to be exempt from
monitoring.
In March the Ministry of Communications renegotiated contracts for supplying
telephone service. The new contracts forbid subscnbers from using telephone com-
munications for purposes that run counter to state interests and public order. The
Ministry has the right to terminate telephone service to those who breach this provi-
sion. There are no known instances of the Ministry invoking this provision.
In March a new government decree prohibited the import of printed, audio, and
video news material (see Section 2. a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech,
as well as the freedom to receive, retain, and disseminate information, but the Gov-
ernment restricts these rights in practice. The executive branch continued its sup-
pression of freedom of speech through a decree limiting citizens' right to express
their opinions. Although the Constitution prohibits monopoly of mass media, the
Grovemment also continued to severely restrict the right to a free press through
near-monopolies on the means of production and on national level broadcast media,
and by denying accreditation to journalists critical of the regime. The Government
also kept up economic pressure on the independent media by pressuring advertisers
to withdraw advertisements and evicting newspapers from their offices. Employees
at state-run enterprises are discouragetf from subscribing to independent journals.
In December 1995, on instructions from President Lukashenko, the state publish-
ing house refused to renew printing contracts with the four leading independent
newspapers, which prompted them to publish in Lithuania. Although the state pub-
lishing house has since offered to publish these independent newspapers, they con-
tinue to use firms in Lithuania.
In January 1996 the President signed a decree ordering that all editors-in-chief
of state-supported newspapers would henceforth be official state employees and
would become members of tne appropriate level Government council. Another decree
granted the Ministry of Press authority to assign graduates of state -supported jour-
nalism schools to work in state-owned media organizations as a means of payment
for their schooling. These decrees remain in effect.
A presidential decree (number 5), issued in March prohibits a range of broadly
defined activities and limits freedom of expression. For example, the decree pro-
hibits individuals from canying placards or flags bearing emblems that are not ofli-
cially registered with the State, as well as "emblems, symbols, and posters whose
content is intended to harm the State and public order, rights, and legal interests
of the citizens." The decree also bans activities that are "humiliating to the dignity
and honor of the executive persons of State bodies."
Following the spring demonstrations, there were credible reports that individuals
were detained and fined for violations of the decree's provisions against displaying
unregistered symbols. The decree effectively bans the display of the white-red-white
flag that was the first independence-era national flag. Police detained several soccer
fans carrying the white-reo- white flag after a June match. In addition, at least one
man was arrested for carrying a European Union flag at an antigovemment rally.
In March the State Committee for the Press suspended the issuance of licenses,
pending amendments to the laws governing the issuance of permits both for publish-
ing and for purchasing printing equipment. Since the promulgation of the new law
in July, there were no reports that licenses were denied.
In March the Council of Ministers issued a decree (number 218)that prohibited
and restricted the movement of goods across the customs border. The decree specifi-
cally prohibits the import and export of printed, audio, and video materials or other
news media containing information that could damage the economic and political in-
terests of the country. Although it has not been widely enforced, the decree targets.
983
among others, those independent newspapers that publish in Lithuania. Even prior
to the decree's entry into force, menibers of the State Security Committee con-
fiscated the independent newspaper Belarusian Business News at the Lithuanian
border; following an inspection, the authorities allowed the newspaper to be deliv-
ered to Minsk. On Marcn 25 border guards detained for several hours the editor of
the independent newspaper Narodnaya Volya, who was returning to Belarus from
Lithuania with the day's edition of the newspaper.
In March security personnel at the Belarusian-Lithuanian border prevented a
crew from the Russian television network NTV from taking a videotape into Lithua-
nia for transmission to Moscow (earlier the state broadcasting facility banned the
crew from transmitting the video material from Minsk).
Independent newspapers are widely available in Minsk, but outside of the capital
most towns carry only the local newspapers (some of which are independent). The
publisher of a leading independent newspaper received a grant from a foreign orga-
nization to establish an alternative, private distribution system so that independent
publications do not have to rely on the state.
Russian television stations rely on the Belarusian Television and Radio (B-TR)
broadcasting facility to transmit material to Moscow. On several occasions, B-TR re-
fused to transmit video material for Russian television stations. According to NTV,
in March a representative of the presidential administration instructed crews from
Russian television networks in Minsk not to transmit footage of opposition marches
and rallies. Subsequently, the day after a demonstration, security guards denied the
Russian television crews access to the B-TR facility. NTV also claims that a B-TR
internal instruction requires B-TR officials to preview material before it is transmit-
ted abroad. It is unclear if this is done in practice.
A July Council of Ministers decree nullified the accreditation of all correspondents
and required all foreign media correspondents to apply for reaccreditation with the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the application form for accreditation requests bio-
graphic information, as well as a record of the applicant's journalistic activity. Jour-
nalists who are residents of Belarus are also required to register with the state tax
authorities. The results of the decree are still unclear, although at year's end it does
not appear that the (jovemment has used the decree as a tool to exclude certain
journalists.
The Defamation Law makes no distinction between private and public persons for
the purposes of lawsuits for defamation of character. A public figure who has been
criticized for poor performance in office may ask the public prosecutor to sue the
newspaper that printed the criticism.
The nationalist poet Slavomir Adamovich was detained in April 1996 for publish-
ing a poem titled 'To Kill a President," and was originally charged with inciting a
terrorist act. In June the court convicted him of insulting a state official, although
nowhere in the poem does Adamovich name any specific president. In addition, the
court also convicted him for attempting to cross a state border (he attempted to flee
the country when released pending trial). The court ruled that the time Adamovich
served in pretrial detention constituted fulfillment of his sentence.
In September the State initiated an investigation against Central Election Com-
mission Chairman Victor Gonchar, charging that Goncnar defamed the President in
his report on Lukashenko's (and the Government's) violations of the 1994 Constitu-
tion during the 1996 referendum.
In February the upper house of the acting legislature denied reporters for Radio
Liberty, Reuters, the Latvian newspapers Beiaursian Business News and Free News
Plus access to a press conference, despite the fact that the journalists were properly
accredited.
Grodno municipal authorities, who work directly for the President under his
"vertikal" (from the top down) power structure, canceled a lease agreement with the
independent newspaper 'Pagonya" in April, evicting the newspaper from its oflice.
As compensation tne municipal authorities offered to move the newspaper to a di-
lapidated space with no plumbing or communications connections.
On several occasions in the spring, police beat and detained journalists covering
antigovemment demonstrations (see Sections I.e. and l.d.). At an April 2 unauthor-
ized demonstration to protest the signing of a union treaty with Russia, riot police
beat several journalists, three of them severely, according to a report by the human
rights group Article 19. Journalists also reported on several occasions that police de-
stroyed or confiscated their photographs and video material. In some cases, pxjlice
charged journalists covering demonstrations with violating public order.
In October two unidentified men abducted Oleg Babenin, a correspondent for the
independent newspaper Imya, and took him outside Minsk, where they beat him.
They warned Babenin to cease his critical articles about the authorities. In Novem-
ber the editor of Imya received a warning that satirical collages appearing in several
984
issues of the newspaper defamed the president, and the newspaper could be stripped
of its license. At year's end, Imya's attorney continued to appeal the charges, out
the newspaper ceased printing the collages due to fear of further reprisals.
Also in November, the state Press Committee issued two warnings to the largest
independent newspaper, Svaboda, alleging that several articles violated the law by
aiming to incite social unrest. After 15 minutes of deliberation, the Supreme Eco-
nomic Court in December ruled to close Svaboda. At yeai^s end, an appeal was pend-
ing.
In December unknown assailants attacked film director Yuriy Khashchevatsky in
his studio. The attack is credibly believed to be in response to Khashchevatsky film,
An Ordinary President, a critical, satirical portrait of President Lukashenko. The
Government has banned the film; in January human rights monitors reported that
militia broke into a private cable company studio in Grodno and detained the cam-
eraman after the film was aired.
In December customs officers at the Belarusian-Polish border confiscated mate-
rials documenting human rights violations from Viktor Ivashkevich, the editor of
the Free Trade Union newspaper, Rabochy. Ivashkevich intended to present the ma-
terials at a press conference in Warsaw.
Belarusian Television and Radio maintained its monopoly as the only nationwide
television station. Its news programs regularly featured reporting biased in favor of
the Government, and refused to provide an outlet for opposing viewpoints. Local,
independent television stations operated in some areas, and were relatively
unimpeded in reporting on local news. However, some of these stations reported
that they were under pressure not to report on national level issues, or were subject
to censorship.
The Government did not reopen Radio 101.2, the sole Belarusian language inde-
pendent station that authorities shut down in 1996. Piesident Lukashenko offered
to transfer Radio 101.2 to a government-subsidized presidential youth organization,
the Belarusian Patriotic Union of Youth (BPUY), but the group had not taken over
the frequency at year's end.
In March the Ministry of Foreign Affairs followed through on earlier threats by
stripping Russian Television Network NTV correspondent Alexandr Stupnikov of his
accreditation. An outspoken critic of the President, Stupnikov was accused by the
Government of "tendentious" reporting and expelled 4 days after losing his accredi-
tation, (see Section 5.).
In July the Ministry of Foreign Affairs revoked the accreditation of Pavel
Sheremet, a Belarusian citizen and bureau chief for the Russian public television
network (ORT) in Minsk, following his critical commentary on the Government's ex-
penditures for the July 3-5 National Day and Minsk's 930th anniversary celebra-
tions. The Government also accused Sheremet of having a history of tendentious re-
porting. On July 22, the authorities detained Sheremet and three other ORT em-
ployees who were attempting to film an unguarded section of the Belarusian-Lithua-
nian border. After paying a fine, the four were released. On July 26, they were
again detained, this time charged with illegally attempting to cross the border. The
(jovemment accused ORT managers of engineering a provocation. In August the au-
thorities detained four other ORT employees for attempting to film in the same area
as Sheremet. Following confessions by two of the men (which both later said were
coerced) and Russian Government intervention, all but Sheremet were released by
September 5. The authorities released Sheremet in October, after Russian President
Yeltsin exerted pressure on Lukashenko. Sheremet and Zavadsky went on trial in
December and were still on trial at year's end.
In March the Government expelled a foreign diplomat who had been monitoring
a public protest for allegedly taking part in an antigovernment rally.
The observance of academic freedom is mixed. University students and academics
are free to pursue virtually any course of study or research. However, once a course
of study is chosen, state university students must follow a prescribed curriculum.
Throughout the year, the Government harassed students engaged in
antigovernment activities, such as demonstrations. There were reports that state
universities expelled students for their political activities. The pro-presidential, gov-
ernment-funded youth organization, the Belarusian Patriotic Union of Youth, served
as the regime's watchdog against antigovernment activities. Moreover, there are re-
ports that members of the BPUY received preferential treatment at state schools.
In April the Council of Ministers issued a decree effective as of the 1997-98 aca-
demic year requiring students who receive free university education from the State
to accept jobs assigned by the Government upon graduation.
The Government continued to close schools that teach in the Belarusian language.
According to the Belarusian League for Human Rights, there are now less than half
the number of schools teaching in the Belarusian language than in 1991. In August
985
a Grodno court ruled that although Belarusian and Russian languages are granted
eQual status as state languages by the Constitution, the school system is not obli-
gated to provide education in the Belarusian language.
In August the Government agreed to allow the Belarusian Humanities Lyceum
(the only Belarusian language high school in Minsk) to continue occupying its cur-
rent premise for another year, following protests by parents angry at a plan by the
presidential administration to take over the building.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly; however, the Government restricts this right in prac-
tice. Organizers must apply at least 15 days in advance to local officials for permis-
sion to conduct a demonstration, rally, or meeting. The local government must re-
spond with a decision not later than 5 days prior to the scheduled event.
In March President Lukashenko issued a decree (number 5) to regulate what he
termed the "orgy" of street protests taking place. The decree further limits citizens'
ability to assemble peacefully by restricting the locations where rallies may take
place and allowing focal authorities to put strict limits on the number of partici-
pants. The decree also prohibits the display of unregistered flags and symbols, as
well as placards bearing messages deemed threatening to the State or public order
(see Sertion 2.a.). The decree, along with subseauent amendments adopted by the
acting legislature, imposes severe penalties on tnose who violate the law, particu-
larly the organizers of events. The courts punished organizers of rallies with fines
of $800 to $1,000, which are exceptionally high in a country where the average
monthly wage is under $100. Although the decree allows for either monetary fines
or up to 15 days' detention, the courts frequently imposed the fines knowing that
those convicted could not pay. When individuals failed to pay fines, authorities
threatened to confiscate their property. Although assessments were made, there are
no known instances of property actually being confiscated as of year's end.
Public demonstrations occurred frequently but always under strict government
control; some demonstrations and marches, usually unsanctioned, ended with police
beatings, mass detentions, and assembly-line trials. When force was used against
demonstrators, it is unclear to what degree the demonstrators themselves may have
provoked such a response. However, there were credible reports that the security
services placed plainclothes provocateurs in the crowds (see Section l.d.).
Throughout tne spring police used force to disperse demonstrators. On February
14, riot police used truncheons and tear gas against students attempting to march
through Minsk to deliver statements to Foreign missions in support of Belarusian
integration into Europe. Minsk city authorities permitted a rally on March 10 to op-
pose integration with Russia, but limited participation to 40 people. Nearly 1,000
people turned out, prompting police to forcibly disperse the crowd.
On March 14, riot police deployed and prevented students from marching to for-
eign missions in Minsk to express support for a democratic Belarus integrated into
Europe. Police used bullhorns to remind the assembled marchers that the Minsk
city authorities had denied permission for the gathering. Security forces randomly
detained nonparticipants who were in the vicinity of the gathering, including foreign
residents and journalists, as well as an elderly woman who was collecting bottles.
On March 23, antigovemment protesters marched along one of Minsk's main thor-
ou^fares without permission. Riot police deployed to block the marchers' path, re-
sulting in violence between the security troops and protesters that reportedly re-
sulted in some injuries (although it is unclear who started the fighting). Following
the 10-minute confrontation , police allowed marchers to assemble peacefully at an
approved location for a sanctioned rally.
On April 2, following a peaceful, though unsanctioned, demonstration against the
signing of a union treaty with Russia, protesters marched without permission to-
ward the Russian embassy, where they were met by riot police who used truncheons
to disperse the crowd. Police beat journalists and at least one elderly woman. Presi-
dent Lukashenko responded to the television footage of police beating the elderly
woman by publicly claiming that the victim in fact was a young man (disguised as
a woman) intent on throwing rocks a the police. In September a court fined Nikolai
Statkevich over $1,(M)0 (Belarusian rubles 27,663,000) for organizing an unauthor-
ized rally on July 27, the anniversary of the declaration of Belarusian sovereignty.
Statkevich argued that he had proceeded with the rally because he had petitioned
the Minsk city authorities for permission in accordance with the law, but the city
had not denied the petition within the time prescribed by law.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, the Government
does not respect this right in practice. According to members of parties in opposition
to the President, opposition groups frequently are denied permission to meet in pub-
lic buildings. Employees at state-run enterprises are discouraged from joining inde-
pendent trade unions, and the Ministry of Justice long denied registration to the
986
Congress of Independent Trade Unions (see Section 6. a.). Only in late December did
the Government, under considerable international pressure, order the Ministry of
Justice to register the Congress of Independent Trade Unions and lift the 1995 ban
on the Free Trade Union (see Section 6. a.). The Government regularly used the na-
tionalist Belarusian Popular Front as a scapegoat, raided its headquarters, and con-
fiscated leaflets that would have publicized unsanctioned rallies. Government offi-
cials warned alumni of foreign-sponsored education programs against continued af-
filiation with their program's sponsoring agency or embassy.
In September there were 36 registered political parties, 41 registered trade unions
(9 of which label themselves as Tree, independent, and democratic), and 1,963 reg-
istered social organizations. A 1995 decision by the Ministry of Justice required ex-
isting public associations to reregister. During the reregistration process, the Min-
istry sometimes found cause to deny reregistration to nongovernmental organiza-
tions. According to the Belarus League for Human Rights, some government officials
admitted that the process was illegal and that they, therefore, had allowed some
groups to continue operating under their original registration.
The Government attempted to limit severely the activities of nongovernmental or-
ganizations (NGO's), primarily through intrusive and questionable tax audits and
intimidation of employees. In March following the expulsion of the U.S. -citizen di-
rector of the Belarusian Soros Foundation for allegedly engaging in political activity,
the Security Council announced audits against the Belarusian SOKOS Foundation
(BSF), the East-West Center for Strategic Initiatives, and the Children of
Chomobyl. Under the Law on Public Associations, the Security Council is not au-
thorized to initiate such audits. In April the Government announced a $3 million
fine against the BSF for alleged tax and currency law violations. The Government
also started criminal investigations against BSF employees. As a result of the Gov-
ernment's campaign of harassment against the BSF, the Foundation closed in Sep-
tember. The Government subsequently began investigating Belarusian NGO's asso-
ciated with the BSF.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, how-
ever, the Government restricts this right in practice. A 1995 Cabinet of Ministers
decree controlling religious workers as a means of attempting to protect orthodoxy
and prevent the growth of evangelizing religions is enforced. Foreigners generally
are prohibited from preaching or heading churches, at least with respect to what
the government views as "nontraditional" religions, which include Protestant faiths.
In September a Belarusian Baptist pastor was arrested for allowing an American
to lead a prayer group under the pastor's auspices. The pastor was released, but
a fine was pending at year's end. Bible study meetings involving foreigners were
raided. An August Council of Ministers' directive prohibits teaching religion at
youth camps. Citizens are not prohibited from proselytizing, but foreign mission-
aries may not engage in religious activities outside the institutions tnat invited
them. Only religious organizations already registered in Belarus may invite foreign
clergy.
The Government and the President encourage a greater role for the Orthodox
Church, largely as part of an overall strategy to strengthen Slavic unity in the re-
gion. The effort, however, has not slowed the growth oi Roman Catholic and Protes-
tant churches. The President granted the Orthodox Church special tax and other fi-
nancial advantages, which other denominations do not enjoy and has declared the
preservation and development of Orthodox Christianity a "moral necessity." Bishops
must receive permission from the State Committee on Religious Affairs before trans-
ferring a foreign priest to another parish.
Restitution of religious property remained limited in 1997. A key obstacle is the
lack of a legal basis for restitution of property that was seized during the Soviet
era and the Nazi occupation. The few returns of property to religious communities
have been on an individual and inconsistent basis. Over the past several years, the
Jewish community has successfully lobbied the Government to return three syna-
gogues in Minsk and several buildings outside the capital. Following extensive ren-
ovations, the Catholic community in October rededicated a cathedral in Minsk that
had been returned in recent years. In an address to the Parliament, the Orthodox
Patriarch urged the (Jovernment to move quickly to return religious property.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— According to the Constitution, citizens are free to travel within the
country and to live and work where they wish. All adults are still issued internal
passports, which serve as primary identity documents and are required for travel,
permanent housing, and hotel registration.
The right to choose one's place of residence, although provided by law, remains
restricted in practice. Despite its formal abolition by the Soviet Government in Octo-
ber 1991, the "propiska" (pass) system survives in Belarus. All citizens are required
987
to register their places of residence and may not change them without official per-
mission. The authorities no longer explicitly limit the number of residence permits
in Minsk and the five other regional centers, Brest, Grodno, Mogilev, Vitebsk, and
Gomel. However, in order to register, a citizen must already have employment in
the city. To be employed in the city, however, one must already be registered. These
conflicting requirements limit citizens' freedom of movement.
Government regulations on entry and exit require citizens who wish to travel
abroad to first receive an overseas passport and a "global" exit visa, which is valid
for from 1 to 5 years. Once a traveler has these documents, the law does not restrict
travel.
Following the dissolution of the Supreme Soviet in 1996, the Government took
measures aimed at limiting the travel of opposition politicians who refused to sub-
mit to the legislature created by the November 1996 referendum. The Ministry of
Foreign Affairs announced in December 1996 that those parliamentarians who did
not jom the new legislature could no longer travel on their diplomatic passports, de-
spite the fact that these individuals had been guaranteed that they would retain
their status as deputies until their terms of office expired. Although the diplomatic
passports were not confiscated, the border guards reportedly had a blacklist of oppo-
sition members who were to be denied exit from the country if they used a diplo-
matic passport. In January the border guards refused to grant permission to travel
abroaa on their diplomatic passports to former Supreme Soviet Chairman Stanislav
Shushkevich and Anatoliy Lebedko, both members of the disbanded parliament. A
number of members of the disbanded parliament have since acquired regular pass-
ports and been allowed to travel abroad. According to official data, the State did not
deny any citizen permission to emigrate. However, legislation restricting emigration
by those with access to "state secrets" remained in effect, and any citizen involved
in a criminal investigation was also ineligible to emigrate. Prospective emigrants
who have been refused the right to emigrate may appeal to the courts.
The Constitution gives aliens and stateless persons the same rights as citizens,
except in cases established by law, international agreement, or the Constitution.
The Constitution also allows the State to grant refuge to persons being persecuted
in other states for their political and religious convictions, or because of nationality.
The Government does not have a law on first asylum, nor has it signed readmission
agreements with any of its neighboring states.
The Government cooperates with the United High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. In May the
Government implemented for the first time its 1995 Law on Refugees, granting refu-
gee status to a group of Afghans. By year's end, the Government had granted official
refugee status to 30 people and had offered assistance in locating housing and jobs.
The UNHCR estimates that there are 36,000 potential asylees and 200,000 illegal
aliens in Belarus. Although the UNHCR reports that the delay in establishing a
state migration service has made the life of these individuals "very difficult," there
were no reports of forced expulsion of persons having a valid claim to refugee status,
or of persons to countries where they feared persecution. In one case, an undocu-
mented Afghan who had been illegally living in Belarus traveled to Uzbekistan,
where he was detained by Uzbek authorities. Faced with his deportation to Afghani-
stan, the Belarusian Government agreed to allow the man back into the country.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Government severely limits the right of citizens to change their government.
From November 9-24, 1996, the executive branch conducted a controversial con-
stitutional referendum that was neither free nor fair, according to credible inter-
national observers, including representatives of the European Union and the Orga-
nization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCEI). Many members of Par-
liament and of the Constitutional Court actively opposed President Lukashenko's
proposals for both substantive and procedural reasons. The justices asserted that
the referendum gave Lukashenko control over the legislative and judicial branches
of government and extended his term in office, criticized it on procedural grounds
as an unconstitutional means to eliminate the Constitution's checks and balances
and grant the President virtually unlimited powers.
In the period leading up to the referendum, opponents of President Lukashenko's
proposals were denied access to the media, election officials failed to record the
names of early voters, and no texts of the proposed Constitution were made avail-
able to voters until several days after people began voting. As a result of these irreg-
ularities, the head of the Central Election Commission (CEC) announced prior to the
event that he would not be able to certify the results of the referendum. President
Lukashenko promptly fired him, although the Constitution in force at the time gave
988
the Parliament the exclusive authority to appoint and dismiss the CEC Chairman.
Members of the security forces forcibly removed the head of the CEC from his office.
Shortly thereafter, the Prime Minister resigned in protest of President
Lukashenko's refusal to cancel the widely criticized referendum.
Most members of the international community chose not to send election monitors
to observe the referendum because of the illegitimacy of the entire process. Human
rights organizations, including the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, the Com-
mittee to Protect Journalists, and Human Rights Watch, protested the conduct of
the referendum.
The Constitutional Court formally ruled that the issues posed in President
Lukashenko's referendum could not be legally decided through a referendum, and
that its results should be purely advisory, consistent with the Constitution. How-
ever, after winning the referendum — according to the Government's results — Presi-
dent Lukashenko Began to implement it immediately. The new Constitution estab-
lished a bicameral legislature. Its 110-member lower house was formed out of the
membershijp of the existing Supreme Soviet; deputies volunteered or were lured by
promises oi free housing and other benefits to serve in the new body. TTie 64-mem-
oer upper house was created by a combination of presidential appointments and
elections by the six oblast councils and the Minsk City Council. The transition left
86 electoral districts unrepresented because the new Constitution reduced the num-
ber of representatives, and also because a full Supreme Soviet had never been seat-
ed, largely due to the executive branch's intervention in the 1995 elections.
There are no legal restrictions on women's participation in politics and govern-
ment. However, with the exception of the judiciary, social barriers to women in poli-
tics are strong, and men hold virtually all leadership positions. In the acting legisla-
ture, women hold 19 of 110 seats in the upper house and 5 of 64 in the lower house.
The Deputy Chair of the upper house is a woman. The Minister of Social Security
is the only female member of the Council of Ministers.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Belarus's worsening human rights record drew the attention of many inter-
national human rights organizations, and there are several local human rights
groups active in the country. In general, human rights monitors noted the Govern-
ment's willin^ess to discuss human rights, and international organizations were
not hindered in visiting Belarus. However, human rights monitors reported that the
Government presented obstacles when they tried to investigate alleged human
rights violations. The Government monitored their correspondence and telephone
conversations. Members of the Belarusian Helsinki committee were occasionally ar-
rested while observing demonstrations. One human rights monitor was punched and
threatened after trying to gather information on a trial. Another was arrested in
October while on a human rights fact-finding mission, but was subsequently re-
leased. Border guards confiscated video material from a foreign member of Human
Rights Watch/Helsinki.
The Ministry of Justice claimed that the Belarusian League for Human Rights
(BLHR) was not properly registered for a period of almost 2 years. In September
a group of former BLHR employees, with the complicity of the militia, raided the
BLilR office, which also served as home to the BLHR chairman Evgeny Novikov
who is an outspoken critic of the Government and who has presented his findings
internationally. Within days the BLHR was reregistered under this new group. The
group accused Novikov of embezzling grant money from the European Union's Tech-
nical Assistance to the CIS (TACIS) fund, while Novikov countercharged that this
group tried to blackmail him. In November a police investigator beat Novikov in an
attempt to force a confession to charges of wrongdoing made against him by the new
BLHR.
The European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (COE), the European Par-
liament, and the OSCE sent delegations to Belarus to observe the human rights sit-
uation and discuss the Government's failure to adhere to democratic principles. EU-
mediated talks between the Government and political opposition broke down over
what the EU termed the Government's obstructive attitude. In December the Gov-
ernment agreed, after long resistance, to the establishment of a resident OSCE Ad-
visory and Monitoring Group in Minsk.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that all citizens are equal before the law and have a right,
without any discrimination, to equal protection of their rights and legitimate inter-
ests, but it does not specifically prohibit discrimination based on factors such as
989
race, sex, or religion. The Law on Citizenship, passed by the Parliament, grants citi-
zenship to any person living permanently on the territory of Belarus as of October
19, 1991. Those who arrived in Belarus after that date and wish to become citizens
are required to submit an application for citizenship, take an oath to support the
Constitution, have a legal source of income, and have lived in the country for 7
years. The 1995 Law on Immigration and Migration provided numerical limits on
new citizens but the Parliament again failed to budget funds for its implementation.
Women. — Although statistics are not available, domestic violence including spous-
al abuse against women is a significant problem, according to women's groups.
There are laws against spousal abuse. Knowledgeable sources indicate that police
generally are not hesitant to enforce the laws against domestic violence and that
the courts are not reluctant to impose sentences. The main problem, according to
women's groups, is a general reluctance among women to report incidents of domes-
tic violence.
The law requires equal wages for equal work; however, such is not always the
case in practice. Women have significantly less opportunity for advancement to the
upper ranks of management. Women report that managers frequently take into con-
sideration whether a woman has children when considering potential job opportuni-
ties.
The level of education of women is higher than that of men. Women make up 58
percent of workers with a higher education and 66 percent of workers with a spe-
cialized secondary education. Despite the higher levei of education, women are em-
ployed in lower paying fields, such as health care and education. In these sectors,
between two-thirds and three-fourths of the employees (mostly women) are living
beneath the official poverty level. Women are equal to men before the law with re-
gard to property ownership and inheritance.
There are active women's groups, most of them focusing on issues such as child
welfare, environmental concerns (in the aftermath of Chernobyl), and preserving the
family. A private university in Minsk established the country's first gender-studies
faculty this year.
Children. — ^The Government is committed to children's welfare and health, par-
ticularly as related to the consequences of the nuclear accident at Chornobyl, and,
with the help of foreign donors, gives them special attention. By law everyone is en-
titled to health care, including children. Children begin school at the age of 6 and
are required to complete 9 years, although the (jovemment makes 11 years of edu-
cation available at no cost. Higher education is also available at no cost on a com-
Setitive basis. Families with children receive token Government benefits. A World
ank study found that the majority of those living in poverty are families with mul-
tiple children or single mothers.
There does not appear to be a societal pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — ^A 1992 law mandated accessibility to transport, resi-
dences, businesses, and offices for the disabled; however, facilities, including trans-
port and office buildings, often are not accessible to them. The Government, facing
a deteriorating economic situation, failed to budget suflicient funds to implement
these laws. However, when the Government slashed subsidies for most sectors of so-
ciety, most subsidies for the disabled remained in force.
Religious Minorities. — Societal anti-Semitism exists, but it is not usually mani-
fested openly. Senior Government ofiicials, including the President, and the State
media used coded anti-Semitism in their attacks on perceived opponents. At the
time of former National Bank Chairwoman Tamara Vinnikova's arrest in January
for alleged malfeasance (see Sections I.e. and l.d.), the state media made insinu-
ations about a previous trip to Israel. In March the President and media highlighted
journalist Aleksandr Stupnikov's Israeli citizenship when accusing him oT tenden-
tious reporting and expelling him from the country. President Lukashenko com-
plained to the Russian Duma about Stupnikov's reporting, saying that the Russian
television network NTV for which Stupnikov worked "did not find anything better
than sending an Israeli citizen as its correspondent in Belarus." In addition, author-
itative government officials and media cited "certain forces" (a term usually under-
stood to be a reference to Jews) as being behind what the Government regarded as
a provocation by Russian television network (ORT) managers. The largest share-
holder of ORT is Jewish.
On January 1, the weekend home of the editor of a Jewish newspaper was burned
down and the following day unknown persons painted swastikas and other Nazi em-
blems on the door of nis apartment. It is unclear whether the house burning was
an anti-Semitic act, an accident, or an act of revenge against the editor's son, who
allegedly has ties to the Mafia.
Albert Lavrenev (see Sections I.e., and I.e.) was the victim of an unfair legal proc-
ess. Based on all available evidence presented at his trials and gathered by human
990
rights monitors, it appears that Lavrenev's case was initiated as a result of his
neighbors' anti-Semitism. The neighbors previously had harassed Lavrenev and his
family with anti-Semitic remarks and, in searching for someone to blame for the
murder of their mother, chose Lavrenev without credible evidence to support their
accusation.
A report by the Belarus League for Human Rights noted that individuals associ-
ated with the deceased woman threatened the Lavrenevs, using anti-Semitic epi-
thets. As a result of this harassment, the Lavrenevs sent their daughter to live with
a relative out of fear that the neighbor would harm her. According to Lavrenev,
local investigating officers used anti-Semitic epithets during his interrogation.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution upholds the right of workers, ex-
cept state security and military personnel, to form and join independent unions on
a voluntary basis and to carry out actions in defense of worker rights, including the
right to strike. However, these rights are not recognized in practice. The independ-
ent trade union movement is still in its infancy. The Belarusian Free Trade Union
was established in 1991 and registered in 1992. Following the 1995 Minsk Metro
workers strike, the President issued a decree suspending its activities. In 1996 the
Free Trade Union leaders formed a new umbrella organization, the Congress of
Democratic Trade Unions (encompassing four leading independent unions), with
over 20,000 members. The government has taken measures to suppress independent
trade unions. For example, members of independent trade unions have been ar-
rested for distributing union literature, had material confiscated at the borders (see
Section 2.a.), and have been pressured by their managers and state security services
to resign from their jobs because of their trade union activities.
For most of the year, the Government continued its illegal ban on the Free Trade
Union (suspended in 1995 after the Minsk Metro Workers' strike) and refused to
register the Congress of Democratic Trade Unions. In December, largely in response
to mounting international attention to worker rights violations, the Government or-
dered the Ministry of Justice to reregister the Free Trade Union and register the
Congress of Democratic Trade Unions, whose August appeal to the Supreme Court
to be registered had been denied. The Government also announced it was taking ac-
tion to respond to the International Labor Organization's questions about the com-
plaint made to the ILO in 1996 in which the Belarusian independent trade unions
and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions accused the Government
of arresting labor leaders, preventing strikes, and restricting freedom of association.
Employees at state-run enterprises are discouraged from joining independent
trade unions (see Section 2.b.). The Belarusian branch of the former Soviet Union's
AU-Union Central Council of Trade Unions — currently the Federation of Trade
Unions of Belarus (FTUB) — is by far the largest trade union organization. This fed-
eration of 5 million members has continued to disagree with the (jovemment about
some policies, but has not been willing to seriously challenge the regime. Workers
are often automatically inducted into the FTUB, and their union dues are deducted
from their wages. Independent labor leaders believe that the official trade unions'
control over social functions usually performed by the State (such as pension funds)
is an obstacle to the growth of true, independent trade unions.
Unions may freely affiliate with international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Legislation dating from the
Soviet era provides for the right to organize and bargain collectively. Since the econ-
omy is still largely in the hands of the State, unions usually seek redress at the
political level. Workers and independent unions have recourse to the court system.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The 1994 constitution prohibits
forced labor, except in cases when the work or service to be performed is fixed by
a court's decision or in accordance with the law on the state of emergency or martial
law. The constitutional provision prohibiting forced or bonded labor applies to all
citizens, although its application to children is not specified. With the possible ex-
ception of juvenile prisoners, forced labor does not occur. (See Section 6.d.)
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The law
establishes 16 as the minimum age for employment of children. With the written
consent of one parent (or legal guardian), a child of 14 years may conclude a labor
contract. The Prosecutor (general's Office reportedly enforces this law effectively.
The constitutional provision prohibiting forced or bonded labor applies to all citi-
zens, although its application to children is not specified (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The President's administration sets a mini-
mum wage, which was raised once in response to inflation. As of October 1, the
monthly minimum wage was less than $\0 (200,000 Belarusian rubles). The mini-
mum wage does not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.
991
The Constitution and Labor Code set a limit of 40 hours of work per week and pro-
vide for at least one 24-hour rest period per week. Because of the difficult economic
situation, an increasing number of workers find themselves working considerably
less than 40 hours per week. Factories often require workers to take unpaid fur-
loughs due to shortages of raw materials and energy, and to lack of demand for fac-
toiT output.
The law establishes minimum conditions for workplace safety and worker health;
however, these standards are often ignored. Workers at many hea'/y machinery
plants do not wear even minimal safety gear, such as gloves, hard hats, or welding
glasses. A State Labor Inspectorate exists but does not have the authority to enforce
compliance, and violations are often ignored. There is no provision in the law that
allows workers to remove themselves Trom dangerous work situations without risk-
ing their jobs.
BELGIUM
Belgium is a parliamentary democracy under a constitutional monarch who plays
a mainly symbolic role. The Council of Ministers (Cabinet), led by the Prime Min-
ister, holds office as long as it retains the confidence of the lower house of the bi-
cameral Parliament. Constitutional reforms enacted in 1993 transformed Belgium
from a unitary into a federal state with several levels of government, including na-
tional, regional (Flanders, Wallonia, and Brussels), and community (Flemish,
Francophone, and German) levels. The judiciary is independent.
The Government maintains effective control of all security forces. The Police
Judiciaire and the Belgian Gendarmerie share responsibility for internal security
with municipal police. In September the Government announced a plan to reorga-
nize the federal and municipal police forces. The reorganization envisions an inte-
gration of the Police Judiciare and the Gendarmerie at the federal level. At the local
level, the plan calls for closer cooperation between federal and municipal police. The
plan also calls for the creation of an oversight body for the federal police.
Belgium is a highly industrialized state with a vigorous private sector and limited
government participation in industry. The economy supports a high standard of liv-
ing for most citizens.
The Government respects the human rights of its citizens, and the law and the
judiciary provide effective means of dealing with individual instances of abuse.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that officials employed
them.
Prison conditions vary. Newer prisons meet international standards. Older facili-
ties meet or strive to meet minimum international standards despite their Spartan
physical conditions and limited resources. The Government permits visits by human
rights monitors. In December the prison system, designed to hold 6,933 prisoners,
had 8,231 occupants. In early 1997, the Government implemented a program of pris-
on refurbishment and expansion designed to reduce overcrowding. The program is
designed to improve overall conditions and expand capacity to 8,000 prison beds by
the year 2000.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition. Arrested persons must
be brought before a judge within 24 hours. Pretrial confinement is subject to month-
ly review by a panel of judges, which may extend pretrial detention based on estab-
lished criteria (e.g., whether, in the court's view, the arrested person would be likely
to commit further crimes or attempt to flee if released). Bail exists in principle
under the law but is rarely granted. The Government no longer sees a need to sepa-
rate convicted criminals and pretrial detainees. Pretrial detainees receive different
benefits from convicted criminals, such as more frequent family visitation rights.
Approximately 40 percent of the total prison population consists of pretrial detain-
ees. Arrested persons are allowed prompt access to a lawyer of their choosing or,
if they cannot afford one, to an attorney appointed by the state.
The Government does not use forced exile.
992
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides
citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process. The judicial system is organized
according to specialization and territorial jurisdiction, with 5 territorial levels: can-
ton (222), district (27), province (9), courts of appeal (5), and the whole Kingdom —
the Cour de Cassation. The latter is the highest appeals court. In the wake of public
dissatisfaction with the Government's handling of the 1996 Duti*oux pedophue in-
vestigation. Parliament enacted legislation desired to improve the functioning of
the judiciary. This legislation included the creation of a board of attorneys -general,
whose purpose is to oversee and streamline nationwide policy on criminal prosecu-
tions.
The judiciary enforces the law's provision for the right to a fair trial. When a pre-
liminary judicial investigatory phase is completed, a suspect is formally chained if
the evidence so warrants. Charges are clearly and formally stated, and there is a
presumption of innocence. All defendants have the right to be present, to have coun-
sel (at public expense if needed), to confront witnesses, to present evidence, and to
appeal. Military tribunals try military personnel for common law as well as military
crimes. All military tribunals consist oi four officers and a civilian judge. At the ap-
pellate level the civilian judge presides. The accused has the right of appeal to a
higher military court.
Following its review of the judicial system, the (jovemment implemented several
reforms that granted stronger rights to victims of crime. These measures allow vic-
tims to have more access to information during an investigation, as well as the right
to appeal if an investigation does not reach a decision to bring charges. As part of
its program of judicial reform, the Government in November opened the first in a
series of planned "justice houses." These facilities combine a variety of legal services
under one roof, including legal aid, mediation, and victims' assistance. The Govern-
ment plans to open 27 justice houses in 27 judicial districts by 2001.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
f)rohibits such practices, government authorities respect these prohibitions, and vio-
ations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for these freedoms, and the
Government respects these rights in practice. An independent press, an effective ju-
diciary, and a functioning democratic political system combine to ensure freedom of
speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
The Government operates several radio and television networks but does not con-
trol program content. Programs are super/ised by boards of directors which rep-
resent the main political, linguistic, and opinion groups. A government representa-
tive sits on each board but has no veto power. Private radio and television stations
operate with government licenses. Almost all homes have access by cable to tele-
vision from other Western European countries and elsewhere abroaci. Satellite serv-
ices are also available.
There are restrictions on the press regarding libel, slander, and the advocacy of
racial or ethnic discrimination, hate, or violence.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice. Citizens are free to form or-
§anizations and establish ties to international bodies, but the Antiracism Law (see
ection 5) prohibits membership in organizations that practice discrimination overt-
ly and repeatedly.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Government does not hinder the practice of any
faith. The law accords "recognized" status to Roman Catholicism, Protestantism, Ju-
daism, Anglicanism, Islam, and Greek and Russian Orthodoxy, and these religions
receive subsidies from general government revenues. Taxpayers who object to con-
tributing to religious subsidies have no recourse. By law, each recognized religion
has the right to provide teachers at government expense for religious instruction in
schools, but not all avail themselves of this right. For recognized religions, the Gov-
ernment pays the salaries, retirement, and lodging costs of ministers and also sub-
sidizes the renovation of church buildings.
The Evangelical Association (a joint gioup of Evangelicals and Baptists) claimed
discrimination during the year when the Government refused to consider its applica-
tion for recognized status separate from the Protestant religion. Instead, the Gov-
ernment offered the Evangelicals and the Baptists a joint seat in the synod of the
already recognized Protestant religion. The Evangelicals refused the offer and plan
to begin a new round of negotiations early in 1998. The Government successfully
negotiated a settlement with the Union of Baptist Communities, which was granted
993
and accepted a seat in the synod of the Protestant religion. The lack of independent
recognized status does not prevent religious groups from practicing freely.
The Government established a commission to create a policy to combat the poten-
tial dangers that sects may represent to society, especially children. In April this
parliamentary commission issued its report, which divided sects into two broadly de-
fined categories. It characterized a "sect" as any religious-based organization, and
a "harmful sect" as a group that may pose a threat to society or individuals. Par-
liament adopted the report's recommendations, including the creation of an inde-
pendent center to observe sects. The report also recommended the creation of a spe-
cial police unit to coordinate information exchange among law enforcement agencies
that monitor sects, as well as the designation of special magistrates at each judicial
district level to handle cases involving sects.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The Government
provides first asylum, and during the first 10 months of the year, 9,753 new applica-
tions for asylum were filed, compared to 10,079 for the same period in 1996. A total
of 1,335 applicants, mostly from previous years, were granted permanent residence.
Counting applications from previous years, a total of 16,154 applications remained
pending.
All asylum seekers can plead their cases before immigration authorities. There
were no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to refugee/asylee
status. Prior to March 1995, the Government had a special procedure for refugees
from the former Yugoslavia under which 5,000 to 6,000 persons received "displaced
person" status, while their cases were further considered. In September the Govern-
ment offered financial incentives for travel and housing to displaced persons from
Bosnia-Herzegovina. At that time, 4,392 displaced persons from the former Yugo-
slavia were still residing in Belgium. In November the Government announced that
it would grant temporary residence permits to 4,000 of the Bosnian refugees. These
individuals may also apply for permanent resident status.
As a result of a 1996 amendment to immigration law, asylum seekers arriving by
air with no papers have been detained indefinitely while awaiting consideration of
their cases. Children in such centers do not attend school. In September the Govern-
ment imposed an 8-month limit on these detentions. If no asylum decision has been
reached by the end of the 8-month period, then the asylum seeker is released or
voluntarily repatriated. At the discretion of the Minister of Interior, the Cabinet
may exempt certain cities, which have already accepted large refugee populations,
from giving legal residence to new refugees/asylees.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The law provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefully.
Citizens the age of 18 and older exercise this right in practice through periodic, free,
and fair elections held on the basis of universal and compulsory (under penalty of
fine) suffrage. Direct popular elections for parliamentary seats (excluding some Sen-
ators elected by community councils and others elected by Senate members) are held
at least every 4 years. Opposition parties operate freely.
Belgium has failed to comply with a European Council directive requiring member
states to accord to all citizens of European Union countries resident in another EU
country the right to vote in municipal elections. Because of Belgium's failure to meet
the 1996 compliance deadline, the European Commission has referred the case to
the European Court of Justice.
The Federal Government is responsible for such matters of state as security, jus-
tice, social security, and fiscal and monetary policy. TTie regional governments are
charged with matters that directly affect the geographical regions and the material
well-Deing of their residents, such as commerce and trade, public works, and envi-
ronmental policy. The linguistic community councils handle matters more directly
affecting the mental and cultural well-being of the individual, such as education and
administration of certain social welfare programs.
Women hold some high-level positions in the Government. Two of 15 federal min-
isters are women. In the Federal Parliament, 19 of 150 House members and 18 of
71 Senators are women. The law requires that 33 percent of the candidates on the
ballot in all future elections be women.
The existence of communities speaking Dutch, French, and German engenders
significant complexities for the State. Most major institutions, including political
994
parties, are divided along linguistic lines. National decisions often take into account
the specific needs of each regional and linguistic group.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Numerous human ri^ts groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government ofiicials
are very cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination based on the listed factors, and the Government
enforces it. With Dutch, French, and German as official languages, Belgium has a
complex linguistic regime, including language requirements for various elective and
appointive positions.
Women. — The law prohibits the physical abuse of women, and the Government en-
forces this ban. The law also prohibits organizing prostitution or assisting immigra-
tion for purposes of prostitution. In November Parliament passed a law that defines
and criminalizes domestic violence. The legislation protects married as well as un-
married partners and also requires the government to maintain statistics concerning
domestic violence. The intention is to make it easier to report, prosecute, and keep
statistics on crimes involving domestic violence. Currently neither the Government
nor NGO's dealing with women's issues have any accurate statistics on the problem,
which the parliamentary report accompanying the bill termed still "covered by a cul-
ture of silence."
The Government actively promotes a comprehensive approach to the integration
of women at all levels of decisionmaking. The Division of Equal Opportunity, a part
of the Ministry of Labor, focuses specifically on issues affecting women, including
violence against women, sexual harassment, and the participation of women in the
political process. A telephone hot line for female victims of violence was shut down
during the year; calls about violence are now directed toward French and Flemish
general help lines.
Children. — Belgium has comprehensive child protection laws, which the Govern-
ment seeks to enforce. The Francophone and Flemish communities have agencies
dealing with children's needs. Government and private groups provide shelters for
runaways and counseling for children who have been physically or sexually abused.
The Government provides compulsory education up to the age of 18.
In 1995 the Government enacted laws designed to combat child pornography by
increasing penalties for such crimes and for those in possession of pedophilic mate-
rials. The law permits prosecution of Belgians who commit such crimes abroad. An-
other 1995 law provides that criminals convicted of the sexual abuse of children can-
not receive parole without first receiving specialized assistance and must continue
counseling and treatment upon their release from prison.
Belgium is both a transit point and destination for trafficking in women and chil-
dren. In the first half of 1997, 120 children from 37 different countries were traf-
ficked in the country, the largest number from Romania (21).
In 1996 the authorities uncovered a pedophile/child pornography and trafficking
ring. The criminal investigation of this ring continued through 1997. Five suspects
remained in detention; however, their trial was unlikely to begin before mid-1998.
A parliamentary commission continued to investigate allegations of corruption and
complicity in the law enforcement and judicial system. By December no judicial or
police officers had been imprisoned or sanctioned for collusion related to the
pedophile case.
In response to the public outcry over the handling of the pedophile case, the Gov-
ernment established a center for missing and exploited children. The Prime Minister
appointed the center's president and board of directors in May, and the center
opened in December.
Children have the right to a voice in court cases that affect them, such as divorce
proceedings. The law states that a minor "capable of understanding" can request
permission to be heard by a judge, or a judge can request an interview with a child.
Child prostitution is of limited scope, but, in response to recommendations made in
a 1994 government study, police have received instructions to be especially diligent
in combating prostitution among those who appear to be under the age of 18.
There is no societal pattern oiabuse directed against children.
People With Disabilities. — The law provides for protection from discrimination
against disabled persons in employment, education, and in the provision of other
state services. The Government mandates that public buildings erected since 1970
be accessible to the disabled and offers subsidies to induce the owners of other
995
buildings to make necessary modifications. Many older buildings, however, are not
accessible.
The government provides financial assistance for the disabled. It ofFers special aid
for parents of disabled children and for disabled parents. Regional and community
programs provide other assistance, such as job training. Disabled persons are eligi-
ble to receive services in any of the three regions (Flanders, Wallonia, or Brussels),
not just their region of residence.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Belgium is a pluralistic society in which in-
dividual differences in general are respected and linguistic rights in particular are
protected. Some 60 percent of citizens are native Dutch speakers; about 40 percent
are French speakers; and fewer than 1 percent are German speakers.
An Antiracism Law penalizes the incitement of discrimination, hate, or violence
based on race, ethnicity, or nationality. It is illegal for providers of goods or services
(including housing) to discriminate on the basis of any of these factors and for em-
ployers to consider these factors in their decisions to hire, train, or dismiss people.
The Center for Equal Opportunity and the Fight Against Racism, a parliamentary
organization tasked with investigating complaints of discrimination based on race,
handled 2,068 calls asking for information in 1996. Of these calls, 1,086 were to
make actual complaints, leading to mediation or court action in 762 cases. In the
first 8 months of 1997, the Center handled approximately 1,100 calls, 800 of which
were actual complaints.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Under the Constitution, workers have the right to
associate freely. This includes freedom to organize and join unions of their own
choosing. The Government does not hamper such activities, and workers in fact fully
and freely exercise their right of association. About 60 percent of workers are mem-
bers of labor unions. This number includes employed and unemployed workers.
Unions are independent of the Government but have important links with major po-
litical parties. Since the Government does not require unions to register, there are
no prohibitions against antiunion actions before registration.
Unions have the right to strike, and strikes by civil servants and workers in "es-
sential" services are tolerated. Despite government irritation over wildcat strikes by
air traffic controllers, no strikers were prosecuted. A number of significant labor
strikes and work stoppages took place during the year. (Ministry of Labor statistics
show that 37 strikes took place in 1996, involving 13,788 workers; no figures were
available for 1997.) Even though many strikes begin as wildcat actions, strikers are
not prosecuted for conducting illegal strikes.
The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) in its "Annual
Survey of Violations of Trade Union Rights 1997" noted a 1996 practice of using
civil court rulings to end strikes. The ICFTU report stated that the rulings include
a threat of fines against strikers. After noting that these rulings had been made
without giving a hearing to the unions, the I(JFTU report concluded that such rul-
ings call into question the free exercise of the right to strike. The report acknowl-
edged government efforts to solve this problem. It also noted that there was a de-
crease in the number of such court rulings. This development is a result of labor-
management talks in 1996, which brokered an informal agreement to minimize
court rulings in exchange for less secondary boycott activity by the unions.
Unions are free to form or join federations or confederations and are free to affili-
ate with international labor bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right to organize and
bargain collectively is recognized, protected, and exercised freely. Every other year
the Belgian Employers Federation and unions negotiate a nationwide collective bar-
gaining agreement, covering 2.4 million private sector workers, that establishes the
iramework for negotiations at plants and branches. In 1996 the nationwide collec-
tive bargaining taUts failed, but talks at the branch level in 1997 resulted in numer-
ous agreements covering 1.5 million private sector workers. Public sector workers
also negotiate collective bargaining agT^eements. Collective bargaining agreements
apply equally to union and nonunion members, and over 90 percent oi workers are
thus covered under collective bargaining agreements. As part of the Government's
global economic reform plan, wage increases in both private and public sectors re-
main suspended. However, the suspension did not afTect Belgium's wage indexation
policy, which permits an across-the-board wage increase to keep workers' pay level
with inflation.
The law prohibits discrimination against organizers and members of unions and
protects against the termination of contracts of members of workers' councils, mem-
bers of health or safety committees, and shop stewards. Employers found guilty of
antiunion discrimination are required to reinstate workers fired for union activities.
996
Effective mechanisms such as the labor courts exist for adjudicating disputes be-
tween labor and management.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor, in-
cluding by children, is illegal and does not occur. Domestic workers and all other
workers have the same rights as nondomestic workers. The law prohibits forced and
bonded child labor, and the Government enforces this prohibition effectively. The
Government also enforces laws against those who seek to employ undocumented for-
eign workers.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for employment of children is 15, but schooling is compulsory until the
age of 18. The Government prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this
prohibition effectively. Youths between the ages of 15 and 18 may participate in
f)art-time work/study programs and may work mil time during school vacations. The
abor courts effectively monitor compliance with national laws and standards. There
are no industries where any significant child labor exists.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — In August the monthly national minimum
wage rate for workers over 21 years of age was set at $1,214 (44,538 BF); 18-year-
olds must be paid at least 82 percent of tne minimum, 19-year-olds 88 percent, and
20-year-olds 94 percent. The minimum wage rate, coupled with extensive social ben-
efits, provides workers with a standard of living appropriate to a highly developed
nation. Minimum wages in the private sector are set in biennial, nationwide collec-
tive bargaining meetings(see Section 6.b.), which lead to formal agreements signed
in the National Labor Council and made mandatory by royal decree for the entire
private sector. In the public sector, the minimum wage is determined in negotiations
between the Government and the public service unions. The Ministry of Labor effec-
tively enforces the law regarding minimum wages. By law, the standard workweek
cannot exceed 40 hours and must have at least one 24-hour rest period. Many collec-
tive bargaining agreements set standard workweeks of 36 to 39 hours. The law re-
Quires overtime pay for hours worked in excess of the standard. Work done from
the 9th to the llth hour per day or from the 40th to the 50th hour per week is
considered allowable overtime. Longer workdays are permitted only if agreed upon
in a collective bargaining agreement. These laws and regulations are enforced effec-
tively by the Ministry of Labor and the labor courts.
Comprehensive provisions for worker safety are mandated by law. Collective bar-
gaining agreements can supplement these laws. Workers have the right to remove
tnemselves from situations that endanger their safety or health without jeopardy to
their continued employment, and the law protects workers who file complaints about
such situations. The Labor Ministry implements health and safety legislation
through a team of inspectors and determines whether workers qualify for disability
and medical benefits. Health and safety committees are mandated by law in compa-
nies with more than 50 employees. Labor courts effectively monitor compliance with
national health and safety laws and standards.
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
The 1995 General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina
(the Dayton Accords), signed after 3 years of war, provided for the continuity of
Bosnia-Herzegovina, originally one of the constituent republics of Yugoslavia, as a
single state, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Agreement also provided for two constitu-
ent entities within the state: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Federa-
tion) and the Republika Srpska (RS). The Federation, which incorporates the areas
with a Bosniak (Muslim) and Croat majority, occupies 51 per cent of the territory;
the RS, populated mostly by Bosnian Serbs, occupies 49 per cent. The Dayton Ac-
cords established a constitution for Bosnia and Herzegovina that includes a central
government with a bicameral legislature, a three-member presidency comprised of
a representative of each major ethnic group, a council of ministers, a constitutional
court, and a central bank. The Accord also provided for a High Representative
(OHR) to oversee implementation of its civilian provisions. Defense remains under
the control of the respective entities. In 1997 the three members of the joint presi-
dency agreed on legislation establishing a number of key common institutions, in-
cluding Taws on the central bank, the budget, and customs. The main political par-
ties continue to exercise significant political power at all levels. These were the
Party of Democratic Action (SDA) in predominantly Bosniak areas, the Serb Demo-
cratic Party (SDS) in the RS, and the Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and
Herzegovina (HDZ) in Croat areas. Although the judiciary if formally independent
997
in all entities, it remains subject to influence by ruling political parties and by the
executive branches of government.
Municipal elections, originally slated to take place concurrently with the 1996 na-
tional and provincial elections, were postponed until September 1997 because of
widespread fraud in registering Serb voters. There were few reports of political har-
assment or violence during the 1997 campaign period compared with the
f)reelectoral period in 1996. During the voter registration period, the Organization
or Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) enforced sanctions against parties
that attempted to register voters fraudulently. Despite threats of a boycott by the
Croat and Serb nationalist parties, elections took place on September 13 and 14,
and well over 70 percent of the population took part. Most of those voting cast their
ballots for municipalities where tney had lived prior to the war. For this reason,
election results proved difficult to implement in some areas, as majority groups at-
tempted to prevent minority representatives from assuming their municipal govern-
ment seats.
One of the two entities that make up Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, was established in March 1994 and transformed the inter-
nal structure of the Bosnian territories under Bosniak and Croat control. It is a
mixed system with a president and a parliament that must approve the president's
choice of prime minister. Federation structures have been implemented only gradu-
ally. Major steps were the creation of provincial structures in the form of cantons,
the unification of Sarajevo under Federation control, and September 1996 elections
to a Federation parliament. The obstacles to establishing a new, unified city admin-
istration in the ethnically bifurcated city of Mostar illustrate the difficulty of meld-
ing Bosniak and Croat institutions.
The Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the other entity. Its adminis-
trative and politica. system is split, with Bania Luka as the seat of'^the RS presi-
dent, and a powerful group around former Serb leader Radovan Karadzic located in
Pale near Sarajevo. A president and two vice presidents are directly elected for 4-
year terms. The legislative branch, the National Assembly, is elected on the basis
of proportional representation. The dominant political party, the SDS,
heacMjuartered in Pale, however, exercised real control. Until the summer, the party
ensured conformity among local authorities in many areas of the RS and used its
authority to ensure adherence to nationalistic positions.
In September 1996, then-acting RS President Biljana Plavsic was elected Presi-
dent for a full term. However, former RS President Radovan Karadzic continued to
wield important influence behind the scenes. Starting in June, Plavsic publicly criti-
cized SDS leaders for corruption, and when she attempted to dissolve the RS assem-
bly and call new elections Tor October, the SDS leadership contested her authority
to do so in the RS Constitutional Court. Under heavy p>olitical pressure and physical
intimidation — including the severe beating of one judge by Bosnian thugs at the
instigation of Serb political leaders — the Court ruled against Plavsic, despite her
constitutional authority to dissolve the assembly. The decision did not end the politi-
cal controversy and lacked legitimacy, since the justices were intimidated. In Sep-
tember RS President Plavsic and Serb member of the Bosnian Presidency Krajisnik
agreed to hold early elections for the RS Assembly. The elections were held on No-
vember 22 and 23. Due to intense OSCE efforts, voting to fill the 83-seat assembly
was carried out with few difficulties, and voter turnout was approximately 70 per-
cent. The hard-line nationalist Serb parties lost their parliamentary majority. Sub-
sequently, a Grovemment strongly supportive of the Dayton Accords, led by a mem-
ber of the Independent Social Democratic Party, was formed with the votes of mod-
erate Serb parties as well as Bosniak and Croat representatives.
The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4 of the Dayton Accords)
made the Federation and the RS responsible for maintaining civilian law enforce-
ment agencies that operate in accordance with intemationallyrecognized standards.
Under the auspices of the International Police Task Force (IPTF) established by the
United Nations (U.N.) pursuant to Annex 11 of the Dayton Accords, police in both
entities is undergoing restructuring and training on proper police procedure and
human rights. This process is expected to be completed by mid-1998. Law enforce-
ment bodies of both entities have on many occasions violated international stand-
ards, giving preferential treatment on the basis of political, ethnic, and religious cri-
teria. Another problem was the existence of special or secret police in all three eth-
nic areas, a throwback to the Communist heritage. These forces are not in the nor-
mal police chain of command but respond directly to the senior political leadership.
In addition to locally recruited poli(« forces, each entity also maintains an army. Po-
lice throughout the country committed human rights abuses.
The Stabilization Force (SFOR) led by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
continued its mission to implement the military aspects of the Dayton Accords and
998
create a more secure environment for implementation of the nonmilitary aspects of
the settlement, such as civilian reconstruction, the return of refugees and displaced
persons, elections, and freedom of movement of the civilian papulation.
Since the Dayton Accords, signs of economic revival are evident, particularly in
the Federation. In BiH real gross domestic product (GDP) almost doubled since
1995, and GDP growth in 1997 was expected to be 30 percent. Unemployment
dropped from 90 to 50 percent, and wages more than quadrupled in the Federation,
up to $145 (260 DM) per month. Bosnia-Herzegovina remains heavily dependent on
international reconstruction assistance, and the anticipated return of remgees from
abroad is expected to compound the problem of creating sufficient jobs. International
assistance, which is conditioned upon compliance with the Dayton Accords, financed
the physical construction of infrastructure and provided loans to the manufacturing
sector. An August donors conference garnered $1.4 billion in pledges for Bosnian re-
construction.
The commitment to respect citizens' human rights and civil liberties remains ten-
uous in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the degree of respect for these rights contin-
ues to vary among areas with Bosniak, Bosnian Croat, and Bosnian Serb majorities.
In many areas the reduction in interethnic abuses and discrimination oweci less to
reconciliation than to the groups' continuing separation.
Human rights abuses by the police declined in 1997, but serious problems persist.
Police continued to conmiit abuses throughout Bosnia-Herzegovina. Police and mobs
that appeared organized by local authorities committed a few extrajudicial killings.
For example, West Mostar police shot and killed a retreating Bosniak man; a
Bosniak man was killed when mobs in Jajce, with police complicity, burned 4 houses
and expelled more than 435 Bosniak returnees; and a group of displaced Bosniak
women beat a returning Serb refugee to death in Visoko and held violent dem-
onstrations protesting Serb returns. In two incidents in the Travnik area, ethnic
Croat returnees were murdered by unknown assailants, and Croats in the area sub-
sequently complained about insufficient police efforts to find the perpetrators and
about the lack of security.
Members of the security forces abused and physically mistreated citizens. They
also continued to use arbitrary arrest and detention, although to a lesser extent
than during the previous year. Criminal procedure legislation held over since the
Yugoslav period granted police wide latitude to detain suspects for long periods of
time before filing formal charges. Police ofi,en exceeded even the broad powers
granted them by law — those illegally detained included two Serb men released in
August who had been registered by the Red Cross as missing since September 1995
and "war criminals" in Una-Sana Canton whose arrest was not authorized by the
ICTY. Prison conditions continued to be poor.
IF*TF and SFOR supervision of police produced a number of improvements, such
as the dismantlement of virtually all fixed police checkpoints, which greatly en-
hanced freedom of movement. In August the SFOR announced that it would begin
inspecting and monitoring special police units in both the Federation and the KS
under military provisions of the Dayton Accords. These units are composed of
former state security police officers that are outside the regular chain of command
and have close ties to hard-line nationalist parties.
The judiciary in all entities remained subject to coercive influence by dominant
political parties and by the executive. In many areas, close ties exist between courts
of law and the ruling parties, and those judges who show independence are subject
to intimidation by the authorities. For example, a judge on the RS Constitutional
Court was severely beaten by thugs prior to a major politically related case. Even
when independent decisions are rendered, local authorities often refuse to carry
them out. Authorities in all areas infringed on citizens' right to privacy and home.
Although authorities imposed some limits on freedom of assembly and association,
there was marked improvement compared with 1996, especially during the election
campaigns. Authorities and dominant political parties in their respective areas of
Bosnia-Herzegovina exerted influence over the media, and freedom of speech and
the press was limited to varying degrees in the different entities. Political influence
was particularly egregious in parts of the RS broadcast media, which strongly
backed the Pale-based SDS party leaders at the expense of RS President Biljana
Plavsic. The RS media also made inflammatory statements against the SFOR and
the ICTY actions directed at persons indicted for war crimes. This led the SFOR
in October to take control of a number of broadcasting facilities in the RS. In con-
trast, in the western RS, there was notable development of an independent media.
International donors are attempting to expand the broadcasting range of the Open
Broadcast Network (OBN) in an enort to promote more objective reporting in the
RS. Academic freedom was constrained.
999
Severe ethnic discrimination continues, particularly in the treatment of refugees.
Expulsions of minorities who had remained in place throughout the war generally
have ended, with the significant exception of the harassed Bosniak community in
the RS town of Teshc. More often, local authorities and organized mobs violently
resisted the return of minority refugees. RS and Bosnian Croat authorities encour-
aged their own people to remain or move to areas where their group was in the ma-
jority, rather than stay in or return to their homes. Inadequate property and am-
nesty laws further impeded returns, few of which involved minorities. Some restric-
tions on freedom of movement and the destruction of houses continued. Religious
discrimination and economic discrimination remained problems. Mob violence was
also a problem.
Most wartime atrocities remained unpunished. The SFOR's July 10 arrest of one
suspected war criminal and killing of another in self-defense, both of whom were
on a list of sealed indictments issued by the International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), triggered a hail of inflammatory statements in the RS-
dominated media and over a dozen attacks against international representatives.
Ten Croats indicted for war crimes surrendered to the ICTY In October following
massive international pressure on Croatia, and in December SFOR troops seized
two more Bosnian war crimes suspects.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There was one report of a political
killing by police. On February 10, approximately 750 Bosnian Croats confronted 500
Bosniaks visiting a graveyard in West Mostar on a Muslim religious holiday. At the
edge of the cemetery the group of Bosniaks was stopped by plainclothes and uni-
formed Bosnian Croat police officers who began to beat members of the group. When
the group retreated, a number of police opened fire at the crowd, killing 1 person
and injuring 19 others. The Croat police were led by the West Mostar chief of police,
who was in plainclothes at the time. A United Nations (U.N.) IPTF investigation
identified five police officers who were involved in the incident. The higher court in
Mostar handed down suspended sentences for three officers and acquitted two men.
The Human Rights Ombudsperson for Bosnia-Herzegovina issued a special report
in April that faulted local authorities for failing to conduct an impartial investiga-
tion and a fair judicial proceeding.
In the period of August 1 to 3, Croat authorities orchestrated mob protests
against Bosniaks who recently returned to several villages in the municipality of
Jajce. In addition to the burning of four houses, one Bosniak was found murdered
inside a house. In view of police complicity in the events, the IPTF conducted the
investigation into the arson and the death, and recommended dismissal of the chief
of police and his deputy as well as disciplinary action against eight other officers.
The local authorities implemented these recommendations, although the deputy was
transferred to a non-supervisory post for one year rather than dismissed. IRTF is
also investigating other similar incidents.
Mob violence continued to be a problem. For example, a group of Bosniak civilians
beat a Serb man who was visiting a cemetery in Visoko on March 1. The man died
of his injuries 5 days later. The case against those responsible is proceeding slowly
in the courts.
Extensive killings and other brutal acts committed in earlier years remained
unpunished. These acts include the 7,000 persons missing and presumed killed by
the Bosnian Serb army aft^r the fall of Srebrenica, and another 1,500 to 5,000 miss-
ing and presumed killed as a result of "ethnic cleansing" in northern Bosnia.
The ICTY indicted 78 individuals on charges of war crimes and genocide in con-
nection with these and other occurrences. In view of the failure of appropriate au-
thorities to surrender the indicted persons to the ICTY, the Tribunal began to issue
issued a limited number of "sealed" (unpublished) indictments. SFOR troops ar-
rested some of those on the list of sealed indictments in 1997. On July 10, British
troops in Prijedor arrested Milan Kovacevic and killed Simo Drljaca in self-defense
when he resisted arrest. Hard-line RS media bitterly denounced the arrest and
death and endorsed violent action against representatives of the international com-
munity. Unknown assailants attacked the facilities of the SFOR troops and inter-
national organizations stationed in the RS in over a dozen incidents. By the end of
1997 only 19 of those accused by the ICTY were in custody, and 2 persons had been
convicted.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically-motivated disappearances
in 1997, and investigations into some earlier disappearances make progress, despite
delays.
45-909 98-33
1000
Several sites have been excavated and hundreds of bodies found, but many per-
sons from Srebrenica and Zepa are still missing.
In addition to those killed in Srebrenica and Zepa, the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC) reported in July that it received tracing requests from fam-
ily members on 19,380 persons missing from the war years; 1,133 of these persons
were accounted for. The ICRC noted that Serb, Croat, and Bosniak authorities
should be able to provide more information in response to its inquiries, particularly
those concerning 432 persons who are known to have been detained at one time in
connection with the war and who are still missing. The ICRC also called for
stepped-up exhumation efforts, although it acknowledged that in many cases this
complex process would not lead to positive identification.
Former Senator Robert Dole took over the chairmanship of an international com-
mission on missing persons established by the International Committee of the Red
Cross.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution provides for the right to freeaom from torture and cruel or inhu-
man treatment or punishment. No reliable reports emerged that any of those in au-
thority in Bosnia and Herzegovina employed torture as an instrument of state. How-
ever, in all areas of the country, authorities, police, and prison officials were respon-
sible for numerous instances of physical mistreatment at the time of arrest and dur-
ing detention. In some areas, the growing number of complaints in part reflect citi-
zens' increased access to international human rights groups and growing confidence
that allegations of abuse would not trigger retribution against the complainants.
However, frequent reports of excessive force used in some places suggests local au-
thorities tolerate such abuses. According to a number of reports, police beat drivers
dragged from their cars and beat detainees during questioning.
The International Police Task Force made significant progress in its efforts to re-
structure and professionalize the police. By the end of December the IPTF has cer-
tified police in eight of the ten Federation cantons, six of which had integrated their
police forces to reflect the prewar ethnic composition of the area. Human Dignity
and basic skills training was well underway in these cantons. In the RS, police re-
structuring had begun in Banja Luka, Trebinja, Doboj, Mrkonjic Grad, and Prijedor,
and was schedulea to be completed throughout the entity by May 1998. Brcko de-
ployed a certified and ethnically integrated police force in December 1997.
Serb police often employed excessive force to prevent Bosniak former residents
from returning to, or staying in, territory designated as RS territory in the Daj^n
Accords. Local Serb police apparently took no action against the perpetrators of se-
vere incidents involving harassment. Similar patterns of abuse occurred in Croat-
majority areas.
As mentioned above, Bosnian Croat police used excessive force against a crowd
of Bosniaks visiting a West Mostar graveyard on February 10, resulting in the death
of one Bosniak man (see Section l.a.). A June IPTF investigation of the Sarajevo
canton police force looked into 29 allegations of police abuse and use of excessive
force in 5 police stations in the period irom January 1 to June 15. The investigation
substantiated seven cases of abuse, and recommended disciplinary action against
the officers involved. Of the cases in which excessive force was alleged, 3 were un-
true, and the remaining 20 allegations were not confirmed due to lack of evidence
or serious irvjury. The Sarajevo police force took disciplinary measures against sev-
eral of the ofiicers.
Human Rights Watch (HRW) has documented a pattern of severe police abuses
by SDA-controlled local police in Velika Kladusa and Cazin, although the frequency
of such acts has greatly diminished since 1996 as a result of intense monitoring and
intervention by international human rights organizations. The HRW identified most
of those abused as persons formerly associated with Fikret Abdic, who led a break-
away Bosniak region during the war. The IPTF investigated a number of reported
cases of police abuse in Brcko and Banja Luka, in the nS, as well as in Drvar, in
a Croat-majority region of the Federation. The officers found responsible for these
abuses were either dismissed from the force or fined.
In 1997 police were provided with human dignity and basic skills training. To-
ward the end of the year, such training began in the RS as well. In addition, the
IPTF is working with local police to develop their own internal controls and capacity
to conduct their own investigations of police abuse. Until recently, RS police gen-
erally had failed to cooperate with international monitors, particularly on police re-
structuring. For example, they refused to give the IPTF the names of officers on po-
lice rolls. After the internal dispute between competing factions in the RS broke out
in the summer, police in the western RS took a much more cooperative attitude and
by year's end, both the Banja Luka and Pale leaderships formally had committed
to begin the police restructuring process. This process began in the Banja Luka
1001
area. In Brcko RS police initially refused to issue identification cards to returning
Bosniaks and improperly issued cards to nonresident Serbs in an effort to distort
electoral results. However, in October the Brcko police began to restructure their
organization in cooperation with the IPTF.
Conditions in Federation and RS prisons are poor and well below minimum inter-
national standards.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — There were fewer cases of arbitrary ar-
rest and detention in both the Federation and the RS compared with 1996. In both
entities, police enjoy great latitude based on Communist-era criminal procedure
laws that permit the police to detain persons up to 6 months without bringing for-
mal charges against them. In the Federation, these laws are currently being revised,
with the aim of eliminating this practice.
Of major concern were reports of prisoners held before the Dajrton Accords came
into effect who have not been registered and whose locations are unknown to mon-
itors. In several other instances, authorities have detained members of ethnic mi-
norities in the hope of exchanging these prisoners for members of their own ethnic
n^oup who are detained elsewhere in Bosnia. The Bosnia-Herzegovina Human
Rights Chamber reported that in a particularly egregious and well-known case,
Tomislav Matanovic, a Croat priest from FVijedor, and his parents disappeared after
they were arrested in the RS in September 1995. Their whereabouts remain un-
known, although in 1996, RS authorities acknowledged their detention and ex-
pressed interest in swapping them for Serb prisoners. On August 4, two Serb men
who had been registered by the ICRC as missing since September 1995 were freed
from an isolated section in the Zenica military prison.
Una-Sana authorities are currently holding apmioximately 10 individuals in the
Luka prison near Bihac on charges of war crimes. Their arrests and detentions were
done without ICTY approval, in violation of the February 1996 agreement signed
in Rome by the parties to the Dayton Accords (a Serb prisoner, Milorad Marceta,
was released on August 12). Some detainees were beaten severely before their im-
prisonment.
There were no reports that forced exile was practiced as a juridical device. How-
ever, police often failed to provide protection to individuals being mistreated by ele-
ments of the population, with the same end in mind. In the RS there were continu-
ing attempts to expel families, notably in Teslic, where Serb thugs and members of
the civil protection unit from nearby villages intimidated or attempted to evict most-
ly Bosniak families. Land confiscations were also reported.
In the Federation, on February 10 approximately 30 Bosniak families were forc-
ibly removed from their homes in West Mostar, after the cemetery confrontation
that occurred earlier in the day (see Section l.a.). Most of those families later re-
turned to their homes, after the international community exerted heavy pressure on
local authorities. Pressure on Bosniaks to emigrate through land expropriation and
denial of employment also occurred in Tomislavgrad.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, extends the judiciary's independence to the investigative division of the crimi-
nal justice system, and establishes a judicial police force that reports directly to the
courts. However, Yugoslav and wartime practices in which the executive and the
leading political parties exerted considerable influence over the judicial system per-
sisted in all areas. Party affiliation and political connections weighed heavily in the
appointment of prosecutors and judges. In particular, Bosnian nongovernmental or-
ganizations (NGrO's) expressed concern over the judicial selection process in eight
Federation cantons, especially in Sarajevo and Tuzla. Bosnian legal experts argued
that the laws on judicial selection in those two cantons are inconsistent with the
canton and Federation Constitutions.
The existing judicial hierarchy in the Federation is based on municipal courts,
which have original jurisdiction in most civil and criminal cases, and cantonal
courts, which have appellate jurisdiction over the canton's municipalities, as well as
three federal courts (constitutional, supreme, and human rights). The Constitution
provides for the appointment of judges who serve until the age of 70 and for internal
administration of the judicial branch.
The Constitution provides for open and public trials, and the accused has the
right to legal counsel. In April an RS municipal court in the town of Zvomik found
seven Bosniaks guilty of murdering four Serb civilians in May 1996 and of possess-
ing illegal weapons. International organizations found the court's proceedings deeply
flawed and called on the court to retry the case in accordance with fair trial stand-
ards. Human rights groups pointed to the lack of evidence, torture of the defend-
ants, and the refusal to allow effective representation by lawyers chosen by the de-
fendants. Three of the defendants were sentenced to 21 years each for murder; the
other four men were given 1-year sentences for illegal possession of firearms, then
1002
freed because they had served 11 months in jail awaiting trial. The Human Rights
Ombudsperson for Bosnia-Herzegovina is reviewing this case.
On August 15, the RS Constitutional Court ruled that RS President Plavsic ex-
ceeded her authority in dissolving the RS assembly, despite clear constitutional pro-
visions to the contrary. The Court's decision was clearly made under duress —
Bosnian Serb thugs severely beat one of the judges in advance of the ruling.
Human rights organizations reported that judicial institutions in both entities
were controlled or influenced by the ruling parties. As a result, they were often nei-
ther able nor willing to try cases of human rights abuse referred to them. Lack of
resources and a backlog oi unresolved cases provided a convenient and credible ex-
cuse for judicial inaction. Even when the courts rendered a fair judgment, local offi-
cials often refused to implement their decisions.
Except for the alleged war crimes cases in Una-Sana Canton (see Section l.d.),
there were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^The
Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina provides for the right to "private and family
life, home and correspondence" and the right to protection of prooerty. These rights
were generally better observed in the Federation than the RS. Neither entity nas
acted to bring propertv law into conformity with international norms. Implementa-
tion of the laws that do exist was often guided by considerations of ethnic or politi-
cal advantage.
In most places the authorities continued to use their control over "socially-owned"
and privately-owned housing occupied by displaced persons or other nonowners to
slow down or block altogether minority returns. While the main problem is the large
number of displaced persons in relation to available housing stock, all three ethnic
groups have used the control of housing as a major instrument for political influ-
ence-peddling and enrichment.
Reports continued of persons who either had returned to their homes or had never
left who found their residences occupied after short absences, as permitted under
Federation and RS law. In Serb- ana Croat-controlled areas, authorities appear to
have incited crowds to violence against minority returnees. In Bosniak areas as
well, radical elements of the SDA exerted growing influence over certain groups of
displaced persons, inciting them to acts of violence against returning Serbs. In addi-
tion, as in the case of Jajce (see Section l.a.), there were a number of cases in which
returnees were subsequently forced to leave their homes under threat, although in
some cases external intervention succeeded in returning those evicted to their
homes. In the Bosniak-majority Travnik area, Croat returnees were shot to death
in their homes in two incidents — one in Augustand one in November. A joint inves-
tigation by Croat and Bosniak police and IPTF was underway at year's end. The
Bosniak leadership condemned the acts.
Because few minorities dared to return to the RS, the most frequent cases of in-
timidation against returnees occurred in Bosnian Croat-controlled regions. In addi-
tion to the violence in Jajce, in early May Bosnian Croats burned 25 nouses belong-
ing to former Bosnian Serb residents in a village outside the western Bosnia town
of Drvar. The organized attack, which occurred shortly after Federation mediators
held discussions with the Drvar mayor on possible Bosnian Serb returns, was clear-
ly intended to prevent such returns. Weeks before the arson incidents, the Drvar
mayor incited Croats against returning Serbs on Drvar radio, and Bosnian Croat of-
ficials appear at least to have acquiesced in the attacks, which took place over 2
days. Other homes had been burned near Drvar in previous months. The IPTF in-
vestigated and concluded that the chief of the criminal department and the leader
of anti-terrorism and homicide were directly involved in the incidents. On rec-
ommendation of the IPTF, both were relieved of duty on June 3, 1997. Organized
mobs also repeatedly have obstructed the return of Bosniaks to Stolac, now Croat-
controlled, through the use of violence and intimidation. On August 16, three poten-
tial returnees, including two children, were assaulted during an assessment visit.
The investigation of this attack is proceeding slowly.
Evictions of those who remained in their homes throughout the war decreased
dramatically, in large part because so many minorities had already been forced to
relocate to areas where their group was in the majority. However, in some areas
minorities continued to face intense pressure to move. In the RS town of Teslic,
Bosnian Serb thugs threatened Bosniak families, burning haystacks and burglariz-
ing homes in a campaign that appeared to be backed by local authorities. Similar
pressure was felt oy Bosniaks in Croat-controlled areas, e.g. Jajce, Stolac,
Tomislavgrad, and Livno, by Serbs in Bosniak-controlled areas (Drvar), and by
Croats in some Bosniac areas, e.g., Bugojno.
In the RS, displaced persons generally were placed in dwellings alongside the pri-
mary occupants, when the original occupants had more than 15 square meters per
1003
gerson. These unwanted "roommates" were often Serbs inserted into Bosniak or
Iroat households. In a few reported cases, the dwelling's owner was harassed into
vacating his bedroom for a shed in the backyard or abandoning his property alto-
gether.
There were frequent and growing reports in the RS of threats against displaced
persons, particularly those concentrated in collective centers, who spoke with rep-
resentatives of international organizations about the possibility of returning to their
homes in the Federation. Noncompliant displaced persons were threatened with a
cutoff in humanitarian assistance, permanent exile from the RS, or worse, should
they break solidarity with the Serb hard-liners on the issue of return. The work of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), in particular, was
affected by such tactics, with persons previously anxious to return home subse-
quently intimidated into silence.
Throughout the country, membership in the leading party was often necessary to
obtain, retain or regain employment, especially in the management of state enter-
prises.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press. This right was partially respected in the Federation and in the west-
em Republika Srpska, but less so in the eastern RS. Within the Federation, press
freedom is more severely restricted in Croat-majority areas. Some progress has been
made in establishing independent media in the Federation (though only in Bosniak-
maiority areas) and in the Republika Srpska, particularly in Banja Luka. Party-con-
trolled media — particularly Croatian State Radio and Television — are the only elec-
tronic media available to the vast majority of citizens in Croat-majority areas of the
Federation.
Some opposition and independent newspapers operate in the Muslim-majority
areas of tne Federation and in the Republika Srpska, principally in Banja Luka.
Oslobodienje and Vecemje Novine are the leading independent dailies, and Dani
and SloDodna Bosna the most influential independent magazines in the Federation.
Dani and Slobodna Bosna are the most influential independent magazines in the
Federation. One of the few independent magazines in the RS is Reporter, a first-
rate weekly published by a former foreign correspondent of the independent weekly
Vreme. Also in the RS, the Social-Liberal Party publishes an opposition magazine,
Novi Prelom, and the Social Democratic Party publishes a daily paper. Both of these
publications take an opposition line, and are consistently supportive of the Dayton
Accords.
It is difficult for independent and opposition media in the RS to gain access to
the kiosk distribution system. The same is true of some areas of the Federation. Dis-
tribution is particularly problematic in Croat-controlled regions. In Sarajevo, how-
ever, independent print media access to distribution systems is readily available.
Some independent media in the two entities, for example, Dani and Reporter, assist
in the distribution of each others' publications in their respective entities.
The dominant nationalist political parties continue to exercise strong control over
the most influential media, i.e., television and radio. Federation state television
(TVBiH) faithfully serves the interests of the SDA. TVBiH gives preferential cov-
erage to SDA leaders and greatly limits reports on the opposition. Its broadcasts are
oflen biased, but rarely oi an inflammatory nationalist nature. Croat politicians in
the Federation have complained about TVBiH coverage and argued against the
Muslim ethnic homogeneity of its staff. However, TVBiH does employ journalists
from minority ethnic groups, though their numbers are small and their influence in-
consequential.
Croat-controlled areas in Bosnia-Herzegovina are covered by Croatian state tele-
vision HTV. Its news programs and editorials frequently criticize the Dayton Ac-
cords. HTV weather maps show the Federation as part of Croatia, and coverage of
Bosnian events often leaves the impression that the scene pictured was actually in
Croatia. The HTV station in Mostar refused to issue an OSCE-mandated apology
for inaccurate and inflammatory broadcasting, resulting in the resignation of the
editor (in an attempt to avoid more radical measures by the Oflice of the High Rep-
resentative).
Until the SFOR acted on an OHR request to end offensive broadcasts by RS gov-
ernment-run Serb Radio-Television (SRT), SRT followed the SDS line, with fre-
quently inaccurate and inflammatoir reporting. SRT sought to undercut the Davton
Accords by covering events in the Federation in the "international" portion of'^the
news. Afler the SFOR actions in Prijedor against persons indicted for war crimes,
the SRT broadcasts endorsed violent actions against representatives of the inter-
national community. The SRT backed off only when the SFOR and the OHR threat-
1004
ened retaliatory actions. Following RS President Plavsic's break with the Pale lead-
ership, the SRT affiliate in Banja Luka began to broadcast its own programming,
giving a favorable slant to Plavsic's activities. The High Representative nas devel-
oped a plan for restructuring the SRT. In the interim, only the SRT station in Banja
Luka is authorized to continue broadcasting.
Radio broadcasting in the Muslim-majority areas of the Federation — particularly
in Sarajevo, Zenica, and Tuzla — is diverse, and opposition viewpoints are reflected
in the news programs of independent broadcasters. Independent or opposition radio
stations broadcast in the Republika Srpska — particularly in Banja Luka — ^but they
tend to skirt most significant political issues for fear of retaliation by the SDS.
Nezavisni Radio and Nesavisna Televizija (NTV) report a wide variety of political
opinions. Local radio stations broadcast in Croat-majority areas, but they are usu-
ally highly nationalistic. Opposition viewpoints are not tolerated.
The television Open Broadcast Network — with affiliates in Sarajevo, Mostar,
Zenica, and Tuzla and a correspondents' bureau in Banja Luka — reports independ-
ent news and public affairs programming under the sponsorship of the international
donor community. The Network has been plagued by poor management at its Sara-
jevo hub and problems with affiliate relations. The OBN fares extremely p>oorly in
the competition for viewers with party-controlled media in the two entities. The
quality of the network's programming is below local standards. In August the OBN
launched a major effort to expand its broadcast range and improve programming
quality. The Banja Luka OBN bureau has facilities to broadcast network programs
but not to broadcast programs directly in the way afUliates in the Federation do.
There are plans to convert the OBN afnliate in Banja Luka (ATV) into a full-fledged
OBN affiliate. There is no Bosnian Croat participation in the OBN.
Foreign journalists representing recognized media were able to travel freely to
most areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnian journalists from the Federation
were able to travel to the Republika Srpska only under the escort of accredited dip-
lomatic personnel. Journalists from the Republika Srpska travel to the Federation
only under the same conditions, although tnere have been no incidents of abuse of
Republika Srpska journalists in the Federation. Federation journalists have been
beaten and verbally harassed in the RS. Bosniak journalists were harassed in West
Mostar on several occasions. International journalists also have been harassed on
several occasions in the RS.
Academic freedom was constrained. In the Federation, Serbs and Croats com-
plained that SDA party members receive special treatment in appointments and
promotions. Officials of the "Cultural Community of Herceg Bosna" ensure that
Croats dominate the University of (West) Mostar.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly; however, there were some limits imposed on this
right in practice. In the lead-up to the September municipal elections, opposition po-
litical parties eryoyed greater latitude in staging rallies and campaigning than they
had during the 1996 national elections.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, while this right is
not directly limited, indirect pressure constrains its exercise. A wide range of social,
cultural, and political organizations functioned without interference. Although politi-
cal membership is not forced, membership in the ruling SDA and HDZ parties in
Federation territory was viewed as a way to obtain and keep housing and high-level
jobs in the state-owned sector of the economy.
In the RS, SDS-controlled security and police demonstrated a clear attitude of in-
tolerance toward opposition parties. Few opposition parties exist in Croat-majority
areas, and in the Binac area, former Abdic supporters continue to be harassed.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, includ-
ing private and public worship, and in the Federation the authorities rarely inter-
fered. In general, individuals in their ethnic majority areas, who constitute the great
majority of the population, enjoyed unfettered freedom of religion. However, there
were some incidents that resulted in damage to religious edifices and cemeteries
(see Section 5).
In the RS, authorities repeatedly rejected efforts by minorities to visit religious
sites and graveyards in their previous areas of residence, and international rep-
resentatives had to negotiate on a case-by-case basis with authorities for the few
such visits that did take place. In February Bosnian Croat police fired at retreating
Muslims visiting a graveyard in West Mostar (see Section l.a.).
d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for "the right to liberty of movement and res-
idence." Freedom of movement — including across the inter-entity boundary line
(lEBL) — improved significantly, although many people continue to fear crossing that
line. Under prodding from the SFOR and the IPTF, fixed police checkpoints — par-
1005
ticularly those in the RS — were virtually dismantled, althou^ some RS authorities
continued to impede traflic by demanding unauthorized "visas" and transit fees. The
UNHCR-funded lEBL bus lines begun in 1996 were expanded into new areas. The
total number of passengers grew dramatically to nearly V2 million by August. The
bus lines have been instrumental in encouraging minority return, allowing displaced
{)ersons a secure opportunity to assess conditions at their places of origin. lEBL bus
ines in many cases forced hard-line communities to deal with the fact of a minority
presence. Even in such places as Stolac, Drvar and Prijedor, daily visits became a
reality.
For minorities in the Federation, freedom of movement remained restricted, but
to a far lesser degree than in 1996.
By midyear, some 52,000 refugees had returned to Bosnia and Herzegovina from
their places of refuge abroad. Through May an additional 19,000 internally-dis-
placed persons were estimated to have returned to their homes of origin. Of those
returning from other countries, only a small number went to regions where they
would be in the minority. The total number of returns fell far short of UNHCR ex-
pectations.
Returns from Europe further complicated the situation within Bosnia-
Herzegovina, as most of such returnees were unable to return to their homes of ori-
gin in the RS. They thus became internally displaced and, through a combination
of tightening regulations, limited accommodation, and political interests, ended up
massed in a few areas. Chief among these is the Una-Sana Canton which, like Cro-
atia, is openly soliciting those returning from Europe to take up residence there, a
short distance from their original homes in the RS. The overcrowding of such places
creates the potential for social tension and also provides a mass of persons who
could be manipulated to agitate for return to the Serb republic.
The pace of spontaneous returns by displaced persons increased somewhat in the
late summer months, particularly in the wake of the UNHCR "open cities" initia-
tive. Under this initiative, the UNHCR evaluates towns and cities using a set of cri-
teria (including, inter alia, access to housing, freedom of movement, and police pro-
tection) to determine whether the municipalities have dropped the barriers to return
by displaced persons and refugees. More significant returns were impeded by a vari-
ety of factors. Chief among these is the continuing use of the "law on abandoned
apartments," which effectively deprives prewar owner/occupants of the right to re-
turn to their homes by declaring such property to have been abandoned. Claims to
such "socially-owned" property increased during 1997, but few reached positive reso-
lution through the municipal court system. Even decisions issued by the Commis-
sion for Real Property Claims by Displaced Persons and Refugees relied on political
wiU at the local level to issue and enforce eviction orders and to provide security
for returnees. Another problem was the failure by both entities to pass amnesty
laws that would stimulate the return process.
The patterns of return and obstruction suggest that most problems do not origi-
nate at the local level. While the RS intention to remain ethnically distinct and to
bar repatriation of Serbs to non-Serb areas is clear, the highest levels of the Croat
leadership also appear to be manipulating events in a similar direction. Accordingly,
the Croat-majority areas between Stolac and Drvar remain opposed to more than
the most token returns, and Croatian newspaper ads recruit settlers for areas in
Bosnia-Herzegovina that are now under Croat control and ethnically "pure." In
central Bosnia as well, a general policy of obstructing return has been in effect,
along with a policy of recruiting Cfroat minorities to relocate to "Croat" areas. In
Bosnieik areas, policies on property negatively affected the possibility of return, par-
ticularly in Sarajevo, where there is paralysis in the settlement of property claims
by intending returnees.
Official and popular attitudes toward minority returns are reflected in the rate
at which they occurred in the various areas. Through midyear 78 percent of all mi-
nority returns were to Bosniak-controUed areas of the Federation, 19 percent to
Croat-controlled areas of the Federation, and 3 percent to the RS.
On the positive side, although high-level political figures continue to promote eth-
nic separatism, popular attitudes are far more favorable toward reintegration and
acceptance of prewar neighbors. Displaced persons other than former neighbors re-
main a problematic social factor, however, and have often been used as the pretext
for acts of intimidation and harassment against minorities. Authorities have manip-
ulated displaced persons for this purpose.
The Government grants asylum and refugee status in accordance with inter-
national standards. It cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian organi-
zations in assisting refugees. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise
in 1997. There were no reports of the forced return of persons to a place where they
feared persecution.
1006
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Dayton Accords commit the parties to "ensure that conditions exist for the
organization of free and fair elections, in particular a politically neutral environ-
ment," and to ensure the right to "vote in secret without lear or intimidation." These
rights were respected imperfectly in the national, entity, and Federation cantonal
elections of September 1996. The three dominant nationalist parties harassed their
rivals and impeded their campaigns. The coordinator for international monitoring
concluded that the elections nevertheless provided "a first and cautious step toward
the democratic functioning of the governing structures of Bosnia and Herzegovina."
Municipal elections were originally scheduled to take place at the same time as
the 1996 national and provincial elections. However, logistical and political difficul-
ties, including massive manipulation of Serb voter registration, resulted in their
postponement until September 1997. The OSCE registered 2.5 million voters and
approximately 20,000 candidates who ran in 136 municipalities.
Intemational supervision of the registration process disclosed irregularities and
fraudulent attempts to register voters in certain areas: Banja Luka, Prijedor,
Gradiska, Kotor Varos, Srpski Drvar, Srpski Kljuc/Ribnik, Brcko, Zepce, Jajce,
Stolac, and Capljina. Where fraud claims were substantiated, the OSCE reregistered
voters and enforced sanctions that included striking candidates from party lists and
removing members of local election commissions.
TTiere were few reports of politically motivated harassment or violence compared
with the pre-electoral period in 1996.
Croat and Serb nationalist parties threatened to boycott the process, but elections
took place on September 13 and 14, and well over 70 percent of the population took
part. Voters had a choice of voting in the municipality where they currently resided
or in their prewar municipality, and if they could show substantial ties to that mu-
nicipality, in a place of future residence. Most of those voting cast their ballot for
municipalities wnere they had lived prior to 1991.
In certain areas, election results are proving difficult to implement, as majority
groups attempt to prevent minority representatives from assuming their municipal
government seats, and as opposition or minority parties block finm certification for
political purposes. Election results demonstrated that nationalist parties still re-
main strong in both entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but opposition parties made
iniportant gains in the western RS and parts of the Federation.
RS assembly elections were called following President Plavsic's decision to dis-
solve the assembly. On November 22 and 23 these elections were held under OSCE
supervision. Voter turnout was approximately 70 percent. The Serb nationalist par-
ties lost their parliamentary majority. The Pale hard-liners' SDS won 24 seats, the
Bosniaks' Coalition for an Undivided Bosnia-Herzegovina (led by the SDA) 18, the
Serb Radical Party and President Plavsic's SNS 15 each, the RS branch of
Milosevic's Socialist Party 9, the Independent Social Democrats 2, and the Bosnian
Social Democratic Party 2 seats as well. A government strongly supportive of the
Dayton Accords, led by Milorad Dodik, a member of the Independent Social Demo-
cratic Party, was elected on January 18 with the votes of moderate Serb parties and
Bosniak and Croat representatives.
Although Bosnian citizens have the right to change their government, ruling party
control of the media and security apparatus precluded full citizen participation with-
out intimidation, especially in Bosnian Croat areas and parts of the RS. The SDS
was intolerant of opposition political activity, and after tensions emerged between
the SDS leadership in Pale and President Plavsic in Banja Luka, Pale-controlled
media severely constrained her access to live and unedited broadcast time. To a
lesser degi^ee, the SDA also inhibited political expression in Bosniak areas. There
was intimidation of non-ethnic based minority parties by the SDA and HDZ outside
of Sarajevo in the Federation.
Women are generally underrepresented in government and politics, although a
few women, such as the President of the Republika Srpska entity, occupy prominent
positions. In the three legislatures, women are seriously underrepresented. Only two
women were elected to the RS assembly in the November elections.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
In general, the authorities permitted outside investigations of alleged human
rights violations. International and local NGO'S involved in human rights appear
to operate fairly freely, with few reports of intimidation or harassment. The OHR
reports that human rights monitors, both those associated with foreign governments
and NGO's, were able to travel without restriction in all areas of the country. The
ECMM, the OSCE, and the II'TF were given widespread and for the most part
1007
unhindered access to detention facilities and prisoners in the RS as well as in the
Federation.
While monitors enjoyed relative freedom to investigate human rights abuses, they
were less successful in persuading the authorities in all regions to respond to their
recommendations, especially in cases in which the authorities were involved. Mon-
itors' interventions often met with delays or outright refusal. For example, protests
by the OHR and the Ombudsperson failed to obtain due process for the '^vomik
Seven" (see Section I.e.) or to obtain the release of Tomislav Matanovic and his par-
ents (see Section l.d.).
Cooperation with the ICTY in the Hague is a key factor in the implementation
of the Dayton Accords, and the establishment of respect for human ri^ts. The RS
continued its policy of defiance of the Tribunal and the Dayton Accords by refusing
to arrest and surrender persons suspected of war crimes, and by allowing former
President Radovan Karadzic to retain important behind-the-scenes political influ-
ence. Following massive international pressure, ten Bosnian Croat indictees turned
themselves in for surrender to the International War Crime Tribunal.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
In the Dayton Accords the parties agreed to reject discrimination on such grounds
as sex, race, color, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social
origin, or association with a national minority. There were nevertheless many cases
of discrimination.
Women. — There is little legal or social discrimination against women, and women
hold a few of the most responsible positions in society, including judges, doctors, and
professors. A woman heads Bosnia radio and television. In general, however, male-
dominated societies remain in all of the entities, with few women in positions of real
economic power. Women are entitled to 12 months' maternity leave and are required
to work no more than 4 hours per day until a child is 3 years old. A woman with
underage children may not be forced to do shift work.
Accurate Statistics on violence against women, spouse abuse, rape etc. are not
available. Anecdotal evidence is of limited use, since reporting patterns vary widely.
Compared to the war years, when violence against women was frequent and occa-
sionally used as a weapon of war, the situation has improved dramatically.
Throughout the country, rape or violent abuse are again considered criminal of-
fenses. However, domestic violence is not usually reported to the authorities.
Children. — The U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child is incorporated by ref-
erence in the Dayton Accords and has the effect of law in both entities. The end
of the fighting has brought a maior improvement in the human rights of children.
During tne war nearly 17,000 children were killed, 35,000 wounded, and over 1,800
permanently disabled.
The domination by ethnic majorities adversely affects the children of minorities,
who must attend schools in which the educational content is skewed toward the val-
ues, history, and religious traditions of the local majority. Children also suffer from
the extreme paucity of social services, especially the lack of adequate care for men-
tally retardea children.
There is no discrimination or societal pattern of abuse against children. Nonethe-
less, they continue to suffer disproportionately from the societal stress being experi-
enced in postwar Bosnia.
People With Disabilities. — By law the Federation (jovernment is required to assist
people with disabilities in finding employment and protecting them against discrimi-
nation. In the current situation there are few jobs available, and thousands of newly
disabled victims entered the job market after the war. The Government has limited
resources to address the special needs of the disabled. There are no legal provisions
mandating that buildings be made accessible for the physically challenged.
Religious Minorities. — Several Roman Catholic churches were vandalized or dam-
aged by explosives in February, apparently in retaliation for the attack against
Nluslims in a West Mostar graveyard in which Bosnian Croat police participated
(see Section l.a.). Another was bombed in Sarajevo in October. None of the mosques
in the RS destroyed during the war have been rebuilt or repaired.
During his April visit to Sarajevo, the Pope stressed the importance of reconcili-
ation among religious and ethnic groups. About 45,000 Croat Catholics traveled to
Sarajevo for the visit, despite some Bosnian Serbs' threats to block passage across
RS territory or to charge transit fees. In advance of the Pope's arrival, Federation
police found explosive devices placed along the route from the airport.
In Herzegovina, Muslims felt pressure not to practice their religion in public. Sev-
eral incidents of vandalism occurred against Muslim religious objects in general, as
well as two attacks on the Tomislavgrad mosque.
1008
Throughout the country, religious minorities felt pressure by the ethnic/religious
majority. On the positive side, after 2 days of talks in Vienna in early June, the
country's main religious leaders created an Interfaith Council composed of the four
religious communities: Muslim, Serbian Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Jewish. The
agreement contained specific short-term and long-term objectives, including encour-
aging freedom of movement, facilitating the return of refugees, and investigating
human rights violations. The OSCE and the OHR facilitated many interfaith meet-
ings at the local level as well.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Ethnic differences — based on religious dif-
ferences— were at the heart of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After family ties,
ethnic identity remains the most powerful social force in the country. Some leaders
of both the SDS and HDZ parties have expressed support for the concepts of a
"Greater Serbia" and a "Greater Croatia", even after having agreed in the Dayton
Accords framework to abandon them. These parties, and to a lesser extent the pri-
marily Bosniak SDA as well, have sought to manipulate the movement of people
and the access to housing and social services they control to ensure that the ethnic
groups with which they are associated consolidate their position in their respective
geographic regions.
In certain areas, such as Sarajevo and Tuzla, mixed communities exist peacefully,
but frequent instances of harassment and discrimination against minorities con-
tinue throughout the country. There include desecration of graves, damage to houses
of worship, tossing of grenades into residential areas, harassment, threats, and as-
saults.
Incidents of ethnic discrimination often center on property disputes. An RS law
on abandoned property permits the return of such property to tne original owner
only if any subsequent occupant willingly departs. This is unlikely given the lack
of adequate alternative dwellings. In a number of areas, local authorities refused
to accept returning ethnic minorities until members of their own group had been
permitted to return to their homes outside the region, in effect blocking the return
of refugees to all of the areas involved. Bosnian Serb and Croat political leaders dis-
couraged displaced persons within their groups from, returning to areas where they
would be in the minority, and encouraged people to migrate to areas where they
would be in the majority. In contrast, Bosniak authorities appear tacitly to support
some resettlement efforts in "strategic" areas of the Federation, including by per-
sons new to those areas.
In some cases, opponents of refugee returns employed violence, including sporadic
house burnings and orchestrated demonstrations, hi July a group of women dis-
placed from Srebrenica attacked a Serb visiting a grave in the Visoko area and beat
him to death (see Section l.a.); on August 1, a crowd of about 50 to 100 women
mobbed the municipal building in the Sarajevo suburb of Vogosca, terrorizing a
small group of Serbs visiting to discuss their return. Both the Serbs and Bosniak
officials had to be evacuated under heavy police protection. The latter incident, like
the house burnings, appeared to be orchestrated by extremist political elements.
In Bosnian Croat areas, the homes of intending returnees were burned in Drvar
and Jajce; one Bosniak man was found dead after the violence in Jajce(see Section
l.a.).
According to Federation ombudsmen, human rights violations based on ethnic ori-
gin, which occurred early in the year, were facilitated by the continued existence
of two ethnically pure police forces. By year's end, 6 of the 10 Federation cantons
had integrated their police force with officers from the various ethnic groups and
were conducting multiethnic patrols (there are currently insufficient numbers of po-
lice of some ethnic groups in some cantons, but their slots in the forces are being
left open until police of the appropriate ethnic group can be recruited to fill them).
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Federation Constitution provides for the right
of workers to form and join labor unions. The largest union is the Confederation of
Independent Trade Unions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the heir of the old Yugoslav
Communist Trade Union Confederation. Unions have the right to strike, but there
were few strikes during the year because of the economic devastation and jobless-
ness caused by the war throughout much of the Federation.
More than 5,000 coal miners from Breza, Kakanj, Zenica, and Bila went on strike
briefly in early August to demand more prompt payments by local power stations
for delivered coal.
Unions may affiliate internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The practice of collective bar-
gaining in labor-management negotiations was used only in a limited way in 1997.
There are no export processing zones.
1009
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits ser-
vitude or forced labor, including tnat performed by children, and despite rumors
that work camps exist in isolated areas, investigations have not turned up any cor-
roborating evidence. There were no credible reports of child labor in either entity.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The mini-
mum age for employment of children in the Federation was 16 years. Children
sometimes assisted their families with farm work and odd jobs. Trie Government
does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but such practices
are not known to occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum monthly wage is $60 (100 DM)
and the minimum pension is $46 (80 DM) per month. In principle this wage level
is ensured, but it oilen is not reached in reality because the economy is only begin-
ning to recover from the war. Many workers still have claims outstanding for sala-
ries earned during the war but are being paid in full only for current work. Simi-
larly, many pensioners have outstanding claims.
Occupational safety and health regulations were generally ignored because of the
demands and constraints imposed by an economy devastated by war.
BULGARIA
Bulgaria is a parliamentary republic ruled by a democratically elected govern-
ment. Following his election victory in late 1996 in the country's second direct presi-
dential elections, President Petar Stoyanov of the Union of Democratic Forces (UDF)
was inaugurated in January and began a 5-year term of office. At the beginning of
1997, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), heir to the Communist Party, and two
nominal partners governed in a coalition. Widespread political unrest caused by a
worsening economic crisis culminated in crippling nationwide strikes and daily
antigovemment protests in January and early February. Under mounting popular
pressure, the BSP-led Government agreed in early February to hold early elections
in April, in which the UDF-led coalition won an absolute majority in the National
Assembly. UDF leader Ivan Rostov was chosen as Prime Minister. The judiciary is
independent but continued to suffer from corruption and structural and stamng
problems.
Most internal security services are the responsibility of the Ministry of the Inte-
rior, which exercises incomplete control of the police, the Central Service for Com-
bating Organized Crime, the National Security Service (civilian intelligence), inter-
nal security troops, border guards, and special forces. The change of government
brought a change in leadership and management of most of these services, in some
cases replacing security officials involved in the notorious State Security Organiza-
tion (known as DS) and its repressive activities during the pre-1989 Communist re-
gime. Both before and after the change in government, some members of the police
force committed serious human rights abuses.
The post-Communist economy continued to be heavily dependent on money-losing
state enterprises, although the growing private sector now accounts for about 45
percent of economic activity, and privatization is accelerating. Most people are em-
ployed in the industrial and service sectors; key industries include food processing,
chemical and oil processing, metallurgy, and energy. Principal exports are agricul-
tural products, cigarettes and tobacco, chemicals, and metal products. The trans-
formation of the economy to a market-oriented system was retarded by continued
political and social resistance. Slow progress in the privatization of the large Com-
munist-era state enterprises was a major reason for economic stagnation in 1996.
The failure to implement structural reforms led to an economic collapse in 1996 and
early 1997. The financial system stabilized after a brief hyperinflationary period
aft«r the switch to a caretaker government, but gross domestic product continued
to decline through most of the year. The new Government announced its commit-
ment to an accelerated privatization program. The service and consumer goods sec-
tors in private hands continued to be the most active. The new Government intro-
duced a currency board and implemented fiscal and monetary austerity, budget and
staff cuts, and radical economic restructuring. The 1996 economic crisis affected the
employment of ethnic minorities disproportionately. The annual per capita gross do-
mestic product of $1,130 provides a relatively low standard of living.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, but prob-
lems remained in some areas. Police used unwarranted lethal force against suspects
and minorities in some cases. Security forces beat suspects and inmates and at
times arbitrarily arrested and detained persons. Government control of the police
is not sufficiently complete to ensure full accountability. This results in a climate
1010
of impunity and inhibits government attempts to end police abuses. Conditions in
some prisons are harsh, and pretrial detention is often prolonged. The judiciary is
underpaid, understaffed, and has a heavy case backlog; corruption also exists. Con-
stitutional restrictions on political parties formed on ethnic, racial, or religious lines
effectively limit participation for some groups. Both the Government and private
citizens continued to obstruct the activities of some nontraditional religious groups.
Discrimination and violence against women remain serious problems, and some
women are victims of trafficking and forced prostitution. Societal mistreatment of
Roma is a serious problem. The limited social service system does not adequately
assist homeless and other vulnerable children, notably Romani children. Further,
security forces harass, physically abuse, and arbitrarily arrest and detain Romani
street children.
The National Assembly passed legislation, initiated by the new Government, to
open the dossiers created by the former state security services to inspection both
by a government commission and by private citizens. The Socialist opposition op-
posed the law and challenged its legitimacy in the Constitutional Court; the Court,
however, upheld its main provisions.
The new Government placed a high priority on combating crime and corruption.
It amended the Penal Code and the Property Insurance Act, inter alia, to expedite
judicial processing, penalize organized crime and racketeering, increase rights of
self-defense, provide for witness protection, permit and regulate government use of
electronic surveillance and wiretapping to fight organized crime, and increase the
severity of sentences for numerous serious crimes.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — ^Police officers used unwarranted le-
thal force against criminal suspects, as well as against members of minority groups
whether or not suspected of any crime, resulting in several deaths.
On January 7, Stefan Stanev, age 50, died under unexplained circumstances while
in custody at the police station of Popovo. Responding to pressure by human rights
groups, the Military Prosecutor's Office began an investigation in June. To date no
results have been released to the public.
On February 2, a Plovdiv traffic police officer shot to death Elin Elenov
Karamanov, a 29-year-old Rom from Plovdiv, under questionable circumstances.
Karamanov had been with a friend who claimed that they were both looking for
scrap iron near the Maritsa River when they suddenly noticed a policeman about
100 feet away. The friend said that he ran away, but Karamanov remained. The
next day, Karamanov's wife went to the police station, where she was told that an
unidentified man had been killed. When she then went to the morgue she discovered
her husband's remains. According to a forensic expert, the cause of death was a gun-
shot wound to the head, behind the right ear. An investigation was under way at
year's end.
On February 18, a policeman, and a civilian hunter who came to the assistance
of the police officer, shot Boris Vasilev Kalinov and Vasil Strahilov Kalinov, both
Romani men, who were allegedly stealing cables. Boris Kalinov was wounded in the
knee by the policeman, and Vasil Kalinov was shot to death from a distance of
roughly 7 feet. Boris later denied resisting arrest. The policeman claimed that the
two men were attacked by 14 Roma wielding pickaxes and shovels and had no other
recourse than to use deadly force. An investigation was under way at year's end.
The civilian who fatally shot Kalinov was accused of murder. The military prosecu-
tor in Plovdiv started criminal proceedings, but no progress was reported by year's
end.
Following his arrest and possible mistreatment at the hands of police in Burgas
in March, criminal suspect Georgi Biandov died in a hospital under suspicious cir-
cumstances. No charges were brought in the case.
Kolo Todorov, a 32-year-old Rom arrested in mid-May for theft, was reportedly
shot and killed while trying to escape detention in Assenovgrad.
On June 5, police in Sofia shot in the head a citizen of mixed-race parentage
named Petar Robert Karandzha: He died the next day. The police claimed that he
was shot while attempting to escape from investigative detention. The Bulgarian
Helsinki Committee expressed concern that no evidence was presented that
Karandzha had threatened others' lives or safety or that the police had exhausted
other means of restraint. An internal investigation took place, and the police in-
volved were exonerated.
1011
In mid-November Mincho Simeonov Surtmachev was apprehended as a robbery
suspect and later died of wounds sustained from a severe beating while in police
custody. A police officer was charged in the case.
On January 29, 1996, a 17-year-old Rom, Anguel Zabchikov, died while in police
custody in Razgrad, apparently as a result of a oeating. The police told Zabchikov's
family that he fell and fractured his skull while fleeing the police and died instantly.
The police later reported that he died as a result of excessive alcohol in the blood-
stream. In addition to the fractured skull, Zabchikov's family described numerous
signs of severe beating and handcuff marks on both wrists. Criminal proceedings
were terminated in 1997 by the Military Prosecutor's Office in Varna on Qie grounds
that there had been no abuse committed by the police officers involved. Following
an appeal by Zabchikov's mother, the Regional (Civil) Prosecutor's OfTice in Razgrad
initiated criminal proceedings, but on March 4 the investigation was suspended.
However, the European Court of Human Rights agreed to try the case.
No progress was registered in the case of the shooting death of former Prime Min-
ister Andrei Lukanov in 1996. In the case of Ivan Benchev, who was beaten to death
in 1996, one policemen was convicted. His appeal was pending at year's end.
Due to public pressure from human rights nongovernmental organizations
(NGO's), charges were brought against the police officer accused of fatally shooting
Orthodox priest Yordan Tsolov in 1994, although the trial had not begun by yeai^s
end.
Interior Ministry data show 21 complaints of police brutality were filed in 1996,
of which 3 were judged justified. For the period January through September 1997,
24 such complaints were received of which 7 were considered to be of merit. The
Ministry statistics reflect only those official complaints registered by the alleged vic-
tims. Human rights NGO's report that they receive many more complaints from per-
sons who are too intimidated to lodge an official complaint with government authori-
ties. The Minister of Interior in the new Government publicly acknowledged that
abuses exist in the police force and announced his determination to bring offending
police officers to justice. For example, he disbanded the renegade Special Police Unit
in July after the unit attacked security personnel in a Sofia nightclub in a person-
ally motivated vendetta (see Section I.e.). The police have generally refused to make
investigative reports available to the public.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution expressly prohibits torture and crueH inhuman, or degrading treat-
ment. Despite this prohibition, police beat criminal suspects, members of minorities,
and antigovemment demonstrators.
Accorcfing to a March report of the Council of Europe's Committee for the Preven-
tion of Torture (CPT), "criminal suspects deprived of their liberty by the police in
Bulgaria run a significant risk of being ill-treated at the time of their apprehension
and/or while in police custody, and ... on occasion resort may be had to severe ill-
treatment/torture." The CPT delegation included medical professionals who exam-
ined detainees and found evidence in the form of "physical marks or other medical
conditions consistent with their allegations." The report further described conditions
in National Investigative Service detention facilities as "almost without exception
. . . inhuman and degrading."
On January 10, the first day of nearly a month of daily public demonstrations
against the BSP Government, a large crowd of antigovemment protesters broke
through a police cordon and occupied the National Assembly building. Although
there were reports of troublemakers among the crowd, the majority was nonviolent.
During the early hours of January 11, special police units forcibly removed the dem-
onstrators, resorting to the indiscriminate use of force. Former Prime Minister Filip
Dimitrov was among those severely beaten by police. The Bulgarian Helsinki Com-
mittee reported that 295 people were injured, 11 of whom required inpatient hos-
pitalization. Then-Minister of^ Interior mkolai Dobrev announced an investigation,
but no punishment was meted out by year's end. In January 1998, it emerged fol-
lowing the publication of a previously classified cabinet meeting transcript that the
order to use force against the demonstrators was issued by then-Prime Minister
Zhan Videnov.
In February masked police raided a Romani neighborhood in Pazardjik and beat
local residents in what was seen as retaliation for the theft of food from a grocery
earlier that day by several Romani protesters. The Human Rights Project reported
that approximately 60 Romani citizens were beaten in the course of the raid. Ac-
cording to family members, one man died in June as a result of improperly treated
wounds received from the police during that incident. No criminal prosecution of
those responsible for the mistreatment took place, although the district court agreed
to consider civil claims.
1012
The Bulgarian Helsinki Committee also reported that in March police raided the
"Flamingo, a Sofia bar run by gay rights activists. No warrant was produced, and
ftolice beat several of the bar's employees and patrons. The police allegedly con-
iscated documents and other items in an attempt to gain access to a list oi those
who frequent the Flamingo. They also reportedlv kept several of those present dur-
ing the raid in custody at a police station with their nands cuffed to a bar over their
heads for 20 hours. None of those involved filed a formal complaint.
Human Rights Project reported that in April two Romani theft suspects in
Nedyalsko were handcuffed by police and tied to a tractor. The police, who had ear-
lier beaten the suspects along with two others, forced the Roma to run aft«r the
tractor for approximately 1 kilometer. The police then drove the tractor (with the
two Roma still attached) to the village square, where villagers stoned and beat the
two men. The victims are preparing to file a compladnt.
In June a ra^d at an outdoor disco in Sofia resulted in 51 complaints of inappro-
priate police behavior reported to the Bulgarian Helsinki Committee. Several offi-
cers reportedly harassed and mistreated those patrons who did not produce identi-
fication in a timely manner.
On June 4 and 5, Danail Mladenov, a 23-year-old Rom from Valchedram was
taken to a police station and questioned regarding a theft. Although police records
indicated that he was not implicated in any theft, police officers allegedly attempted
to obtain a confession by beating the soles of his feet (as well as his palms). His
family asserted that he had visible injuries resulting from mistreatment. Mladenov
filed a complaint with the Military FVosecutor's Office, but the prosecutor refused
to initiate criminal proceedings.
Also in June, several Sliven policemen beat theater director Zlatko Gulekov, alleg-
edly for making excessive noise in public. Gulekov was reportedly beaten in a police
station.
Fifteen members of the Special Police Unit went to another Sofia nightclub in
July to avenge the ejection of one of their colleagues the night before. According to
news reports quoting security employees of the club, an officer was ejected the ni^t
before because he was intoxicated and behaving aggressively. The 15 officers se-
verely beat several employees of the club, 3 of whom subsequently required hos-
Eitalization. Interior Minister Bogimil Bonev reacted quickly by disbanding the unit,
lespite an announcement that tnose officers responsible would be turned over to
the military prosecutor, to date no reports of further prosecution have emei^ed.
Also in July, the families of three Romani girls between the ages of 10 and 14
accused the Elhovo police of brutality. They afleged that the police threatened the
children with firearms, forced them to crawl on the ground while verbally abusing
them with ethnic slurs, and then slapped the eldest and hit her with a truncheon.
The girls were then reportedly intimidated into confessing to theft. The parents
maintain that they were not informed of the detention of their daughters and have
submitted a complaint to the Military Prosecutor's Office in Sliven; no action was
taken on the complaint by year's end.
In September a Rom, Ivo Karlovo, was arrested on suspicion of theft of a cow in
Sopot. The police allegedly beat Karlovo with batons and metal wire and extin-
guished a cigarette in nis palm while verbally abusing him with ethnic slurs. The
Human Rights Project filed a complaint with the Military Prosecutor's Office but
has yet to receive a reply.
In October four police officers allegedly assaulted Roma in three cafes in Sofia's
Hristo Botev neighborhood. Witnesses claimed that the officers, who were drunk,
beat bystanders and forced a couple out of bed and then made them crawl naked
on the floor. Yanko Atanassov and his son Nikolai told Human Rights Project per-
sonnel that they were seriously injured in the attack. Yanko claimed to have been
handcuffed and then beaten by the officers, and Nikolai said the policemen forced
him to bum his father's genitals with a lighter.
A Human Rights Watch report released in 1996 documenting police mistreatment
of Romani street children stated that police harass and physically abuse the chil-
dren. Children described being chased, kicked, and grabbed by police on the street.
Conditions in some prisons are harsh, and iclude severe overcrowding, inadequate
lavatory facilities, and insufficient heating and ventilation. Credible sources re-
ported cases of brutality committed by prison guards against inmates; in some
cases, prisoners who complained were placed in solitary confinement. The process
by which prisoners may complain of substandard conditions or of mistreatment does
not appear to ftinction. Deputy Minister of Justice and I^egal Euro-Integration
Zlatka Kousseva visited 10 of Bulgaria's 13 prisons after taking office.
The (jovemment cooperated fully with requests by independent observers to mon-
itor conditions in those prisons under the authority of the Ministry of Justice. Such
1013
cooperation was not the case for the detention centers operated by the National In-
vestigative Service (see Section l.d.).
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides for protection
against arbitrary arrest and detention; however, police often arbitrarily detain
street children. The Constitution provides for access to legal counsel from the time
of detention. Police normally obtain a warrant from a prosecutor prior to apprehend-
ing an individual; otherwise, in emergency circumstances judicial authorities must
rule on the legality of a detention within 24 hours. Defendants have the right to
visits by family members, to examine evidence, and to know the charges against
them. Charges may not be made public without the permission of the chief prosecu-
tor. Pretrial detention is limited to 2 months under normal circumstances, although
this may be extended to 6 months by order of the Chief Prosecutor, who may also
restart the process. In practice persons are often detained for well over 6 months.
In an August interview. Deputy Minister of Justice Rousseva said that people were
known to have spent up to 4 years in prison without an indictment. Under the
terms of an August amendment to the Code of Criminal Procedure, pretrial deten-
tion for new detainees can last no more than 1 year or, if the alleged offense is pun-
ishable by over 15 years' imprisonment, life imprisonment, or capital punishment,
no more than 2 years.
As of August 1, According to the Ministry of Justice, 1,516 inmates were in pre-
trial detention, 2,403 were on trial, and 7,857 had been convicted (for a total inmate
population of 11,776). These figures do not include those held in custody by the Na-
tional Investigative Service (NIS), for which figures are not available. The Bulgarian
Helsinki Committee has attempted without success to gain access to NIS facilities
in order to investigate allegations of abuse. Attempts to obtain information on the
numbers held have also met with frustration.
In the event of a conviction, time spent in pretrial detention is credited toward
the sentence. The Constitution provides for bail, and some detainees have been re-
leased under this provision, although bail is not widely used.
A Human Rights Watch report in 1996 found that "police often arbitrarily detain
street children, hold them in custody, question them, and then release them after
registering the children with the Children's Pedagogic OfTice or referring them to
a local Commission, the body which is authorized under the Juvenile Delinquency
Act to recommend confinement of a child in a Labor Education School."
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Under the Constitution the judiciary is granted
independent and coequal status with the legislative and executive branches. How-
ever, the judiciary continues to struggle with problems such as corruption, low sala-
ries, understafUng, antiquated procedures, and a heavy backlog of cases. Partly as
a legacy of communism and partly because of the court system's corruption, struc-
tural, and personnel problems, many citizens have little confidence in the judicial
system. Human rights groups complain that local prosecutors and magistrates some-
times fail to pursue vigorously crimes committed against minorities. Few organized
crime figures have been prosecuted to date, but the new Government has made the
battle against organized crime a priority and has reformed the Penal Code and
sought external assistance to that end.
Tne court system consists of regional courts, district courts, and Supreme Courts
of Cassation (civil and criminal appeal) and Administration. The Government has
not yet carried out several of the reiorms provided for in a 1994 judicial reform bill,
including revised procedures for the two separate Supreme Courts. The Constitu-
tional Court, which is separate from the normal court system, is empowered to re-
scind legislation it considers unconstitutional, settle disputes over the conduct of
general elections, and resolve conflicts over the division of powers between the var-
ious branches of government. Military courts handle cases involving military person-
nel and some cases involving national security matters. The Constitutional Court
does not have specific jurisdiction in matters of military justice. Judges are ap-
pointed by the 25-member Supreme Judicial Council and, after serving for 3 years,
may not be replaced except under limited, specified circumstances. The 12 justices
on the Constitutional Court are chosen for 9-year terms as follows: a third are elect-
ed by the National Assembly, a third appointed by the President, and a third elected
by judicial authorities.
The Constitution stipulates that all courts shall conduct their hearings in public
unless the proceedings involve state security or national secrets. There were no re-
ported complaints about limited access to courtroom proceedings. Defendants have
the right to learn of the charges against them and are given ample time to prepare
a defense. The right of appeal is provided and widely used. Defendants in criminal
proceedings have the right to coniront witnesses and to have an attorney, provided
by the state if necessary, in serious cases.
1014
Human rights observers consider so-called "Educational Boarding Schools" (for-
merly known as "Labor Education Schools ") to which problem children can be sent
to be little different from penal institutions. However, since the schools are not con-
sidered prisons under the law, the procedures by which children are confined in
these schools are not subject to minimal due process. This denial of due process is
criticized by human rights observer groups such as the Bulgarian Lawyers for
Human Rights. Children sometimes appear alone despite the requirement that par-
ents attend hearings; the right to an attorney at the hearing is expressly prohibited
by law. Decisions on these cases are not subject to judicial review, and children tjrpi-
cally stay in the Educational Boarding Schools for 3 years or until they reach major-
ity age, whichever occurs first. In late 1996, the National Assembly enacted legisla-
tion providing for court review of sentencing to such schools, setting a limit of a 3-
year stay, and addressing other problems in these institutions (see Section 5). Some
observers dismiss these provisions as a formality, as the child is not present to
speak on his or her own oehalf (nor is the defense lawyer, nor the child's parents).
Until September former dictator Todor Zhivkov remained under house arrest on
charges stemming from his involvement in the coercive campaign to rename and as-
similate ethnic Tiarks in the mid-1980's, channeling funds to arm third-world coun-
tries, and establishing a fund to assist leftist workers' organizations worldwide.
Zhivkov was granted a temporary release in August in order to attend a function
in his honor. In September the Military Prosecutor's Office released Zhivkov from
house arrest but imposed parole-like conditions that require him to report regularly
to the police and forbid him from leaving the country.
One of the primaiy figures in a long-running case involving the prosecution of
former high-level Communists for various financial misdeeds, former Prime Minister
and one-time senior Communist official Andrei Lukanov, brought a complaint
against these proceedings to the European Commission of Human Rights. In 1996
the Commission ruled that the detention of Lukanov from July to December 1992
was unlawful. Although Lukanov was shot and killed in Sofia on October 2, 1996,
the European Court of Human Rights found in Lukanov's favor in March and or-
dered the Government to pay damages, legal costs, and expenses to Lukanov's next-
of-kin. The Government complied.
There was no progress in a case begun in 1993 relating to the forced assimilation
and expulsion oi ethnic Turks in 1984-85 and 1989, nor in a trial relating to the
notorious death camps set up by the Communists after they came to power in 1944.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of the home, the right to choose one's
Blace of work and residence, and the freedom and confidentiality of correspondence,
[uman rights observers expressed concern that illegal wiretaps may persist; specu-
lation was fueled by an incident in January when, immediately after a journalist
revealed in a telephone conversation his possession of a videotape allegedly incrimi-
nating the security services in police brutality, the police arrived at his home and
confiscated the tape. FVocedures were subseqruently introduced by the Government
that are designed to prevent the abuse of legal wiretaps by the security forces.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects this right in practice. In
1996 the National Assembly passed, over President Zhelev's veto, legislation that
was publicly criticized by Council of Europe experts and Bulgarian journalists for
the inhibitions it would impose on freedom of the broadcast media. Critics of the
media law were concerned, for example, that the makeup of the National Council
for Radio and Television would subject the media to political influence by the party
in power. Asked by 74 opposition Members of Parliament to rule on the law, the
Constitutional Court in November 1996 declared this and numerous other provisions
unconstitutional. Until a revised bill is enacted, the broadcast media are left in a
legislative void but operate freely. Meanwhile the Government appointed a new Na-
tional Council.
A variety of newspapers are published freely by political parties and other organi-
zations representing the full spectrum of political opinion, although journalists fre-
quently color their reports to conform with the views of the political parties or eco-
nomic groups that own their respective newspapers.
Some human rights observers charge that prosecutors use their authority to issue
arrest warrants to intimidate reporters who criticize their work. However, only one
case apparently occurred during the year, when journalist Yovka Atanassova was
convicted in March of allegedly libeling prominent business and political figures
whom she reported had worked as State Security Organization informants. Another
1015
journalist was released from prison after serving the full term of a 6-month sentence
Degun in 1996; he was convicted of libel for accusing a prosecutor of corruption.
Pending enactment of the new media legislation, national television and radio
broadcasting both remained under parliamentary supervision. Some media observ-
ers expressed concern that such parliamentary supervision fosters censorship and
a lack of balance in the state-controlled media. After confidential records of his gov-
ernment were made public in January 1998, it emerged that Socialist Prime Min-
ister Zhan Videnov restricted the national television networic's coverage of
antigovemment demonstrations in January 1997.
"niere are two state-owned national television channels that broadcast in Bul-
garian. Until the end of August, there was also a national channel that broadcast
Russian programming and another that carried a mixture of Cable News Network
Intematicnal and French-language programming. All foreign broadcasts ended in
the autumn when previously-granted broadcast licenses expired. Bulgarian National
Television has been planning Turkish-language programming for at least 4 years,
but broadcasts have not yet begun (there are, however, two daily half-hour radio
broadcasts in Turkish). There is no private national broadcast station, but a number
of privately owned regional stations operate. After initial government approval in
the fall of 1994 of an application to create a privately owned national broadcast tele-
vision station, no further steps have been taken by either the current or previous
governments to license such a station.
Foreign government radio programs such as the British Broadcasting Corporation,
Deutsche Welle, and the Voice of America had good access to commercial radio fre-
quencies. Television and radio news programs on the state-owned media present op-
position views, but opposition members claim that their activities and views are
given less air time ana exposure than the those of the ruling party. There are no
formal restrictions on programming. Both television and radio provide a variety of
news and public interest programming, including talk and public opinion shows.
More than 30 independent radio stations are licensed. Some private stations com-
plained that their licenses unduly restricted the strength of their transmissions in
comparison with state-owned stations. Radio transmitter facilities are owned by the
Government.
Private book publishing remained unhindered by political considerations, but pub-
lishers suffered heavy losses as a result of the economic crisis. Additionally, many
publishing houses are small and operate on slender profit margins.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The right to peaceful assembly
is provided for by the Constitution, and the Government generally respected this
right in practice. The authorities require permits for rallies and assemblies held out-
doors, but most legally registered organizations were routinely granted permission
to assemble. However, on several occasions police broke up gatherings and services
of unregistered religious groups, including those of Jehovah's Witnesses, Word of
Life, The Unification Church, and Baha'is. These religious groups were denied reg-
istration by the Council of Ministers. The Government also broke up a Muslim reli-
gious gathering in August; although the Muslim religion is recognized and sub-
sidizeaby the State, this particular gathering was deemed "nonauthorized" (see Sec-
tion 2.C.).
Vigorous political rallies and demonstrations were a common occurrence. Most
took place without government interference, with the notable exception of the con-
troversial events at the National Assembly building on January 10 and 11 (see Sec-
tion I.e.).
The Government has undertaken to respect the rights of individuals and groups
freely to establish their own political parties or other political organizations. How-
ever, there are constitutional and statutory restrictions that limit the right of asso-
ciation and meaningful participation in the political process. For example, the Con-
stitution forbids the formation of political parties along religious, ethnic, or racial
lines and prohibits "citizens' associations" from engaging in political activity. This
provision is designed to prevent the development of parties based on a single ethnic
or other group that could prove divisive for national unity by stirring up ethnic ten-
sion for political purposes. Nonetheless, the mainly ethnic Turkish Movement for
Rights and Freedoms (MRF) is represented in the National Assembly. The other
major political parties generally accept the MRF's right to participate in the political
process.
The Constitution also prohibits organizations that threaten the country's terri-
torial integrity or unity or that incite racial, ethnic, or religious hatred. The Govern-
ment has refused since 1990 to register a self-proclaimed Macedonian rights group,
Omo-Ilinden, on the grounds that it is separatist. In April and again in May, police
1016
broke up attempts by the group to hold public meetings. There were no known pros-
ecutions for simple membership in this group.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^Altnough the Constitution provides for freedom of reli-
gion, the Government restricts this right in practice for some non-Orthodox religious
groups. The ability of a number of religious groups to operate freely continued to
come under attack, both as a result of government action and because of public in-
tolerance. The government requirement that groups whose activities have a reli-
gious element re^ster with the Council of Ministers remained an obstacle to the ac-
tivity of some religious groups, such as Jehovah's Witnesses, Word of Life, the Unifi-
cation Church, and Baha'is, which have been denied registration. In December the
Directorate of Religious Affairs registered the "United Evangelical Churches," an al-
liance of five evangelical churches, and in August it registered the Gideons as a "re-
ligious group."
The Ministry of Education announced plans to include a course on religion in the
high school curriculum beginning with the 1998-99 school year. The plan reportedly
caUs for a "world religion" course that avoids endorsing any particular faith.
The Government refused many requests for visas and residence permits for for-
eign missionaries, some of whom came under physical attack in public places. Mem-
bers of the Mormon Church reported continued acts of harassment and assault, in-
cluding some perpetrated by government authorities themselves. Two groups of
Mormon missionaries were singled out for extensive searches and had religious and
other literature as well as personal belongings confiscated at Sofia Airport in April.
At no point did the customs officials cite any law that would have been breacned
by the importation or possession of the Mormons' literature but insisted that thev
were acting under orders from their superiors. When one missionary was later ad-
vised that the items could be retrieved at the airport, he was arrested for alleged
possession of methamphetamines which, according to customs authorities, were con-
tained in over-the-counter dietary supplements that were removed from the mission-
aries' luggage at the time of confiscation. The Minister of Interior acted promptly
to obtain his release. A criminal investigation is still pending.
In late 1995, Jehovah's Witnesses brought a complaint to the European Commis-
sion of Human Rights about the Government's refusal to register the organization.
The Commission ruled that Jehovah's Witnesses' appeal was admissible oe fore the i
Commission, and the Government subsequently indicated in the press that it might
be willing to come to terms out of court with Jehovah's Witnesses on those practices
that the Government has considered objectionable. Talks were continuing between
the two parties at year's end. Proposed legislation allowing alternatives to compul-
sory military service provided a possible opportunity for agreement. One member of
Jehovah's Witnesses who was imprisoned for refusing to serve in the military was
released in 1997. Another member of Jehovah's Witnesses, an Austrian citizen, was
ordered to leave the country in September.
On several occasions the police shut down religious meetings of unregistered
groups. In April and August, police broke up Word of Life religious gatherings, and
in May customs officials at Sofia Airport confiscated videotapes belonging to the
same religious group. In April and in June, police broke up meetings of the Unifica-
tion Church and confiscated literature and other items. In May two members of Je-
hovah's Witnesses in Petrich were beaten and driven out of town by local members
of the political party "Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization." No action
was taken by law enforcement authorities. In June police broke up a Jehovah's Wit-
ness gathering in Plovdiv and confiscated religious materials. In August police en-
tered the home of a Jehovah's Witness member to break up a religious gathering,
confiscated religious materials, books, and personal videos, and filmed those present
at the meeting. Also in August, Haskovo municipal authorities banned a public
meeting of Baha'is and forced them to abandon an apartment in the city. Later in
August, police raided an Islamic religious seminar on the grounds that it was not
registered. On this occasion, the police brought cameramen with them who recorded
the raid for broadcast on national television news. These incidents lend credence to
charges by human rights activists that the police are monitoring and interfering
with the activities of many unregistered groups.
The Constitution designates Eastern Orthodox Christianity as the "traditional" re-
ligion. Along with the Orthodox Church, a number of major religious bodies, includ-
ing the Muslim and Jewish communities, receive government financial support.
There was no evidence that the Government discriminated against the members of
any religious group in making restitution to previous owners of properties that were
nationalized during the Communist regime. The Government actively supported
property restitution for a group representing the Jewish community. For most reg-
istered religious groups, there were no restrictions on attendance at religious serv-
ices or on private religious instruction. A school for imams, a Muslim cultural cen-
1017
ter, university theological faculties, and religious primary schools operated freely.
Bibles and other religious materials in the Bulgarian language were on most occa-
sions freely importea and printed, and Muslim, Catholic, and Jewish publications
were published on a regular basis. Nevertheless, police confiscated religious lit-
erature during searches of Mormon missionaries, a visiting Word of Life minister,
and Jehovah's Witnesses.
In September three Bulgarian Socialist Party members of Parliament proposed
the levying of fines against those leaders of religious groups who have been denied
registration yet continue to perform religious ceremonies. The fines would range
from $56 to $560 (100,000 to 1 million Leva).
During compulsory military service most Muslims are placed in construction units
where they often perform commercial or maintenance work rather than serve in nor-
mal military units. The mainlv ethnic Turkish Movement for Ri^ts and Freedoms
(MRF) protested this practice (see Section 5).
A long-running feua in the Muslim community ended in October. Until then many
Muslims viewed the Government's recognition of Nedim (iendjev as Chief Mufli to
be interference in their affairs. Many members of the ethnic Turkish minority
viewed Gendjev as a collaborator with the "Regeneration Process" of the Zhivkov re-
gime in the 1980's, during which many ethnic-Turkish citizens were intimidated
into exchanging their Turkish names for Bulgarian ones. The Gk)vemment continued
to refuse to recognize the election of a rival Chief Mufli, Fikri Sali, who was elected
at an alternative Islamic conference in 1995. In late October, the leadership of the
Muslim community participated in a unification conference organized by the Gov-
ernment and elected a new Mufli, Mustafa Alish Hadji, who was found acceptable
by the majority of supporters of both former rival muflis. The Government there-
upon registered both Hadji and the new statutes of the Muslim leadership as adopt-
ed by the conference.
At the Department of Theology of Sofia University all students are required to
present a certificate of baptism from the Orthodox Church, and marriea couples
must present a marriage certificate from the same in order to enroll in the Depart-
ment's classes; in 1996 two non-Orthodox applicants were denied admission to the
Department when they were unable to present such certificates. The applicants then
appealed to the local courts. One local court has already decided in favor of one ap-
plicant.
The schism that opened in the Orthodox Church in 1992 continued, and the Gov-
ernment refused to recognize an alternative Patriarch elected by his supporters in
1996. The Supreme Court ruled that the decision was unlawful, but the alternate
Patriarch remained unregistered by the new Government.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country. Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement within the country
and the right to leave it, and these rights are not limited in practice, with the excep-
tion of limited border zones that are off limits both to foreigners and citizens not
resident therein. Every citizen has the right to return to Bulgaria, may not be forc-
ibly expatriated, and may not be deprived of citizenship acquired by birth. A num-
ber of former political emigrants were granted passports and returned to visit or
live. The new Government revoked the passports of several former government fig-
ures who were under investigation for charges of corruption.
Bulgaria has provisions for granting asylum or refugee status in accordance with
relevant United Nations acts in this field, and the (Government provides first asy-
lum. However, domestic and international human rights organizations expressed
concern over the (jovemment's handling of asylum claims and reported that there
may be cases in which bona fide refugees are forced to return to countries where
they fear persecution. In the absence of a refugee law, the procedures followed by
the CJovemment's National Bureau for Territorial Asylum and Refugees (NBTAR)
are regulated by an Ordinance for Granting and Regulating Refugee Status. The
NBTAR is currently drafting a proposed refugee law, which has yet to be submitted
to the National Assembly. The NBTAR asserts that it gives a fair hearing to all per-
sons seeking asylum or refugee status but admits that there may be cases that do
not come to its attention before the applicants are returned to the country from
which they came. In 1996 the Ministry of Interior reported that 2,600 people were
denied entry at borders over the past few years. It is not known how many of these
persons requested asylum; no figures for 1997 were available.
The NBTAR reports that, from its inception in 1993 until August 31, a total of
1,798 people applied for asylum. Of these cases, 341 persons were granted asylum,
73 were oenied, and for 186 applicants the procedure was terminated (usually be-
cause the applicant could not be found). Domestic and international human rights
organizations coniplained that the asylum process is slow (it can take up to 4 years),
and that many of those who have been granted refugee status have yet to receive
1018
the necessary documents enabling them to move about freely and work. Due to the
arrival of only a relatively low number of refugees, the NBTAR is no longer seeking
to establish reception centers (blocked in 1994 by skinheads and local citizens
groups) but still plans to open transit centers.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government and head of state through the
election of the President and of the members of the National Assembly, although
the constitutional prohibition of parties formed on ethnic, racial, or religious lines
has the effect of circumscribing access to the political process for some groups (see
Section 2.b.). Suffrage is universal at the age of 18.
Citizens exercised the right to change their government in April. Popular unrest
in the form of general strikes and daily protests during the political crisis of Janu-
ary and early February led to a political capitulation by an extremely unpopular
and widely discredited government and agreement to move immediately to new elec-
tions. The populace believed that the (jovemment, dominated by the Bulgarian So-
cialist Party, Dore the brunt of the blame for the economic malaise that began with
the banking crisis in the spring of 1996 and worsened with the collapse of the na-
tional currency (Lev) in late 1996 and early 1997. The (jovernment bowed to popu-
lar pressure and agreed on February 4 to allow President Petar Stoyanov (who was
elected in late 1996 and took office in January) of the United Democratic Forces to
select a caretaker government in preparation for early parliamentary elections in
April. Free and fair elections, whicn were observed by international monitors, were
held on April 19 and resulted in an absolute majority for the UDF. UDF parliamen-
tary group leader (and former opposition leader) Ivan Rostov was chosen by his
party as Prime Minister.
There are no restrictions in law on the participation of women in government. A
number of women hold elective and appointive ouice at high levels, including three
cabinet-level posts and several key positions in the National Assembly. The Minister
of Foreign Anairs and the leader of the UDF parliamentary group (the dominant
party in the new (jovemment) are both women. Women hold just under 11 percent
of the seats in the National Assembly.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Local and international human rights groups operate freely, investigating and
publishing their findings on human rights cases. Local human rights groups did not
report significant improvement in their dealings with government officials. Govern-
ment officials, especially local officials, are occasionally reluctant to provide informa-
tion or active cooperation. The failure of the National Investigative Service to allow
access by human rights groups to its detention centers is of particular concern.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for individual rights, equality, and protection against
discrimination, but in practice discrimination still exists, particularly against Roma
and women.
There have been reports of inadequate police response to incidents of societal vio-
lence against homosexuals, but few victims of such assaults are willing to press
charges. Police also beat homosexuals during one incident in March (see Section
2.C.).
Women. — Domestic abuse is a serious and common problem, but there are no offi-
cial statistics on its occurrence. The Animus Association (AA), a nongovernmental
organization that ofTers help and support to female victims of violence, reported 65
cases of domestic violence and 5 cases of trafficking in women between May 1996
and September 1, 1997. The actual incidence of each is certainly much higher, as
these represent those cases in which the victim (or, in some trafficking cases, an
overseas women's group) was willing and able to contact Animus.
Currently the law exempts from state prosecution certain types of assault if com-
mitted by a family member, and the Government does not assist in prosecuting
crimes of domestic assault unless the woman has been killed or permanently in-
jured. The courts prosecute rape, although it remains an underreported crime be-
cause some stigma still attaches to the victim. The maximum sentence for rape is
8 years; convicted offenders often receive a lesser sentence or early parole. Ministry
of Interior figures reveal that from January through April, 14 women were mur-
dered, 14 were victims of attempted murder, 53 suffered serious injuries, 119 were
reported raped, and 16 were reported as victims of attempted rape. Marital rape is
a crime but is rarely prosecuted. Courts and prosecutors tend to view domestic
1019
abuse as a family rather than a criminal problem, and in most cases victims of do-
mestic violence take reftige with family or friends rather than approach the authori-
ties. No government agencies provide shelter or counseling for such persons, al-
though there is a private initiative to address the problem.
In 1997 the Government for the first time enacted a law against trafficking in
women. Several cases of trafficking in women were uncovered between May 1996
and Sieptember 1997. The AA reports that, according to foreigri women's organiza-
tions, Bulgarian women comprise the fourth largest group of victims of forced pros-
titution in Western and Central Europe. Typically, the women are lured away with
offers of overseas jobs as nannies, waitresses, dancers, shop assistants, or fruit-pick-
ers and are surprised to discover that virtual indentured servitude in prostitution
awaits them. The AA also reports that the most common destination for such
women is Cyprus, but that Greece, Turkey, Italy, Germany, Poland, Belgium, the
Netherlands, the Czech Republic, and Macedonia have all been used either for the
transit or "sale" of victims. One victim alleged that the police were involved in traf-
ficking her in the town of Petrich, although this report has not been confirmed.
Women have reportedly been lured into Bulgaria from the former Soviet Union and
Macedonia, also for forced prostitution.
Many of the approximately 30 women's organizations are closely associated with
political parties or have primarily professional agendas. Some observers believe that
women's organizations tend to be associated with political parties or professional
groups because feminism in itself has negative connotations in Bulgarian society. Of
those that exist mainly to defend women's interests, the two largest are the Wom-
en's Democratic Union in Bulgaria, heir to the group that existed under the Com-
munist dictatorship, and the Bulgarian Women's Association, which disappeared
under communism but has now reemerged and has chapters in a number oi cities.
The Constitution forbids privileges or restrictions of rights on the basis of sex.
However, women face discrimination both in terms of recruitment and the likelihood
of layoffs. Official figures show the rate of unemployment for women to be hirfier
than that for men. Women are much more likely than men to be employed in low-
wage jobs requiring little education, although statistics show that women are equal-
ly Ukely to attend university. Women, in the main, continue to have primary respon-
sibility for child rearing and housekeeping even if they are employed outside the
home. There are liberal provisions for paid maternity leave.
Children. — The Government is generally committed to protecting children's wel-
fare but, with limited resources, falls short in several areas. It maintains, for exam-
ple, a sizable network of orphanages throughout the country. However, many are
in disrepair and lack proper facilities. Government efforts in education and health
have been constrained by serious budgetary limitations and by outmoded social care
structures. The Constitution provides for mandatory school attendance until the age
of 16. Groups that exist to defend the rights of children charge that an increasing
number of cnildren are at serious risk as social insurance payments fall further be-
hind inflation and are often disbursed as much as 6 months late; this situation was
compounded in the early months of the year when the Lev was losing value rapidly.
The most egregious example of neglect occurred at the Home for Mentally Handi-
capped Children in Djurkovo, where seven children died from malnutrition and
hypothermia in January and February. According to Amnesty International, 9-year-
old Angelina Atanasova weighed 7 kilograms (ISVIz pounds) when she died on Feb-
ruary 25, and 18-year-old Diana Dechkova weighed 11 kilograms (24 pounds) when
she died 2 days later.
There is apparently no provision for due process of law for Romani and other juve-
niles when they are detained in Labor Education Schools run by the Ministry of
Education (MOE). Living conditions at these reform schools are poor, offering little
medical, educational, or social opportunities. Generally, staff members at these in-
stitutions lack the proper qualifications and training to adequately care for the chil-
dren. Degrading and severe punishment, such as the shaving of a child's head, re-
duction in diet, severe beatings, and long periods of solitary confinement, are com-
mon at the schools. In 1996 the MOE acknowledged problems at the schools, attrib-
uting the cause to a lack of funding. In late 1996, the National Assembly enacted
legislation providing for court review of sentencing to such schools and addressing
other problems in the reform school system (see Section I.e.).
The vast majority of children are free from societal abuse, although some Romani
children are frequent targets of skinhead groups; homeless or abandoned children
were particularly vulnerable. Some Romani minors were forced into prostitution by
family or community members. Little police effort was expended to address these
problems. New legislation calls for the establishment of shelters for homeless chil-
dren.
1020
People With Disabilities. — Disabled persons receive a range of financial assistance,
incluoing free public transportation, reduced prices on modified automobiles, and
free equipment such as wheelchairs. However, as in other areas, budgetary con-
straints mean that such payments have fallen behind. Disabled individuals have ac-
cess to university training and to housing and employment, although no special pro-
grams are in place to allow them to live up to their fiall employment potential. To
date little effort has been made at the national level to change building or street
layouts to help blind or otherwise physically disabled persons. A pilot project for
minibus transportation of people with disabilities began operation in December in
six major cities.
In 1995 the National Assembly passed legislation requiring the relevant ministry
and local governments to provide a suitable living and architectural environment for
the disabled within 3 years. However, a moratorium on the law continues until the
Ministry of Construction has completed issuing new construction standards that
more fully take into account the needs of the disabled. The Union of Disabled People
in Bulgaria reports that minor improvements (i.e., ramps in hospitals) are being
made on a local level in some areas. Policies of the Communist regime, which sepa-
rated mentally and physically disabled persons, including very young children, from
the rest of society have persisted.
Religious Minorities. — Discrimination, harassment, and general public intolerance
of "nontraditional" religious minorities (i.e., the great majority of Protestant Chris-
tian religions) remained a problem. Deep-rooted suspicion of Evangelical denomina-
tions among the populace is widespread and pervasive across the political spectrum.
Often cloaked in a veneer of "patriotism," a lack of tolerance for the religious beliefs
of others enjoys significant popularity, and mainstream public pressure for contain-
ment of "foreign religious sects" inevitably influences policymakers.
An Evangelical Congress held in May in Sofia was greeted with an outpouring of
hostility. A purported provocative comment by a visiting American pastor (who al-
legedly referred to Bulgarians as "pagans ") triggered demonstrations by clergy of
the Bulgarian Orthodox Church, certain political parties. University of Sofia tneol-
ogy students, and other students who joined the theology students in a gesture of
soUdarity. Bulgarian Patriarch Maxim referred to the Evangelicals as "traitors of
faith and country." Orthodox priests were among the most militant protesters, en-
gaging in disorderly conduct that tried the patience of riot police on the scene. In
one instance, police were seen to react quickly in defense of four Evangelical church-
goers when mob behavior threatened their safety. One newspaper ran a story during
me Evangelical Congress in which an apparently gratuitous link was made between
the suicide of a 15-year-old boy and "the influence of a sect." Chief prosecutor Ivan
Tatarchev later commented that the May Evangelical Congress "should have been
banned." The Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (a political party
represented in the governing coalition, with two seats in the National Assembly)
also condemned Evangelical groups. In the face of this religious harassment, not a
single Bulgarian politician spoke out in favor of the right of all citizens to worship
according to their own beliefs.
Numerous articles in a broad range of newspapers depicted lurid and inaccurate
pictures of the activities of non-Orthodox religious groups, attributing the breakup
of families to the practices of these groups.
Groups denied registration such as Word of Life and Jehovah's Witnesses faced
discriminatory practices (see Sections 2.b. and 2.c.), as did registered groups which,
despite full compliance with the law, were greeted with hostility by the press, pub-
lic, and certain government officials. Mormon missionaries reported numerous inci-
dents of both official and private harassment, most notably by customs officers (see
Section 2.c.). They were also assaulted on occasion. The police took no action when
two members of Jehovah's Witnesses were beaten in Petrich in May (see Section
2.C.).
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Ethnic Turks comprise almost 10 percent of
the population. Although estimates of the Romani population vary widely, several
experts put it at about 6 percent. (Bulgarian Muslims or "Tomaks" are a distinct
group of Slavic descent, comprising 2 to 3 percent of the population, whose ancestors
converted from Orthodox Christianity to Islam. Most are Muslim, although a num-
ber have become atheists or converted to Christianity.) These are the country's two
largest minorities. There are no restrictions on the speaking of Turkish in public
or the use of non-Slavic names.
Voluntary Turkish-language classes in public schools, funded by the Government,
continued in areas with significant Turkish-speaking populations, althou^ some ob-
servers complained that the Government was discouraging the optional language
classes in areas with larce concentrations of Bulgarian Muslims. According to MC5E
figures, there are 844 Turkish language teachers for 64,000 children who study
1021
Turkish as their mother tongue. Some ethnic Turkish leaders, mainly in the MRF,
demanded that Turkish-language schooling be made compulsory in ethnic Turkish
areas, but the Grovemment has resisted this.
In the 1992 census approximately 3.4 percent of the population identified itself
as Romani. The real figure is probably about twice that hi^h, since many persons
of Romani descent tentf to identify themselves to the authorities as ethnic Turks or
Bulgarians. Romani groups contmued to be divided among themselves, although
several groups had some success presenting Romani issues to the Government. As
individuals and as an ethnic group, Roma faced high levels of discrimination.
Attacks by private citizens on Romani communities continued. On July 20 in
Sliven, four youths ranging in age from 12 to 16 beat a Roma woman, continuing
to kick her after she had mllen to the ground. The woman died of her injuries the
next day. When asked why they committed such a crime, one boy replied that he
wanted to kill her because she was a Gypsy. In December the district court at
Sliven sentenced Miroslav Karapetkov, age 16, to IV2 years in prison and Hranimir
Petkov, age 16, to 6 months' imprisonment on probation. Two 01 the other attackers,
both age 13, could not be tried, since they were juvenile ofTenders.
On April 6, according to Human Rights Project, 5 Roma were beaten in front of
the town hall in Sredno Selo by a crowd of approximately 100 persons after they
were accused of stealing cattle from a nearby village.
On June 1, three apparently drunken soldiers violently harassed Roma in the vil-
lage of Sarantsi. According to witnesses, they entered the Roma neighborhood and
beat several passers-by while shooting at others. One man was shot in the stomach
at close range. The police arrested the soldier who fired the weapon, and an inves-
tigation is under way.
The investigation into the death of Anguel Ivanov, who was killed by seven teen-
agers in Shumen in 1996 remains incomplete. One of the victims of an attack by
skinheads on three Roma in Samokov in 1996 filed charges, which were refused by
the District Prosecutor's Office in February. After an appeal by an attorney from
Human Rights Project, the case was reopened for additional investigation.
Police harass, physically abuse, and arbitrarily arrest Romani street children (see
Sections I.e. and l.d.). Roma encounter difficulties applying for social benefits, and
rural Roma are discouraged from claiming land to which they are entitled under the
law disbanding agricultural collectives. Many Roma and other observers made credi-
ble allegations that the quality of education offered to Romani children is inferior
to that afforded most other students. The Government has been largely unsuccessful
in attracting and keeping many Romani children in school.
Workplace discrimination against minorities continued to be a problem, especially
for Roma. Employers justify such discrimination on the basis that most Roma have
relatively low training and education. Supervisory jobs are generally given to ethnic
Bulgarian employees, with ethnic Turks, Bulgarian Muslims, and Roma among the
first to be laid oft.
During compulsory military service most Roma (and Muslims — see Section 2.c.)
are shunted into units where they often perform commercial, military construction,
or maintenance work rather than serve in normal military units. The MRF pro-
tested this practice, as did human rights groups and labor observers who cited it
as a violation of International Labor Organization (ILO) accords. There are only a
few ethnic Turicish and Romani officers in the military, and reportedly only one
high-ranking Muslim officer.
Thousands of Bulgarians, mainly in the southwest, identify themselves as Mac-
edonians, most for historical and geographic reasons. Members of the two organiza-
tions that purport to defend their interests, Omo-Ilinden and Tmo-Ilinden, are be-
lieved to number in the hundreds (see Section 2.b.).
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1991 Constitution provides for the right of all
workers to form or join trade unions of their own choice, and this right was appar-
ently freely exercised. Estimates of the unionized share of the work force range from
30 to 50 percent. This share continues to shrink as large firms lay ofT workers, and
most new positions appear in small, nonunionized businesses.
There are two large trade union confederations, the Confederation of Independent
Trade Unions of Bulgaria (CITUB), and Podkrepa. CITUB, the successor to the
trade union controlled bv the former Communist regime, operates as an independent
entity. Podkrepa, an independent confederation created in 1989, was one of the ear-
liest opposition forces but is no longer a member of the Union of Democratic Forces,
formerly the main opposition party and now in (jovemment. In 1995 a third trade
union confederation, the Community of Free Union Organizations in Biilgaria
(CFOUB), was admitted to the National Tripartite Coordination Council (NTCC),
1022
which includes employers and the Government (see Section 6.b.). In 1996 a new self-
described labor union/civic organization called "Promyana" (Bulgarian for "change ")
was founded with the explicit goal of removing the Bulgarian Socialist Party from
Power via early elections. Although never omcially registered as a labor union,
romyana attracted members of various professions and trades to its ranks and par-
ticipated visibly in the January and early February demonstrations.
"rtie 1992 Labor Code recognizes the right to strike when other means of conflict
resolution have been exhausted, but "political strikes" are forbidden. This prohibi-
tion was widely ignored in January and early February when workers across the
country from a variety of industries joined with students and then-opposition politi-
cal parties in massive general strikes that brought much of the country's economic
activity to a halt. The strikes ended when agreement was reached on February 4
to hola early parliamentary elections in April.
Workers in essential services are prohibited from striking, but a conmion practice
of such workers is to hold an "effective strike" in which they stop or slow tneir ac-
tivities for an hour or two. This practice was employed repeatedly in the politically
motivated popular unrest in January and early February.
No evidence emerged that the Government interfered with the right to strike, and
several work stoppages took place. The Labor Code's prohibitions against antiunion
discrimination include a 6-month period of protection against dismissal as a form
of retribution. While these provisions appear to be within international norms, there
is no mechanism other than the courts for resolving complaints, and the burden of
proof in such a case rests entirely on the employee.
No restrictions exist on affiliation or contact with international labor organiza-
tions, and unions actively exercise this right.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code institutes
collective bargaining, which is practiced nationally and on a local level. The legal
prohibition against striking for Key public sector employees weakens their bargain-
ing position; however, these groups were able to influence negotiations by staging
protests and engaging in other pressure activities without going on strike. Both
CrrUB and Podkrepa complainea that while the legal structure for collective bar-
gaining was adequate, many employers failed to bargain in good faith or adhere to
agreements reached. Labor observers viewed the (jovemment s enforcement of labor
contracts as inadequate.
There were several instances in which an employer was found guilty of antiunion
discrimination, but the employers appealed the decisions. The backlog of cases in
the legal system delayed further action, effectively postponing, perhaps indefinitely,
the redress of workers' grievances.
The same obligation of collective bargaining and adherence to labor standards
prevails in the export processing zones, and unions may organize workers in these
areas.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, including that performed by children. Many observers argued
that the practice of shunting minority and conscientious-objector military drailees
into worii units that often carry out commercial construction and maintenance
projects is a form of compulsory labor (see Section 5). The Bulgarian Helsinki Com-
mittee (BHC) reported in December that the Slavovitsa Labor Educational School
employs forced child labor to produce articles sold in domestic and international
maiiets. According to the report, minors are used as prison laborers for agricultural
and industrial tasks as well. The BHC claims that forced labor by underage detain-
ees occurs in many "Labor Educational Schools," but cites Slavovitsa as the most
egregious offender.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The
Labor Code sets the minimum age for employment at 16 years; the minimum age
for dangerous work is set at 18 years. Since children are not legally permitted to
work, and the Constitution forbids forced or compulsory labor lor all, forced and
bonded labor by children is also forbidden by law. However, reports of such practices
emerged during the year (see Section 6.c.). Employers and the Ministry of Labor and
Social Welfare (MLSW) are responsible for enforcing these provisions. Child labor
laws are enforced well in the formal sector, but at least one child protection group
believes that children are increasingly exploited in certain industries (especially
small family-owned shops, construction, and periodical sales) and by organized
crime (notably for prostitution and distribution of narcotics). No reliable data are
currently available lor the informal sector. According to the ILO, to date no violators
of child labor laws have been fined or imprisoned. Underage employment in the in-
formal and agricultural sectors is increasing as collective farms are broken up and
the private sector continues to grow. In addition, children are known to work on
family-owned tobacco farms.
1023
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The national monthly minimum wage at the
close of tne year was approximately $25 (45,500 Leva). The minimum wage is not
enough to provide a wage earner and family with a decent standard of living. Non-
payment of wages and wage payments in arrears increased as many firms reg-
istered increasing losses in the opening weeks of 1997 during the worst days of the
economic crisis. Twelve state-owned plants reportedly paid no wages at all in the
second quarter. The extremely high inflation (and accompanying devaluation of the
Lev) prevailing at that time further eroded the value of delayed salary payments.
The Constitution stipulates the right to social security and welfare aid assistance
for the temporarily unemployed, although in practice such assistance is often either
late or not paid.
The Labor Code provides for a standard workweek of 40 hours with at least one
24-hour rest period per week. The MLSW is responsible for enforcing both the mini-
mum wage and the standard workweek. Enforcement has been generally effective
in the state sector but is weaker in the emerging private sector.
A national labor safety program exists, with standards established by the Labor
Code. The Constitution stipulates that employees are entitled to healthy and non-
hazardous working conditions. The MLSW is responsible for enforcing these provi-
sions. Under the Labor Code, employees have the right to remove themselves from
work situations that present a serious or immediate danger to life or health without
jeopardizing their continued employment. In practice a refusal to work in situations
witn relatively high accident rates or associated chronic health problems would re-
sult in the loss of employment for many workers. Conditions in many cases are
worsening due to budget stringencies and a growing private sector that labor inspec-
tors do not yet supervise effectively. Protective clothing is often absent from hazard-
ous areas (goggles for welders, helmets for construction workers, etc.) since employ-
ers often imply that payment for such measures would have to be deducted from
the overall budget used to pay workers' wages. Although the prestige of organized
labor rose with the ultimate success of the popular general strikes early in the year,
the overall well-being of workers deteriorated in 1997. The pervasive economic crisis
and imminent, long-overdue privatizations have created a heightened fear of unem-
ployment, leading to a reluctance on the part of workers to pursue wage and safety
demands.
On September 1, the country suffered its worst mining disaster when seven min-
ers were killed and many more were injured in an accident at the Bobov Dol pits
(three more miners later died of their injuries). An investigation revealed that neg-
ligence due to a lack of proper safety precautions was responsible for the disaster.
CANADA
Canada is a constitutional monarchy with a federal parliamentary form of govern-
ment and an independent judiciary. Citizens periodically choose their representa-
tives in free and fair multiparty elections.
Elected civilian officials control the federal, provincial, and municipal police
forces. The armed forces have no role in domestic law enforcement except in na-
tional emergencies. Laws requiring the security forces to respect human rights are
strictly observed, and violators are punished by the courts.
Canada has a highly developed, market-based economic system. Laws extensively
protect the well-being of workers and provide for workers' freedom of association.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens. However,
there were occasional complaints in some areas, primarily regarding discrimination
against aboriginals, the disabled, and women. The Constitution and laws provide
avenues for legal redress of such complaints. The (Government took serious steps to
address violence against women, including the strengthening of antistalking laws.
RESPECT EOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
The controversy over the 1995 shooting death of an aboriginal activist at
Ipperwash, Ontario continues. In April an Ontario provincial police officer was
found guilty of criminal negligence causing death in the shooting and was sentenced
to 2 years' community service under the supervision of a parole officer (see Section
5).
1024
In July a civilian commission reported on its inquiry into allegations of abuses
by troops deployed as part of the 1993 peacekeeping mission in Somalia. The com-
mission reported evidence of an attempted cover-up of the shooting of two Somali
civilians, one of whom died. One soldier was convicted of manslaughter and torture
and sentenced to 5 years in prison, of which he served approximately 18 months.
A second soldier was found guilty of negligence in the periormance of his duty and
sentenced to 90 days in prison. In addition, the careers of several senior officers
were ruined.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and the Government observes the prohibition in
practice.
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards, and the Gov-
ernment permits visits by human rights monitors.
As a result of an inquiry into a 1994 incident at the women's prison at Kingston,
Ontario, the federal government took steps to protect the privacy of female pris-
oners, including the appointment of a deputy commissioner of women's corrections
and changing the policy for strip searches to ensure that no men are present at
searches of female inmates.
Although conditions at Toronto's Don iail have improved, inmates continues to
complain of overcrowding, inadequate facilities, and inhuman conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the Government observes these prohibitions.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The law provides for an independent judiciary,
and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides citi-
zens with a fair and efficient judicial process and vigorously enforces the right to
a fair trial.
The court system is divided into federal and provincial courts, which handle both
civil and criminal matters. The highest federal court is the Supreme Court, which
exercises general appellate jurisdiction and advises on constitutional matters. The
judicial system is based on English common law at the federal level as well as in
most provinces; in the province of Quebec, it is based on the Napoleonic Code.
Throughout Canada judges are appointed. In criminal trials, the law provides for
a presumption of innocence and the right to a public trial, to counsel (free for
indigents), and to appeal.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
generally prohibits such practices, government authorities scrupulously respect
these prohioitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of speech and of
the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An independent
press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combine
to ensure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
Journalists are occasionally banned from reporting some specific details of court
cases until a trial is concluded, and these restrictions, adopted to ensure the defend-
ant's right to a fair trial, enjoy wide popular support. Some restrictions on the
media are imposed by provincial-level film censorship, broadcasters' voluntary codes
curbing graphic violence, and laws against hate literature and pornography. The Ca-
nadian Human Rights Act prohibits repeated communications by telephone that ex-
pose a person or group to natred or contempt. Human rights groups are exploring
the possibility of extending this prohibition to the Internet.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and extends first
asylum. There were no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to
refugee status. Canada is a resettlement country, and the Government projected
granting 22,600 claims for refugee status for 1997 (as of September 1).
In 1997 mostly in August and September, almost 1,000 Czech Roma claimed refu-
gee status in Canada. Most of the refugees are awaiting adjudication of their claims
to asylum. In the wake of the huge influx, the Government reimposed visa require-
1025
ments for citizens of the Czech RepubHc but has not forcibly deported any of the
asylum claimants.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
A significant body of opinion in the province of Quebec, represented by the party
that governed the province throughout 1997, continues to maintain that Quebec has
the nght to withdraw from the confederation if that proves to be the democratically
expressed will of the people of Quebec, and that it is only Quebeckers who have the
right to make this decision. The federal Government has maintained that the deci-
sion of a province to separate and the conditions under which this may be accom-
plished are the shared responsibility of the Federal Government, the governments
of all the provinces, and all the nation's citizens.
A case is pending before the Supreme Court in which the Court was asked to de-
cide whether Quebec has a right to secede from Canada unilaterally under inter-
national and Canadian law.
Women play a significant role in government and politics, although they are
underrepresented numerically. In the new Parliament elected in June, 63 of 301
members in the House of Commons are women. Five women were appointed to the
new 30-person Cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government ofli-
cials are very cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Charter of Rights and Freedoms provides for equal benefits and protection
of the law regardless of race, national or ethnic origin, color, religion, sex, age, sex-
ual orientation, or mental or physical disability. These rights are generally re-
spected in practice, but there are occasional charges of discrimination in this multi-
cultural society.
Affirmative action (employment equity) legislation is a topic of some national and
provincial debate. Federal employment equity legislation was passed by Parliament
in 1995, but the Ministry of Labor is still consulting on the regulations required by
the act, and it has not yet entered into force. The legislation is designed to strength-
en employment equity provisions for employees under federal jurisdiction.
Women. — The law prohibits violence against women, including spousal abuse. The
health and economic costs of violence against women have been calculated at $3.15
billion (Can $4.2 billion) annually. Nevertheless, according to Statistics Canada, 3
in 10 women currently or previously married or living in a common-law relationship
have experienced at least 1 incident of physical or sexual violence.
The Criminal Code prohibits criminal harassment (stalking) and makes it punish-
able by imprisonment for up to 5 years. In May a law came into force that strength-
ens criminal harassment (stalking) provisions. The new law also prohibits female
genital mutilation and improves the tools available to the criminal justice system
to deal with and prevent child prostitution.
Women are well represented in the labor force, including business and the profes-
sions. The law prohibits sexual harassment, and the Government enforces this pro-
vision.
Women enjoy marriage and property rights equal to those of men. Over 85 percent
of single parent households are headed hy women. Child support reforms in 1996
and 1997 include: amendments to the income tax act to eliminate child support from
the custodial parent's taxable income and the tax deduction available to payers of
child support; amendments to the divorce act to establish fairer and more consistent
child support payments; new measures to strengthen enforcement; and an enhanced
income supplement for lower-income families.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. Federal and provincial regulations protect children from abuse, overwork, and
discrimination and duly penalize perpetrators of such offenses. There is no societal
pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. However, disabled
1026
f)er8on8 are underrepresented in the work force: they make up 2.6 percent of the
ederally regulated private sector work force, but those capable of working total 6.5
percent of the population. The law mandates access to buildings for people with dis-
abilities, and for the most part the Government enforces these provisions.
In October the Supreme Court, in a case involving a deaf patient who had been
denied sign-language interpretation, ruled that people with disabilities must be ac-
commodated where it would not constitute an undue hardship to do so.
Indigenous People. — The treatment of Canada's aboriginal people continued to be
one of the most important human rights issues facing the country. Disputes over
land claims, self-government, treaty rights, taxation, duty-free imports, fishing and
hunting rights, and alleged harassment by police continued to be sources of tension
on reserves. Aboriginal people remain underrepresented in the work force, over-
represented on welfare rolls, and more susceptible to suicide and poverty than other
population groups.
In April on the 15th anniversary of the patriation of the Constitution, aboriginal
groups staged a national Day of Action, including demonstrations at the Prime Min-
ister's residence and Parliament Hill, prayer vigils, and other demonstrations. The
goal of the demonstrations was to focus attention on aboriginal rights under the
Constitution and the promise made at the time of patriation to define these rights
through First Ministers meetings with aboriginal groups. The demonstrations were
laroely peaceful.
m November 1996, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples released its final
report, proposing a 20-year strategy for rebuilding First Nations through restoring
aboriginal communities and restructuring their relationship with the government.
The Federal Gk)vernment is continuing to study the recommendations of the report
and has yet to issue its ofiicial response.
Treaty rights for aboriginals are recognized in the Canadian Constitution, and the
Federal Government is currently engaged in discussions with aboriginal groups on
various treaty issues.
The Federal Government continues to be involved in self- government negotiations
with over 350 first nations, although no significant settlements were reached during
the year.
There were several violent deaths on the Stoney reserve west of Calgary amid
charges of corruption and mismanagement. Six young aboriginals died (including by
suicide, drug overdoses, and an alleged murder) since June 26, when provincial
court Judge John Reilly ordered a Crown investigation into social conditions, allega-
tions of political corruption, and financial mismanagement. A soventh death (attrib-
uted to prescription-drug overdose) occurred on September 26.
Concern also emerged that federal authorities have been slow to respond to com-
plaints that range from political and financial corruption on the reserve to alleged
sexual assaults. Indian Affairs officials had been warned in a January letter of a
"major crisis" in social services (at least four staff members from the Stoney band's
social services department collected welfare while also receiving paychecks), but fed-
eral authorities did not advise the Royal Canadian Mounted Police until 8 months
later. Federal Indian Affairs Minister Jane Stewart has ordered an internal inves-
tigation. Health Canada had already suspended funding for a treatment center on
the Stoney reserve, pending investigation of alleged sexual assaults on young cli-
ents. Other allegations of child sexual assault include recent charges against a
school bus driver, charges that a former Stoney educational authority said he
warned Indian Affairs about more than a year ago.
The controversy over the 1995 shooting death of an aboriginal activist at
Ipperwash, Ontario continues. In April an Ontario provincial police officer was
found guilty of criminal negligence causing death in the shooting and sentenced to
2 years' community service. The relatively light sentence and other aspects of the
incident, including the role of provincial olTicials before and during the confrontation
between police and Indian protesters, are the subject of ongoing controversy and
court cases. The Indians still control Ipperwash provincial park, which they claim
is on sacred burial ground.
Quebec's Indian peoples remain overwhelmingly opposed to separation from Can-
ada and deeply distrust the separatist government oi the province. Despite the Que-
bec Prime Minister's recent overtures to the leaders of the Cree and Inuit nations,
surveys indicate that most of Quebec's 60,000 Indians would favor partition of the
province in the event of Quebec's separation from Canada. Indian leaders maintain
that a sovereign Quebec would treat Indians simply as another ethnic minority in-
stead of as sovereign nations within the territory of the province. They point out
that Quebec maintained in court this year that aboriginal title to land in the prov-
ince was extinguished during the French colonial regime and no longer applies.
1027
Distrust of the Quebec provincial government was recently highlighted by a pro-
posal by Hydro-Quebec, the electrical utility owned by the province, to settle some
700 non-Indian families in the James Bay area as part of a plan to increase elec-
trical generating capacity. Calling this "ethnic occupation" of their traditional lands,
the Indians maintain that this proposal is a blatant attempt by the separatist gov-
ernment to "put a French face on the area, to counter a possible future attempt
at partition of the province.
In November in a decision based on a 235-year-old treaty, a New Brunswick court
ruled that aboriginals have the exclusive right to harvest "any and all trees they
wish on Crown land," and that the trees on Crown land "are Indian trees." Some
legal observers note that the decision, if upheld on appeal, could have repercussions
throughout the country.
Religious Minorities. — In March the League for Human Ri^ts of B'nai Brith in
Canada (headquartered in Toronto) reported that there were 244 incidents of anti-
Semitic harassment in 1996 — a decrease of 26.3 percent from 1995, which had the
highest number of incidents since documentation began in 1982. The League attrib-
uted the decline to law enforcement actions taken against key hate movement lead-
ers and to a successful, proactive antihate movement education program. The
League noted, however, that the amount of anti-Semitic activity over the Internet
continues to grow.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The narrow defeat of the 1995 Quebec sov-
ereignty referendum left unresolved the concerns of French-speaking Quebeckers
about their minority status in Canada, while sharpening the concerns of English-
sp>eaking Quebeckers about their minority status.
The separatist Parti Quebecois provincial government of Quebec reiterated its in-
tent, if reelected in 1998 or 1999, to hold another sovereignty referendum about the
year 2000 and reasserted the right of Quebec voters to determine the future of the
province. It charged the federal Government with charting an undemocratic course
by signaling that it would treat a third Quebec sovereignty referendum differently
than it treated the first two in 1980 and 1995.
Some English-speaking and native groups in Quebec assert the right to keep parts
of Quebec in Canada in the event Quebec declares independence. Despite personal
meetings and other overtures by Quebec's F*rime Minister to Indians and the Eng-
lish-speaking community, both groups remain distrustful of the separatist Govern-
ment of Quebec. Many members of these communities fear that their ri^ts would
be infringed by a sovereign Quebec.
The Constitution protects the linguistic and cultural ri^ts of minorities. Despite
Canada's federal policy of bilingualism, English speakers in Quebec and French
speakers in other parts of Canada generally must live and work in the language
of the majority.
In Quebec language laws restrict access to English-language publicly-funded
schools through grade 11 to children whose parents were educated in English in
Canada and to short-term residents. Local law stipulates that French is the working
language of most businesses and must be predominant in bilingual commercial
signage.
The English-speaking minority of Quebec, comprising some 16 percent of the pop-
ulation, has protested vociferously the closing of hospitals and other health care fa-
cilities providing service in English, as part of a general reorganization and
downsizing of the health care system in Queoec. Members of this minority maintain
that the cuts are part of a continuing assault on their community's rights by the
provincial government. They maintain that the bilingual facilities that they are now
required to use are reluctant to post signs with English language content due to fear
of sanction by Quebec's Office of the French Language; they also claim that they
are greeted coldly and grudgingly when requesting services m English at these fa-
cilities, or meet with outright refusals by reception personnel to speak English, a
practice also noticed by English-speaking tourists. Representatives of the English-
speaking minority point to recent statements bv members of the health care commu-
nity that provision of services in English conflicts with the right of Quebeckers to
work in the French language, a right provided by Quebec's Charter of the French
Language. Some English speakers have expressed concern that access to English-
language health care could be further reduced by an ongoing provincial government
review of bilingual staffing requirements in French-language hospitals. On the other
hand, the only French-language hospital in Ontario was partially closed as a result
of a restructuring of the provincial health care system, raising concerns among
French speakers about access to health care in Ontario.
Pressed by some English speakers to roll back the language laws, and by some
French speakers to expand them, the Quebec provincial government reestablished
1028
a French language inspection office that had been abolished in 1993, and promised
better enforcement of existing laws.
Provinces outside of Quebec often lack adequate French-language schooling, which
is of concern to local Francophones, although French-language schools and French
inmiersion programs are reported to be thriving in all three prairie provinces.
In October the Province of Nova Scotia and the Halifax school board announced
that they would cooperate in implementing the 75 recommendations mentioned in
an August report on causes of racial violence at 2 high schools in the Cole Harbor
area of Halifax. Authorities originallv had hesitated to implement the suggestions
but were forced to act when new violence erupted at the school on October 3. Par-
ents and students became involved in shoving and pushing, and a teacher was
struck in the face. Police had to break up the incident, but they did not press any
charges. School officials immediately closed the school and did not fully reopen it
untilOctober 15 with new security measures in place and a "zero tolerance" policy
on disruptive behavior.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Except for members of the armed forces, workers in
both the public and private sectors have the right to associate freely. The Labor
Code protects these rights for all employees under federal jurisdiction, while provin-
cial legislation protects all other organized workers.
Trade unions are independent of the government. Of the civilian labor force, 29.5
percent is unionized.
All workers have the right to strike, except for those in the public sector who pro-
vide essential services. The law prohibits employer retribution against strikers and
union leaders, and the Government enforces this provision. Postal workers staged
a nationwide strike in November over wages and work rules.
Unions are free to afliliate with international organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers in both the public
(except for some police) and the private sectors have the right to organize and bar-
gain collectively. While the law protects collective bargaining, for some public sector
workers providing essential services there are limitations, which vary from province
to province.
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination and recjuires employers to reinstate
workers fired for union activities. There are effective mechanisms for resolving com-
plaints and obtaining redress.
In Ontario the provincial government introduced legislation that would bar
strikes by public-sector employees during a 2-year period. The measure accompanied
a substantial downsizing by the Ontario government. Unions protested vigorously,
arguing that their collective bargaining rights would be infringed. The provincial
government subsequently withdrew the legislation. In October teachers in the prov-
ince staged a massive strike to protest the provincial government's reorganization
plans for the school system.
All labor unions have full access to mediation, arbitration, and the judicial sys-
tem.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor, including that per-
formed by children, is illegal, and there were no known violations.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Child
labor legislation varies from province to province. The federal Government does not
employ youths under 17 years of age while school is in session. Most provinces pro-
hibit children under age 15 or 16 from working without parental consent, at night,
or in any hazardous employment. These prohibitions are effectively enforced
through inspections conducted by the federal and provincial labor ministries. Edu-
cation is compulsory through age 15 nationwide.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohi-
bition effectively (see section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Standard work hours vary from province to
province, but in all the limit is 40 or 48 a week, with at least 24 hours of rest.
In 1996 the Federal Government passed legislation to align the federal minimum
wage rates with the provincial/territorial rates. Minimum wage rates are set in each
grovince and territory, currently ranging from $3.57 to 5.00 (Can $5 to 7) per hour,
•ntario and Alberta nave a minimum wage rate for youths lower than their respec-
tive minimums. In the Northwest Territories the minimum wage for youths is high-
er than the standard provincial minimum wage for adults. A family whose only em-
{)loyed member earns the minimum wage would be considered below the poverty
ine.
1029
Federal law provides safety and health standards for employees under federal ju-
risdiction, while provincial and territorial legislation provides for all other employ-
ees. Federal and provincial labor departments monitor and enforce these standards.
Federal, provincial, and territorial laws protect the right of workers with "reason-
able cause" to refuse dangerous work.
CROATIA
The Republic of Croatia is a constitutional parliamentary democracy with a pow-
erful presidency. The ruling Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) has maintained
power since independence in 1991, using its entrenched majority position to deny
opposition parties the ability to compete on fair and equal terms in elections. Presi-
dent Franjo Tudjman, the HDZ leader, was reelected in June for a second 5-year
term in an election that observers considered "fundamentally flawed." The President
serves as head of state and commander of the armed forces, chairs the influential
National Defense and Security Council, appoints the prime minister who leads the
government, and approves senior appointments in local government. Government in-
fluence circumscribes and weakens the judiciary. This, combined with the extensive
constitutional powers of the presidency, the overwhelming dominance of the HDZ,
its absolute control of television, and the continuing concentration of power within
the one-party central government, makes Croatia's nominally democratic system in
reality authoritarian.
The Ministry of Interior oversees the police, and the Ministry of Defense oversees
the military. Civilian police have no authority over the military police or over uni-
formed military personnel. The national police have primary responsibility for inter-
nal security but, in times of disorder, the Government may call on the army to pro-
vide security. Both the police and the army are responsible for external security. Al-
though the civilian authorities generally maintain effective control of the profes-
sional security forces, some members of the police and armed forces committed
human rights abuses.
The economy is slowly changing to a market-based free enterprise system, and ag-
riculture is mostly in private nands. Family-owned small enterprises are multiply-
ing, but industry is still largely state controlled. The Government's privatization
program came under increasing criticism for allotting shares in prime enterprises
to tnose loyal to the ruling party. While the economy recovered somewhat from the
devastation inflicted by the war in 1991, the standard of living remained below pre-
war levels. Unemployment is high, and accusations of government cronyism were
common.
The Government's human rights record remained poor, although significant im-
f>rovement was seen in certain areas. It continued to allow serious abuses, particu-
arly regarding the treatment of ethnic Serbs. The Government has still not estab-
lished adequate civil authority in the former occupied areas (the Krajina and West-
em Slavonia), and the police were unwilling or unable to take effective action
against criminal activity against ethnic Serbs. Looting and threats were common.
Beatings and murders still occur, although less frequently than in the past. The re-
sponse by police was often apathetic, and the Government made little or no effort
to seek out, investigate, and punish those responsible for such abuses. Cases of
abuse from 1995, the victims of which were almost exclusively ethnic Serbs, re-
mained mostly unresolved.
According to credible reports, the police occasionally beat persons. The Govern-
ment does not always respect due process provisions for arrest and detention. The
judicial system is subject to executive influence, and the Government carried out a
purge of judges and state attorneys that further called into question the independ-
ence of tne judiciary. The courts are burdened by a huge case backlog and some-
times deny citizens fair trials.
While in general the Constitution and laws provide for a broad range of human
rights, in practice the Government continued to implement the law in a discrimina-
tory fashion. The Government infringed on press freedom and used the courts and
administrative bodies selectively to shut down or restrain newspapers and radio sta-
tions that criticized the Government. Government intimidation induced self-censor-
ship by journalists. The Government exercised provisions of the Criminal Code that
allowed it to prosecute those who insult high officials in the press or who make
statements which might cause public instability (at times subjectively defined to
allow judicial action against opinions contrary to the ruling party). The right of as-
sociation was circumscribed by a new law in June. In two sets of elections, the Gov-
ernment seriously infringed upon the right of citizens to change their government
1030
freely by its almost total control of the electronic media. It also used manipulation
of laws, harassment, and economic pressure to control the political process.
Although significant progress was made in the provision of citizenship documents
to ethnic Serbs in Eastern Slavonia, the last remaining Serb-held enclave, the Gov-
ernment refused to allow ethnic Serbs who had fled Croatia during the military con-
flict in 1995 to return or vote, effectively exiling and disenfranchising at least
180,000 people. Military and police forces, contrary to oflicially stated government
policy, continued to carry out forced evictions, although fewer than in previous
years. Local oflicials also allowed ethnic Croat refugees from Bosnia and
Herzegovina and Serbia-Montenegro to dispossess ethnic Serb property owners. The
record of cooperation by government authorities with international human rights
and monitoring organizations was mixed. Violence and discrimination against
women remained problems. Discrimination in the administration of justice, housing,
and jobs against ethnic Serbs and against those who were not members of the ruling
party was conunon. Isolated incidents of ethnically motivated killings and mob vio-
lence occurred. Roma also faced discrimination.
The United Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia (UNTAES)
maintained executive authority for the region through January 15, 1998, when the
United Nations Security Council concluded that sufficient progress toward re-
integration had been made and ended UNTAES mandate. By August the Govern-
ment had provided citizenship documents to over 145,000 ethnic Serbs in the region,
a significant number of whom were Croatian Serbs, now refugees in the Federal Re-
public of Yugoslavia ("FRY") and Bosnia and Herzegovina, who came across the po-
rous border with Yugoslavia to apply. The Government issued employment contracts
for Serbs working in enterprises and public offices that were reintegrated into the
Croatian system, thereby boosting local Serbs' confidence in their fiiture in the re-
gion. Elections for local governments and the upper house of Parliament were held
in April and presidential elections were held in June, simultaneously in the region
and in the rest of Croatia. A significant number of ethnic Serb representatives were
elected to local government bodies. While police remained under the control of
UNTAES, they were increasingly brought into alignment with the Ministry of Inte-
rior. Following the April elections, an ethnic Serb assistant minister of interior was
appointed. Most significantly, by September some 8,000 Croatian Serbs had left
LWTAES region for their homes in other parts of Croatia, and approximately 1,500
Croats had returned to their homes in Eastern Slavonia. Overall freedom oi move-
ment into and out of UNTAES region increased significantly.
While senior government leaders were cooperative, some government officials and
local offices often refused to carry out central government directives. Increased ac-
cess to the Danubian region led to a growing number of incidents of harassment of
the ethnic Serbs living in the region by ethnic Croats, although these incidents are
small in number compared to the large numbers of people moving back and forth.
A significant number of these incidents of harassment were carried out by Croatian
merdbers of the Transitional Police Foree or local Croatian officials. Ethnic Croat
police officers at times were biased in their treatment of ethnic Serbs in the region.
Human rights advances included the ratification in September of the European
convention on human rights, a notable acceleration in the return of internally dis-
placed Serbs to their former homes in government-controlled territoiy, and the pas-
sage of a law allowing for primary education in minority languages. In addition, the
courts late in the year revised some of the more discriminatory parts of a law that
effectively expropriated the property of many minority Serbs who fled Croatia in
1995, but there is still no effective mechanism by which Serb owners can recover
their property.
In a major step, Croatia facilitated the handover in October of 10 Bosnian Croats
indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY)
in the Hague, including Dario Kordic, one of the most wanted suspects indicted by
the tribunal. Also in October, the Government committed to a plan by which it
would inform ICTY of new cases of potential interest to the tribunal. However, de-
spite these very positive developments, Croatia's overall cooperation with the tribu-
nal remained uneven. Other handovers occurred only under international pressure,
the proposed plan remained unimplemented, and by September no progress had
been made in the handover of documents that would assist in the prosecution of eth-
nic Croats in custody in the Hague.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings by government officials. There continue to be some re-
1031
ports of ethnically motivated killings by unknown persons in the parts of Croatia
reclaimed by the Government's "Operation Storm" in 1995. While tne numbers are
small, the majority of those killed were ethnic Serbs. The murders continue a pat-
tern begun in the fall of 1995 of ethnically motivated killings carried out both to
intimidate Serbs who stayed behind after Croatia reclaimed these areas and in-
creasingly to discourage those Serbs who fled from returning. The authorities made
only a Tew arrests in these cases, often denying that any of the attacks were eth-
nically motivated. The authorities' attempts to seek out, investigate, and punish
those responsible for such murders were inadequate.
Mines and explosive booby traps were used as devices to teirify returnees and
those who remained in the formerly occupied areas. For example, in January and
February the home of an ethnic Serb was attacked four times with hand grenades
in Biskupiia. In April a Serb returnee was killed by an explosion caused by a booby
trap placed in a haystack in his field in Josani. Also in April, two elderly Serbs were
shot and killed in Western Slavonia, and in yet another incident, a Serb who stayed
was killed and buried in his yard by ethnic Croats from Kosovo. The Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) reported the case of a woman in
Medak who was seriously injured when a grenade was placed under her pillow. This
series of individual attacks and murders culminated in the area around Hrvatska
Kostajnica in May, when several hundred Bosnian Croats went on a rampage over
2 days, burning and vandalizing Serb homes, beating and terrorizing Serb returnees
and residents. One individual died shortly after from injuries sustained during the
riots. There were reports that police participated in the riots and destruction (see
Section 5). This incident drew extensive international censure of Croatia's seeming
lack of concern over the physical security of its ethnic Serb citizens (see Section 5).
In most cases, authorities denied that there was any ethnic motivation to the
crimes, a statement viewed with widespread disbelief in the international conmau-
nity. Authorities also justified these incidents as "spontaneous" reactions to return-
ing Serb "provocations" and, other than Hrvatska Kostajnica, there was little or no
official recognition or condemnation of the attacks.
The case of an elderly couple of mixed ethnicitv killed in September in Bukovica
was resolved, and two people were arrested. The United Nations Special Rapporteur
for Human Rights noted that, while there has been some progress in more recent
incidents, major crimes that occurred at or near the time of Croatia's military oper-
ations in the summer of 1995 (e.g. the Grubori murders) remain for the most part
unresolved.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
By year's end, government figures showed 2,156 citizens still missing in cases un-
resolved from the 1991-92 war and the 1995 military actions. The Government esti-
mates that approximately 1,380 of these are from the Danubian region, while the
remainder are thought by the Government to be buried in the formerly Serb-held
area of Croatia known as the Krajina. Steady progress was made throughout the
year in removing names from the list of the missing as a result of the identification
of corpses exhumed in the Krajina region and Eastern and Western Slavonia.
Identification of the 200 corpses exhumed from the mass grave at Ovcara contin-
ued throughout 1997, with a total of 83 positively identified by September. Exhuma-
tion of another mass grave in Lovas revealed the bodies of 68 persons in June, of
whom 67 were positively identified. Exhumations also took place in Topusko, Glina,
Petrinja, Gvozd, Dvor, Kostajnica, Dubica, Saborsko, Slunj, Cetingrad, and
Skabmja.
Significant progress was made in the exchange of information between the coun-
tries of the former Yugoslavia under the auspices of the International Commission
on Missing Persons. Croatia participated in meetings with counterparts from the
"Federal Republic of Yugoslavia' and Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, inter-
national observers concluded that the political will to make unilateral disclosures
of information relating to missing persons was lacking, as evidenced by the Govern-
ment's release of 18 prisoners of war held in defiance of international conventions
only after a commensurate release or exchange of information by the Bosnian Serb
entity (see Section 2.d.).
The body of the pilot Rudolf Perisin, long sought by the Government, was finally
handed over by Bosnian Serb forces in August, along with the remains of a total
of 18 others on the list of missing persons.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture or cruel or degrading punishment, and no evi-
dence emerged of systematic abuse by police ana government forces. There were,
however, occasional credible reports that police beat persons, for example, in the
case of ethnic Serb and mixed-marriage returnees detained after the incidents in
Hrvatska Kostajnica.
45-909 98 - 34
1032
Police reportedly participated in the riots and destruction in Hrvatska Kostajnica
in May and also harassed Orthodox worshipers, incited anti-Orthodox mob action,
and did not safeguard citizens from abuse (see Sections l.a., 2a.c. and 5).
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards. Jails are crowded, but
not excessively so, and family visits and access to counsel are generally available.
Rebel Serb detainees reported good treatment, although some asserted that they
were treated less favorably than common criminals.
The Government permits visits by human ri^ts monitors. Prisons and detainees
in Eastern Slavonia were mo nitorea under the auspices of UNTAES.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution contains provisions to
protect the legal rights of all accused persons, but the Government does not always
respect these rights in practice. Over tne course of the year, the Government issued
numerous conftising and contradictory statements on the implementation of general
amnesty legislation for rebel Serbs adopted in September 1996. The issuance of
lists, both genuine and false, of wanted suspects and then their subsequent dis-
avowal by the Government largely undermined the positive effect of the amnesty
and was widely viewed by international observers as a ploy to instill insecurity and
fear in the minority Serb population. In several well-documented instances, persons
were arrested and tried who were not mentioned on any of the government lists,
and in other cases, Serbs leaving the region were picked up for "questioning" relat-
ing to their activity during the war. The Government claims that over 12,000 per-
sons have been amnestied, although there has been no supporting documentation
to confirm this claim. An additional 301 persons (primarily ethnic Croats) received
amnesty at midyear, on the national day. Of 27 people rearrested after having ini-
tially received amnesty in 1996, 24 still remain in custody while the Government
retries them under provisions of the legal code covering war crimes. The charges
were merely reworded versions of the indictments under which these individuals
had already received amnesty.
Police normally seek arrest warrants by presenting evidence of probable cause to
an investigative magistrate. Police may carry out arrests without a warrant if they
believe suspects niiriit flee, destroy evidence, or commit other crimes. Such cases
are not uncommon. The police then have 24 hours in which to justify their decision
before the local investigative magistrate.
After arrest, the law states that persons must be given access to an attorney of
their choice within 24 hours; if they have no attorney and are charged with a crime
for which the sentence is over 10 years' imprisonment, the investigative magistrate
appoints counsel from a Ust of pubUc defenders. If the potential sentence is under
10 years, detainees can request court-appointed counsel if they choose. The court ap-
points counsel after charges are levied for the trial. The investigative magistrate
must, within 48 hours of the arrest, decide whether sufficient cause exists to hold
a person in custody pending further investigation. The judge must justify the deci-
sion in writing, including the length of detention ordered, which may not be longer
than 1 month without review. The review by the county court may extend the period
another 2 months if necessary. The usual period of investigative detention varies
from a few days to a few weeks, but the Supreme Court may grant the state an
additional 3 months (for a total of not more than 6 months of pretrial detention)
in exceptional cases. These decisions may be appealed, either immediately or later
in the detention period. Once the investigation is complete, detainees are usually
released on their own recognizance pending trial, unless the crime is a major of-
fense, the accused are considered a public danger, or the court believes that they
may flee.
However, those persons held under investigative detention are often denied the
right to have an attorney present during parts of the investigative stage or an ap-
peal of investigative detention. In practice detainees are almost always bound over
for investigation unless it is clear tnat no case exists against them. There are provi-
sions for posting bail after charges are brought, but the practice is not common. Po-
lice sometimes retain the passports of those released to prevent them from leaving
the country. The International Committee of the Red Cross estimated that approxi-
mately 79 ethnic Serbs were still in detention for acts related to the conflicts in
1995.
UNTAES maintained oversight over the judiciary and the police in Eastern
Slavonia, and in August the process of reintegrating the judiciary into the Croatian
system was begun under UNTAES supervision. However, despite UNTAES over-
sight, several instances of lengthy pretrial detention, one as long as 2 years, were
reported in the region.
In a positive development, by August the Government had released all but 1 of
the remaining 18 Bosnian prisoners of war. Despite the provisions of the Dayton
Peace Accords, these men were in captivity for almost 2 years. The one remaining
1033
grisoner, although nominally freed by the Government, refused repatriation to
osnia and Herzegovina and thus remained in detention in a refugee collective cen-
ter on Oboryan Island.
The Constitution prohibits the exile of citizens. However, Croatian Serbs who fled
the conflict during the last 5 years remained effectively exiled from Croatia. Al-
though the Government reversed its stated opposition to Serb return in July, it re-
fuses to implement procedures by which Croatian Serb refugees can obtain docu-
ments to enable them to return. The Government's inability to create secure condi-
tions in the formerly occupied areas, the complete absence of a true atmosphere of
reconciliation, and the slow pace in issuing identity papers to Serbs abroad have
combined to leave as many as 180,000 ethnic Serb former citizens of Croatia effec-
tively without citizenship. WhUe process was made in the issuance of documents
for Serbs in Eastern Slavonia, ethnic Muslims and Serbs currently living in Croatia
often had difficulty in obtaining citizenship, were denied citizenship or residency
permits regardless of their previous residence, and were subject to exclusion and
even deportation (see Section 5).
The situation for Serbs in the area under UNTAES control improved markedly,
as 145,000 Serbs received their identity documents by September at centers set up
by the Croatian Office of Displaced Persons and Refugees and UNTAES. This very
positive step also assisted many Croatian Serbs who crossed into the region from
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to bypass the bureaucratic obstacles that con-
fronted Serbs at Croatian embassies abroad who sought to rectify their citizenship
status. Although estimates vary widely, at least 30,000 to 40,000 Serb applications
to return from Serbia-Montenegro remained stymied, while many in Bosnia and
Herzegovina found themselves unable to apply to return at all. As of December, the
U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees estimated that approximately 10,000 ethnic
Serbs had returned to Croatia proper (see Section 2.d.).
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — (jovemment influence weakens the nominally
independent judiciary.
The independence of the judiciary was seriously called into question by govern-
ment actions to purge the judiciary of judges and attorneys who were either non-
Croats or who were deemed to hold political views unsympathetic towards the cur-
rent regime. Under legislation adopted in 1991, the State Judicial Council continued
its review of judicial appointments and voted to relieve six sitting judges of their
positions in late 1996, an action that the judges maintain was due to their "inde-
Kendent views." Despite the well-known shortage of experienced judicial officers, in
larch six state attorneys in the Zacreb municipal attorney's office were dismissed,
allegedly due to their Serb or non-Croat origins. A similar case in April involved
nine dismissals in Split, also allegedly based on ethnicity. The Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court, Krunislav Olujic, was dismissed early in the year by the State Judi-
cial Council for "behavior injurious to the reputation of the court. He was alleged
by the Council to have consorted with known criminals and to have had sex with
underage persons. The procedures of his trial were questionable, since three mem-
bers 01 the Council who were deciding his fate were also witnesses who testified
against him. The subsequent challenges to the grounds of the dismissal were accom-
panied by a lengthy public smear campaim carried out by national state-owned tele-
vision and progovemment newspapers. The OSCE reported that Olujic's dismissal
and the manner of it "put in question the separation of powers provided for by the
Constitution." The U.N. Special Rapporteur for Human Rights noted that "key as-
pects of the proceedings against Dr. Olujic give me strong reason to believe that his
dismissal may have been connected to his determination to work independently of
the ruling HDZ political party."
The judicial system consists of municipal and district courts, a Constitutional
Court, a Supreme Court, an administrative court, and a State Judicial Council. A
parallel commercial court system handles all commercial and contractual disputes.
The State Judicial Council (with a president and 14 members from all parts of the
legal community) appoints judges and public prosecutors. The upper house of Par-
liament nominates persons for membership on the State Judicial Council, and the
lower house elects the members for 8-year terms. The 11 judges of the Constitu-
tional Court are elected for 8-year terms in the same manner, while all other judges
are appointed for life.
Altnough the Constitution provides for the right to a fair trial and a variety of
due process rights in the courts, in practice the system is marred by both bureau-
cratic inefficiency and outside, often political, influence. Numerous court cases drag
on for years, due to the overburdened and understaffed courts and the inexperience
of many newly appointed personnel. The backlog of cases in many courts is huge
(for example, a reported 6,000 cases in the commercial court in Osijek alone). It is
also not uncommon for the authorities to refuse to implement a court decision. For
1034
example, in numerous cases of illegal eviction (see Section l.f.), court rulings in
favor of those evicted, almost exclusively ethnic minorities (Serbs or Muslims) or
former members of the Yugoslav army (JNA), remain unimplemented due to the re-
fusal of police and local administrative authorities to carry out the court orders. The
only recourse for the defendant is to return to court and seek vet another decision
to demand implementation of the first, a time-consuming and lengthy process that
stUl may not result in implementation. In other cases, nongovernmental oi^aniza-
tions (NGO's) documented numerous instances where the head of a family was de-
nied citizenship on unclear or spurious grounds, while the rest of the family was
granted it, thereby effectively excluding the entire family.
The OSCE, the U.N. Center for Human Rights, and local NGO's all report that
decisions handed down, in particular by the administrative courts (which rule on
citizenship issues) are often improperly documented, arbitrary, and based on ques-
tionable standards of evidence. For example, one NGO documented more than 900
cases in Eastern Slavonia where Serbs, forced to request citizenship through natu-
ralization (due to the loss or destruction of record books during the war), had their
applications denied and received little or no explanation of the factual basis for the
denial. Article 8 of the Citizenship Law provides two conditions for naturalization:
that "a person has a place of residence for a period of not less than 5 years con-
stantly on the territory of the republic of Croatia" and that "a conclusion can be de-
rived from his or her conduct that he or she is attached to the legal system and
customs in the Republic of Croatia. . . ." The lack of a written opinion substantiat-
ing the basis for the denials made it virtually impossible to appeal these decisions.
In addition, lawyers and international monitors claimed that the state's prosecution
of war crimes cases is often based upon little factual evidence. For example, Milos
Horvat, a Croatian Serb was extradited from Germany in order to face charges of
war crimes in Croatia. In June the court found him guilty of genocide and sentenced
him to 5 years in prison. The U.N. Center for Human Rights noted that "it was the
widely held opinion of trial monitors that the evidence submitted by the prosecution
was insufficient for a verdict of guilt, even less ofgenocide."
The process of reintegrating the judiciary of Eastern Slavonia began in earnest
in September, with the appointment of judges in the region. An ethnic Serb assist-
ant minister of justice who was appointed following the April elections worked with
the Government on this process. An agreement was reached in September between
the Government and UNTAES, under which ethnic Serb attorneys from the region
could defer payment of the necessary fee to register with the bar association (re-
?|uired of all practicing attorneys in Croatia). Tliis provided a measure of security
or ethnic Serb defendants that had hitherto been lacking and was a significant con-
fidence-building measure.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution declares the home inviolable. Only a court may issue a search warrant,
stating the justification for the search of a home or other premises. Police may enter
a home without a warrant or the owner's consent only if necessary to enforce an
arrest warrant, apprehend a suspect, or prevent serious danger to life or important
property. While the authorities generally complied with these norms, there were no-
table exceptions where the Government and, in particular the military, did not re-
spect the inviolability of private property.
Displaced ethnic Serb citizens were not allowed to move back in to their homes
in numerous cases, even when those homes were empty. Soon after the military con-
quests in 1995, the (Jrovemment enacted legislation that effectively gave it the right
to take over administratively all property tnat had been abandoned by fleeing rebel
Serbs. Under the Law on the Temporary Takeover of Specified Property, the govern-
ment-appointed housing commissions were authorized to allocate any property
where the owner is absent in order to house refugees or other priority categories,
such as widows, orphans, and war veterans. For example, the entire village of
Kistanje was taken over for the use of Catholic refugees from the Kosovo area of
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, despite the fact that the Serb owners had ex-
pressed their wish to return and occupy their former homes. By September more
than 40 Serb families had returned to Kistanje, only to find their houses locked and
guarded against their entry by the local police. In another example, the members
of one family in Donji Lapac had been moved to three separate temporary accom-
modations upon their return to Croatia, despite the fact tnat their own home was
vacant. They were told that it had already been allocated for a Bosnian Croat refu-
gee family. The law contains no provision for the return of property to its rightful
owner after the hostilities ended and, in effect, permanently dispossesses them of
their property. The Constitutional Court in late September declared certain ele-
1035
ments of this law unconstitutional, but it remained largely in force since no effective
mechanism has yet been developed for restoring property to the original owners.
Forced evictions of ethnic Serbs, Croats, and others from former Yugoslav Na-
tional Army (JNA) apartments continued in major cities throughout the year. The
Ministry of Defense arbitrarily revoked the tenancy rights of individuals who had
lived in apartments for decades, and military police frequently took residences by
force of arms, either evicting current tenants or forcing them to share quarters. The
authorities justified their actions on the basis of property laws that remove tenancy
rights as a result of any 6-month absence or if the tenant was ruled to have "acted
against the interests of the republic of Croatia." The courts frequently used this leg-
islation to deny tenancy rights to former JNA members and in other cases refused
to recognize the rights of surviving family members to maintain the tenancy ri^ts
of their deceased or divorced spouses, althou^ that is provided for specifically
under the law. Membership in the JNA at any time by the primary tenancy rights
holder was deemed sufficient to brand them as "enemies of the state." However, eth-
nic Croats were not immune from forced evictions, nor did all cases involve former
JNA members. Many cases were reported in which desirable apartments were sim-
ply confiscated by individuals connected with either the military or the police. In
one case in Zagreb, the owner of the home was allowed to stay but was forced to
share quarters with five interlopers, all of whom were members of the police.
Although such evictions were often declared illegal in court, the occupier was sel-
dom removed from the premises. In one example, a family illegally evicted from its
apartment in Split by a uniformed member of the Croatian military police in 1994
failed to regain possession of the property despite repeated favorable court rulings
in both the civiUan and military courts. Each of the numerous attempts to evict the
intruder according to the court order has failed, due to the nonattendance of nec-
essary government officials. In the case of occupation by a refugee, the authorities
forbid the police to remove the intruder on the basis of a law requiring that a new
home be found for a displaced or refugee family before it can be removed from any
form of housing, whether legally occupied or not.
Incidents of looting continued almost unabated in the formerly occupied areas,
particularly in the Krajina. International organizations such as the European Com-
munity Monitoring Mission (ECMM) reported at least several cases weekly, and one
local NGO documented 150 cases of looting, threats, and beatings in the Krajina be-
tween May and June alone. Police in the formerly Serb-held areas were often inef-
fective in either responding to incidents or in resolving cases in which the victim
was an ethnic Serb; in May the government human rights Ombudsman reported
that there was a need to increase the number of police working in the area around
Knin (former sector south). Accusations persisted that Serbs departing UNTAES re-
gion were taking with them large amounts of Croatian homeowners' movable prop-
erty. Despite UNTAES' efForts to determine the ownership of such articles, local offi-
cials in Eastern Slavonia routinely issued documentation for goods that UNTAES
was largely powerless to verify. However, incidents of property seizure in Eastern
Slavonia were followed up with a vigor that was lacking in other areas of the coun-
try-
The Constitution provides for the secrecy and safety of personal data, and there
were no reports that this provision was not respected. However, there was credible
evidence that requests made by ethnic Serbs to return to their original homes in
the formerly occupied areas of Croatia were sometimes used by government authori-
ties as a basis upon which to quickly issue permission for Bosnian Croat refugees
to occupy these Serb homes under tne law on the temporary takeover of speafied
property.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of
thought and expression, specifically including freedom of the press and other media
of communication, speech and public expression, and free establishment of institu-
tions of public communication. In practice, government influence on the media
through state ownership of most print and broadcast outlets limits these freedoms.
Government intimidation through the courts and other bodies, including administra-
tive and regulatory bodies, also induced self-censorship. Journalists were reluctant
to criticize the Government in public forums for fear of^ harassment, job loss, intimi-
dation, criminal prosecution, or being branded as disloyal. The Government main-
tained an unofficial campaign of harassment of the independent media throughout
the year.
Individuals may criticize the Government, although not always without reprisal.
In August the Government brought charges against a leading human rights activist
and a prominent politician for press statements, allegedly in violation of the Crimi-
1036
nal Code for "dissemination of false information." The Government alleged that
these statements had been made with the express purpose of inciting political insta-
bility in the country, notwithstanding the fad, that the same and similar statements
had been made by these individuals — with no ensuing public disorder — several
years previously and that similar sentiments were expressed by others.
In addition to the possible use of criminal prosecution against its critics, the Gov-
ernment enjoys a virtual monopoly on print media distribution. Fees of 20 percent
of gross sales (payable in advance), plus slow payment of proceeds from the distribu-
tor to the publication, caused acute cash flow problems tnat forced one publication,
the independent journal Arkzin, to change from weekly to monthly issuance. Jour-
nals and newspapers also complained that they had little control over where their
fmblications were sent, with large quantities at times being sent to remote villages,
saving the bigger, urban markets under-supplied.
Despite continued domestic and international protests, the Government took no
steps to revise articles of the Penal Code that authorize the criminal prosecution
of journalists who insult the honor or dignity of the president, prime minister, the
speaker of parliament, or the chief justices of either the Supreme Court or the Con-
stitutional Court, as well as those who publish "state secrets." The three lareest
weekly newspapers — Globus, Nacional, and the Feral Tribune — face multiple fibel
suits under tnese provisions, many of which were brought by members of the Gov-
ernment or of the President's family. Although the municipal court found the Feral
Tribune innocent of one of the numerous libel charges in 1996, the prosecutor ap-
pealed the case. The criminal trial of Globus journalist Davor Butkovic began in De-
cember for libel against the Prime Minister. Butkovic is charged with criminal li-
ability for citing a report by a foreign company in an article that alleged corruption
in the Cabinet. Administrative proceedings continued against the independent radio
station Radio 101, which was tnreatenea again with closure when the commercial
court demanded tnat it increase its operating capital to the equivalent of several
hundred thousand dollars in order to renew its license. The ownership structure of
the station complicated the situation: 75 percent is owned by employees and 25 per-
cent by the city of Zagreb. Radio 101 was also informed that it must pay both its
licensing fees and deposit the increased operating capital in advance of receiving its
{>ermanent license. Legal proceedings continued throughout the year, and the prob-
em of financial capital at the station remained severe. In a positive development,
after another lengthy battle with administrative authorities. Radio 101 was award-
ed a second transmitter, allowing the station to expand its coverage significantly in
the Zagreb area.
Both public and private radio and television broadcasting coexist, although the
Government controls all national broadcasting. Opposition figures and human rights
activists uniformly charge that state-run outlets have a strong progovemment bias.
International observers also noted the continued role of the state-run media in stir-
ring up public opinion on sensitive issues, such as the return of ethnic Serb dis-
placed persons. For example, in July and August, several widely-read
progovemment papers ran ugly and misleading articles, clearly designed to stir up
public fear and anger against the return of ethnic Serbs and against those inter-
national organizations that assist them.
Regulations governing access to the state-owned broadcast media and editorial
policies of the boards controlling the outlets restrict the ability of opposition parties
to criticize government jx)licies and, in the most visible example, prevented any
semblance oT free media access during the April and June electoral campaigns (see
Section 3). Croatian State Radio and Television (HRT) broadcasts on three national
television channels and three national radio channels. Technically under the super-
vision of the Parliament, the HRT is, in practice, run by the ruling HDZ party, and
its head is a leading member of the HDZ. Many members of the Telecommuni-
cations Board (which regulates licensing) are also senior HDZ officials. The HRT
unfailingly devotes its main news coverage to uncritical reports on the activities of
the President and the Government and is virtually an organ of the executive
branch. Reporting and commentary faithfully reflect the views of the Government,
and little, if any, Tbroadcast time is given for dissenting views. While local radio and
television outlets exist throughout the countiy, they largely lack their own news and
public affairs programs. A notable exception is the newly launched TV Mreza, which
has begun fairly objective, if somewhat limited, news production. Most radio sta-
tions, however, repeat the HRT news, while some rebroadcast Voice of America and
the British Broadcasting Corporation news programs.
On October 23 broadcast media journalists established an Association of Elec-
tronic Media Journalists in the Croatian Journalists Association and issued a mani-
festo with 21 points in which they called for professional and open electronic media.
The "Forum 21" members, 13 of whom work for state radio and television, came
1037
under immediate pressure and threats from the HDZ and the state-run media to
curtail these outsiae activities.
The lack of media freedom, in particular in the electronic media, was a major
comjjonent in the OSCE's judgment that the process leading up to the presidential
election in June was "fundamentally flawed" and did not meet minimum standards
for a meaningful and democratic election in line with OSCE norms. A similar con-
clusion was made about the parliamentary upper house and local elections in April.
Throughout the year's election campaigns, the ruling party and its candidates en-
joyed an immense advantage in meoia exposure and news coverage from the state-
owned electronic media, the HRT. For example, during the final days of the presi-
dential campaign, the main daily news program provided approximately 8 to 12
times more coverage of the ruling candiaate than of the 2 otner candidates com-
bined. Independent analysts also concluded that state-owned media downplayed cov-
erage of events of significance to opposition candidates, including the violent attack
on one presidential candidate in June. The coverage devoted to President Tudjman
on the evening news program during one key election campaign period (from May
28 to June 7) was 300 times greater than that given to the eventual second place
candidate. Finally, the OSCE report itself was completely underplayed by the
media, with the main government news program devoting a mere three-line state-
ment to its release, while the independent news program had no coverage of the re-
lease at all. The next day, the state-run media disingenuously reported that the
OSCE report characterized the Croatian elections as "free" but left out the remain-
der of the sentence, which continued "but not fair."
Foreign newspapers and journals, including some Serbian periodicals, were avail-
able throughout the country.
While academic freedom is generally respected, academicians were reluctant to
speak out on political issues, and there was an increasing tendency by the ruling
HDZ party to use its influence in academia. For example, in a public exchange of
letters. President Tudjman accused the then President of the Academy of Arts and
Science, Ivan Supek, of plotting Tudjman's assassination after Supek made public
statements critical of presidential policies.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly, and the Government generally respects this right in
practice.
Numerous rallies and demonstrations took place throughout the country during
the year, the majority connected in some way with the two elections held in the
spring and summer (see Section 3). Permits to hold rallies and assemblies were not
always equitably issued. For instance, during the Presidential campaign in June,
the police denied one major opposition party a permit to assemble in the main
square in the capital on spurious grounds, alter approving the earlier applications
01 the ruling and several other parties. Labor unions held various assemolies and
demonstrations, as did associations of war veterans, pensioners, and the families of
persons missing from the war. In Eastern Slavonia, local Serbs also held demonstra-
tions, usually connected with the peaceful integration of the region, including one
rally at which press reports indicated a crowd of 15,000 persons gathered in
Vukovar in February.
The Constitution provides for the right of association. However, this right was re-
stricted by legislation passed in June, when the Parliament adopted a new Law on
Associations. With this legislation, the (jovemment gave itself broad supervisory
powers to prevent the founding of an association and to monitor all aspects of an
association once founded. For example, the law allows temporary suspension of the
activities of an association based only upon a "well-founded" suspicion that the
group's activities contravene the Constitution or law. Until such time as the associa-
tion proves itself innocent in a court of law, the government can keep it closed in-
definitely and appoint someone to manage and dispose of the association's property.
The law also grants the (jovernment the power to dissolve an association and dis-
pose of its property or to impose significant fines for any proven violation if it deter-
mines that the association has actually violated the Constitution or the law. Exer-
cising the right of association before the Government approves the act of founding
constitutes a violation.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of conscience and
religion and free public profession of religious convictions, and the Government re-
spects these rights in practice. There is no official state religion. All religious com-
munities are free to conduct public services and to open and run social and chari-
table institutions. Roman Catholicism, Eastern Orthodox Christianity, and Islam
are the major faiths, and there is a small though active Jewish community. The
great majority of Croats are Roman Catholic, and the Government provides optional
Catholic religious training in schools.
1038
No formal restrictions are imposed on religious groups. The main mosque is in
Zagreb, where it serves not only as a religious center but also as a social aid office
for the large Bosnian Muslim refugee population. Croatian Protestants from a num-
ber of denominations, as well as foreign clergy, actively practice and proselytize, as
do representatives of Eastern-based religions. The Government tightened its resi-
dence permit and visa issuance policy at midyear, but this was a general policy shift
and not directed at religious workers (although they were among those afiected). Al-
though religious education is not in itself compulsory, all schools are recmired to
offer classes in religion. Schools with large minority populations are allowed to offer
classes in minority religions (i.e.. Orthodox catechism in Serb majority schools).
There were numerous reports that despite the fact that religious training in schools
was not compulsory, students were subtly pressured to attend.
Incidents occurred in which the police harassed those attending religious cere-
monies, incited anti-Orthodox mob action, and refused to restrain those who sou^t
to disrupt Orthodox rituals (see Section 5).
The Government discriminates against Muslims in the issuance of citizenship doc-
uments. The Interior Ministry frequently uses Article 26 of the Law on Citizenship
to deny citizenship papers to persons otnerwise qualified to be citizens (see Section
5).
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution generally provides for these rights, with certain re-
strictions. All persons legally in the country must register their residence with the
local authorities. Under exceptional circumstances, the Government mav legally re-
strict the right to enter or leave the country if necessary to protect the 'legal order,
health, rights, or freedoms of others."
The Government cooperates with the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for
Refiigees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations assisting refugees. Cro-
atia acceded to all treaties regarding the treatment and status of rerugees and these
have been observed in practice. The Government Office for Displaced Persons and
Refugees reports that the Government is currently giving first asylum to 68,863 peo-
ple from various parts of the former Yugoslavia as of December and that it was fi-
nancially supporting another 101,616 internally displaced persons (not counting dis-
placed ethnic Serbs living in the area under UNTAES control). The Government
also reports that another 20,599 people fall into the category of "refugee settlers"
and are almost exclusively ethnic Croats. For much of the year, the Government re-
fused to recognize ethnic Serbs displaced in Eastern Slavonia as displaced persons,
terming them instead "internal migrants," and hence not warranting any special
protected status. There were no reports of forced return of f>ersons to a country
where they feared persecution.
In April the Government together with the UNHCR and UNTAES developed a tri-
lateral mechanism designed to initiate and facilitate the return of persons from
Eastern Slavonia to the rest of Croatia. The Joint Working Group (JWG), as it was
commonly known, created conditions and criteria by which persons could: register
their intention to return; obtain a "confirmation for return" that verified the per-
son's status; enjoy facilitated return; and register for reconstruction assistance. For
those who did not wish to return to their former place of residence, an Agency for
Property Negotiation was created that would assist in the buying and selling of
homes.
This otherwise positive development was tempered somewhat by the slow and un-
even implementation of the agreement. Since the agreement was signed on April 23,
the Office for Displaced Persons and Refugees, which had been delegated the task
of processing the applications of those who sought to return, had approved only sev-
eral thousand applications each way by mid-September and, of those approved, ap-
proximately 2,500 people in total actually returned to their homes under this mech-
anism. The Ministry of Reconstruction and Development, tasked by the Government
through the JWG to provide reconstruction assistance and facilitate difficult returns
(i.e., to occupied, damaged, or destroyed homes), produced approvals and reconstruc-
tion assistance for only 9 families out of thousands of requests by mid-September,
which effectively blocked numerous returns despite government promises.
Confirmations were issued only slowly and then only for those persons whose
homes were either vacant or easily reparable. Almost no progress was made on
'Tiard cases" — those homes either severely damaged or occupied by others. Given the
long wait for government confirmation, many Serbs and Croats returned to their
homes on their own. Outside the government mechanism and therefore not qualified
for government benefits, these people did not receive social welfare payments or
even assurance that their homes would not be taken from them under the law on
the temporary takeover of specified property after their return (see also Section l.f.).
However, in September the Government recognized ex post facto many of these
1039
"spontaneous returns" and granted returnee status to both Serbs and Croats who
had thus far returned to their original place of residence outside of the trilateral
mechanism.
Freedom of movement was severely hampered by the occupation of homes belong-
ing to ethnic Serb Croatian citizens by refuses from neighboring Bosnia and
Herzegovina, as well as "priority category* ethmc Croat citizens, i.e., active duty or
former members of the military, widows, and orphans. Legislation that allowed the
government-appointed housing commissions to settle people in these homes provided
no mechanism for their removal once the original owner returned to take up his
property, even after portions of the law were struck down by the Constitutional
Court in September. The international community noted a concerted pattern of ac-
tivity by the Government to resettle areas that formerly had Serb majorities with
ethnic Croats, either from other parts of the former Yugoslavia, other parts of Cro-
atia, or by encouraging the return of ethnic Croat emigres from abroad. Many ethnic
Serbs returned to nomes that the Government's Office for Displaced Persons and
Refugees termed habitable but found them devastated and looted.
While UNTAES still controlled the border between Eastern Slavonia and Croatia
proper, freedom of movement into and out of UNTAES-controUed region increased
dramatically during the year, going from virtually no freedom to significant, albeit
controlled, two-way movement. UNTAES inaugurated a system of sponsored visits
whereby ethnic Croat former residents of the region could spend up to several days
in the region and persons whose official business took them frequently into the re-
gion were issued passes. Properly documented ethnic Serbs traveled out of the re-
gion, visiting their homes in other parts of Croatia. In September UNTAES handed
over control of the border checkpoints to the Transitional Police Force.
The Government continued to move refugees and displaced persons from tem-
porary accommodations in coastal tourist facilities. In many cases these people were
resettled in third countries or elsewhere in Croatia.
A significant number of persons, almost exclusively ethnic Croats, were assimi-
lated into local Croatian communities, albeit not always willingly, and by year's end
some 40,000 to 50,000 ethnic Croat refugees had their refugee status replaced with
that of Croatian citizenship. For example, more than 11,000 ethnic Croat refugees
in and around Slavonski Brod had their status changed from refugee to that of tem-
porary resident, thus removing their entitlement to special social allowances and
benefits. Representatives of this group complained that their primary goal was to
return to Bosnia and Herzegovina, rather than to assimilate into Croatia.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Government seriously infringed upon the right of citizens to change their gov-
ernment peacefully. All citizens over 18 years of age and older have the right to vote
by secret ballot. The President, elected for 5 years, exercises substantial power, au-
thority, and influence but is constitutionally limited to two terms. Parliament com-
prises the House of Representatives and the House of Counties (Zupanije). The Cro-
atian Democratic Union (HDZ) holds a majority in both houses, and President
Franjo Tudiman was reelected in June in an election judged to be "fundamentally
flawed" and "free but not fair" by the OSCE. Elections for all local governing bodies
as well as the House of Counties were held in April, but were also marked by irreg-
ularities, including a lack of opposition access to the media and elections legislation
wei^ted in favor of the ruling party.
The presidential power of approving the Mayor of Zagreb (who is elected by the
city assembly) was reaflirmea in legislation adopted in February. The April local
elections, in which the HDZ won a plurality of seats and appxjinted a mayor,
brought to an end the opposition boycott of the Zagreb city assembly (begun in late
1996). The boycott was tne result of President Tudjman's IVa-year long refusal to
confirm opposition mayoral candidates legally elected to the office. The 'Zagreb city
council crisis," as it came to be known, was a visible example of the ruling party's
manipulation of politics that was only resolved through new elections. In addition
to the liberal interpretation and implementation of laws to suit the Government's
agenda, the ruling party used intimidation and harassment, as well as control of
the media and government, to control the political process. Economic pressure was
one of the most effective tools, and government agencies selectively issued or denied
permits for businesses based on political affiliation.
The HDZ used its control of Parliament to push through electoral changes that
favored it. July 1996 amendments to the law for local elections, which included
changing the proportional/majoritarian ratio from 2/3:1/3 to 3/4:1/4, heavily favored
the HDZ. (The last local elections were held with a 50:50 ratio; 1995 changes put
the ratio at 2/3:1/3.) In addition, the HDZ fully exploited the July 1996 amendments
1040
allowing a party to put someone's name on its list as its "bearer," even if that per-
son was not on the list, by placing President Tudjman's name at the head of every
local list. In 1996 the Parliament passed gerrymandering legislation on redistricting
that further helped the HDZ electorally. Changes to the electoral law were often
done in "emergency parliamentary sessions" and pushed through hastily, with little
debate.
Rules for access to state-owned electronic media not only restricted the ability of
opposition parties to criticize government policies and activities but limited tneir
ability to fully engage the Government in an open political dialog (see Section 2.a.).
These rules also severely hindered the opposition parties from mounting effective
campaigns in the April local and parliamentary upper house and June presidential
elections. In addition to strict control of the media, opposition candidates were at
times the victims of violent attacks. During the presidential campaign in June, the
Liberal Party (HSLS) candidate was attacked by an army captain while addressing
a rally in Pula and suffered a concussion. His assailant received a suspended sen-
tence. In April the leader of the Social Democratic Union (SDU) was attacked in
Osijek while preparing for a campaign rally. The Social Democrat (SDP) presidential
candidate's car was attacked in May. Although the authorities apprehended the per-
petrators, the incidents received no more than cursory coverage in the press. The
Government did not allow the participation of domestic election monitors in either
the April or June elections. A coalition of nongovernmental organizations, GONG
(Citizens Organized to Oversee Voting), was formed in March but was denied per-
mission to monitor either of the elections on the grounds that their activity was not
expressly permitted by the election law.
By the time of the April elections in sector east, which were called for under the
basic agreement between the (government and the Eastern Slavonian Serbs and
held concurrently with local and upper house elections throughout Croatia, the Gov-
ernment had increased the pace of^ citizenship document (Ik)movnica) issuance for
Serbs, thereby enabling them to participate in the political process. Initial intran-
sigence on document issuance and the refusal to extend voting rights in Eastern
Slavonia for Serb citizens from other parts of Croatia (dropped in late 1996) forced
the ballot to be delayed from the agreed-upon date of March 16 until April. The
OSCE and UNTAES also judged that the Government's inability to effectively orga-
nize the ballot (voters lists were incorrect and ballot papers were delayed or undeliv-
ered entirely) on election day necessitated an extension of the balloting by over 24
hours.
The (jovemment's discriminatory use of the citizenship law denied qualified Cro-
atian Serbs residing outside of Croatia as refugees the ability to apply for and re-
ceive citizenship, as well as the right to vote, effectively disenfranchising several
hundred thousand ethnic Serbs (see Section 5).
Although there are no legal restrictions on participation by women or minorities
in the political process, they are represented in only small numbers in Parliament,
the executive branch, and the courts. In the 206-member Parliament, 13 women
hold seats. Election law requires representation for minorities in Parliament, with
proportional representation for any minority that makes up more than 8 percent of
the population. Currently, no minority meets that criteria. Representation for Cro-
atia's Serb minority is based, however, on government estimates of the number of
Serbs who fled Croatia between 1991-95 and the assumption that they will not re-
turn. Under an agreement reached with UNTAES and the Serb leadership in Janu-
ary, the Government committed itself to the appointment of two Serb representa-
tives regardless of their percentage in the population once a census is eventually
taken. Inere were no Muslim representatives in Parliament, despite the fact that
the Muslim minority is the next largest after the Serbs.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights groups throughout the country worked to prevent human rights
abuses and brought their concerns to the attention of local and national authorities,
as well as to that of domestic and international media. Most of these groups focused
on legal advocacy programs and social services support for the remaining and re-
turning population in the former Serb-held areas. Throughout the year, domestic
human rights groups were highly critical of the (Government's human rights record.
A law on associations, or the "NGO law" as it came to be known, gave the Govern-
ment broad authority to regulate domestic nongovernmental organizations. For ex-
ample, if the (jrovemment only suspects that an organization is in violation of either
the Constitution or the law, it may suspend the organization's activity until such
time as the organization proves its innocence in the courts (see Section 2.b.). In a
trial for tax evasion that was widely perceived to be politically motivated, two em-
1041
ployees of the local affiliate of the Soros Foundation, the Open Society Institute,
were found guilty of "falsifying documents," and were sentenced to a year in prison
by a Zagreb court in November. The sentence was immediately commuted to 3
years' probation.
International organizations, including the European Community Monitoring Mis-
sion (ECMM), the UNHCR, the OSCE, and the United Nations Special Rapporteur
for Human Rights, moved freely throughout the country, reporting on human rights
problems. These organizations usually, but not always, reported an adequate level
of cooperation with government authorities in Zagreb. In the field, however, the
Government's record of cooperation was mixed, with promises made in the capital
often being poorly or incompletely implemented in the field. For exajnple, despite
repeated promises by the President and senior members of the Government that all
Croatian Serbs who fled the military actions to retake the occupied areas could re-
turn, the Government did little at its missions abroad to facilitate the return of
these refugees, leaving approximately 180,000 Serbs efTectively exiled from Croatia
in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia alone (see Section 2.d.).
UNTAES mandate, originally set to expire on January 15, was extended for 6
months until July 15 andthen again until January 15, 1998. One of the contribut-
ing factors for the extension was the insuflicient progress towards the peaceful re-
integration of the last Serb-occupied enclave in Eastern Slavonia. UNTAES and the
UNHCR together with the Government established a Joint Working Group on Re-
turns, whicn developed a framework for the return of refugees and displaced j)er-
sons to their homes in Croatia proper (see Section 2.d.).
Domestic human rights groups reported that their activity was largely ignored by
the Government. Unless a case received international attention through the media
or an international organization, the Government took little or no action to address
the problem cited. Although access to the Government improved slightly with the
increased activity of the govemment-apfwinted human rights Ombudsman, the Om-
budsman's lack of legal authority to rectify problems that came to his attention seri-
ously limited his effectiveness to serve as anything other than a forum. Nonetheless,
the Ombudsman's office became a welcome access point to the Government for both
international organizations and NGO'S. In May the Ombudsman issued a harsh re-
port criticizing security conditions in parts of the formerly-occupied areas (the first
of its kind in Croatia), which was presented to the Parliament in the spring.
In a major positive step, Croatia facilitated the handover in October of 10 Bosnian
Croats indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
in the Hague, including Dario Kordic, one of the most wanted suspects indicted by
tribunal. In April the Government handed over to the Tribunal indicted war crimi-
nal Zlatko Aleksovski, who was in Croatian custody for 8 months. This brought the
number of ethnic Croats indicted who were in custody in the Hague to 13, a major-
ity of those indicted. Also in October, the (jovemment committed to a plan by which
it would inform ICTY of new cases of potential interest to the tribunal. However,
despite these very positive developments, the CJovemment's overall cooperation with
the tribunal remained uneven. By year's end, no progress had been made in the
handover of documents that would assist in the prosecution of ethnic Croats held
in custody in the Hague, and the Government continued its strong rhetoric asserting
that Croatia's sovereignty must be maintained at all costs, seriously bringing into
question the Government's commitment to present the tribunal with new cases for
review.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution specifies that all citizens shall enjoy all rights and freedoms, re-
gardless of race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or
social origin, property, birth, education, social status, or other attributes. It adds
that members of all national groups and minorities shall have equal rights. While
the majority of these rights are observed in practice, serious deficiencies continued
with regard to equality among various national/racial/ethnic groups. The Constitu-
tion provides for special "wartime measures" in case of need, but states that restric-
tions shall be appropriate to the nature of the danger and may not result in the
inequality of citizenship with respect to race, color, sex, language, religion, or na-
tional or social origin.
Women. — Although the Government does not collect statistics on the issue, in-
formed observers believe that violence against women, including spousal abuse, is
common. Alcohol abuse is commonly cited as a contributing factor. Centers for the
psychological and medical care of abused women are open in several cities and a
number of local institutions and voluntary agencies offer social, medical, and other
1042
assistance to abused women and to those traumatized by war experiences. Family
crisis associations are also active.
The law does not discriminate by gender. In practice, however, women generally
hold lower paying positions in the work force. The Government has no recent data
concerning the socio-economic standing of women. However, considerable anecdotal
evidence suggests that women hold by far the preponderance of low-level clerical
and shop-keeping positions, as well as primary and secondary school teaching Jobs.
Women are oilen among the first to be fired or laid off. While there is no national
organization devoted solely to the protection of women's rights, many small, inde-
pendent groups were active in the capital and larger cities. One of the most active,
in particular Defore and during the elections in April and June, was B.a.B.e. ("Be
Active, Be Emancipated "). This group held public discussions with political party
representatives, debating controversial topics of interest to women.
Children. — The Government is strongly committed to the welfare of children.
Schools provide free meals for children, day care facilities are available in most com-
munities even for infants, medical care for children is free, and the Labor Code au-
thorizes a full year of maternity leave and 3 years' leave for twins or for women
with three or more children.
Education is mandatory up to the age of 14; the majority of students continue to
the age of 18, and no significant sectors or groups are excluded. Primary school edu-
cation is compulsory, free, and universal.
There is no societal pattern of abuse against children.
People With Disabilities. — No legislation mandates access to buildings or govern-
ment services for people with disabilities; access to such facilities is often difficult.
While people with disabilities face no open discriminatory measures, iob opportuni-
ties generally are limited. Special education is also limited and poorly rundea.
Religious Minorities. — Religion as a reflection of ethnicity was frequently used to
identity non-Croats and as another way of singling them out for discnminaton^ prac-
tices. The Muslim community suffered from discrimination, and Croatian Nnislims
and Bosnian refugees continue to report widespread discrimination in many areas
such as citizenship (see Section 2.c.) and employment rights.
According to reliable information, religious leaders were responsible several times
during the year for actions that retarded the process of reconciliation. For example,
in the area of Okucani (Western Slavonia), a Catholic priest (himself a Bosnian
Croat refugee) was widely believed to be the instigator of much of that area's eth-
nically motivated violence, including the burning of the Orthodox rectory building
in the spring. Witnesses claim that the priest regularly incited the local population
(a large nurnber of whom are Bosnian Croat refugees) to commit acts of violence and
preached a policy of revenge rather than reconciliation, at times to the discomfort
of the indigenous Croatian population. Despite repeated efforts by the international
community to bring this activity to the attention of religious authorities in Zagreb,
no action was taken to curb the priest's excesses.
The close identification of religion with ethnicity caused religious institutions to
be targets of violence. An orthodox priest who attempted to reconsecrate the Serbian
Orthodox Church in Knin was threatened by a mob of ethnic Croats in Januaiy.
A prominent Serb parliamentarian attested to harassment by the local police during
the incident, who aid nothing to defuse the situation and instead further incited the
mob. In August an Orthodox priest was attacked by an ethnic Croat mob in the
town of Dmis as he attempted to celebrate mass in the Orthodox church there, de-
spite the presence of several uniformed police officers provided by the municipal
government (who did nothing to restrain the crowd). The Serbian Orthodox church
in downtown Zagreb, nevertheless, remains open, and several other Orthodox
churches and monasteries operate freely.
There were reported incidents of desecration in graveyards, including the deface-
ment of a Jewish cemetery in May in Karlovac with Fascist insignia. A leading
human rights organization also documented numerous incidents throughout the
country of the damage and defacement of Serbian Orthodox tombstones and grave-
yards. While one person was arrested for the Karlovac vandalism, there were no
publicized arrests for the other incidents.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — Constitutionally, Croatian Serbs and other
minority groups enjoy the same protection as other self-identified ethnic and reli-
gious groups. In practice, however, Serbs suffer severe discrimination in a wide
number of areas. Schools with a significant number of minority students often have
their own special curriculum in addition to standard ones, designed to teach history,
geography, art and music to students in their native language. In practice, however,
a pattern of ever-present and often open discrimination continues against ethnic
Serbs and at times other minorities in such areas as the administration of justice,
employment, housing, and freedom of movement. The Government consistently
1043
maintained a double standard of treatment based on ethnicity that hindered the im-
plementation of much of the significant progress made at high levels during the
year in the process of the peaceful reintegration of Eastern Slavonia.
In September the Government adopted, despite opposition by both minority lead-
ers and opposition parliamentarians, legislation regulating minority language edu-
cation. The law, which Ministry of Education ofiicials claimed incorporated all rec-
ommendations made by the Council of Europe — except in cases when thev "endan-
gered the integrity of the republic of Croatia and the right of Croat children to be
educated in their national language" — was deemed unduly restrictive by opponents.
With the assistance of UNTAES, the education system in Eastern Slavonia was re-
integrated with the rest of Croatia and a curriculum was agreed upon for Serb ma-
jority schools in time for the 1997-98 school year. The agreement incorporated Ser-
oian histoiy, geography, art, nature, and society into the main Croatian curriculum
and established that the Serbian language would be taught during extracurricular
hours.
Serbs continue to be particularly vulnerable to attack because of government re-
luctance to protect their rights vigorously (see Sections l.a. and l.f.). Attacks
against property owned by Serbs continued, and the use of explosive devices and
booby traps increased dramatically in parts of the Krajina and Western Slavonia,
particularly Okucani where there was a rash of such incidents in the spring and
in Benkovac where there was a series of at least four bombings in late July. The
Government maintained that, as crimes against property, these explosions were
"less serious" crimes, despite the fact that they formed part of a concerted campaign
to discourage ethnic Serbs from returning to their homes. Police also often denied
that crimes were ethnically motivated, in the face of incontrovertible evidence to the
contrary. Overall police responsiveness to complaints filed by Serb residents of the
Krajina and Western Slavonia was often poor. For example, witnesses report that
Solice participated in the riots and destruction in the area in and around Hrvatska
[ostajnica in May and that police were apathetic towards mob violence against a
Serbian Orthodox priest in Dmis in August (see Section 5). The Ombudsman for
Human Rights pointed out that police in the area around Knin and Donji Lapac
were understaffed, with a commensurate low level of responsiveness, the first ofli-
cial acknowledgment of the problem.
While significant progress was made on the return of people to their original
homes throughout the country, the (government refused to adopt a welcoming atti-
tude toward those returning ethnic Serbs who had fled Croatia in 1995 (see &ction
2.d.). Adding to the problem, displaced persons received different treatment accord-
ing to their ethnicity. For example, the (Jovemment refused to recognize ethnic
Serbs living in Eastern Slavonia as displaced persons, terming them instead "inter-
nal migrants," who "left their homes oitheir own free will," and thus denying them
the protected status under the law and economic and social welfare benefits that
the (jrovemment offered to displaced ethnic Croats. Under significant international
pressure, the (jovemment relented in late spring and began to bestow limited rec-
ognition on those Serbs who wished to return to their original homes in Croatia
proper. Under a mechanism developed in conjunction with the UNHCR and
UNTAES (the JWG), Serbs in Eastern Slavonia were encouraged to register their
intentions with the (government Office for Displaced Persons and Refugees (see Sec-
tion 2.d.).
In another positive development, the (Jovemment in the fall established a Na-
tional Commission for Reconciliation and the Reestablishment of Trust. The Com-
mission, chaired by a senior government official, was to oversee the creation of local
level commissions and develop programs aimed at bringing together estranged eth-
nic groups. However, the law on the temporary takeover of specified property was
repeatedly used by local housing commissions to deny ethnic Serbs who wished to
return to their property. While officials claimed that the law did not technically ex-
propriate Serb property, the effect was the same: Serbs were unable to reenter their
homes and also found themselves unable to pursue effectively litigation in the courts
because the law stated that the only two parties to the occupation were the current
occupant and the (government; a Serb had no legal standing upon which to become
a party to the case. Despite the annulment of portions of the law in September by
the Constitutional Court, the main points remained unchanged througn the year.
Serbs and other minorities also suffered from economic discrimination. Unemploy-
ment among ethnic Serbs was markedly higher than the 16.5 percent reported by
the (jovemment as the national average, and a disproportionate number of layoff^
and firings involve ethnic Serbs. Unemployment in the formerly occupied areas is
much higher, where international organizations estimated that as much as 80 to 90
percent of the population is unemployed. Under UNTAES supervision, work con-
tracts were signed between Serbs living in the region and the (jovemment. Under
1044
these contracts, the Government was obligated to integrate these Serb employees
into state institutions and enterprises in the course of reintegration.
The Law on Citizenship distinguishes between those who have a claim to Croatian
ethnicity and those who do not. The "Croatian people" are eligible to become citizens
of Croatia, even if they were not citizens of the former Socialist Republic of Croatia,
as long as they submit a written statement that they consider themselves Croatian
citizens. Others must satisfy more stringent requirements through naturalization in
order to obtain citizenship, even if they were previously lawful residents of Croatia
as citizens of the former Yugoslavia. While an application is pending, the applicant
is denied rights such as social allowances, including medical care, pensions, free
education, and employment in the civil service.
Human rights groups complained that the Interior Ministry frequently based de-
nials on Article 26 oi the citizenship law (which permits it to deny citizenship to
persons otherwise qualified for reasons of national interest) and on Article 8 (which
includes a requirement that persons' actions demonstrate that they are "attached
to the legal system and customs of Croatia"). Both of these articles were often sub-
jectively applied, with little or no documentation to back up the denials (see Section
I.e.). The citizenship status of many Muslims in the area around Slunj has not j'et
been remedied, and in some cases entire villages remain stateless.
This double standard for citizenship was clearly demonstrated during the presi-
dential elections when ethnic Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina (all of whom qualify
for Croatian citizenship under the law) were allowed to vote; however, Croatian
Serbs who fled Croatia in 1995, but who otherwise lived their entire lives in Croatia,
were denied the ability both to apply for and receive their citizenship as well as the
rirfit to vote, effectively disenfranchising several hundred thousand ethnic Serbs.
Tlie situation for other minority groups — Slovaks, Czechs, Italians and Hungar-
ians— did not reflect significant discrimination to the same extent as the Serb com-
munity. Roma continued to face societal discrimination and official inaction when
complaints were filed. However, public awareness of the difficulties that Roma face
in society was raised by several public forums, including round table and panel dis-
cussions with government and civic leaders.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — All workers are entitled to form or ioin unions of
their own choosing without prior authorization. There is an active labor movement
with three major and three minor national labor federations and independent asso-
ciations of both blue- and white-collar members. More than 80 percent of woriters
are members of unions of one type or another. In general unions are independent
of the Government and political parties. However, during the year unions claimed
that in several instances workers were pressured by their employers to join particu-
lar unions or subsidiaries, deemed by the employer to be more friendly to the ruling
HDZ party.
The law prohibits retaliation against strikers participating in legal strikes. Work-
ers may only strike at the end of a contract or in specific circumstances mentioned
in the contract. Most importantly, the Supreme Court has ruled that workers may
not strike for nonpayment of wages, which continues to be a serious problem. The
only recourse in the event of nonpayment is to go to court, a process that may take
several years. If a strike is found to be illegal, any participant can be dismissed and
the union held liable for damages.
In 1996 the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare refused to register the Pension-
ers' Trade Union as an association under Article 159 of the Labor Code, which
states that only employed workers may be members of a trade union. This narrow
interpretation of the labor law may also affect the temporarily unemployed and stu-
dents in vocational training as well. While the case was appealed to the administra-
tive court in 1996, there has as yet been no resolution. Union leaders speculated
that by not registering the pensioners trade union, the (jovemment hoped to dis-
courage a repetitions of the large demonstrations organized by p)ensioners in 1996,
protesting the low level and late payment of pensions.
When negotiating a new contract, workers are required to go through mediation
before they can strike. Labor and management chose the mediator together. If they
cannot agree, the labor law calls for a tripartite commission of labor, business, and
government representatives to appoint one. However, the establishment of the tri-
partite commission was delayed for almost 18 months and was only successfully in-
augurated in June. This delay had adverse effects on the ability of unions to resolve
disputes with management and the distribution of commonly held union property,
as called for by the (jovemment. Arbitration is never mandatory, but can be used
if both sides agree. Only after submitting to mediation and formally filing a state-
ment that negotiations are at an impasse is a strike legal.
1045
The right to strike is provided for in the Constitution with these limitations and
with additional limits on members of the armed forces, police, government adminis-
tration, and public services. Even though salaries are very low relative to the cost
of living, there is little strike activity. Despite the removal on January 1 of a govern-
ment-imposed public sector wage freeze (which affected 55 percent of the woik
force), overall wage increases have been minimal. TTie stringent requirements for
calling a strike, tne high rate of unemployment, and the Government's insistence
on adhering to its austerity program of 1993 all discourage strikes. There was one
significant strike during the year, in which several thousand railway workers, who
went on strike late in 1996, again walked off the job in January (see Section 6.b.).
In April 2,000 textile workers organized a mass demonstration in Zagreb to demand
collective negotiations with the (Jovemment and the development of a long-term
strategy for tne industry.
Unions may freely affiliate intemationaUy.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is pro-
tected by law and practiced freely. The Labor Coae governs collective bargaining
contracts, protection for striking workers, and legal limitations on the ability of em-
ployers to conduct "lockouts" during labor disputes. The process of "transforming"
previously "socially owned" enterprises continues, albeit slowly, as the first step to-
wards their eventual privatization. The privatization process, however, was widely
criticized as neither transparent nor fair, with a lai^e umber of the best enterprises
thus far on the market being sold to those with close connections to the regime. The
transition to private enterprise and a free market economy has kept labor unions
under pressure at the same time that they are making progress towards establish-
ing themselves as genuine trade unions, representative of their members rather
than the Government. General unemplojmaent is the most significant hurdle. Unem-
ployment rose during the year, with government sources claiming that the unem-
ployment rate was 16.5 percent in June. Unions and international organizations
pointed out however, that this figure does not include the substantial "gray" econ-
omy and workers who do not register as unemployed. International observers and
unions estimate that the actual figure could be as high as 25 to 30 percent, with
reliable international organizations estimating that that figure jumps to 80 to 90
percent in the former occupied areas of the country, where tne economy is virtually
at a standstill. As of June, approximately 12 percent of workers did not receive their
salaries on time. When salary payments are not made, payments into the social wel-
fare system also lag, thereby denying workers health coverage.
The Labor Code deals directly with antiunion discrimination issues. It expressly
allows unions to challenge firings in court, and unions report that the number of
such legal cases has been increasing. There are continuing reports that ethnicity is
used as a grounds for dismissal. For example, in the spring, two ethnic Serb women
were dismissed from their jobs, allegedly for expressing undue sympathy by com-
memorating the fall of the Croatian city of Vukovar during the war (the two women
had flowers on their desks, something they did regularly, not only on significant
days). The court system, however, is already seriously overburdened, and cases can
languish for many months or years before they are resolved (see Section l.d.). The
Government frequently employs coercion against employees, including government
employees, involved in labor disputes and strikes to force the employees back to
work. This occurred during the railroad strike that occurred from December 1996
to January 1997. During this action, workers and strike organizers were threatened
with dismissal and, in a few cases, with bodily harm unless they signed a paper
that stated that they did not support the strike. During the same strike, there was
at least one attempt at bribery to coerce woriters back on the job and 22 organizers
of the strike were found responsible in court for damages to be paid to the railroad
company when the first of the multipart strike was declared illegal.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is con-
stitutionally forbidden, and there were no documented instances of it. While legisla-
tion does not explicitly cover children, the constitutional ban provides blanket cov-
erage in this area, and the Government enforces this prohibition effectively. The
Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare is the agency charged with enforcing the ban
on coerced or forced labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for the employment of children is 15 years of age, and it is enforced by
the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare. Under the Constitution, whose provisions
the Government enforces, children may not be employed before reaching tne legally
determined age, may not perform forced or bonded labor, and are not allowed to per-
form work that is harmful to their health or morality (see Section 6.c.). There is no
known pattern of abuse of child labor. Workers under the age of 18 are entitled to
1046
special protection at work and are prohibited from heavy manual labor and night
snifts. Education is mandatory up to the age of 14.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — While there is no standard minimum wage, the
government fund for retirement and disability insurance establishes a minimum sal-
ary, as of December approximately $165 (1,024 kuna), upon which employers must
pay taxes for each of their workers. There is, however, no requirement that the
worker actually receives the minimum base salary. The government bureau of sta-
tistics estimated that the average net monthly wage was approximately $460 (2,437
kuna) as of October, which labor unions estimated was only half of the amount nec-
essary to provide for a family of four. There are national minimum wage standards
that are enforced by the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare. The minimum gross
monthly wage was approximately $150 (900 Kuna) as of September, which does not
provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. Government policy to-
ward its employees is a major factor in setting wage standards. There is a large
public sector and the Government manages, through the privatization fund, employ-
ees of companies waiting to be privatized. In January the Government removed the
1996 wage freeze imposed on public sector workers, in order to rectify the large dis-
parity between public and private sector wages. However, despite removing the re-
moval of the wage freeze, public sector workers have received only nominal wage
increases.
National regulations provide for a 42-hour workweek with a Va-hour daily break,
a 24-hour rest period during the week, and a minimum of 18 days of paid vacation
armually. Workers receive time-and-a-half pay for any hours worked over 42.
Health and safety standards are set by the Government and are enforced by the
Ministry of Health. In practice industries are not diligent in meeting standards for
worker protection: It is common to find workers without hard hats at construction
sites and equipment with safety devices removed. Workers can, in theory, remove
themselves from hazardous conditions at work. A worker would have recourse to the
courts in a situation where he felt that he had been wrongfully dismissed for doing
so.
CYPRUS
Prior to 1974, Cyprus experienced a long period of intercommunal strife between
its Greek and Tuiiish Cypriot communities. The island has been divided since the
Turkish military intervention of 1974, following a coup d'etat directed from Greece.
Since 1974 the southern part of the country has been under the control of the Gov-
ernment of the Republic of Cyprus. The northern part is ruled by a Turkish Cypriot
administration. In 1983 that administration proclaimed itself the "Turkish Republic
of Northern Cyprus" ("TRNC "), which is recognized only by Turkey. The two parts
are separated oy a buffer zone patrolled by the United Nations Force in Cyprus
(UNFICTYP). A substantial number of Turkish troops remains on the island. In both
the government-controlled areas and in the Turkish Cypriot community there is a
generally strong regard for democratic principles. Glafcos Clerides was elected Presi-
dent of the Republic of Cyprus in 1993; in 1995 Turkish Cypriots reelected Rauf
Denktash as their leader.
Police in the government-controlled areas and in the Turkish Cypriot community
are responsible for law enforcement. Police forces operating in the government-con-
trolled areas are under civilian control, while Turitish Cypriot police forces are di-
rected by military authorities. In general the police forces of both sides respect the
rule of law, but instances of police abuse of power continued.
Both Cypriot economies operate on the basis of free market principles, although
in each community there are significant administrative controls. The government-
controlled part of the island has a robust, service-oriented economy, with a declining
manufacturing base and a small agricultural sector. Tourism and trade generate 21
percent of gross domestic product and employ 27 percent of the labor force. In 1996
per capita income was approximately $13,580, inflation was 3 percent, and unem-
ployment was 3.1 percent. Growth in 1996 slowed to 1.9 percent (from 6 percent in
1995). The Turkish Cypriot economy, which relies heavily on subsidies from Turkey,
is burdened by an overly large public sector. It, too, is basically service oriented, but
has a relatively smaller tourism base and a larger agricultural sector. In 1996 per
capita income in the north was approximately $3,450, and inflation was 87 percent.
The economy in the north recordea negative growth of 1.1 percent in 1996 (after 2.7
percent growth in 1995).
The Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot authorities generally respect
human rights norms and practices. Police brutality continued to 1>b a problem; dis-
1047
crimination and violence against women also remained problems. Although the
Turkish Cypriot authorities have taken some positive steps to improve the condi-
tions of Greek Cypriots and Maronites living m the territory under their control,
the treatment of tnese groirps still falls short of Turkish Cypriot obligations under
the Vienna III agreement of 1975. The Turkish Cypriot authorities continued to im-
Bose restrictions on meetings between members of the two communities outside the
Wted Nations-controlled buffer zone. They approved most applications for meet-
ings in the buffer zone. Greek Cypriot women are still denied the right to pass citi-
zenship to their children if they are married to foreign spouses.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
Turkish Cypriot authorities have not conducted a credible investigation of the
1996 murder of a prominent leftist Turkish Cypriot journalist, Kutlu Aaali, who had
written articles critical of Turkey's role in the north and particularly on the role of
the Turkish military and of policies which allowed large numbers oi Turkish work-
ers into the north.
In August 1996, Turkish Cypriot civilian police killed a Greek Cypriot demonstra-
tor who nad entered the U.N. buffer zone and participated in the Seating death of
another. There has not been any significant investigation by Turkish Cypriot au-
thorities of the killings. The Government of Cyprus stated that it will press for legal
action against the killers, and the victims' families have filed a case against Turkey
at the European Commission of Human Rights.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Both the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus and the basic law governing the
Turkish Cypriot community specifically prohibit torture. The law in both commu-
nities provides for freedom from cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punish-
ment. Respect is generally accorded to these prohibitions throughout the island.
A series of allegations emerged of Cypriot police brutality against suspects in de-
tention, mostly involving non-Cypriots. Turkish Cypriots allege that two Turkish
Cypriots, arrested near the buffer zone by Greek Cypriot police in October on smug-
gling charges, were tortured. However, U.N. ofiicials who examined the two men
found no evidence that supported their claims. Turkish Cypriot authorities also
claimed that their arrest was a frameup. The men are scheduled for trial in January
1998; they have had access to attorneys.
Three high-ranking Greek Cypriot fx)lice officials were fired in 1996 after an inde-
pendent commission concluded, that torture was used systematically at a Limassol
police station. The three regained their positions in December when the Supreme
Court ruled that their firings were unconstitutional, although they were not exoner-
ated. Official action is still pending against the Cypriot police involved in a 1995
case of torture of a suspected Turkish Cypriot drug smuggler, Erkan Egmez. Egmez
was released and has returned to the north.
In July 1996, the European Commission of Human Rights decided that the rights
of Lefteris Andronicou and Elsi Constantinou had been violated by the Cyprus gov-
ernment in a botched hostage rescue attempt in 1993 during which they were kifled.
The Cypriot Government appealed the case to the European Court of Human
Rights, which decided in October that excessive force was not used by Cypriot police
in the rescue attempt and that no human rirfits violations had occurred.
While there were no public allegations of police brutality in the Turkish Cypriot
community, there are credible reports of pervasive police abuse of power and routine
harsh treatment of detainees (see Section l.d.).
Prison conditions are generally adequate in both communities.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Throughout Cyprus laws providing for
freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention are respected oy the police. Judicially
issued arrest warrants are required. No one may be detained for more than a day
without referral of the case to the courts for extension of the period of detention.
Most periods of investigative detention do not exceed 8 to 10 days before formal
charges are filed. Attorneys generally have access to detainees, and bail is per-
mitted.
Some abuses of power occur at the hands of the Turkish Cypriot police, generally
at the time of arrest. Suspects often are not permitted to have their lawyers present
when testimony is being taken, a right guaranteed under the Turkish Cypriot basic
law. Suspects demanding the presence of a lawyer are routinely threatened with
stiffer charges or even physically intimidated. A high percentage of convictions in
1048
the Turicish Cypriot community are obtained with confessions made during initial
{>olice interrogation under these conditions. There are also credible reports that po-
ice routinely abuse their right to hold persons up to 24 hours before having to go
before a judge. Police officers use this tactic against persons believed to have be-
haved in a manner deemed insulting to the officer. The suspects are then released
within 24 hours without charges having been filed.
Exile is speciiically prohibited by the Constitution and by the basic law governing
the Turkish Cypriot community.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is legally independent of executive
or military influence in both communities. Cyprus inherited many elements of its
le^ai system from the United Kingdom legal tradition, including the presumption
oi innocence, the right to due process, and the right of appeal. Througnout Cyprus
a fair public trial is provided for in law and accorded in practice. De^ndants have
the ri^t to be present at their trials, to be represented by counsel (at government
expense for those who cannot afford one), to confront witnesses, and to present evi-
dence in their own defense. There are no special courts to try security or political
offenses. On the Turkish Cypriot side, civilians deemed to have violated military
zones are subject to trial in a military court. These courts consist of one military
and two civilian judges and a civilian prosecutor. Members of the Turkish Cypriot
bar have complained that civilian judges tend to defer to their military colleagues
in such hearings.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Both
the Cyprus Constitution and the basic law governing the Turkish Cypriot commu-
nity include provisions protecting the individual against arbitrary interference by
the authorities. A judicial warrant is required for police to enter a private residence.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Freedom of speech and the press are provided
for hy law and are freely practiced throughout the island. The proliferation of party
and independent newspapers and periodicals in both communities enables ideas and
arguments to circulate freely. Opposition papers frequently criticize the authorities.
Several private television and radio stations in the Greek Cypriot community com-
{)ete effectively with the government-controlled stations. Following passage of new
egislation during the year, Turkish Cypriot authorities no longer nave a monopoly
over local radio and television. Three new, private radio stations are operating, in
addition to two smaller, university-run stations, and two private television stations
are broadcasting, with a third planned. International broadcasts are available with-
out interference throughout the island, including telecasts from Turkey and Greece.
Some Turkish Cypriot journalists have complained about surveillance and intimi-
dation. Turkish Cypriot authorities have not responded adequately to such allega-
tions.
Academic freedom is accorded wide respect throughout the island.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The freedom to associate, orga-
nize, and hold meetings is protected by law and respected in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion.— Freedom of religion generally is respected in Cyprus. Al-
though missionaries have the legal right to proselytize in both communities, mis-
sionary activities are closely monitored by the Greek Cypriot Orthodox Church and
by both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cjmriot authorities.
Mormon missionaries in the Greek Cypriot community experienced increased har-
assment during the year. Several anti-Mormon programs were aired on the Ortho-
dox Church-owned television station. In April four missionaries were briefly de-
tained by local police. In September Mormon missionaries in the major cities of
Nicosia, Limassol, and Lamaca were called to police offices and interrogated exten-
sively about their religious beliefs and church membership. They were not alleged
to have committed any crimes but were told that the Orthodox Church opposed their
presence in Cyprus. When informed of these events, senior Cypriot police authorities
expressed their concern and promised to investigate; they later said that the events
had been the "freelance" worK of individual police and that they would not happen
again. No further incidents have been reported.
In December two Jehovah's Witnesses were imprisoned for 16 and 18 months re-
spectively for refusing to perform required military service. They also refused alter-
native unarmed military service, which is available but requires an additional 10
to 16 months of service.
Turkish Cypriots residing in the southern part of the island and non-Muslims in
the north are allowed to practice their religion. Restrictions on the right of Greek
Cypriots resident in the north to visit Apostolos Andreas monastery have been
eased. These Greek Cypriots, in groups of 20 or more, may now visit the monastery
1049
every Sunday and on religious holidays. An application to replace a retiring priest
is still pending.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Turicish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots enjoy freedom of movement with-
in their respective areas. Until late December, Turkish Cypriot authorities approved
most applications for bicommunal meetings in the U.N. -controlled buffer zone, but
on December 27 they suspended all of these meetings pending a reevaluation of
bicommunal activities. Turitish Cypriots, who apply for permission to visit the
south, are recmired to justify their applications with formal invitations to events ar-
ranged by individuals or organizations resident in the Greek Cypriot conununity.
Many of these applications are denied, often without an official reason, as are many
applications by Greek Cypriots from the south to visit the area under Turkish Cjrp-
not administration. The basis for most denials is clearly political and related to tne
state of intercommunal relations.
Turkish Cypriot authorities usually grant the applications of Greek Cypriot resi-
dents in the north to visit the government-controlled area. The limit on visits to the
south is 15 days per month. Ine applicants must return within the designated pe-
riod or risk losing their rirfit to return and their property, althoudh this rule is
rarely enforced in practice. Turkish Cypriot authorities also permit close family rel-
atives of Greek Cypriots resident in the north to visit twice per month (it was once
¥er month until 1996) and allow one overnight stay per month. As in the past,
urkish Cypriot authorities permit school holiday visits by children under the ages
of 16 (male) and 18 (female) residing in the government-controlled area. This year
700 grown children and grandchildren of Greek Cypriots living in the north visited
the north and stayed overnight during the Christmas and New Year holidays. Simi-
lar restrictions exist for visits by Maronite residents of the north to the government-
controlled area and visits by Maronites living in the south to Maronite villages in
the north, but they are applied much more loosely than restrictions on Greek Cjqp-
riots, and Maronite travel is relatively free.
The case of Eleni Foka, a Greek Cypriot teacher in the north, attracted consider-
able public attention. Foka alleged that she had been mistreated by Turkish Cypriot
authorities, and she destroyed her "TRNC" identity card. Later, she was denied per-
mission by Turkish Cypriot authorities to travel to the government-controlled area
for medical attention unless she renewed her identity card. After several months,
Foka was permitted to come to the south for medical treatment, but she has not
been able to return to the north. Her case remains under discussion by Greek and
Turkish Cypriot authorities. In the meantime, both Foka and a retiring Greek Cyp-
riot teacher have been replaced in the north by new Greek Cypriot teachers.
Previously, persons of Greek Cypriot or Armenian origin, or even persons having
Greek or Armenian names, faced considerable difficulties entering the north. In
1995 the Turkish Cypriots instituted a new policy under which third country nation-
als of Greek (Cypriot origin would be permitted to visit the Turkish Cypriot-con-
troUed areas. However, implementation of the procedures remains inconsistent, and
several persons entitled to cross under the new guidelines were denied permission.
The Turkish Cypriot authorities since 1995 no longer require Greek Cypriots resi-
dent in the north to obtain police permits for travel to Famagusta or Nicosia. Mem-
bers of the Maronite community living in the north need permits to travel in the
north. While most obtain them without difficulty, the permit process allows authori-
ties to restrict the Maronites' movements should they so desire.
The Republic of Cyprus authorities permit only day travel by tourists to the
northern part of the island. They have declared that it is illegal to enter Cyprus
except at authorized entry points in the south, effectively barring entry into the gov-
ernment-controlled area by foreigners who have entered Cyprus from the north. As
a rule, Turkish Cypriot authorities allow visits to the north by persons who initially
enter Cyprus in tne south, but they have denied entry to persons of Turkish Cypriot
origin who enter Cyprus in the south. Following the 1994 murder of the director
of a Greek Cypriot association supporting Kurds in Turkey, the Greek Cypriot au-
thorities placed significantly tighter controls on the movement of Turkish Cypriots
to the south. Institutions and individuals sponsoring visits of Turkish Cypriots to
the government-controlled areas must notify the police in advance and provide them
with an exact itinerary.
Following agreement in April on reciprocal visits to religious sites, the Cypriot
Government permitted over 400 Turkish Cypriots to make a pilgrimage to a Moslem
shrine in the south, the first such visit since 1974. However, later in April, a Greek
Cypriot group of approximately 600 persons did not make the reciprocal visit to an
Orthodox monastery in the north because of Turkish Cypriot demands that 3 names
on the list of visitors be removed. In August Turkish Cypriot authorities permitted
unhindered passage of 650 Greek Cypriots to the monastery for an Orthodox holy
1050
day. In November another group of approximately 1,200 Greek Cypriots was allowed
to visit the monastery.
In December 1996 the European Court of Human Rights ruled 11 to 6 that Tur-
key had committed a continuing violation of the rights of a Greek Cypriot woman
by preventing her from going to ner property locateain northern Cyprus. The ruling
reaffirmed the validity of property deeds issued prior to 1974. The Court also found
in this case that "it was obvious from the large number of troops engaged in active
duties in northern Cyprus that the Turkish army exercised effective overall control
there. In the circumstances of the case, this entailed Turkey's responsibility for the
policies and actions of the TRNC" A hearing by the Court on compensation was
neld on November 27, and a ruling is expected m 1998.
In a similar development, the European Commission of Human Rights ruled that
a complaint by the Government of Cyprus against Turkey was admissible. The com-
plaint alleged that Turkey was responsible for the detention of persons missing
since the 1974 conflict ana for depriving Greek Cypriots from the northern part of
Cyprus of the use of their lands. The Commission's procedural ruling made no judg-
ment on the merits of the case.
The authorities respect the right to travel abroad and to emigrate. Turkish Cyp-
riots have difficulty traveling to most countries because travel documents issued by
the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" are recognized only by Turkey. Most
Turkish Cypriots resort to utilizing Turkish travel documents instead.
Although asylum legislation remains pending in the legislature, the Government
of Cyprus regularly grants de facto first asylum. Cases are referred to the local of-
fice of the Lmited Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) for evalua-
tion. There were approximately 70 such cases in 1997. If applicants are found to
meet the criteria for refugee status, they are permitted to remain and are given
temporary woric permits. Applicants are not, however, generally granted permanent
resettlement rights on the grounds that the Government already has enough respon-
sibilities in caring for those displaced after the 1974 Turkish intervention. Appli-
cants are permitted to remain until resettlement in a third country can be arranged.
There were no reports of the forced return of persons to a country where they Tear
persecution. In both the north and the south, cooperation with U.Nl. refugee authori-
ties is excellent. UNHCR is not aware of any cases of asylum seekers in the north
in recent years.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Multiparty political systems exist throughout Cyprus. Under the Republic's Con-
stitution, political parties compete for popular support actively and witnout restric-
tion. Suffrage is universal, and elections are held oy secret ballot. Elections for the
office of president are held every 5 years and for members of the House of Rep-
resentatives every 5 years or less. The small Maronite, Armenian, and Latin com-
munities elect nonvoting representatives from their respective communities, in addi-
tion to voting in elections for voting members. Since the breakdown in 1963 of
bicommunal governing arrangements, and since the 1974 partition of the island,
Turkish Cypriots living in the government-controlled area are barred from voting
there, although they may travel to the north to vote in elections.
Turkish Cypriots living in northern Cyprus elect a leader and a representative
body every 5 years or less. In 1995 Turkish Cypriot voters elected Rauf Denktash
as their leader in elections deemed by observers to be free and fair. Greek Cypriots
and Maronites living in the north are barred by law from participating in Turkish
Cypriot elections. They are eligible to vote in Greek Cypriot elections but must trav-
el to the south to exercise that right. They also may choose their own village offi-
cials, but those elected are not recognized by the Government of Cyprus.
In both communities, women face no legal obstacles to participating in the politi-
cal process. While clearly underrepresented in government, they hold some cabinet-
level, judicial, and other senior positions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and NongovernmentcU In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are organizations in both parts of the island that consider themselves
human rights groups, but they generally are concerned with alleged violations of the
rights of their community's members by the other community. Groups with a broad
human rights mission include organizations promoting awareness of domestic vio-
lence and others concerned with alleged police brutality.
There are no restrictions preventing the formation of human rights groups. Rep-
resentatives of international human rights organizations have access throughout the
island.
1051
The United Nations, through the autonomous tripartite (United Nations, Greek
Cypriot, Turkish Cypriot) Committee on Missing persons in Cyprus (CMP), is at-
tempting to resolve the missing persons dilenuna that remained From the intercom-
munal violence beginning in 1963-64 and the 1974 Turkish military intervention.
However, the CMP has made little progress. On July 31, the leaders of the Greek
and Turkish Cypriot communities agreed to collect and share information on miss-
ing persons by the end of September, outside of the CMP process. Although there
was ultimately no exchange of information in September, both sides stressed their
willingness to implement the agreement as rapidly as possible, and the collection
of data continues. Meanwhile, the United States continued its efforts to ascertain
the fate of five American citizens missing since 1974.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Legislation in both conununities provides for protection against discrimination
based on sex, religion, or national, racial, or ethnic origin. While such laws are gen-
erally respected by each community, significant problems remain with the treatment
of the Greek Cypriots and Maronites living in the north and, to a lesser extent, with
the treatment oi Turkish Cypriots living in the government-controlled area.
Women. — Spousal abuse in the Greek Cypriot community is receiving increasing
attention, ana the problem is believed to be significant. A 1994 law aimed at making
spousal abuse easier to report and prosecute has had little effect because key provi-
sions remain uniunded and unimplemented. Many suspected cases of domestic vio-
lence do not reach the courts, largely because of family pressure and the wife's eco-
nomic dependence on her husband. An organization formed to address the domestic
abuse problem reports an increasing number of calls over its hot line, although defi-
nite statistics on the number of incidents are not available. A shelter for battered
women is scheduled to open in early 1998. Very few cases tried in the courts result
in convictions. There is little public discussion of domestic violence in the Turkish
Cypriot community, although a report issued by the Women's Research Center de-
scribed such violence as common. A women's shelter opened in 1994. Domestic vio-
lence cases are rare in the Turkish Cypriot legal system since they are often consid-
ered a "family matter."
Throughout Cyprus, women generally have the same legal status as men. How-
ever, under current Turkish Cypriot law, the man is legally considered the head of
the family and can decide the family's place of residence and insist that his wife
take his name. Turkish Cypriot women are not permitted to marry non-Moslem men
in Cyprus, but can do so outside Cyprus and then return with their husbands and
live in the north without difficulty. While legal provisions in both communities re-
?|uiring equal pay for men and women performing the same job are effectively en-
orced at the wnite collar level, Turkish Cypriot women employed in the agricultural
and textile sectors routinely are paid less than their male counterparts.
In the Greek Cypriot community, women face discrimination that denies them the
ability to pass on citizenship to their children if they marry foreign spouses. Under
existing law, only a Greek Cypriot male may transmit citizenship to his children
automatically or obtain expeditious naturalization for his foreign spouse.
In the Turkish Cypriot community, women face discrimination in divorce proceed-
ings with regard to property acquired during the marriage. Divorced women also
face a pervasive problem of inadequate awards of child support or nonpayment of
child support. Legal remedies are difficult to obtain or enforce.
Republic of Cyprus law forbids forced prostitution. However, credible reports con-
tinue that women, generally East Asian or Eastern European night club performers,
are forced into prostitution in the Greek Cypriot community. To date there have
been few arrests since the women, fearing retaliation by their employers and unable
to support themselves, generally do not press charges. Two employers were con-
victed early in the year on charges of forcing women into prostitution and were sen-
tenced to jail terms of 6 and 10 months resp>ectively. In the Turkish Cypriot commu-
nity, there are an estimated 300 to 350 women, mostly from Eastern Europe, work-
ing as prostitutes. These women often must surrender their passports to the club
owners and sometimes are prohibited even from making private phone calls.
Reports on the mistreatment of maids are frequent in the (jreek Cypriot press.
These reports usually involve allegations that maids, often from East or South Asia,
have been treated inhumanely by their employers or fired without cause in violation
of their contracts. Many women do not complain to the authorities, fearing retribu-
tion from their employers. Those who do file charges run the risk of being fired and
then deported.
Children. — Both the Government and the Turkish Cypriot authorities dem-
onstrate a strong commitment to children's welfare. There is no pattern of societal
1052
abuse of children nor any difference in the health care and educational opportunities
available to boys sind girls.
People With Disabilities. — In Cyprus generally, disabled persons do not appear to
be discriminated against in education or the provision of state services. In the Greek
Cypriot community, disabled persons applying for a public sector position are enti-
tled to preference if they are deemed able to perform the required duties and their
qualifications equal those of other applicants. Legislation also mandates that new
gublic buildings and tourist facilities provide access for the disabled. In the Turkish
lypriot community, regulations recruire businesses to employ 1 disabled person for
every 25 positions they fill, although enforcement is inconsistent. While there is in-
creasing awareness of the issue, the Turkish Cypriot community has not yet enacted
legislation to mandate access for the disabled to public buildings and other facilities.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Both the Government of Cyprus and the
Turkish Cypriot administration have constitutioned or legal bars against discrimina-
tion. The basic agreement covering treatment of Greek Cypriots and Maronites liv-
ing in the north and Turkish Cypriots living in the south remains the Vienna III
agreement signed in 1975. This document provides for voluntary transfer of popu-
lations, free and unhindered access by the UNFICYP to Greek Cypriots and
Maronites living in the north and Turkish Cypriots living in the south, and facilities
for education, medical care, and religious worship.
UNFICYP access to Greek Cypriots and Maronites living in the north remains
limited. There are no Greek-language educational facilities for Greek Cypriot or
Maronite children in the north beyond elementary education, forcing parents in
many instances to choose between keeping their children with them or sending
them to the south for further education (in which case they may no longer return
permanently to the north). Greek Cypriots living in the north complain of lack of
access to telephones and vandalism of Orthodox churches. Despite recent improve-
ments, Greek Cypriots and Maronites living in the north are unable to move about
freely (see Section 2.d.) and to change their housing at will. Maronites in the north
also lack many public services available in most other Turkish Cypriot areas. In
May the Rapporteur of the Council of Europe's Parliamentary Assembly visited
Greek Cypriots living in the north. The Rapporteur, Andras Barsony, stated that
the conditions he found among these Greek Cypriots were "appalling," although he
said there had been improvements since the previous year.
Some Turkish Cypriots living in the government-controlled area face difficulties
in obtaining identification cards and other government documents, especially if they
were bom aifler 1974. Turkish Cypriots also appear to be subjected to harassment
and surveillance by the Greek Cypriot police. One Turkish Cypriot man was mur-
dered in the south in August by unknown assailants. While authorities in the north
alleged the man was targeted because he was Turkish, the evidence suggests that
he was involved in criminal gang activities that led to his killing. A number of Turk-
ish Cypriots who worked in the government-controlled area but did not live there
lost their jobs following the August 1996 killing of two Greek Cypriots in the buffer
zone. The Cyprus Government, which stated it could not guarantee the safety of the
Turkish Cypriot workers, provided 6 months of unemployment benefits to those liv-
ing in the mixed Greek Cypriot-Turkish Cypriot village of Pyla, but no one has been
rehired.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^All workers, except for members of the police and
military forces, have the legal right to form and join trade unions of their own
choosing without prior authorization. In the government-controlled area, police offi-
cers also have the right to join associations that have the right to bai^ain collec-
tively, although not to strike. More than 82 percent of the Greek Cypriot work force
belongs to independent trade unions. Approximately 50 to 60 percent of Turkish
Cypriot private sector workers and all public sector workers belong to labor unions.
In the Turkish Cypriot community, union officials have alleged that various firms
have been successftil in establishing "company" organizations and then applying
Eressure on workers to join these unions. Officials oiindependent labor unions also
ave accused the Turkish Cypriot authorities of creating rival public sector unions
to weaken the independent unions. The International Labor Organization (ILO) has
not yet acted on these complaints. There are no complaints outstanding against the
Government of Cyprus.
In both communities, trade unions freely and regularly take stands on public pol-
icy issues affecting workers and maintain their independence from the authorities.
Two of the major trade unions, one in each community, are closely affiliated with
political parties. Both of the other major unions are independent.
1053
All workers have the right to strike, and several strikes, usually of short duration,
occurred. In the northern part of the island, however, a court ruling from 1978 gives
employers an unrestricted right to hire replacement workers in the event of a strike,
thereby limiting the effectiveness of the right to strike. Authorities of both the
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities have the power to curtail strikes
in what they deem to be "essential services," although this right is rarely used.
Unions in both parts of Cyprus are able to affiliate with international trade union
organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Trade unions and confed-
erations by law are free to organize and bargain collectively throu^out Cyprus.
This right is observed in practice in the government-controlled areas, and most
wages and benefits are set by freely negotiated collective agreements. However,
Greek Cypriot collective bargaining agreements are not legally enforceable. In the
rare instances when such agreements are believed to have been infringed, the Min-
istry of Labor investigates the claim. If the Ministry is unable to resolve the dispute,
the union may call a strike to support its demanas. In practice, however, sucn al-
leged violations are extremely rare; there was only one strike during the year.
In the Turkish Cvpriot community, where inflation exceeded 80 percent during
the year, wage levels are reviewed twice a year for private sector workers and six
times a year for public sector workers, and a corresponding cost-of-living raise is es-
tablished. A special commission composed of five representatives each from orga-
nized labor, employers, and the authorities conducts the review. Union leaders con-
tend that private sector employers are able to discourage union activity because en-
forcement of labor and occupational safety regulations is sporadic and penalties for
antiunion practices are mimmal. As in the Greek Cypriot community, parties to a
dispute may request mediation by the authorities.
Small export processing zones exist in Lamaca Port and Famagusta, but the laws
governing workmg conditions and actual practice are the same as those outside the
zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor, in-
cluding that performed by children, is prohibited by law, and this prohibition is gen-
erally observed.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Laws pro-
hibit forced and bonded child labor, and these laws are effectively enforced in both
the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities (see Section 6.c.). In both com-
munities, the minimum age for employment of children in an "industrial undertak-
ing" is 16 years of age. Turkish Cypriots may be employed in apprentice positions
at the age of 15. There are labor inspectors in both communities. However, in fam-
ily-run shops it is common to see younger children working after school, and accord-
ing to press reports, children as young as 11 or 12 years of age work in factories
or orchards during their school holidays in the Turkish Cypriot community.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The legislated minimum wage in the Greek
Cypriot community, which is reviewed every year, is approximately $448 (236 Cy-
prus pounds) per month for shop assistants, practical nurses, clerks, hairdressers,
and nursery assistants. This amount is insufficient to provide an adequate living for
a worker and family. All other occupations are covered under collective bargaining
agreements between trade unions and employers within the same economic sector,
and the wages set in these agreements are significantly higher than the legislated
minimum wage. The le^slated minimum wage in the Turkish Cypriot area, while
subject to frequent review because of high inflation, was approximately $210 per
month as of mid-year. This amount is not adequate to support a worker and family.
Unskilled worieers typically earn about $267 per month, which is barely adequate
to support a family.
A significant percentage of the labor force in the north consists of illegal workers,
mostly from Turkey. According to some estimates, illegal workers constitute as
much as 25 percent of the total work force there. There are frequent allegations that
such workers are subject to mistreatment, including nonpayment of wages and
threats of deportation.
In the Greek Cypriot community, the standard workweek in the private sector
averages of 39 hours for white-collar workers and 38 hours for blue-collar workers.
In the public sector, it is 37V2 hours during the winter and 35 hours in the summer.
In the Turkish Cypriot community, the standard workweek is 38 hours in winter
and 36 hours in summer. Labor inspectors effectively enforce these laws.
Steps were taken during the year to improve health and safety standards in the
workplace in the government-controlled area. On January 1, a law took effect har-
monizing health and safety standards with those in the European Union (EU). The
new law incorporates EU principles and standards for health and safety in the
workplace and complies fully with the ILO Convention of 1981 on occupational
1054
health and safety. A second law entered into effect on November 1, requiring em-
ployers to provide liability insurance coverage for worii -related injuries.
Occupational safety and health regulations are administered at best sporadically
in the Turkish Cypriot area. In both areas, factory inspectors process complaints
and inspect businesses in order to ensure that occupational safety laws are ob-
served. Turkish Cypriot workers who file complaints do not receive satisfactory legsil
protection and may face dismissal.
CZECH REPUBLIC
The Czech Republic is a parliamentary democracy. At year's end, an orderly tran-
sition was under way to form a new government following the November resignation
of the minority coalition government led by Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus, which was
formed after the June 1996 parliamentary elections. In mid-December, Josef
Tosovsky was named interim Prime Minister, and in January 1998 he was sworn
in. The bicameral Parliament elects the President for a 5-year term. The country
has essentially completed the reform of political and economic structures initiated
after the 1989 "velvet revolution." President Vaclav Havel is an internationally rec-
ognized advocate of human rights and social justice; he was elected to a second 5-
year term in January 1998. The judiciary is independent.
The Ministry of the Interior oversees the police. The civilian internal security
service, known as the Security and Information Service (BIS), is independent of
ministry control but reports to Parliament and the Prime Minister's office. Police
and BIS authorities generally observe constitutional and legal protection of individ-
ual rights in carrying out their responsibilities. However, there were occasional re-
ports of abuses by some members of the police.
The Czech Republic has a market-based economy, with over two-thirds of gross
domestic product (GDP) produced by the private sector. Devastating floods in July
may reduce growth but could force increased investment and industrial restructur-
ing. Although external imbalances caused a 10 percent depreciation of the currency
in May, macroeconomic indicators remain favorable: Low national debt, a low budg-
et deficit, strong foreign currency reserves, relatively low inflation, and low but ris-
ing unemployment. Worsening trade and current account deficits were financed by
strong capital inflows. The work force was employed primarily in industry, retail
trade, and construction. Leading exports were intermediate manufactured products
and machinery and transport equipment. GDP per capita reached approximately
$5,100.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens. Popular
prejudice and skinhead violence against Roma remain problems. The discriminatory
impact of the 1993 citizenship law was mitigated by the constructive implementa-
tion of a 1996 amendment, although other problems with citizenship persist. There
is some violence against women. The law on lustration (screening) forbids certain
pre-1989 Communist officials and secret police collaborators from holding certain
positions. A law criminalizing defamation of the presidency was abolished.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Torture is prohibited by the Constitution, and there were no reports of such prac-
tices.
The police have undergone significant restructuring, and many new officers have
joined the force since the 1989 revolution. However, police approval ratings re-
mained rather low in public opinion polls. Recorded incidents of crime by police have
risen in recent years. There have been reports of police shakedowns, physical abuse,
and malfeasance, often directed at foreigners and Roma.
In March the Prague 1 district court dismissed a charge of abuse of public office
against the leader of a 1996 pwlice action at a Prague rock club, during which some
60 police officers injured several concertgoers with truncheons. The court found him
to be merely insubordinate and left the police administration to handle the matter
internally.
1055
The investigation continues into the 1996 case of a policeman charged with abuse
of public office in connection with a police action in 1995, when the Bmo police al-
legedly used excessive force in breaking up a late-night party outside a theater.
Some cases of torture from the Communist era have reached the courts through
the efforts of the Office for the Documentation and Investigation of the Crimes of
Communism (UDV — see Section I.e.). In the first conviction of its kind since 1989,
a Bmo court sentenced 85-y8ar-old former secret police agent and prison guard
Jaroslav Daniel in May to 5 years' imprisonment for his brutality toward prisoners
in the period from 1948 to 1967. In addition, three former secret police investiga-
tors, including the father of the current chairman of the Communist party, have
been charged with abuse of public office in a similar case.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards. There is overcrowding
in some prisons. According to the prison authority, as of June the prison system was
at 112 percent of capacity, and 8 of the country's 33 prisons were 25 percent or more
over capacity.
The Government permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest and
detention, and the Government observes this prohibition in practice. PoUce may hold
persons without charge for no more than 24 hours, during which they have the right
to counsel. The 24-hour rule, enshrined in the Charter of Basic Rights and Free-
doms, was reaffirmed by a Constitutional Court decision early in the year. Pre-
viously, the police and many courts had interpreted two separate statutes to allow
the police an aggregate 48 hours to turn a susp)ect over to a court for arraignment.
The lack of experienced police investigators, combined with a still-evolving legal
environment, has contributed to a backlog of court cases. Under the law, pretrial
detention may last as long as 4 years, with periodic judicial review, for criminal
charges. If the court does not approve continued detention at any of the legally-man-
dated review dates, the suspect must be released. In practice few suspects are held
for longer than 2 years. A possible precedent was set in late 1996 by the Constitu-
tional Court, which ruled that any period of time in which the accused used delay-
ing tactics to prevent his case from reaching trial would not count toward the 4-
year limit. In the case at hand, the accused repeatedly changed lawyers as the 4-
year limit was approaching. The law does not allow bail for certain serious crimes.
A suspect may petition the appropriate investigating authorities at any time for re-
lease from detention. Since 1989 the average length of pretrial detention has in-
creased from 89 to 212 days in 1997, although that figure has been decreasing
slightly since 1995. According to the prison service, approximately 35 percent of
Prisoners are currently awaiting trial or sentencing, down from 39 percent in 1996.
ttomey and family visits are permitted. The authorities follow these guidelines in
practice.
The law prohibits exile, and the Government observes this prohibition in practice.
However, police can and do expel to Slovakia "Slovaks" without proper citizenship
or residency papers.
e. Denial Of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and it is impartial and independent in practice. Judges are not fired or trans-
ferred for political reasons.
The court system consists of district, regional, and high courts. The Supreme
Court is the highest court of appeal. In addition, a Constitutional Court rules sepa-
rately on the constitutionality of legislation. The shortage of qualified judges has
been largely overcome by the hiring of new personnel.
The law stipulates that persons charged with criminal offenses are entitled to fair
and open public trials. They have the right to be informed of their legal rights and
of the charges against them, to consult with counsel, and to present a defense. The
State provides lawyers for indigent defendants in criminal and some civil cases
througn the bar association. According to the International Helsinki Committee,
many eligible parties fail to complete the process of applying for such representation
because it is demanding. Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence and have the
right to refuse to testify against themselves. They may appeal any judgments
against them. The authorities observe these rights in practice.
In June a student won a court case against the Interior Ministry related to the
presumption of innocence. The Ministry was investigating the student as a suspect
in a 1992 attempt on the life of the chairman of the Communist Party by a masked
assailant. In speaking with the press about the case, the police referred to the stu-
dent as the perpetrator and not as a suspect. The court ordered the Ministry to
apologize to the student and pay him damages of about $4,440 (150,000 Kcs). The
Ministry may appeal to the relevant High Court.
The 1991 lustration law barred many former Communist Party officials, members
of the people's militia, and suspected secret police collaborators from holding a wide
1056
range of elective and appointive offices, including appointive positions in state-
owned companies, academia, and the media for a period of 5 years. In 1995 Par-
liament extended the law to the year 2000, overriding a veto by President Havel.
Some other employers also have required applicants to produce lustration certifi-
cates proving noncollaboration.
According to the Interior Ministry, about 15,000 requests for lustration certificates
were received in 1997, bringing the total since 1991 to 316,000. Some 3.3 percent
of applicants were denied because of suspected collaboration. Those who have been
denied may file a civil suit against the Interior Ministry for a charge similar to slan-
der. In the period from mid-October 1996 to September 1997, 31 such suits were
filed. Of these 31 suits, about half of those decided to date were "fully successful,"
and another quarter have been "partially successful."
Defenders of the lustration law argue that individuals who systematically de-
stroyed the lives of others in order to gain advantages for themselves within the
Communist system should not be entrusted with high state responsibilities. The
screening process has been criticized, however, because it is based on the records
of the Communist secret police, records many suspect were incomplete or unreliable.
The law also has been criticized as a violation of human rights principles prohibit-
ing discrimination in employment and condemning collective guilt. Many of those
uiyustly accused of collaboration believe that they have suffered diminished career
prospects and damaged personal reputations. In August the Agenda 2000 report by
the European Union noted the law's continuing existence with concern, as did a del-
egation from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in September.
A 1993 law defining the pre-1989 Communist regime as criminal and lifting the
statute of limitations for crimes committed by the Communist Party of Czecho-
slovakia during its 40-year rule remained in effect, although it has led to few convic-
tions. The government office responsible for prosecuting cases under this law de-
scribes its workload as consisting primarily of cases of: Torture (see Section I.e.);
border shootings; treason connected with the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion of Czecho-
slovakia; and state persecution of opponents of the Communist regime. The anti-
Communist law was upheld by the Constitutional Court in 1993.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Elec-
tronic surveillance, the tapping of telephones, and interception of mail require a
court order. The Government complied with this requirement in practice.
In January the Intelligence Oversight Committee in the ChanJber of Deputies sec-
onded President Havel's rejection of charges by the speaker of that body (and leader
of the main opposition party) that: There was collusion between the BIS and the
Interior Ministry; the secret services were following politicians; and (therefore) there
were tendencies toward a police state in the Czech Republic. The speaker based his
charges on alleged internal documents from the intelligence agency, which were
later found to be forgeries. Neither the President nor the Parliament found evidence
of serious infractions by BIS agents. Press commentary generally dismissed the
charges as politically motivated.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of speech and the
press, and the Government respects this right in practice. Individuals can and do
speak out on political issues and freely criticize the Government and public figures.
In September the President signed into law a measure revoking a 36-year-old
statue on the "defamation" of the President, effective in January 1998. Such action
had been punishable by prison terms of up to 2 years. In practice, the few persons
convicted received suspended sentences. President Havel routinely pardoned those
convicted under the law when they requested it or when his ofTice learned of their
cases. A separate law on the defamation of the republic remains in effect, and three
people were convicted of this charge in 1996 (the last year for which statistics are
available).
A wide variety of newspapers, magazines, and journals publish without govern-
ment interference. The capital, Prague, is home to at least a dozen daily newspapers
with national distribution, as well as a variety of entertainment and special interest
newspapers and magazines. These publications are owned by a vanety of Czech and
foreign investors.
The electronic media are independent. There are 4 television stations, 2 public
and 2 private, and more than 60 private radio stations in addition to Czech Public
Radio. The leading television channel. Nova, is privately owned, partially by foreign
investors. In addition, many viewers have access to foreign broadcasts via satellite
and cable.
1057
A parliamentaiy commission has broad oversidit and power to approve or reject
candidates for the Television and Radio Council. The Council has linuted regulatory
responsibility for policymaking and answers to the parliamentary media committee.
The Council can issue and revoke radio and television licenses and monitors pro-
gramming. By year's end, Parliament had not yet voted on two long-delayed media
laws: one for print and one for broadcast media. The Communist-era print law does
not afRrm the right of journalists to protect their sources nor ensure the freedom
of information, and the 1991 broadcast law did not envision private media.
In April an accredited journalist and advocate of Tibetan independence was de-
nied access to a press conference given by the Chinese Deputy Premier and hosted
at the Ministry of Industry and Trade. In response the Czech Helsinki Committee
called for reform of the 1966 press law to ensure journalists' unhindered access to
information. There is no evidence of a pattern of such exclusions by authorities.
The law provides for academic freedom but also forbids activities by established
political parties at universities.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for the right
of persons to assemble peacefully. Permits for some public demonstrations are re-
quired by law but are rarely refused. However, the law forbids political party activ-
ity at universities (see Section 2. a.). Police generally do not interfere with sponta-
neous, peaceful demonstrations for which organizers lack a permit.
The ri^t of persons to associate freely and to form political parties and move-
ments is provided for by law, and the Government respected this right in practice.
Either the Government or the President may submit a proposal to the Supreme
Court calling for a political party to be disbanded, but there have been no such cases
since 1989. Organizations, associations, foundations, and political parties are re-
Suired to register with local officials or at the Interior Ministry, but there is no evi-
ence that this registration is either coercive or arbitrarily withheld. In September
a draft report to the Cabinet by the Minister without Portfolio called upon tne Inte-
rior Ministry to reexamine the official registrations of organizations propagating ra-
cial hatred or fascism, but no action has been taken to date. The Communist Party
is represented in the Parliament and in local government.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The law provides for religious freedom, and the Govern-
ment respects this right in practice. The State provides funding to all religions that
are registered with the Ministry of Culture. There are currently 21 registered
churches. Under a 1991 law, a church wishing to register for the first time must
have at least 10,000 adult members, although cnurches registered prior to this date
were not required to meet this condition. Unregistered religious groups, such as the
small Muslim minority, are legally unable to own community property, although
they are otherwise free to assemble and worship in the manner of^ their choice. Their
members can and do issue publications without interference.
One Christian political party, the Christian Democratic Union-Czechoslovak Peo-
ple's Party (KDU-CSL), is a member of the governing coalition.
In July the Government pledged roughly $600,000 to a new Czech-Slovak-Israeli
foundation to compensate for gold taken from Jewish Slovaks during World War II.
The amount represents the Czech share of gold that ended up as part of the gold
reserves of the former Czechoslovakia and was divided along witn other federal
property on a 2:1 basis during the 1992-93 split of the Czechoslovak federation.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no restrictions on domestic or foreign travel, emigration, and
repatriation. Czechs who emigrated during the period of Communist rule frequently
return to visit, or even to settle, and are able to regain Czech citizenship if they
wish, although to do so they must relinquish their claim to any foreign citizenship.
Citizenship is not revoked for political reasons. Nonetheless, the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has expressed concern to the Govern-
ment that its 1993 citizenship law has created a proolem of statelessness, especially
among Roma (see Section 5).
The Government provides first asylum and cooperates with the UNHCR and other
humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. Most migrants used the Czech Re-
ftubUc as a transit route toward the West; however, the country is becoming the
inal destination for increasing numbers. There are four reception centers for asy-
lum seekers, six integration centers for recognized refugees, and one humanitarian
center for Bosnians under temporary protection, which was closed in September.
Nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) work closely with the Interior Ministry to
ease the refugees' transition into society.
Asylum seekers filed 1,198 applications for asylum in the first 8 months of 1997
(latest available statistics), compared with 1,033 for the same periods in 1996. The
most numerous countries of origin during the most recent 8-month period were Bul-
garia, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Romania. The acceptance rate held steady at 4.7 per-
1058
cent. In recent years, Bulgarians and Romanians made were the most frequent ap-
plicants for asylum.
The Government discontinued temporary protection for Bosnian refugees on Sep-
tember 30. After that date, Bosnians could still remain in the country with long-
term or permanent residency or with formally recognized refugee status. According
to the Interior Ministry, as of June, 1,122 Bosnians had obtained either long-term
or permanent residency. In September there were oflicially 193 Bosnians under tem-
porary protection in humanitarian centers and approximately 300 living under other
arrangements. An unknown number remain in the country illegally.
Voluntary repatriation of Bosnian refugees began in July 1996. Approximately
190 Bosnians returned to their homeland on two flights specially chartered by the
Government in August and September. From February through August the Interior
Ministry operated an information center for Bosnian refugees seeking information
on voluntary repatriation. The Government gives each returnee a resettlement sti-
pend and subsidizes nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) that construct housing
in Bosnia-Herzegovina for returning refugees.
The Government continued to devote increased attention to illegal migration into
the country and took steps with its neighbors to control the movement of people
across its borders. The Czech Republic has signed readmission agreements with all
of the country's neighbors and with Hungary, Romania, and Canada. There were no
reports of the forced return of persons to a country where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government by
democratic means, and citizens exercise this right in practice. Citizens over the age
of 18 are eligible to vote by secret ballot in republic-wide and local elections. Opposi-
tion groups, including political parties, function openly and participate without hin-
drance in the political process. Former Czechoslovaks who elected representatives
to the Czech National Assembly in 1992 and whose current citizenship status is un-
clear, especially Roma, continue to lack voting rights (see Section 5).
The minority government of Prime Minister Vaclav Klaus resigned in November,
and a new government was being formed at year's end. In addition to the two right-
ist and one centrist parties that formed the outgoing coalition, there are also two
left-of-center opposition parties and one party of the radical right. The Constitution
mandates elections to Parliament at least every 4 years, based on proportional rep-
resentation in eight large electoral districts. There is a 5-percent threshold for par-
ties to enter Parliament. The President, who is elected by Parliament, serves a 5-
year term. The President has limited constitutional powers but may use a suspense
veto to return legislation to Parliament, which can then override that veto by a sim-
ple majority.
There are no restrictions, in law or in practice, on women's participation in poli-
tics. Nevertheless, relatively few women hold high public office. One of the 16 cabi-
net ministers in the pre-November Government and two in the Government named
in January 1998 were women. The 200-member Parliament includes 29 female dep-
uties, including 1 deputy speaker. Nine women are senators in the 81-member Sen-
ate; 1 of the Senate's 4 vice chairmen is a woman.
No seats are reserved in either house for ethnic minorities. Slovaks, of whom
there are an estimated 300,000, are almost all "Czechoslovaks" who elected to live
in the Czech republic after the split. Many serve in high positions in the civil serv-
ice. For the most part, these Slovaks define their interests in the context of Czech
politics, not along ethnic lines; there is no Slovak party in the Parliament.
In contrast, many of the estimated 200,000 to 250,000 Roma have not been fully
integrated into society (see Section 5). The political culture generally defines Roma
as outsiders. Roma themselves have not united behind a program or set of ideals
that would enable them to advance their interests in the democratic structures of
the country. A few Roma serve in local government structures, and some have been
appointed to advisory positions in government ministries. There are currently no
Romani representatives in the Parliament; no seats are reserved for ethnic minori-
ties.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights groups operate without government restriction, and government of-
ficials are generally cooperative and somewhat responsive to their views. The best-
known human rights groups are the Czech Helsinki Federation and the Tolerance
Foundation (really an umbrella organization), but there are many single-issue
1059
groups that do eqpally important work. The presidency of former dissident and
human rights monitor Vaclav Havel serves as an important symbol for these groups.
In each house of Parliament there is a petition committee for human rights and
nationalities, which includes a subcommittee for nationalities. A government-spon-
sored Council for Nationalities advises the Cabinet on minority affairs. In this body,
Slovaks and Roma have three representatives each; Poles and Germans, two eacn;
and Hungarians and Ukrainians, one each. There is also a government commission
staffed by members of the NGO and journalist communities that monitors intereth-
nic violence. In September the Government agreed to create a new commission for
Romani affairs, which is to advise the Government. Observers believe that the com-
mission offers a significant opportunity to enhance the dialog between the Govern-
ment and the Romani community.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law provides for the equality of citizens and prohibits discrimination. Health
care, education, retirement, and other social services generally are provided without
regard to race, sex, religion, disability, or social status. In practice Roma face dis-
crimination in such areas as education, job opportunity, and housing.
Women. — The true extent of violence against women is unknown, and public de-
bate about it is rare, despite the efforts of a handiul of women's groups to bring
the nroblem to the attention of the public. The press occasionally reported on the
problem of violence against women and trafficking in prostitutes. Available studies
indicate that 11 to 19 percent of Czech women report that they have experienced
sexual violence at the hands of their husbands or partners. According to some legal
experts, there is an unspoken understanding in the court system that spousal abuse
should be prosecuted as a crime only if a doctor determines that the victim's condi-
tion warrants medical treatment for 7 days or more. Since 1989 official police statis-
tics have recorded 500 to 800 rape cases per year, and approximately 80 percent
of the cases are solved. A study by the Sexology Institute found that only 3 percent
of rape victims report the crime. Gender studies exp)erts say that women are
ashamed to speak about rape and that the police are not equipped to help, either
by attitude or training. There are state -supported shelters that accept women in
most major cities and towns. According to NGO's, the situation has improved in re-
cent years, but there are still not enough spaces to meet the demand.
Prostitution is legal, although a 1995 amendment to the law on communities pro-
vides for its regulation by local authorities. Under the Penal Code, traflicking in
prostitutes is punishable by a prison term of up to 8 years (up to 12 years ii the
victim is under the age of 15). According to the police unit responsible for fighting
organized crime, the Czech Republic is also a transit country for traffickers in
women. In February a Czech national who is a known trafficker in women was de-
tained in Austria. In March police detained a Ukrainian who was trafficking in
Ukrainian women in a brothel in western Bohemia. A credible NGO that follows
this problem has concluded that the country is increasingly becoming a destination
for many prostitutes from farther east.
Women are equal under the law and in principle receive the same pay for the
same job. Women were relatively successful in taxing advantage of the post-1989
transformation, due to the absence of social upheaval and low unemployment.
Women have made deep inroads into the private sector since 1989, and the number
in agricultural work has fallen by 50 percent over the last decade. Women have
steadily represented roughly half of the labor force over the same period, although
they are concentrated in professions in which the median salary is low. According
to a 1996 survey of employers by the Ministry of Labor, women's median wages
lagged behind those of men by roughly 25 percent in 1996 (a private survey pro-
duced comparable results), although the gap is narrowing. Women enjoy equal prop-
erty, inheritance, and other rights with men.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's welfare through programs
for health care, compulsory education through the age of 15 (through the age of 14
in special schools) and basic nutrition. Girls and boys enjoy equal access to health
care and education at all levels.
Child abuse and trafficking in children continued to receive occasional press at-
tention in 1997. Since 1990 the number of reported cases of child abuse has roughly
doubled; this increase appears to be the result of an increased awareness of the
problem. According to a special envoy of the U.N. Human Rights Commission who
visited in 1996, there is no evidence of a societal pattern of child abuse. A children's
crisis center was founded in 1995 and is 70 percent state supported. According to
its director, around 1 percent of children are neglected, mistreated, or sexually
abused, but only about one tenth of all cases are registered by the police. In Novem-
1060
ber the police arrested several individuals suspected of using minors to produce por-
nography.
Komani children are often relegated to "special schools" for the mentally handi-
capped and sociaUy maladjusted. Both a government program and various private
imtiatives exist to prepare Romani children for mainstream schools (see Section on
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities below).
People With Disabilities. — The disabled suffer disproportionately from unemploy-
ment, and the physically disabled have unequal access to education, especially in
rural areas. This is less the result of government policy than of a lack of barrier-
free access to public schools. Most buildings and public transportation are inacces-
sible to those in wheelchairs. However, a 1994 Economic Ministry reflation re-
quires architects to ensure adetjuate access for the disabled in new building projects,
and this regulation is applied in practice. Businesses in which 60 percent or more
of the emplovees are disabled qualify for special tax breaks. Government benefits
for the disabled are being streamlined. Numerous NGO's are actively working to di-
minish the disadvantages faced by the disabled. The integration of the disabled into
society has not been the subject of significant policy or public debate. There is one
disabled Member of Parliament.
Religious Minorities. — Religious groiips with 10,000 or more adult members may
register with the Ministry of Culture. Only registered religions are eligible for state
subsidies. The Jewish community constitutes an exception, since it was recognized
by the State before 1989. Smaller groups lack a legal mechanism by which they may
own community property (see Section 2.c.).
The Jewish community numbers a few thousand. There were only isolated inci-
dents of vandalism against Jewish property. The police confirmed the existence of
over 20 underground magazines with small circulations propagating fascism, racism,
and anti-Semitism.
The Pilsen-north district court sentenced participants in a 1996 international
gathering of skinheads commemorating the anniversary of Kristallnacht, a series of
Nazi-inspired mob attacks on German Jews and their property in 1938. About 700
people assembled in Kozolupy near Pilsen in NovemTber 1996 to hear skinhead
Dands play. Eight persons were charged under a law criminalizing the public expres-
sion of religious intolerance and obliged to pay fines ranging from roughly $255 to
$1,275 (8,0(X) to 40,000 Kcs); a Czech national was also sentenced to community
work.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — After ethnic Slovaks, the largest minority is
the Romani population, officially estimated to number approximately 200,0(X). Roma
live throughout the country but are concentrated in the industrial towns of northern
Bohemia, where many eastern Slovak Roma were encouraged to settle in the homes
of Sudeten (Jermans transferred to the west more than 40 years ago.
Roma suffer disproportionately from poverty, unemployment, interethnic violence,
discrimination, illiteracy, and disease. They are subject to deeply ingrained popular
prejudice, as is repeatedly affirmed by public opinion polls. The State funds tele-
vision and radio programs for Roma on public stations, as well as supporting
Romani press publications, and in 1997 there was more and better information
available on Roma in the mainstream press and other sources. However, efforts by
foundations and individuals in the education and health fields to improve their liv-
ing conditions have had only minimal impact. Romani leaders have had limited suc-
cess thus far in oreanizing their local communities, which are often disunited and
where many are reluctant to foster contacts with the majority.
Interethnic violence is usually perpetrated by skinheads, according to a May re-
port on security by the Interior Ministry. A March report on racially motivated
crime in 1996 by the Attorney General's (Jffice found that Roma were the most like-
ly victims of such crimes, and that the number of incidents continued to rise. This
may be the result of increased vigilance against such crimes by law enforcement and
justice personnel since mid-1995. Nonetheless, judges and police officers have been
reluctant to ascribe a racial motive to anti-Roma violence, even when skinheads are
involved. For example, in June a judge in Hradec Kralove refused to apply laws re-
lating to racial motives, ruling that there could be no such motives in Czech-Roma
conflicts because both belong to the same, Indo-European race. The Justice Ministry
subsequently lodged a procedural complaint with the Supreme Court related to this
ruling. Following the complaint, the Supreme Court struck down this interpretation
of the law in October and returned the case for a new ruling.
There were numerous incidents of violence or intimidation directed against Roma.
In September a gang of drunken men aged 18 to 24 fired pistols, broke windows,
and snouted "gypsies to the gas chambers" in front of a house inhabited by Roma
in Domazlice. Uuring that incident, one 36-year-old Romani woman died of suffo-
cation during an epifeptic seizure apparently brought on by acute fright. The police
1061
prepared charges against 11 suspects. In February the regional court in Ostrava
upheld an earlier sentence involving eight youths who had attacked and severely
beaten three Romani girls in Karvina in 1995. In March the Ceske Budejovice re-
gional court found four youths guilty of negligence in the death of Tibor Danihel,
an 18-year-old Rom who drowned after a gang of skinheads forced him into the
Otava river in Pisek in September 1993. The court found the crime to be racially
motivated. Two of the youths received sentences of 31 months, a third 22 months,
and the fourth a 2-year suspended sentence. In connection with this case, a govern-
ment minister criticized the generally careless worii of the state administration in
investigating and prosecuting racially motivated crime, and a prominent human
rights activist charged that such delays as seen in the Danihel case contributed to
other criminals' sense of impunity. In December the Justice Minister filed a com-
plaint with the Supreme Court questioning whether the defendants were guilty
merely of negligence in Danihel's death.
Laws prohibiting racist attacks (normally intended to protect minorities) were
also invoked against Roma. In March in Louny, five Roma said to be celebrating
a relative's release from prison attacked and shouted race-related insults at a group
of police officers who had come to investigate the disturbance. The local state attor-
ney charged them with defamation of a nation/race/creed in addition to two other
charges. In April a police investigator in Breclav filed the same charge against three
Roma who attacked two skinheads. That charge carries a penalty of up to 3 years
in prison.
Verbal attacks against Roma recur frequently in fringe publications. Criminal
charges were filed against the editors of a magazine belonging to the Association
for the Republic-Republican Party of Czechoslovakia (SPR-RSC), an extremist, far-
right political party represented in the Parliament yet shunned by the democratic
parties, for publishing offensive statements regarding Roma. In one issue of the
magazine Roma were likened to garbage that must be either recycled or incinerated.
The investigation is continuing. Some members of the mainstream political culture
consistently condemned such statements when they were made in a public forum.
In the larger context, those Roma wishing to integrate face practical difficulties
in the areas of employment and education. Romani unemployment was estimated
at 70 percent in a report prepared at the Government's request. According to the
same report, many unemployed Roma subsist on government support or their earn-
ings from illegal activities. Some employers refuse to hire Roma and explicitly ask
local labor omces to refrain from sending Romani applicants for advertised posi-
tions. Most Roma are qualified only for low-paying jobs as manual laborers, since
vew few complete secondary education.
Tlie integration of Romani children into mainstream schools is frequently impeded
by language and cultural barriers. Some Romani parents do not send their children
to school regularly for a variety of reasons, including subtle or overt discrimination;
the expense of books, supplies, and activities; and because some Romani parents
doubt the importance of education. According to a 1991 study (the only such study
available after 1989) less than 20 percent of the self-identified Romani population
in the Czech lands had completed elementary school and less than 5 percent had
completed high school. Such statistics provide only a rough picture of the actual sit-
uation, however, since a large majority of Roma do not identify themselves as such
for census-takers.
A significant number of Romani children are taken from mainstream schools at
an early age and sent to study at "special schools" for the mentally disabled and
socially maladjusted. According to unofficial estimates by Ministry of Education em-
ployees and NGO's, Romani children makeup 60 percent or more of pupils placed
in these "special schools," although Roma are estimated to comprise only 2 to 3 per-
cent of the population.
In 1993 the Government created the framework for a number of year-long pro-
-ams (so-called zero grades) to prepare disadvantaged youths for their first year
m school. Many districts with high concentrations oi Roma participate in the pro-
gram, which is funded solely by local authorities. Students' participation in the zero
grades is voluntary, which many observers feel limits the program's effectiveness.
About half of existing zero grades are organized by special schools for the mentally
disabled and socially maladjusted; the pupils in these classes frequently proceed di-
rectly into the special school curriculum and are thus never given the opportunity
to attend a mainstream school. Nonetheless, there is anecdotal evidence tnat some
zero grades are successfully preparing disadvantaged Romani children for main-
stream schools. A number of private initiatives to prepare Romani children for
mainstream schools have also emerged in recent years, such as those in Rokycany,
Ostrava, and elsewhere.
1062
Roma also face discrimination in housing and other areas of everyday life. In July
a senator, also the mayor of the Prague 4 district, praised one landlord's efforts to
move "problem tenants" (widely understood to mean Roma) to an outlying part of
town. Many journalists and politicians criticized these remarks for appearing to ad-
vocate a policy of segregation. Some restaurants, pubs, and other venues throughout
the country routinely refused service to Roma and posted signs prohibiting their
entry. In some cases, local authorities intervened to have such signs removed.
In February in the first prominent antidiscrimination case, the Pilsen regional
court annulled a 1996 decision that found pub owner Ivo Blahout not guilty of dis-
criminating against Romani patrons, despite videotaped evidence and the incrimi-
nating testimony of two policemen. The case was returned to a lower court for re-
trial.
In December the Kladno district court found the local deputy mayor guilty of in-
citement to national/racial hatred for closing the municipal swimming pool to
Romani children in July 1996, fining him about $445 (14,000 Kcs). At the time, a
hepatitis epidemic was sweeping the town and was particularly prevalent among
Roma, yet local health officials stated that the measure would not be effective in
containing the outbreak.
Czech Roma claiming persecution in the Czech Republic and applying for refugee
status in Canada and Western Europe generated significant discussion. In August
a private television station broadcast a program on Roma applying for refugee sta-
tus in Canada, portraying that country as offering asylees' a warm welcome. The
broadcast spurred hundreds of Roma to sell their possessions to buy airline tickets
to Canada, and many more attempted to raise the money for airfare. Posters ap-
peared in Usti Nad LJabem urging noma to depart for Canada and offering material
assistance. A district mayor in the town of Ostrava offered to pay two-thirds of the
airfare to Canada for Roma living in her jurisdiction if they relinquished the leases
on their municipal flats. That onicial was criticized sharply in press commentary
and by some parliamentarians and rebuked mildly by her party. By October over
1,200 Roma had applied for refugee status in Canada. Dozens of other Czech
Romani families applied for refugee status in the UK, France, and elsewhere in
Western Europe.
Faced with this "exodus" of Czech Roma, the Government deliberated the issue
of Romani integration with a renewed sense of urgency. The Prime Minister met
with Romani representatives, and an ad hoc group convened by the Office of the
Government prepared a report on the Romani minority for the Cabinet. In Septem-
ber the Government approved the creation of a new commission for Romani affairs.
Government ministries also adopted numerous, related taskings in an effort to fos-
ter Romani integration, such as expanding the "zero grade" program, training ethnic
Romani teaching assistants for public scnools, attempting to induce employers to
hire more Roma, and stricter eniorcement of consumer protection laws where busi-
nesses refuse to serve Roma. The President and some politicians urged Roma not
to leave the country.
The 1993 Citizenship Law has been criticized by the UNHCR and the Council of
Europe, although its discriminatory impact was mitigated by the constructive imple-
mentation of an amendment in April 1996. Under the 1993 law, created at the time
of the Czech-Slovak split, Czechoslovaks of Slovak nationality ("Slovaks ") were able
to opt for Czech citizenship until December 1993 (later extended to June 1994)
under conditions more favorable than those faced by non-Czechoslovaks in the nor-
mal naturalization process. Nonetheless, "Slovaks" had to present proof of a clean
criminal record for the previous 5 years and residency in what is now the Czech
Republic for 2 years. Romani leaders and human rights groups protested that these
provisions were designed to discriminate against Roma, most of whom were des-
ignated as being of Slovak nationality by a 1969 law. Afler June 1994, "Slovaks"
could apply only for naturalization, a more stringent process.
The practical result of the law was that an unknown number of "Slovaks" resident
in the Czech republic at the time of the split — a great many of them Roma — found
themselves without Czech citizenship. Some failed to meet the law's requirements;
others never applied, either out of negligence or ignorance of the consequences.
Many of these Roma were long-term residents of, or born in, the Czech Republic.
Without citizenship or residency, these individuals do not have the right to work,
to health insurance, or to any of the social benefits enjoyed by nearly all citizens
and residents. "Slovaks" with valid identification may claim Slovak citizenship at
any time, although many have no family, property, or other ties in Slovakia.
Most but not all former Czechoslovaks living in the Czech Republic appear to
have resolved their current citizenship. The Interior Ministry has never given an
official estimate of the number of people without citizenship, but approximately
3,500 applications are currently pending, most of them until proof of release from
1063
Slovak citizenship is presented. The Citizenship Project, an NGO sponsored by the
Czech Helsinki Committee that actively helps former Czechoslovaks through the
citizenship application process, and which has registered about 3,000 requests for
assistance from "Slovaks" applying for Czech citizenship, states that many more
have not applied and that only the Government is in a position to gauge the scope
of the problem.
Responding to domestic and international criticism, the Government amended the
law in 1996, allowing the Interior Ministry to waive the clean criminal record re-
quirement for individual "Slovaks" resident in what is now the Czech Republic since
before the 1993 split. By mid-September, 2,077 "Slovaks" had applied for the waiver;
of these, 2,043 (98.4 percent) were successful and 34 (1.6 percent) were denied; a
negative decision could be appealed to the Minister of Interior and then to the
courts. Interior Ministry policy was to deny only those who had committed serious
crimes. In November the Interior Ministry pledged to grant the waiver to all new
qualified applicants as well as to previously unsuccessful waiver applicants as well
as to previously unsuccessful waiver applicants who appeal; however, six individuals
were who were denied the waiver and subsequently deported are unable to appeal
the ministry decision unless their sentence of expulsion is overturned by a court.
In two of those six cases, the Justice Ministry issued a procedural complaint against
the sentence of expulsion. The Government has taken no steps to publicize its new
policy.
Some other practical problems have been addressed. For example, in March the
Interior Ministry agreed not to require additional criminal registry records (which
are valid for only 6 months) from prisoners while their citizenship applications are
Sending, although it continued to require them from those in pretrial detention,
[owever, other problems persist. The failure of one family member to secure resi-
dency or citizenship prevents the entire family from receiving certain social sub-
sidies. "Slovak" applicants who have never set foot in Slovakia, even school-age chil-
dren, must still obtain an official release from Slovak citizenship. Police who come
across "Slovaks" without proper citizenship or residency papers can and do expel
them to Slovakia. A total of 122 Slovak citizens (an indeterminate number of whom
had long-term ties to the Czech Republic) were expelled and 189 were sentenced to
"prohibition of stay" in the first hall of the year.
TTie Citizenship Project sponsored by the Czech Helsinki Committee documented
over 500 cases of minors in children's homes and foster care arrangements who lack
Czech citizenship or permanent residency and believes that there are several hun-
dred more. Typically, the children are ethnic Roma who were formally deemed Slo-
vak citizens following the Czech-Slovak split. All noncitizen children in foster care
may claim permanent residency, but this is canceled on their release. Those who
are released from foster care at age 18 without citizenship or residency lack the
right to work, register as job seekers at local labor offices, claim social benefits, or
vote, and are believed more likely to become involved in crime and face deportation.
Even in children's homes where the directors take an active interest in resolving
the problem, legal expenses and local bureaucratic intransigence present significant
barriers. In 1997 the Interior Ministry cooperated with the Czech Helsinki Commit-
tee to inform the directors of state institutions about the issue.
Racism and discrimination in society were the subject of increased attention dur-
ing the year. The November murder of a Sudanese student in Prague by a skinhead
was followed by significant antiracism demonstrations around the country and re-
sulted in considerable public discussion on racism in Czech society. Two suspects
were taken into custody by year's end. Nonwhite foreigners continued to be at risk
of physical violence and harassment; police and courts generally responded appro-
priately. The Prague 4 district court found a local youth guilty of attacking a visit-
ing Japanese scientist but failed to establish a racial motive; the assailant had al-
legedly mistaken the victim for a Vietnamese. In June the Brno municipal court
found one youth guilty of attacking a long-term resident university professor from
Benin and attributed a racial motive to the attack; the youth had verbally assaulted
the victim in a tram and kicked him in the face while wearing spiked boots. In late
November 1996 three youths from Olomouc who had attacked a Pakistani student
were found guilty and given suspended prison sentences. In March visiting univer-
sity lecturer of tndian origin was stalked and attacked by youths; he then left the
country without filing charges, said by friends to fear reprisals.
Approximately 50,000 ethnic (Jermans live in the country, most of them elderly.
In July the Litomerice district court sentenced five members of the far-right SPK-
RSC, including a Member of Parliament, to fines of about $65 to 160 (2,000 to 5,000
Kcs) for intimidation. Four of the defendants appealed their sentences. In 1994 they
disrupted a joint Czech-German ceremony at Terezin to honor those who died dur-
45-909 98-35
1064
ing the transfer of Ethnic Germans out of Czechoslovakia following World War II,
pelting participants with eggs and kicking wreaths off of graves.
Also in July, the leader of the SPR-RSC party was charged with inciting national
and racial hatred for anti-German statements made at a rally protesting the signing
of the Czech-German Declaration in January. The accused set a German flag on fire
and said that he regretted that too few Germans had been killed during World War
II.
In December Parliament ratified the Council of Europe's Framework Convention
for the F*rotection of national Minorities which is to take effect in April 1998.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law provides workers with the right to form and
join unions of their own choice without prior authorization, and the government re-
spects this ri^t in practice. Union membership continued to decline in 1997.
Most workers are members of unions affiliated with the Czech-Moravian chamber
of trade unions (CMKOS). The CMKOS is a democratically oriented, republic-wide
umbrella organization for branch unions. It is not affiliated with any political party
and carefully maintains its independence.
Workers have the right to strike, except for those whose role in public order or
public safety is deemed crucial. The law requires that labor disputes be subject first
to mediation and that strikes take place only after mediation efforts fail.
In February railway workers staged a 48-hour strike, later extended by an addi-
tional 24 hours, to protest restructuring plans that would have resulted in signifi-
cant layoffs. The Prague municipal court ruled the strike illegal, and that decision
was appealed. A deputy minister of transport was ousted during the strike.
In April 65,000 teachers waged a rolling strike calling for hi^er pay. The Govern-
ment and striking teachers agreed to a slight raise in pay and a longer work week.
In November as many as 100,000 union members and sympathizers staged an or-
derly demonstration against the Government's economic and social policy in
PrMue's Old Town Square.
tmions are free to form or join federations and confederations and afiiliate with
and participate in international bodies. This freedom was fully exercised.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for collec-
tive bargaining, which is generally carried out by unions and employers on a com-
pany basis. The scope for collective bargaining is more limited in the government
sector, where wages are regulated by law.
There are 11 free trade zones. Their workers have and practice the same ri^t
to organize and bargain collectively as other workers in the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, including that performed by children, and it is not practiced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The
Labor Code stipulates a minimum working age of 15 years, although children who
have completea courses at special schools (schools for the mentally disabled and so-
cially maladjusted) may work at the age of 14. These prohibitions are enforced in
practice. The law prohibits forced or bonded labor by children, and the Government
effectively enforces this prohibition (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government sets minimum wage stand-
ards. The minimum wage is approximately $80 (2,500 Kcs) per month. The mini-
mum wage provides a sparse standard of living for an individual worker, although
when combined with allowances available to families with children, it provides an
adequate standard of living for a worker and a family. Retraining efforts, carried
out by district labor offices, seek to provide labor mobility for those at the lower end
of the wage scale. Because of a very tight job market in most of the country, the
enforcement of minimum wage standards was not an issue during the year.
Tlie law mandates a standard workweek of 42V2 hours. It also requires paid rest
of at least 30 minutes during the standard 8- to 8V2-hour workday, as well as an-
nual leave of 3 to 4 weeks. Overtime ordered by the employer may not exceed 150
hours per year or 8 hours per week as a standard practice. Overtime above this
limit may be permitted by the local employment office. The Labor Ministry enforces
standards for working hours, rest periods, and annual leave.
Government, unions, and employers promote worker safety and health, but condi-
tions in some sectors of heavy industry are problematical, especially those awaiting
Privatization. Industrial accident rates are not unusually high. The Office of Labor
afety is responsible for enforcement of health and safety standards. Workers have
the right to refuse work endangering their life or health without risk of loss of em-
ployment.
1065
DENMARK
Denmark is a constitutional monarchy with parliamentary democratic rule. Queen
Margrethe II is Head of State. The Cabinet, accountable to the unicameral Par-
liament (Folketing), leads the Gfovemment. A minority three-party coalition took of-
fice in September 1994 following national elections, but with the December 1994
withdrawal of the Center Democrats, only the Social Democrats and Radical Lib-
erals remained. The judiciary is independent.
The national police have sole responsibility for internal security. The civilian au-
thorities maintain effective control of the security forces.
Denmark has an advanced, market-based industrial economy. One-half of the
work force is employed in the public sector. The key industries are food processing
and metal working; A broad range of industrial goods is exported. The economy pro-
vides residents with a high standard of living.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, and the law
and judiciary provide effective means of dealing with instances of individual abuse.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that officials employed
them.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits bv human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law jprohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the (jovemment observes this prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The law provides for an independent judiciary,
and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides citi-
zens with a fair and eflicient judicial process.
The judicial system consists of a series of local and regional courts, with the Su-
preme Court at the apex.
The law provides for the right to a fair trial, and an independent judiciary vigor-
ously enforces this right.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect these prohibi-
tions, and violations are suDJect to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of the press, and
the Government respects this right in practice. An independent press, an effective
judiciary, and a democratic political system combine to ensure ireedom of speech
and of the press, including academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for religious freedom, and the
Government respects this right in practice. There is religious instruction in the
schools in the omcial state religion, the Evangelical Lutheran Church, but any stu-
dent may without sanction be excused from religion classes with parental permis-
sion.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice. The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The
Government provides first asylum (and provided it to approximately 5,896 persons
in 1996 and 5,101 in 1997). There were no reports of forced expulsion of refugees
to a country where they feared persecution or of those having a valid claim to refu-
gee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The law provides citizens with the right to change their government peacefiilly,
and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections
held on the basis of universal suffrage.
1066
The territories of Greenland (whose population is primarily Inuit) and the Faroe
Islands (whose inhabitants have their own Norse language) have democratically
elected home rule governments with powers encompassing aU matters except foreign
affairs, monetary affairs, and national security. Greenlanders and Faroese are Dan-
ish citizens, with the same rights as those in the rest of the Kingdom. Each territory
elects two representatives to the Folketing.
Women are active in government and politics at both local and national levels.
In the current Government, 5 of 20 government ministers are women, as are 59 of
the Parliament's 179 members.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing tneir findings on human rights cases. Government officials
are cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Government's operations and extensive public services do not discriminate on
the basis of any of these factors. The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of
sex, and it is effectively enforced by the Government. Discrimination on the basis
of race is covered by two laws, which prohibit racial slander and denial of access
to public places on the basis of race. The rights of indigenous people are carefully
protected.
Women. — An umbrella nongovernmental organization reports that in 1996, wom-
en's crisis shelters were contacted 12,940 times, and 3,640 women stayed at shel-
ters. There were 388 rapes reported in 1996, and 332 rapes in the first 9 months
of 1997.
The law requires equal pay for equal work, but some wage inequality still exists.
The law prohiDitsjob discrimination on the basis of sex and provides resources, such
as access to the Equal Status Council, for those so affected. Women hold positions
of authority throughout society, although they are underrepresented at the top of
the business world. Women's rights groups are effective in lobbying the (Jovemment
in their areas of concern, such as wage disparities and parental leave.
Children. — The Grovemment demonstrates a strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. Sections within the Ministries of Social Affairs, Justice, and Education oversee
implementation of programs for children.
There is no societal pattern of abuse against children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. Building regula-
tions reciuire special installations for the disabled in public buildings built or ren-
ovated alter 1977 and in older buildings that come into public use. The Government
enforces these provisions in practice.
Indigenous People. — The law protects the rights of the inhabitants of Greenland
and the Faroe Islands. The Greenlandic legal system seeks to accommodate Inuit
customs. Accordingly, it provides for the use of lay people as judges, and it sentences
most prisoners to holding centers (rather than to prisons) where they are encour-
aged to work, hunt, or fish during the day. Education in Greenland is provided to
the native population in both the Inuit and Danish languages.
National / Racial f Ethnic Minorities. — The inflow of ethnically and racially diverse
refugees and immigrants has provoked a degree of tension between Danes and im-
migrants (mostly Iranians, Palestinians, Pakistanis, and Sri Lankans until late
1992; refugees are now overwhelmingly from Somalia or the former Yugoslavia). Re-
cent publicity on the involvement of foreigners in street crime and allegations of so-
cial welfare fraud committed by refugees nave increased these tensions to the point
that Parliament is debating the tightening of immigration laws. Incidents of racial
discrimination and racially motivated violence do occur but are rare. The Govern-
ment effectively investigates and deals with cases of racially motivated violence.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law states that all workers, including military
personnel and the police, mav form or join unions of their choosing. Approximately
80 percent of wage earners belong to unions that are independent of the Govern-
ment and political parties. Unions may affiliate freely with international organiza-
tions, and they do so actively. All unions except those representing civil servants
or the militaiy have the right to strike.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers and employers ac-
knowledge each others right to organize. Collective bargaining is protected by law
1067
and i8 widespread in practice. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by em-
ployers against union members and organizers, and there are mechanisms to resolve
disputes. Employers found guilty of antiunion discrimination are required to rein-
state workers fired for union activities. In the private sector, salaries, benefits, and
working conditions are agreed upon in biennial or triennial negotiations between the
various employers' associations and their union counterparts. If the negotiations
fail, a national conciliation board mediates, and its proposal is voted on by manage-
ment and labor. If the proposal is turned down, the Government may force a legis-
lated solution on the parties (usually based upon the mediators' proposal). The
agreements, in turn, are used as guidelines throughout the public as well as the pri-
vate sector. In the public sector, collective bargaining is conducted between the em-
ployees' unions and a government group, led by the Finance Ministry.
Labor relations in Greenland are conducted in the same manner as in Denmark.
Greenlandic courts are the first recourse in disputes, but Danish mediation services
or the Danish Labor Court may also be used.
There is no umbrella labor oi^anization in the Faroes, but individual unions en-
gage in periodic collective bargaining with employers. Disputes are settled by medi-
ation.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced, or bonded labor by adults
or children is prohibited, by law and this prohibition is effectively enforced by the
Grovemment.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for fiiU-time employment is 15 years. A change in the work environment
law entered into force in June 1996. This provides for tightening employment rules
for those under 18 years of age, and setting a minimum of 13 years of age for any
type of work. The law is enforced by the Danish Working Environment Service
(DWES), and autonomous arm of the Ministry of Labor. Danish export industries
do not use child labor. Forced and bonded child labor is prohibitecf and does not
occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no legally mandated national mini-
mum wage, but national labor agreements effectively set a wage floor. The lowest
wage paid is currently about $11 (dkr 76) per hour, which is sufficient for a decent
standard of living for a worker and family. The law provides for 5 weeks of paid
vacation per year. A 37-hour workweek is the norm, estabhshed by contract, not by
law. The law does, however, require at least 1 1 hours between the end of one work
period and the start of the next.
The law also prescribes conditions of work, including safety and health; duties of
employers, supervisors, and employees; work performance; rest periods and days off;
ana medical examinations. The DWES ensures compliance with labor legislation.
Workers may remove themselves from hazardous situations or weapons production
without jeopardizing their employment rights, and there are legal protections for
workers who file complaints about unsafe or unhealthy conditions.
Similar conditions of work are found in Greenland and the Faroes, except that the
workweek is 40 hours. As in Denmark, this is established by contract, not by law.
ESTONIA
Estonia is a parliamentary democracy. With its statehood widely recognized as
continuous for more than 70 years, Estonia regained its independence in 1991 after
50 years of Soviet occupation. The Constitution, adopted by referendum in 1992, es-
tablished a 101-member unicameral legislature (State Assembly), a prime minister
as Head of Government, and a president as Head of State. A cabinet reshuffle in
March led to the departure of Prime Minister Tiit Vahi and the appointment of
Mart Siimann as his successor. The judiciary is independent.
The official conversion of the Soviet militia into the Estonian police preceded the
reestablishment of the country's independence by about 6 months. Its conversion
into a Western-type police force committed to procedures and safeguards appro-
priate to a democratic society is proceeding, with police leadership actively working
to professionalize the force. The police, who are ethnically mixed, are subordinate
to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Corrections personnel are subordinate to the
Ministry of Justice. The security service, called Security Police, is subordinate to the
Interior Ministry but also reports to the Prime Minister. Police and corrections per-
sonnel continued to commit human rights abuses.
Estonia has a market economy. Reflecting the extent of post-1992 reforms, Esto-
nia has been selected to start accession negotiations with the European Union. Serv-
1068
ices, especially financial and tourism, are growing in importance compared to his-
torically more prominent light industry and food production. Privatization of small
and medium firms is virtually complete, and privatization of large-scale enterprises
is underway. The economy continues to grow steadily, with gross domestic product
(GDP) estimated to increase by about 7 to 8 percent in 1997. Although prices con-
tinue to rise, incomes are rising faster than the rate of inflation. Per capita GDP
is about $2,530 per vear. Two-thirds of Estonian exports (textiles, food products,
wood and timber products) are now directed to Western markets. Unemployment re-
mained fairly low overall (unofficially about 8 percent) but was significantly higher
in rural areas.
The (jovemment generally respected the human rights of its citizens and the
lai*ge noncitizen community, but problems remained in some areas. The major
human rights abuses continued to be mistreatment of prisoners and detainees, and
the use of excessive force by the police. Prison conditions are poor. The deadline for
noncitizens to file for permanent residency expired in 1996, after being extended
twice. An undetermined number of noncitizens have still not filed for residency.
Problems remain in processing the applications for permanent residency of some
19,(X)0 Russian military retirees and family members. Processing of applications for
alien passports continued. By late 1997, most applicants for alien passports had re-
ceived them. The Government continued to issue temporary travel documents and
to accept officially invalid former Soviet internal passports for identification in
emergency situations, such as registering births and deaths. In January the Council
of Europe closed its human rights monitoring mission in Estonia.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Such practices are prohibited by law. However, there continued to be credible re-
ports that police used excessive force and verbal abuse during the arrest and ques-
tioning of suspects. Punishment cells ("kartsers ") continued to be used, in con-
travention of international standards. Most of the top leadership of one prefecture
was dismissed for abuse of power.
Four cases of hazing in the military were reported; one was formally investigated
and the charges were dropped. There were reports of more instances of recruit mis-
treatment, one of which resulted in a 24-hour unauthorized absence by an entire
platoon. A training tragedy that took the lives of 14 soldiers in September focused
public attention on safety and discipline in the military.
F*rison conditions remained poor. Overcrowding continued in the Tallinn Central
Prison buUt in 1765, although the opening of a new wing, which meets European
standards, reduced the overcrowding. The (jovemment continued measures to ad-
dress poor prison conditions and to make prison staff more professional. By mid-Oc-
tober, one prisoner had been killed by other prisoners, compared with four in 1996.
Opportunities to study or work in prison were limited.
The Government has drafted a multiyear plan to refurbish and restructure all the
countr3^s prisons and to close the Tallinn Central Prison, but it had not yet been
implemented by year's end. Some suggestions to improve prison conditions made by
Council of Europe (COE) representatives in 1993 have been implemented, but fulfill-
ment of others is still hampered by lack of resources and high turnover among pris-
on staff.
The Government permits human rights monitors to visit prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution and laws forbid arbi-
trary arrest, detention, or exile, and the Government generally observes this prohi-
bition. Under the Constitution, warrants issued by a court are required to make ar-
rests. Detainees must be informed promptly of the grounds for the arrest and given
immediate access to legal counsel. If a person cannot aflbrd counsel, the State will
provide one. A person may be held for 48 hours without formally being charged; fur-
ther detention requires a court order. A person may be held in pretrial detention
for 2 months; this may be extended up to a total of 12 months by court order. Police
rarely violate these limits. As of July, 1,613 of the 4,785 persons held in prisons
were awaiting trial.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution establishes an independent judi-
cial branch and the judiciary is independent in practice. The judiciary operates
through a three-tier court system: rural and city courts; district courts; and the
State Court (which functions as a supreme court). The district and state courts are
1069
also courts for "constitutional supervision." At the rural and city levels, court deci-
sions are made by a majority vote with a judge and two lay members sitting in judg-
ment. All judges and lay judges must be citizens. The President nominates and the
State Assembly confirms the Chief Justice of the State Court. The Chief Justice
nominates State Court judges who are subject to confirmation by the State Assem-
bly. He also nominates the district, city, and rural court judges who are then ap-
pointed by the President. Judges are appointed for life.
The Constitution provides that court proceedings shall be public. Closed sessions
may be held only for specific reasons, such as protection of state or business secrets,
and in cases concerning minors. The Constitution further provides that defendants
may present witnesses and evidence as well as confront and cross-examine prosecu-
tion witnesses. Defendants have access to prosecution evidence and enjoy a pre-
sumption of innocence.
Estonia continued to overhaul its criminal and civil procedural codes. An interim
Criminal Code that went into efTect in June 1992 basically revised the Soviet Crimi-
nal Code by eliminating, for example, political and economic crimes. The Code of
Criminal PVocedure was adopted in 1994. New codes in a variety of fields were
being drafted at year's end. A multiyear plan is being compiled to replace present
criminal codes with new penal codes that fully meet European standards.
There were no reports of political prisoners. In September 1996 former dissident
Tiit Madisson was sentenced to 26 months in prison for attempting to organize an
armed overthrow of the Grovemment. The sentence was appealed through all levels
of the legal system and upheld; however, in December the Government granted
Madisson amnesty.
f. A.rhitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
requires a search warrant for search and seizure of property. During the investiga-
tive stage, warrants are issued by the prosecutor upon a showing of probable cause.
Once a case has gone to court, warrants are issued by the court. The Constitution
provides for secrecy of the mail, telegrams, telephones, and other means of commu-
nication. Police must obtain a court order to intercept a person's communications.
Illegally obtained evidence is not admissible in court. At year's end, security police
and parliamentary investigations were continuing into the 1995 case involving then
Interior Minister Savisaar who was implicated in making unauthorized recordings
of conversations.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government respects constitutional provi-
sions providing for freedom of speech and the press. The media routinely do probing
and thorough investigative reporting. Foreign newspapers and magazines are widely
available. All newsprint, printing, and distribution facilities are now private compa-
nies. There are four major national Estonian language and three Russian language
dailies, in addition to important weeklies. In a widely reported case, a well-known
journalist was tried and convicted for insulting the spouse of a prominent politician
in a newspaper interview and received a fine. The sentence was upheld by all levels
of the judiciary.
State broadcast media, including one nationwide television channel, continue to
receive large subsidies, and the State has assured that these subsidies will continue.
There are several major independent television and radio stations. Several Russian
language programs, mostly Estonian produced, are broadcast over state and private
television channels. Russian state television and Ostankino programs are widely
available via cable.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right to assemble freely, but noncitizens are prohibited from joining political
parties, although they may form social groups. Permits for all public gatnerings
must be obtained 3 weeks prior to the date of the gathering. The authorities have
wide discretion to prohibit such gatherings on public safety grounds but seldom ex-
ercise it. There were no reports of government interference in mass gatherings or
political rallies.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
The 1993 Law on Churches and Religious Organizations requires all religious or-
ganizations to have at least 12 members and to be registered with the Interior Min-
istry and the Board of Religion. Leaders of religious organizations must be citizens
with at least 5 years' residence in Estonia.
'The majority of Estonians are nominally Lutheran, but following deep-seated tra-
dition there is wide tolerance of other denominations and religions. People of vary-
ing ethnic backgrounds profess Orthodoxy, including communities of Russian Old
1070
Believers who found refuge in Estonia in the 17th century. The Estonian Apostolic
Orthodox Church (EAOC), independent since 1919, subordinate to Constantinople
since 1923, and exiled under the Soviet occupation, reregistered under its 1935 stat-
ute in August 1993. Since then, a group of ethnic Estonian and Russian parishes
preferring to remain under the authority of the Russian Orthodox Church structure
imposed during the Soviet occupation has insisted that it should have claim to the
EAOC name but has been unable to register under the same name. Representatives
of the Moscow and Constantinople Patriarchates continued consultations to resolve
the question, which centers on property issues. The Government and some promi-
nent ousinessmen were facilitating the discussions. By year's end a compromise so-
lution was under consideration, according to which the congregations affiliated with
Moscow would register under a slightly different name and receive the property cur-
rently in their possession for long-term use. Throughout the dispute, free worship
has occurred in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law permits free movement within the country, and it is honored
in practice. It alsoprovides for the right of foreign travel, emigration, and repatri-
ation for citizens. There are no exit visas.
In July 1993, Parliament enacted a Law on Aliens that defines an alien as a per-
son who is not a citizen of Estonia, i.e., a citizen of another country or a stateless
person. The majoritv of noncitizens are ethnic Russians. The law provided a 1-year
period during which noncitizens who came to Estonia prior to July 1, 1990, and
were permanent residents of the former Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic, could
apply for temporary residence permits. They could also apply for permanent resi-
dence at the same time. Following delays and confusion in implementation as well
as criticism by international human rights observers, the application deadline was
extended by a year, until July 12, 1995. By that date the vast majority of aliens —
327,737 of the estimated 370,000— had filed applications. The Government extended
the registration period until April 30, 1996. An indeterminate number of nonciti-
zens— estimates range from 20,000 to 50,000 — still have not registered. In mid-year,
the Government began a campaign to register this group oi unregistered aliens,
pledging not to take any measures against them. By October some 1500 had come
lorwara! In September the Government proposed and Parliament approved an
amendment to the aliens law that allowed those who had applied for residence by
July 12, 1995, to change temporary residence permits to permanent ones, beginning
in 1998, 2 years earlier than the original act envisioned.
There were complaints about the slow pace with which the Government was proc-
essing residence applications for some 19,000 Russian military pensioners. The proc-
ess was complicatea by the lack of Russian-provided passports in which to affix the
permits. An estimated 35 percent of the first group of military pensioners missed
the deadline to present their passports for residence permits. Technically, the Citi-
zenship and Migration Board could move to have them deported. In fact, however,
the Government is moving on a case-by-case basis to solve the outstanding issues.
The Government refused residence to eight former members of the Soviet military.
After one case involving an individual married to an Estonian citizen with children
in Estonia attracted wide attention, the Government reviewed the cases and granted
residence permits to six individuals. Another ex-serviceman, Evgeni Zobnin, was de-
ported; however, following considerable critical publicity, the authorities issued a
visa and allowed him to return, pending resolution of his case. The Government con-
tinued to issue alien passports to those former servicemen who could not or did not
want to take out Russian citizenship.
No restrictions are placed on the right of noncitizens to foreign travel, emigration,
or repatriation, although some noncitizens complain of delays in obtaining travel
documents. The Government began issuing temporary travel documents valid for a
single departure and reentry into the country to resident aliens in 1994. To accom-
modate entry visa requirements of other countries, the validity period of the docu-
ment was extended in August 1994 from 6 months to 2 years. In late 1994, the Gov-
ernment began issuing alien passports. These are issued to resident aliens not in
possession of any other valid travel document. Such aliens included: (1) persons who
are designated as stateless; (2) foreign citizens who lack the opportunity to obtain
travel documents of their country of origin or of another state; (3) persons who file
for Estonian citizenship and pass the language examination if required; and (4)
aliens who are permanently departing Estonia. The Grovernment plans to expand
the classes of noncitizens eligible for alien passports. It has already approved their
issuance to noncitizens intending to study abroad and has agreed to issue them to
former military personnel who cannot or do not want to take out Russian citizen-
ship. By September 160,112 persons had applied for alien passports, and some
157,000 passports had been issued.
1071
The Government has deported a relatively small number of illegal aliens, usually
those caught in criminal acts. By late July, 45 illegal aliens were neld as internees,
pending deportation or a court order granting them residence. Internees are held
in a wing oi a regular prison.
In February Parliament passed a refugee law that brought Estonia into conform-
ity with the 1951 United Nations (U.N.) Convention Relating to the Status of Refu-
gees and its 1967 Protocol, and in October amended several social security acts to
provide refugees social guarantees identical to those of citizens. Implementing regu-
lations have not yet been issued. The Government has selected a site for a refugee
processing center but construction has not begun. Late in the year, one refugee ap-
plication was pending. There were no reports of refugees returned to areas where
they would face persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their Government. In March 1995, free and fair
elections to the second post-Soviet Parliament were held. Among the deputies are
six ethnic Russians. Indirect presidential elections were held in 1996. When the Par-
liament failed to muster the required two-thirds majority to elect the President, an
Electoral Assembly consisting of parliament members and representatives of local
governments convened and reelected the incumbent, Lennart Meri.
Local elections were held in late October 1996. According to legislation, resident
noncitizens can vote but not run for office. The local elections were free and fair.
AU candidates had certified that they knew Estonian sufficiently to be able to func-
tion in local government. However, after the elections, there were complaints that
some candidates did not know sufficient Estonian. In October the Government
brought court charges against a former chairman of the Sillamae town council for
having filed a fraudulent certificate. Depending on the outcome of the case, charges
may be filed in other cases.
tlie Citizenship Law enacted in Februarv 1992 readopted the 1938 Citizenship
Law. According to that law, anyone bom after 1940 to a citizen parent is a citizen
by birth. The parent does not have to be an ethnic Estonian. The Government esti-
mates that under this provision some 80,000 persons not ethnically Estonian have
obtained citizenship. The law included requirements for naturalization, such as a 2-
year residency requirement, to be followed by a 1-year waiting period, as well as
knowledge of the Estonian language. According to Max van der Stael, the Organiza-
tion for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) High Commissioner on Na-
tional Minorities, over 200,000 persons experienced a reduction in status to that of
resident alien. Automatic citizenship is provided to those who were citizens in 1940
and their descendants, not to those who moved there during occupation (resident
aliens). The law establishes a naturalization mechanism.
In January 1995, Parliament adopted a new Citizenship Law, revising the 1992
law and combining into one statute provisions regarding citizenship that were scat-
tered among several pieces of legislation. This law became effective in April 1995.
It extended the residency requirement for naturalization from 2 to 5 years and
added a requirement for knowledge of the Constitution and the Citizenship Law.
Persons who had taken up legal residence in Estonia prior to July 1, 1990, are ex-
empt from the 5-year legal residence and 1-year waiting period requirements. The
law allows the Government to waive the language requirement but not the civic
knowledge requirement for applicants who have Estonian language elementary or
higher education, or who have performed valuable service to Estonia. In an effort
to fulfill the remaining 2 (of 30) recommendations of the OSCE High Commissioner
for National Minorities, the Government simplified the civic knowledge test and on
December 9 approved draft legislation that would amend the citizenship law to
Sant automatic citizenship to stateless children bom after Februaiy 26, 1992, to
^lly resident stateless parents upon the parents' or guardians' application.
Based on current law, the following classes of persons are ineligible for natu-
ralization: those filing on the basis of false data or documents; those not abiding by
the constitutional system or not fulfilling the laws; those who have acted against
the State and its security; those who have committed crimes and been punished
with a sentence of more than 1 year or who have been repeatedly brought to justice
for felonies; those who work or have worked in the intelligence or security services
of a foreign state; or those who have served as career soldiers in the armed forces
of a foreign state, including those discharged into the reserves or retired. (The latter
includes spouses who have come to Estonia in connection with the service member^s
assignment to a posting, the reserves, or retirement.) A provision of the law allows
for the granting of citizenship to a foreign military retiree who has been married
to a native citizen for 5 years.
1072
Between 1992 and late August, 92,890 persons had received citizenship through
naturalization. The Russian embassy reported that some 120,000 persons had ob-
tained Russian citizenship, however, the Embassy declined to supply the Govern-
ment with a list. The actual number of Russian citizens may be lower since the Em-
bassy apparently does not keep records of those who die or depart Estonia. The Gov-
ernment reported that it had issued almost 97,000 residence permits to foreign na-
tionals.
While some officials in the Russian Government and in the local Russian commu-
nity continued to criticize the citizenship law as discriminatory, numerous inter-
national fact-finding organizations, including the Finnish Helsinki Committee and
the OSCE, confirm that the Citizenship Law conforms to international standards.
Bureaucratic delays and the Estonian language requirement are also cited as dis-
incentives for securing citizenship. The Government has established language train-
ing centers, but there is a lack of qualified teachers, financial resources, and train-
ing materials. Some allege that the examination process, which 75 to 90 percent
pass, is arbitrary.
There are no legal impediments to women's participation in government or poli-
tics. However, women are underrepresented in government and politics. There are
11 women among the 101 members of Parliament. One of the presidential can-
didates was also a woman. The two female ministers continued in office after the
March cabinet reshuffle. There are six ethnic Russian deputies in Parliament.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not restrict the formation or functioning of human rights
organizations. In response to allegations of poor treatment of ethnic minorities, the
President established a Human Rights Institute, which first convened in 1992. The
purpose of the Institute is to monitor human rights in Estonia and to provide infor-
mation to the international community. It investigates reports of human rights vio-
lations, such as allegations of police abuse and inhuman treatment of detainees. In
September the Institute established an information center in the heavily ethnic Rus-
sian town of Kohtla-Jarve. In addition because of tensions surrounding the adoption
of the Elections Law and the Aliens Law in 1993, the President established a round
table composed of representatives of Parliament, the Union of Estonian Nationali-
ties, and the Russian speaking population's Representative Assembly. An analogous
but independent round table meets in the county of East Virumaa. In addition with
initial funding from the Danish government, a nongovernmental legal information
center in Talfinn provides free legal assistance to individuals — citizen and nonciti-
zen alike — seeking advice on human rights-related issues.
In the context of repeated Russian allegations of human rights violations among
the noncitizen population, both the OSCE mission in Estonia and the OSCE High
Commissioner on National Minorities have declared that they could not find a pat-
tern of human rights violations or abuses in Estonia. The Government moved to
meet the last two of the 30 recommendations of the OSCE High Commissioner on
National Minorities, by simplifying the civic knowledge portion of the naturalization
process and approving draft legislation to grant automatic citizenship to children
bom to resident stateless persons (see Section 3.).
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, religion, disability,
language, social status or for any other reason. The Government reports that no
court cases charging discrimination have been filed.
Women. — Violence against women, including spousal abuse, was the subject of in-
creasing discussion and media coverage. According to women's groups and law en-
forcement officials, family violence is not pervasive. Rape and attempted rape occur
relatively infrequently. In the first 9 months, there were 76 reported rapes and at-
tempted rap>es, compared with 94 for all of 1996. However, studies show that 40 oer-
cent of crime in Estonia goes unreported, including domestic violence. Even when
the police are called, the abused spouse often declines to press charges.
Discussion of the role and situation of women has been extensive, esjiecially in
the wake of the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995, as well
as former Social Affairs Minister Siiri Oviir's run for the presidency. Women possess
the same legal rights as men and are legally entitled to equal pay for equal work.
Nevertheless, although women's average educational level was hi^er than men's,
their average pay was lower, and the trend did not seem to be improving. There
continue to be female- and male-dominated professions. Most women carry major
1073
household responsibilities in addition to comprising slightly more than one-half of
the work force.
Children. — The Government's strong commitment to education is evidenced by the
high priority it gives to building and refurbishing schools. The (government provides
free medical care for children and subsidizes school meals. In 1992 the Government
adopted a Law on Child Protection patterned after the U.N. Convention on the
Rights of the Child.
There is no societal pattern of child abuse, but a 1995 research project conducted
by the nongovernmental Estonian Union for Child Welfare on children and violence
at home found that a significant proportion of children had experienced at least oc-
casional violence at home, in schools, or in youth gangs. A 1996 poll reports that
3 percent of surveyed children had been sexually molested, while the police reg-
istered 70 cases of sexual abuse for 1996. At an April conference the chief of juvenile
police reported that only 20 to 30 percent of cases involving sexual abuse of children
are reported. There continue to be reports of underage prostitution.
People With Disabilities. — While tne Constitution contains provisions to protect
disabled persons against discrimination, and both the State and some private orga-
nizations provide them with financial assistance, little has been done to enable dis-
abled people to participate normally in public life. There is no public access law, but
some effort to accommodate the disabled is evident in the inclusion of ramps at
curbs on new urban sidewalk construction. Public transportation firms have ac-
quired some vehicles that are accessible to the disabled, as have some taxi compa-
nies.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The OSCE mission in Estonia, established
in 1993, continued to promote stability, dialog, and understanding among commu-
nities in Estonia. In addition the President's Round Table, also established in 1993,
which is composed of members of Parliament, representatives of the Union of Esto-
nian Nationalities, and the Representative Assembly of the Russian Community,
continued to work toward finding practical solutions to problems of noncitizens, as
did the analogous but independent round table that met in the northeastern part
of the country (see Section 4).
The Law on Cultural Autonomy for citizens belonging to minority groups was
adopted by Parliament and went into effect in 1993. There is a tradition of protec-
tion for cultural autonomy going back to a 1925 law. Some noncitizens termed the
law discriminatory, since it restricts cultural autonomy only to citizens. The Govern-
ment replied that noncitizens can fully participate in ethnic organizations and that
the law includes subsidies for cultural organizations.
Ethnic Russians total approximately 29 percent, and nonethnic Estonians as a
whole some 37 percent, of the population oT slightly less than 1.5 million. During
the years of Estonia's forced annexation by the Soviet Union, large numbers of non-
Estonians, predominantly ethnic Russians, were encouraged to migrate to Estonia
to work as laborers and administrators. They and their descendants now make up
approximately one-third of the total population; about 40 pjercent of them were born
in Estonia. About 8 percent of the population of the pre-1940 Republic was ethnic
Russian.
Some noncitizens, especially Russians, continued to allege job, salary, and housing
discrimination because of Estonian language requirements. Russian government of-
ficials and parliamentarians echoed these charges in a variety of forums. The Gov-
ernment accepted a Russian Government proposal to establish a high-level commis-
sion to examine all aspects of bilateral relations. One of the sub-groups of the com-
mission would examine the humanitarian aspects of the situation of the Russian mi-
nority in Estonia and possibly of the Estonian minority in Russia. The law makes
no distinction on the basis of lack of citizenship concerning business or property
ownership other than for land. A 1996 law on land ownership further liberalized
land ownership by foreigners; such ownership is now restricted only in certain stra-
tegic areas. All legal residents of Estonia may participate equally in the privatiza-
tion of state-owned housing.
Estonian language requirements for those employed in the civil service went into
effect in 1993. The new Law on Public Service as originally passed required state
employees to be proficient in Estonian by the end of 1995. In December 1995, Par-
liament amended the Law on Public Service to allow noncitizen local and national
government employees without adequate Estonian to continue working until Feb-
ruary 1, 1997. No noncitizens were to be hired after January 1, 1996. This amend-
ment reflected the Government's awareness that in some sectors, the number of em-
ployees with inadequate Estonian remained high. In May, 3 policemen were dis-
missed for not knowing sufficient Estonian; earlier in the year, 11 policemen were
dismissed for not filing for Estonian citizenship by the established deadline. Five
prosecutors and two judges were dismissed for presenting forged certificates regard-
1074
ing their knowledge of Estonian; two have been restored to their positions; criminal
charges against one judge were dropped. Three of the prosecutors lound employment
as police inspectors.
The language office liberally grants extensions to persons who can explain their
failure to meet their requisite competence level in 4 years. Estonian language train-
ing is available but, some claim, too costly. Some Russian representatives have
asked for free language training. They also charge that the language requirement
for citizenship is too difficult, and there has been talk of making the language re-
quirement less rigorous. The examination fee for either language test — for employ-
ment or citizenship — is 15 percent of the monthly minimum wage, although it is
waived for the unemployed.
Legislation and a government decision provide that in districts where more than
one-half of the population speak a language other than Estonian, the inhabitants
are entitled to receive official information in that language. Moreover, the local gov-
ernment may conduct business in that language. In practice city governments of
fi^edominantly Russian speaking communities conduct most internal business in
ussian.
All residents , whether or not they are citizens, can complain directly to the State
Court about alleged violations of human or constitutional rights. The State Court
justices review each case and have decided in favor of complainants. All decisions
are in Estonian but if a complaint is received in a language other than Estonian
(usually Russian) the court provides a complimentary translation.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right to form and
join a union or employee association. The Central Organization of Estonian Trade
Unions (EAKL) came into being as a wholly voluntary and purely Estonian organi-
zation in 1990 to replace the Estonian branch of the official Soviet labor confed-
eration, the AU-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (AUCCTU). The EAKL has
75,345 members. The reduced membership levels is due to the move from the large-
scale industrialized units into smaller production units and the services sector
which diminished the traditional union base even while white-collar unions gained
influence. Another trade union, The Organization of Employee Unions (TALO), split
from the EAKL in 1993 and has 55,000 members. A centralunion of food processmg
and rural workers was established in June. About one-third of the country's labor
force belongs to one of the three labor federations.
The right to strike is legal, and unions are independent of the Government and
political parties. The Constitution and statutes prohibit retribution against strikers.
There was a 1-day teachers' strike in May to support demands for higher wages.
Approximately 2,000 teachers from 70 schools participated.
Unions may join federations freely and affiliate internationally.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — While Estonian workers now
have the legally acquired right to bargain collectively, collective bargaining is still
in its infancy. According to EAKL leaders, few collective bargaining agreements
have been concluded between management and workers of a specific enterprise. The
EAKL has, however, concluded framework agreements with producer associations,
which provide the basis for specific labor agreements, including the setting of the
minimum wage. The EAKL was also involved with developing Estonia's new Labor
Code covering employment contracts, vacation, and occupational safety. The Labor
Code prohibits antiunion discrimination, and employees have the right to go to court
to enforce their rights. In 1993 laws covering collective bargaining, collective dispute
resolution, and shop stewards were enacted.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor although it does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded
labor by children (see Section 6.d.). The Labor Inspections Office effectively enforces
this prohibition.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution forbids forced labor for anyone. There were no reports of forced or bonded
labor by children in enterprises; however, there were instances of families forcing
their children to engage in peddling or begging. The Government ratified the U.N.
Convention on the Kignts of the Child which bans forced child labor. The statutory
minimum for employment is 16 years of age. Minors 13 to 15 years of age may work
with written permission of a parent or guardian and the local labor inspector, if
working is not dangerous to the minor's health or considered immoral, does not
interfere with studies, and if the type of work is included on a government-prepared
list. Government authorities effectively enforce minimum age laws through inspec-
tions.
1075
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government, after consultations with the
EAKL and the Central Producers Union, sets the minimum wage. The monthly min-
imum wage is $60 (845 Estonian crowns). The minimum wage is not sufficient to
provide a worker and family with a decent standard of living. About 3 percent of
the work force receive the minimum wage. The average monthly wage in trie second
quarter was about $253.
The standard workweek is 40 hours, and there is a mandatory 24-hour rest pe-
riod. According to EAKL sources, legal occupational health and safety standards are
satisfactory, but they are extremely difficult to achieve in practice. The National
Labor Inspection Board is responsible for enforcement of these standards, but it has
not been very effective to date. In addition the labor unions have occupational
health and safety experts who assist workers into bringing employers in compliance
with legal standards. Woriiers have the right to remove tnemselves from dangerous
work situations without jeopardy to continued employment.
FINLAND
Finland is a constitutional republic with an elected head of state (president), par-
liament, and head of Government (prime minister), and with an independent judici-
ary.
The security apparatus is effectively controlled by elected officials and supervised
by the courts.
Finland has a mixed economy, primarily and extensively market based.
During the year there were no reported violations of fundamental human rights.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that officials employed
them.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the (jovemment observes this pronibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The judiciary consists of the Supreme Court, the Supreme Administrative Court,
and the lower courts. The President appoints Supreme Court justices, who in turn
appoint the lower court judges.
The law provides for the right to fair public trial and the judiciary vigorously en-
forces this right. Local courts may conduct a trial behind closed doors in juvenile,
matrimonial, and guardianship cases, or when publicity would offend morality or en-
danger the security of the State. In national security cases, the iudge may withhold
from the public any or all information pertaining to charges, verdicts, and sentences.
The law provides for sanctions against violators of such restrictions.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such practices. Government authorities generally respect these prohibi-
tions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of the press, and
the Government respects this right in practice. An independent press, an effective
judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combine to ensure freedom
of speech and of the press, including acaaemic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Govern-
ment respects this right in practice. Nontraditional religious groups freely profess
and propagate their beliefs. Such groups are eligible for some tax relief (e.g., they
may receive tax-free donations), provided they are registered with the Government
as religious communities. Eight-seven percent of the population belong to two state
churches, the Lutheran and the Orthodox Churches. All citizens belonging to one
of these state churches pays, as part of their income tax, a church tax. These church
taxes are used to defray the costs of running the state churches. Those who do not
1076
want to paiv the tax must notify the tax office. Such groups as Jehovah's Witnesses
and the Mormon Church have been active in Finland for decades. However, al-
though they have appUed, Scientologists are not registered as a religious community
but as an association. Their application reportedly remained pending while the Gov-
ernment awaited additional information that it had requested from the
Scientologists.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. Approved refu-
gees and asylum seekers are processed directly for residence. The issue of the provi-
sion of first asylum has never arisen. There were no reports of forced expulsion of
those having a valid claim to refugee status.
In 1996 711 persons applied for asylum in Finland, down from 854 in 1995. Dur-
ing 1996 the Directorate of Immigration issued asylum decisions affecting 593 per-
sons, awarding refugee status to only 11 but awarding another 334 temporary resi-
dence permits. Responding to criticism that it lacked a comprehensive program for
dealing with refugees, the Government has been reviewing its refugee policy.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to peacefully change their Gov-
ernment, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
Women are fairly well represented in Government. There are 67 in the 200-mem-
ber Parliament, and 6 in the 18-member Cabinet. The Ministers of Foreign Affairs
and Defense as well as the Associate Minister of Finance are women, as are the
Speaker of Parliament and the President of the Bank of Finland. In 1995 Par-
liament passed quota legislation for all state committees, commissions, and ap-
pointed municipal bodies, requiring a minimum of 40 percent membership from each
sex.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Grovemment officials
are very cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits any discrimination based on race, sex, religion, disability, lan-
guage, or social status, and the Government effectively enforces these provisions.
In the past several years, the problems of racism and xenophobia in Finland have
received increased attention from the Government and the public. Assaults by local
"skinheads" on a black American in 1995 helped to focus attention on these twin
problems. In February a ministerial group headed by the Associate Minister of Edu-
cation prepared a report that became the basis for new government measures to
combat racism and xenophobia. These measures include a mechanism that allows
officials to intervene sooner, and at a lower level, in race-related incidents. Accord-
ing to an ongoing university study of the image of minorities in the media, the
media tend to reinforce popular prejudices by reporting on minorities only when
problems arise.
Women. — The law provides for stringent penalties for violence against women;
this provision is vigorously enforced by the police and the courts. The Union of Shel-
ter Homes as well as the municipalities maintain such homes for female, male,
adult, and child victims of violence in homes all over the country. The total number
of shelters is around 55. Many of the people served by the shelters are women with
small children fleeing from abusive husbands. Increasing numbers of elderly per-
sons— the parents oi abusive (usually male) offspring — have sought safety in the
shelters. Generally the conditions that cause both voung and old to avail themselves
of the shelters are alcohol-related. Studies show that the opening of a shelter in an
area brings cases of family violence out into the open. The concept of family violence
in Finland includes negligence in care, psychological violence, and economic abuse.
The annual number oi calls to the police relating to domestic violence is not cen-
trally compiled but is estimated at some 10,000 to 12,000. Shelter officials state that
the figure is less than half of the number of actual incidents. Police statistics from
January to June show virtually no rise in domestic assault figures over correspond-
ing figures from the previous year (statistics not broken down by sex). There were
1077
193 cases of rape reported to police during this period compared with 100 such cases
during the same period in 1996.
Researchers at the University of Helsinki estimated that 11,000 persons — almost
all women — were involuntarily sterilized during the period 1935-1970 in keeping
with laws intended to "improve mankind" by sterilizing the mentally ill, those su^
faring from hereditary illnesses, alcoholics, and criminals. The current law, enacted
in 1970, contains safeguards against a repetition of such abuses.
The Government-established Council for Equality coordinates and sponsors legis-
lation to meet the needs of women as workers, mothers, widows, or retirees.
In 1985 Parliament passed a comprehensive equal rights law that mandates equal
treatment for women in the workplace, including equal pay for "comparable" jobs.
In practice comparable worth has not been implemented because of the difficulty of
establishing criteria, but the Government, employers, unions, and others continue
to work on implementation plans. Women's average earnings are 81 percent of those
of men, and women still tend to be segregated in lower paying occupations. While
women have individually attained leadership positions in the private and public sec-
tors, there are disproportionately fewer women in top management jobs. Industry
and finance, the labor movement, and some Government mmistries remain male
dominated. Some 60 percent of Finnish physicians are women. Women are per-
mitted to serve in the military. The Government's Equality Ombudsman monitors
compliance with regulations against sexual discrimination. Of the 118 complaints
processed by the Ombudsman bietween January 1 and June 30, 27 cases were estab-
lished as violations of the law.
In FebiTiary the Government approved a special program to promote women's
equality during the period 1997-99. This program consists of 30 projects. In addition
the Government seeks to integrate women's viewpoints into all of its activities at
the United Nations and the Council of Europe. One of the purposes of this approach
is to identify the sex of human rights victims in United Nations reports.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. There is no pattern of societal abuse of children, and the national consensus
supporting children's rights is enshrined in law.
People With Disabilities. — Although the law has required since the 1970's that
new public buildings be accessible to people with physical disabilities, many older
buildings remain inaccessible to them. There is no such law for public transpor-
tation, but each municipality subsidizes measures to improve accessibility to vehi-
cles. Local Governments maintain a free transport service that guarantees 18 free
trips per month for a disabled person. The deaf and the mute are provided interpre-
tation services ranging from 120 to 240 hours annually. The Government provides
subsidized public housing to the severely disabled.
Indigenous People. — Sami (Lapps), who constitute less than one-tenth of 1 percent
of the population, benefit from legal provisions protecting minority rights and cus-
toms. Sami language and culture are supported financially by The Government. The
Sami receive subsidies to enable them to continue their traditional lifestyle, which
revolves around reindeer herding. Sami have full political and civil rights and are
able to participate in decisions aftecting their economic and cultural interests.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the rights of trade
unions to organize, to assemble peacefully, and to strike, and the Government re-
spects these provisions. About 87 percent of the work force is organized. All unions
are independent of the Government and political parties. The law grants public sec-
tor employees the right to strike, with some exceptions for provision of essential
services. In the first quarter of the year, there were 34 strikes, 30 of which were
wildcat strikes.
Trade unions freely affiliate with international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for the right
to organize and bargain collectively. Collective bargaining agreements are usually
based on incomes policy agreements between employee and employer central organi-
zations and the Government. The law protects workers against antiunion discrimi-
nation. Complaint resolution is governed by collective bargaining agreements as
well as labor law, both of which are adequately enforced.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, and this prohibition is honored in practice. The law prohibits
forced and bonded labor by children and adults, and such practices do not exist. The
Government enforces this prohibition effectively.
1078
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Emplmment. — The law
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children (see Section 6.c.). Youths under 16
years of age cannot work more than 6 hours a day or at night, and education is
compulsory for children from 7 to 16 years of age. The Labor Ministry enforces child
labor regulations. There are virtually no complaints of exploitation ot children in the
work force.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no legislated minimum wage, but the
law requires all employers — including nonunionized ones — to meet the minimum
wages agreed to in collective bargaining agreements in the respective industrial sec-
tor. These minimum wages generally afford a decent standard of living for worijers
and their families.
The legal workweek consists of 5 days not exceeding 40 hours. Employees working
in shifts or during the weekend are entitled to a 24-hour rest period during the
week. The law is effectively enforced as a minimum, and many workers enjoy even
stronger benefits through effectively enforced collective bargaining agreements.
The Government sets occupational health and safety standards, and the Labor
Ministry effectively enforces them. Workers can refuse dangerous work situations
without risk of penalty.
FRANCE
France is a constitutional democracy with a directly elected president and Na-
tional Assembly and an independent judiciary.
The law enforcement and internal security apparatus consists of the Gendarmerie,
the national police, and municipal police forces in major cities, all of which are
under effective civilian control.
The highly developed, diversified, and primarily market-based economy provides
residents with a high standard of living.
The Government respected the human rights of its citizens, and the law and judi-
ciary provide a means of dealing with individual instances of abuse. Long delays in
bringing cases to trial and lengthy pretrial detention are problems. Racially moti-
vated attacks by extremists declined sharply from 480 in 1995 to 195 in 1996. The
Government has taken important steps to deal with violence against women and
children. Women continue to face wage discrimination. Although no killings oc-
curred in Corsica during the year, there were over 200 bombings, many of which
were politically motivated.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings.
Law enforcement officers have used excessive force — particularly directed against
inmiigrants — resulting in deaths, although there is no evidence oi a pattern oi such
abuses. There were also a number of deaths in detention due to official negligence
(see Section I.e.).
Two deaths occurred in suspicious circumstances at the hands of the police in De-
cember. A 16-year-old North African was shot and killed trying to run a roadblock
near Fontainebleau. In Lyons an unemployed 24-year-old was killed during interro-
gation at police headouarters.
The inquiry into tne 1995 shooting death of 8-year-old Serbian refugee Todor
Bogdanovic concluded in December 1996 with a dismissal of the charges against the
police officer involved.
The authorities concluded that there was insufficient evidence to take the case to
trial. The victim's family has filed an appeal. Border police in the Bogdanovic case
were accused of using excessive force in attempting to nalt a convoy of refugees that
ran a border check point. In January the judicial inquiry into the 1993 shooting and
killing of 19-year-old Algerian Mourad Tchier by a police officer was passed to the
Attorney General, and the policeman was suspended from active duty in March. The
United Nations (U.N.) Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbitrary
Executions, in a 1996 report, cited the Tchier case in expressing his concern over
what he characterized as the increasing use of excessive force by law enforcement
officers. A judicial inquiry into the 1994 death of an 18-year-old Senegalese youth,
Ibrahim Sy, who was shot by a gendarme near Rouen, continues. The investigation
is currently trying to determine which gendarme fired the lethal shot. An adminis-
trative inquiry has been opened into the 1991 death of 18-year-old Aissa Ihich, who
1079
was allegedly beaten by police officers and subsequently died of an asthmatic attack
because ne was allegedly refused medication. In March gendarmes killed two home-
less men who were robbing a store in Machecoul (Loire-Atlantique). The police
claimed self defense, but witnesses say the men were unarmed. Two investigations
were opened regarding the incident, one to investigate the cause of death of the two
men, and one to determine if it was murder.
In January a court convicted a former soldier, Georges Mendaille, of complicity
in the attempted murder in 1985 of two suspected Basque terrorists. Mendaille was
sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment.
Judge Jean-Louis Brugiere completed his investigation into the bombing of UTA
fli^t 772 in 1989 and handed over recommendations for indictments of six Libyan
nationals to a grand jury. The brother-in-law of Libyan leader Col. Mu'ammar Al-
Qadhafi is included in the group.
Reza Mazoulman, an Iranian deputy education minister under the Shah, was shot
and killed in Paris in 1996. Two Iranian nationals are suspected in the shooting:
one is suspected of having fled to Iran; the other was extradited from Germany
where he had fled, and an investigation is currently under way.
In November 1996, the trial began of 41 Algerian extremists in connection with
the wave of bombings in Paris in 1995 that killed 8 persons and injured over 170
others. Of the 41, 3 are being tried in absentia and 38 are present at the trial. The
group is accused of providing financial support, false documents, and other assist-
ance related to the bombings to Algerian extremists.
Internationally known terrorist Ilich Ramirez Sanchez, also known as "Carlos the
Jackal," was convicted during the year in Paris of killing French security officers
and a Lebanese informant 22 years ago. Sanchez was sentenced to 200 years in pris-
on.
Although no killings occurred during the year in Corsica, there were over 200
bombings, many of which were politically motivated.
In the Basque region, a handiul of politically motivated bombings occurred, which
resulted only in property damage. In June 42 Basaue separatists, the majority of
whom are French, went on trial in Paris. Many of tne 42 were accused of terrorist
violence. The courts sentenced 3 members of the Spanish Basque Fatherland and
Freedom (ETA) terrorist group's "comando itinerante" to life imprisonment and 3
others to 16 years' imprisonment for their participation in 21 terrorist actions be-
tween 1978 and 1989, which resulted in 38 deaths and dozens of injuries. This
mariced the first time that ETA members were tried in France for crimes committed
in Spain, although many ETA members have been tried in France for violating
French law. France and Spain continue to cooperate to extradite ETA criminals, pri-
marily from France to Spain.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearance.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and the authorities punish officials who employ
them. However, there were credible reports that law enforcement oflicers used ex-
cessive force, particularly against immigrants. Isolated instances of police mis-
conduct occurred, but there is no evidence of a pattern of such abuses.
The press reported an incident in February in which a French Communist Party
supporter and nis wife, both from Paris, were allegedly beaten in the Paris suburb
of Val-d'Oise by several police officers claiming to be part of the extreme-right politi-
cal group, the National Front (FN). The victims brought charges against the oflicers
involved. Three police officers from Bobigny near Paris were convicted in June for
a false statement concerning the alleged beating in April 1996 of an Indian refugee,
Gemam Singh, but not for violence against the individual. Two of the oflicers were
also convicted for being out of their jurisdiction. The senior officer was sentenced
to 10 months in prison (sentence suspended) and a fine of approximately $800; the
two junior oflicers under his supervision were sentenced to 15 months in prison
(sentence suspended) and a fine of approximately $900 each.
An administrative investigation was launched after a few dozen persons dem-
onstrating against the FN in March in Marseille were beaten by riot police. To keep
the anti-FN demonstrators away from their FN counterparts, the police, according
to eyewitnesses, allegedly used excessive force by beating demonstrators and using
tear gas grenades. In June the Gendarmerie launched a broad roundup of suspected
pedophiles. Over 800 persons were arrested and detained, 4 of whom committed sui-
cide after being released. The Gendarmes were criticized by human rights organiza-
tions for being overly zealous in their investigation.
The trial oi three Marseille police officers accused of illegal detention, premedi-
tated assault, and theft in the 1995 beating of Algerian-French national Sid Ahmed
Amiri concluded in June. The court sentenced the officers to 18 months in prison,
with 15 months suspended and a fine of approximately $5,000 each. The oflicers
1080
were barred from active duty in the police force for 5 years. Human rights organiza-
tions criticized the court's decision on the grounds that it was not a fair punishment
for the crime committed. A Bordeaux police ofUcer accused of beating a demonstra-
tor in 1994 was convicted in February and sentenced to 4 months in prison and a
fine of approximately $1,000.
Prison conditions generally exceed international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors. Most prisons provide opportunities for
paid employment as well as recreational facilities. In its 1997 report, the French or-
ganization, the International Observer of FVisons (lOP), noted an increasing number
of deaths in detention attributable to neglectful surveillance and supervision. In one
case, a court found five prison guards guilty of not coming to the assistance of an
inmate djing of hunger. The report also criticized the prison system for cruel and
inhuman punishment. It cited the case of Sophien Merzouk who fell into a deep
coma and suffered advanced hypothermia as a result of being left in a room without
suflicient heating. The report also continued to criticize overcrowding in some pris-
ons and noted a record number of inmate suicides, 138 in 1996 (latest available
data). The lOP found that despite the passage of legislation in 1994 promising
greater access to health care, most prisons have delayed needed reforms.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition.
In narcotics trafficking convictions, courts often assess a customs fine based on
the estimated street value of the drugs, in addition to a jail sentence. At the end
of their jail terms, prisoners who cannot pay the fine are detained for up to 2 more
years while customs officials attempt to reach the largest possible settlement. This
practice has been criticized by the European Court of Justice.
A 1994 case continues against 6 of 26 resident non-French Muslims detained by
police on suspicion of supporting Algerian terrorists. Twenty of the detainees were
deported in 1995 after several weeks' detention.
There are no provisions for exile, and it does not occur.
e. Denial of Pair Public Trial. — The law provides for an independent judiciary,
and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides citi-
zens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
There is a system of local courts, 35 regional courts of appeal, and the highest
criminal court, the Court of Cassation, which considers appeals on procedural
grounds only.
The judicial system has been criticized by credible sources for its inability to proc-
ess suspects quickly. Some spend many years in prison before a trial even starts.
According to tne lOP, over 40 percent of all inmates are suspects awaiting trial. A
system of bail exists.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect these prohibi-
tions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
In February a box of documents was found in the garage of the former director
of the antiterrorist unit at the Elvsee (the presidential palace) under former Presi-
dent Francois Mitterrand. They detailed a large-scale wiretapping operation alleg-
edly overseen by then President Mitterrand through the 1980's and early 1990s
that included the unlawful surveillance of political allies and adversaries, lawyers,
judges, journalists, and other private citizens. Wiretapping is legally recognized as
a right of the Government, and the National Commission for the Regulation of Wire-
tapping reported a 30 percent increase in the number of official wiretaps during the
year.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of speech and the
press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An independent press,
an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combine to en-
sure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
In 1994 the Government enactea a law mandating the use of the French language
in certain limited circumstances. In June a Paris court dismissed a suit on technical
grounds brought under the law against Georgia Tech University. The suit alleged
that Georgia Tech violated the law because its Internet site was not available in
French. The dismissal is being appealed.
In February the elected mayor of Toulon, in southern France, a member of the
far-right National Front (FN) party, dismissed theater director Gerard Paquet and
attempted to close his avant-garde theater and cultural complex. A court rejected
the Toulon mayor's bid to shut down the center. The mayor had earlier come under
1081
criticism by human rights groups in 1996 when he banned French-Jewish author
Marek Halter from the cit}^ annual book fair because the writer was bom abroad.
In 1996 the mayor of Orange (another southern town), also a member of the FN,
used his police powers to halt the distribution of anti-FN literature in Orange. The
measures taken by the mayor were promptly suspended by an administrative tribu-
nal. A few weeks later, another mayor in the town of Lagrande-Motte temporarily
suspended the distribution of anti-FN literature just before the start of a 1-week FN
convention. This action was also promptly suspended. There have been other inci-
dents of similar efforts by local ofiicials to suppress anti-FN speech.
In 1996 a criminal court sentenced two singers to 3 to 6 months in prison and
impmsed a 6-month ban on their performing. The charges stemmed from a 1995 con-
cert where the group "NTM" performed a song in which the group advocated the
murder of police officers. A court of appeals subsequently dropped the prison term
from the sentence. However, in a separate incident in June, after encouraging an
audience to shout obscenities at the police, the singers were fined approximately
$8,500 and given a 2-month suspended jail term.
In April a 21-year-old youth was arrested in the southern town of Essone for
wearing a shirt bearing English expletives directed against the police. The youth
was later acquitted by a correctional tribunal in Evry.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
In July the FN mayor of Toulon banned a celebration planned by anti-FN groups
on the July 14 national celebration on the grounds that the city lacked sumcient
security forces to deal with the celebration. Despite support from the Culture Min-
ister for the celebration, the ban remained in effect.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The law provides for the separation of church and state
and for freedom of religion, and the Government respects this right in practice.
The State subsidizes private schools, including those that are church-affiliated.
Central or local governments also own and provide upkeep for other religious build-
ings constructed before 1905, the date of the law separating church and state. Cul-
tural associations with religious affiliations may also qualify for government sub-
sidies. Contrary to practice in the rest of France, the Jewish, Lutheran, Reformed,
and Roman Catholic religions in three departments of Alsace and Lorraine enjoy
special legal status. Adherents of these four religions may choose to have a portion
01 their income tax allocated to their church in a system administered by the central
Government.
Debate continues over whether denying some Muslim girls the right to wear
headscarves in public schools constitutes a violation of the right to practice their re-
ligion. In 1989 the highest administrative court ruled that the "ostentatious" wear-
ing of these headscarves violated a law prohibiting proselytizing in schools. After
much media attention — mainly unfavorable — to the wearing of such headscarves, in
1994 the Ministry of Education issued a directive thatprohibits the wearing of "os-
tentatious political and religious symbols" in schools. The directive does not specify
the "symbols" in question, leaving school administrators considerable authority to
do so. The hi^est administrative court affirmed in 1995 that simply wearing a
headscarf does not provide grounds for exclusion from school.
The city council of Marignane, a small southern town with a FN mayor, halted
subsidies on public school lunches that did not include pork, penalizing Muslim and
Jewish students.
In 1996 a parliamentary commission issued a report that identified 172 groups
as "sects," including Jehovah's Witnesses and the Scientologists. The Commission's
findings led to calls for legislative action to restrict the activities of sects, which
were rejected by the Government on freedom of religion grounds. Instead, the Jus-
tice Ministry issued a directive to all government entities to be vigilant against any
possible abuses by sects, and government offices were tasked to monitor potentially
abusive sect activities.
In 1996 a former leader of the Scientologists in Lyon was convicted of involuntary
homicide and fraud, sentenced to 3 years in prison, and fined approximately
$100,000. The charges stemmed from a 1988 suicide of one of the church s members.
The court found that psychological pressure by the leaders of the Lyon
Scientologists caused the member's suicide but avoided ruling on the issue of wheth-
er Scientology is a religion. Other Scientologists were also convicted of fraud related
to this incident, fined, and given suspended sentences. In July a court of appeals
in Lyon upheld the leader's conviction, but commuted his jail term to a suspended
sentence. Five members were fined and given suspended jail terms of between 8
months and 1 year, lighter sentences than those previously handed down, while
seven were acquitted oi being accessories to fraud. Tne court, in its written decision,
recognized the Church of Scientology as a religion. In response the Minister of Inte-
1082
rior stated that the court exceeded its authority and declared that the CJovemment
does not recognize Scientology as a reli^on.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government provides first asylum and provided it to approximately 17,200
persons in 1996 (latest available data). The Government generally cooperates with
the United Nations (U.N.) High Commissioner for Refugees and otner humanitarian
organizations in assisting refugees. However, in July the United Nations Human
Rights Committee raised concerns about reports of unreasonable delay in the Gov-
ernment's processing of asylum seekers in airport waiting areas and of the Govern-
ment's efforts to limit U.N. access to these areas. The Committee questioned the
Government's practice of penalizing air and ship carriers that transported refugees
without legal documentation, arguing that the policy disadvantaged legitimate refu-
ffees. There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where they
eared persecution.
Protests continued this year in response to a proposed law aimed at tightening
procedures to stem illegal immigration. In March approximately 20,000 artists, in-
tellectuals, and immigrants demonstrated in Paris, while 8 undocumented foreign-
ers staged a hunger strike in the town of Lille. After 58 days, the Lille protesters
were forcibly evacuated by the police. In June police evacuated 30 undocumented
residents who were demonstrating in a town hall in Paris. The protesters were cele-
brating the 1-year anniversary of the occupation of Saint Bernard's church in the
summer of 1996, an incident in which 300 undocumented aliens occupied Saint Ber-
nard's Church in Paris, protesting against immigration laws and asking to be al-
lowed to remain in France. Virtually all of the 300 were allowed to remain legally.
In June the newly elected Prime Minister ordered local authorities to accelerate
the granting of residence papers to immigrants who complied with conditions estab-
lished by the National Consultative Commission on Human Rights (see Section 4).
The conditions favor families "well-integrated" into society, spouses of immigrants
with legal status, children born in France and their parents, students, patients re-
ceiving medical care, and refugees who would be in danger if sent home.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to peacefully change their gov-
ernment, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, tree, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women in politics or govern-
ment, but they remain significantly underrepresented in public ofiices, especially at
the national level. Eight of 27 cabinet members, 19 of 321 senators, and 59 of 577
deputies in the National Assembly are women. To increase women's participation,
some parties have established quotas for them on electoral lists or in party manage-
ment.
The citizens of the "collective territory" of Mayotte and the territories of French
Polynesia, Wallis and Futuna, and New Caledonia determine their legal and politi-
cal relationships to France by means of referendums, and they elect Deputies and
Senators to the French Parliament.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of local and international human rights organizations operate free-
ly, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government
ofiicials are generally cooperative and responsive to their views. The National Con-
sultative Commission on Human Rights (NCCHR) — which has nongovernmental as
well as government members — also monitors complaints and advises the Govern-
ment on policies and legislation. It is an independent body in the OfTice of the Prime
Minister.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Statutes ban discrimination based on race, religion, sex, ethnic background, or po-
litical opinion, and the (jovemment effectively enforces them.
Women. — The penal code prohibits abuse as well as violence against women. Wife
beating is a felony. The penalty for rape ranges from 5 to 20 years in prison, with
no difTferentiation between spousal and other rape. There were 6,540 reported rapes
or sexual assaults in 1995 (latest available data). Some 15,700 incidents of wife
beating (including 98 which resulted in death) were reported to police in 1993 (latest
available data). Tne Government offers shelter, counseling, and financial assistance,
1083
and operates a telephone hot line. The welcome centers for battered women added
500 staff members in 1995. About 60 private associations also help battered women.
While the law requires that women receive equal pay for equal work, this require-
ment is often not the reality. A 1994 study (latest available data) found a mean dis-
crepancy between wages of women and men of 20 percent in the private sector and
18 percent in the public sector. The same study found that the unemployment rate
for women averaged about 4 points higher than that for men.
The law jwt)hibits sex-based job discrimination and sexual harassment in the
workplace. Tlius far these laws have encountered difficulties in implementation.
Women's rights groups criticize the scope of the law as narrow, and the fines and
compensatory damages as often modest. For example, the law limits sexual harass-
ment claims to circumstances where there is a supervisor-subordinate relationship
but fails to address harassment by colleagues or a hostile work environment.
Children. — ^The Government demonstrates a strong commitment to children's
rights and weUare through well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. The Ministry for Family Affairs oversees implementation of the Government's
programs for children. There are strict laws against chUd abuse particularly when
committed by a parent or guardian. In 1995 (latest available data) there were
20,000 reported cases of mistreatment (physical violence, sexual abuse, mental cru-
elty, or severe negligence) of children, an 18 percent increase from 1994. Of these
cases, 5,500 involved reports of sexual abuse. Special sections of the national police
and judiciary are charged with handling these cases. The Government provides
counseling, financial aid, foster homes, and orphanages, depending on the extent of
the problem. Various associations also help minors seek justice in cases of mistreat-
ment by parents.
Some immigrants from countries where female genital mutilation (FGM) is cus-
tomary subject their children to this practice, whicn is widely condemned bv inter-
national health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological hearth. Au-
thorities have prosecuted more than 23 cases of FGM since 1984 under the provi-
sions of the Penal Code, which states that acts of violence towards children that re-
sult in mutilation shall be tried in the highest criminal court. In 1996 a French Afri-
can mother was sentenced to 5 years' imprisonment, 4 of which were suspended, for
having her daughter mutilated. Later in 1996, another parent was given a sus-
pended sentence. Since 1993 the Government and private associations nave under-
taken a campaign to inform immigrants that FGM is contrary to the law and will
be prosecuted.
People With Disabilities. — ^There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. The Government
announced several measures in 1995 to boost employment oppwrtunities for the dis-
abled. A 1991 law requires new public buildings to be accessible to the physically
disabled, but most older buildings and public transportation are not accessible.
Religious Minorities. — The annual NCCHR report (see Section 4) released in
March noted approximately the same number of tnreats or attacks against Jews: a
total of 88 incidents in 1996 (latest available data), compared with 89 in 1995. In
April four former skinheads and neo-Nazi group members were sentenced to 2 years
in jail for the 1990 desecration of a Jewish cemetery in the southeastern city of
Carpentras. Two additional defendants received 20-month sentences for their role
in the incident, in which 34 Jewish tombs were vandalized and freshly buried
corpses unearthed and impaled.
In January seven youths were arrested in the town of Saint-Files for the bombing
of a Muslim prayer and cultural center. A second bomb exploded outside of a Paris
mosque in March, slightly injuring the caretaker.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — ^Anti-immigrant sentiments sparked inci-
dents including occasional attacks by skinheads on members of the large Arab/Mus-
lim and black African communities. The annual NCCHR report noted that racist at-
tacks and threats, which doubled between 1994 and 1995, from 207 to 454, de-
creased to 195 in 1996. No deaths were attributed by the NCCHR to racist violence
in 1996 for the first time since 1993.
The Government strongly condemns such actions and attacks and has strict
antidefamation laws. Government programs attempt to combat racism and anti-
Semitism by promoting public awareness and bringing together local officials, police,
and citizen groups. There are also antiracist educational programs in some public
school systems.
Racial attacks resulted in five deaths in 1995; in all cases suspects have yet to
be tried. Three FN youths await trial in the 1995 killing in Marseille of Ibrahim
Ali, a 17-year-old shot in the back when FN youths opened fire on a dozen
Comoriens during a political rally. Three skinheads were arrested and await trial
for the 1995 death oi Brahim Bouraam, a young Moroccan bystander pushed off a
Sf
1084
uay during another FN political rally. Another skinhead was arrested for theft in
lay 1995 and confessed that one of his friends had killed a Tunisian in April 1995
in Le Havre by throwing him into the harbor. In May 1995, an FN militant stabbed
an Algerian to death after an altercation in Cherbourg. Another right-wing militant
awaits trial for beating to death a North African immigrant in September 1995 in
Bayonne.
Li November the National Assembly adopted a law granting automatic French na-
tionality to children bom in France of foreign parents once they reach the age of
18, provided that they have lived in France for at least 5 years since the age of 11,
continuously or during different periods. If they choose, they can also become
French as young as age 13, with the residence period dating from the age of 8. The
new law relaxes tougn legislation passed by the previous conservative government
in 1993. Under the new law, teenagers have the right to reject French nationality
in the 6 months before turning 18 years of age or within a year afterward. A for-
eigner who marries a citizen can now claim French nationality a year after marriage
instead of 2 years.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for freedom of association
for all workers. Trade unions exercise significant economic and political influence,
although onlv about 10 percent of the work force is unionized. Unions have legally
mandated roles (as do employers) in the administration of social institutions, includ-
ing social security (health care and most retirement systems), the unemployment in-
surance system, labor courts, and the economic and social councU, a constitutionally
mandated consultative body.
Unions are independent of the (jovemment, and most are not aligned with any
political party. Many of the leaders of the (General Confederation of Labor and its
unions, however, belong to the Communist Party. Unions can freely join federations
and confederations, including international bodies.
Workers, including civil servants, are free to strike except when a strike threatens
public safety. One-fourth of all salaried employees work for the Government. Strikes
in the public sector occur frequently and receive extensive media coverage. The
number of workdays lost to strike action approached a postwar low in 1997, despite
several widely publicized national strikes. Interns and workers at a number of
teaching hospitals went on strike for nearly 2 months starting in early March over
government-proposed cutbacks in national medical benefits, wages, and working
conditions. Airlme pilots disrupted domestic and international air traffic during
April, May, and November in protest over pay, working conditions, and the imple-
mentation of a merger between Air France and a domestic airline. Conductors on
the state-owned railway in April sporadically disrupted service, particularly in the
south of France, through a series of brief strikes over staff reductions, work sched-
ules, and allowances. A 1-dav nationwide railwaj' strike in October, which included
Paris subway trains, caused more widespread disruptions. Truck drivers in May
mounted a limited strike to protest the failure of some trucking companies to honor
the terms of an agreement that ended a late 1996 nationwide truckers strike. A 5-
day national truckers* strike in November blocked or slowed down traffic on major
highways. Other notable labor actions included: a peaceful occupation of the head-
quarters of Credit Immobilier bank in January over prospective job losses; a 1-day
strike by journalists in November over government plans to end a tax break for
members of their profession; strikes in December at two government-owned tele-
vision channels over pay, working conditions, and reorganization plans; transit
workers' strikes in regional cities over pay, work time, and job security; a strike in
November by lawyers, clerks, and juages demanding more staff; and recurrent
strikes by shipyard workers in Brest over cutbacks in the defense industiy. The
turnout was low for a general strike called by public sector workers in early March.
European and French unions in early June staged a march in Paris protesting high
unemployment throughout the continent.
The law prohibits retaliation against strikers and strike leaders, and the Govern-
ment effectively enforces this provision.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers, including those in
the three small export processing zones, have the right to organize and bargain col-
lectively. The law strictly prohibits antiunion discrimination; employers found guilty
of such activity are required to correct it, including the reinstatement of workers
fired for union activities.
A 1982 law requires at least annual bargaining in the public and private sector
on wages, hours, and working conditions at both plant and industry levels but does
not require that negotiations result in a signed contract. In case of an impasse, gov-
ernment mediators may impose solutions that are binding unless formally rejected
1085
by either side within a week. If no new agreement can be reached, the contract from
me previous year remains valid. Over 90 percent of the private sector work force
is covered by collective bargaining agreements negotiated at national or local levels.
Trilateral consultations (unions, management, and government) also take place on
such subjects as the minimum wage, temporary work, social security, ana unem-
ployment benefits. Labor tribunals, composed of worker and employer representa-
tives, are available to resolve complaints.
The law requires businesses with more than 50 employees to establish a worics
council, through which workers are consulted on training, working conditions, profit-
sharing, and sinular issues. Works councils, which are open to both union and non-
union employees, are elected every 2 years.
The Constitution's provisions for trade union rights extend to France's overseas
departments and territories.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor, in-
cluding that performed by children, is prohibited by law, and the Government effec-
tively enforces this provision. In its 1993 report, however, the International Labor
Organization's Committee of Experts (COE) questioned the French practice of oblig-
ing prisoners to work for private enterprises at less than the national minimum
wage. In 1995 the Government officially responded to the COE, pointing out that
prisoners participate in a work program on a voluntary — not a mandatory — basis,
that more prisoners request work than can be accommodated, and that the work is
designed to prepare prisoners for reentry into the labor force.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — With a
few exceptions for those enrolled in certain apprenticeship programs or working in
the entertainment industry children under the age of 16 may not be employed^ Gfen-
erally, work considered arduous or work between the hours of 10 p.m. and 5 a.m.
may not be performed by minors under age 18. Forced or bonded child labor is pro-
hibited by law, and the Government effectively enforces this prohibition (see Section
6.C.). Laws prohibiting child employment are effectively enforced through periodic
checks by labor inspectors, who have the authority to take employers to court for
noncompliance with the law.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The administratively determined minimum
wage, revised whenever the cost-of-living index rises 2 percentage points, is suffi-
cient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and fanuly. The wage was
changed to $6.57 (F 39.43) per hour as of July 1.
The legal workweek is 39 hours, with a minimum break of 24 hours per week.
Overtime is restricted to 9 hours per week.
The Ministry of Labor has overall responsibility for policing occupational health
and safety laws. Standards are high and effectively enforced. Workers have the
right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations. The law requires each
enterprise with 50 or more employees to establish an occupational health and safety
committee. Over 75 percent of all enterprises, covering more than 75 percent of all
employees, have fully functioning health and safety committees.
GEORGIA
Georgia declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Multiparty par-
liamentary elections followed a short-lived military coup in 1992 that ousted the
elected government of Zviad Gamsakhurdia. In August 1995, Parliament adopted a
Constitution that provides for an executive branch that reports to the Presioent, a
legislature, and an independent judiciary. In November 1995, Eduard Shevardnadze
was elected President, and a new Parliament was selected in elections described by
international observers as generaUy consistent with democratic norms except in the
self-governing region of Ajara. The President appoints ministers with the consent
of the PtirUament. The judiciary is subject to executive pressure.
Latemal conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia that erupted in the early 1990's
remain unresolved, although cease-fires in both areas are in force. These conflicts,
together with problems created by rou^ly 250,000 internally displaced persons
(IDPs), pose the greatest threat to national stability. In 1993 Abkhaz separatists
won control of Abkhazia, and most ethnic (Georgians, a large plurality of tne popu-
lation, fled the region. In 1994 Russian peacekeeping forces representing the Com-
monwealth of Independent States (CIS) deployed in the conflict area with the agree-
ment of the Government and the Abkhaz separatists. Despite the presence of peace-
keepers, there has been only very limited repatriation of ethnic Georgian IDPs,
apart from some spontaneous returns to the Gali region of Abkhazia, where the se-
curity situation remains unstable. A Russian peacekeeping force has been in South
1086
Ossetia since June 1992. Repatriation to South Ossetia has also been slow. The Gov-
ernment has no effective control over either Abkhazia or South Ossetia. There were
no large-scale armed hostilities in South Ossetia or Abkhazia in 1997, but the inten-
sity and frequency of partisan warfare in Abkhazia increased. Abkhaz and Georgian
armed criminal bands were also active in Abkhazia.
The Ministry of Interior (MVD) and Procuracy have primary responsibility for law
enforcement, and the Ministry of State Security (MGB, formerly KGB) plays a sig-
niiicant role in internal security. In times of internal disorder, the Government may
call on the army. Reformist, elected, civilian authorities still maintain inadequate
control of the law enforcement and security forces. In particular representatives of
the MVD and Procuracy committed serious human rights abuses.
The economy continued its turnaround, with a growth rate estimated by the Inter-
national Monetary Fund (IMF) at 10 percent. The economy is primarily agricultural.
Foreign aid remains an essential component of the economy. The country began a
second stage of economic reforms to complete the transition to a free market econ-
omy, but the ongoing energy crisis remains an obstacle to economic progress. The
IMF estimated annual per capita gross domestic product at over $850.
The Government continued efforts to improve its uneven human rights record, but
serious problems remain. Police and security forces routinely abuse and beat pris-
oners and detainees, force confessions, and fabricate or plant evidence. Inhuman
prison conditions, along with abuse, led to deaths in custody. Corrupt and incom-
petent judges seldom displayed independence from the executive branch, leading to
trials that were neither fair nor expeditious. Law enforcement agencies illegally
interfered with citizens' right to privaw at times and limited freedom of assembly,
violently dispersing peaceml rallies. The Government constrains some press free-
doms. Discrimination against women is also a problem.
Senior government oflicials openly acknowledged serious human rights problems,
especially those linked to law enforcement agencies, and sought international advice
and assistance on needed reforms. However, while structural reforms designed to
improve respect for human rights continued to be implemented, there was no
change in the practices of the law enforcement agencies.
Nevertheless, increased citizen awareness oi democratic values, and growth of
civil society provided some check on the excesses of law enforcement agencies. The
Parliament challenged the law enforcement agencies by forcing the resignation of
the Security Minister and by investigating charges of abuse. Parliament passed a
Law on the Courts designed to increase judicial comf>etence and independence as
well as a new Criminal Procedures Code that puts into effect constitutional protec-
tions. Independent newspapers showed greater maturity and a continued willing-
ness to criticize government policies and actions. The number, variety, and sophis-
tication of independent nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) grew, as did their
ability to speak out for, and defend the rights of, individual citizens.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Government authorities reported
that during the year 92 people died while in prison or pretrial detention, compared
with 1996, when 74 people died in prison and 13 died in pretrial detention. AU of
the 1997 deaths were officially attributed to medical causes, most of them to tuber-
culosis. According to the International Committee for the Red Cross (ICRC), tuber-
culosis is endemic in the prison system, in recognition of which the ICRC began a
program to reduce its incidence. Physical abuse and torture of prisoners also played
a role in the prison mortality rate. Credible sources within the Government report
that the death of Zurab Toidze, a leader of the now outlawed paramilitery
Mkhedrioni Group, was due to the effects of mistreatment (see Section I.e.). Akaki
laobashvili, who was detained in July on suspicion of involvement in a kidnaping,
died shortly thereafter as the result of falling from the sixth floor of MVD head-
quarters while being interrogated. Local human rights monitors reported that he
was thrown from the window. An investigation was undertaken, but by year's end
had produced no results. A police captain was sentenced to imprisonment for the
death of a man he had beaten (see Section I.e.).
Perpetrators of atrocities and other political killings on the part of individuals on
either side of the separatist conflict in Abkhazia are not being investigated, pros-
ecuted, or punished. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) mission estab-
lished a joint human rights office in Sukhumi, Abkhazia, to investigate security inci-
dents and human rights abuses. President Shevardnadze continued to urge the
1087
United Nations to create a body to investigate and punish those guilty of crimes
against humanity in Abkhazia.
b. Disappearance. — Geoivian and Abkhaz commissions on missing persons report
that the fate of over 1,000 Georgians and approximately 800 Abkhaz who dis-
appeared as a result of the war in Abkhazia is still unknown. No progress has been
made in determining their whereabouts. The two sides to the conllict did cooperate
on occasional exchanges of prisoners. The OSCE reported that only six Georgians
and two Abkhaz are Known to remain in each others custody. Partisan groups ac-
tive in Abkhazia periodically take hostages. The Abkhaz authorities periodically
round up young Georgian males in the predominantly ethnic Geoi^an region of Gali
and impress them into service in the Abkhsiz military.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids the use of torture, but serious abuses occur. Members of
security forces continued to beat and abuse prisoners and detainees on a routine
basis, usually in order to extract confessions. The most serious incidents of abuse
occur in the mvestigative stage of pretrial detention when suspects are interrogated
by police. Zurab Toidze (see Section l.a.) died in May from an asthmatic seizure
brought on by beatings he received while in pretrial detention. A lawsuit has been
filed and an investigation begun into the case. Credible sources report that Akaki
Kaobashvilli was mistreated before his death (see Section l.a.) In the past, security
forces have tortured some defendants in politically sensitive cases, such as members
of the former Gamsakhurdia government, and members of the paramilitary
Mkhedrioni (see Section I.e.). In May security forces beat journalists who were re-
porting on a rally of Gamsakhurdia supporters (see Section 2.b.).
Government officials continue to claim that a lack of proper training and super-
vision of investigators and guards often results in cases oi abuse. Corruption and
criminality also play a role. A number of policemen have been arrested or dis-
ciplined for physical abuse. However, this action tends to occur only in extreme
cases, such as those resulting in death. In July police captain Paata Bezhanishvili
was sentenced to 4 years' imprisonment for the December 1996 death of Georgi
Amashukeli. Amashukeli, whose car crashed into a police car and died in the hos-
pital after having been beaten by Bezhanishvili.
Members of the Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights and Ethnic Relations
and local human rights groups independently investigate claims of abuse. Despite
fear of retaliation, many inaividuals file claims. The CJovemment also named a
human rights advisor to the National Security Council to investigate claims of
abuse. In November the constitutionally mandated Office of Human Rights De-
fender, created in 1995, was finally filled. At year's end, the Office was not fully
functioning (see Section l.d.).
Local human rights observers report that abuse most commonly occurs in two pre-
trial detention facilities. Isolator 5 in Tbilisi and the facility in Kutaisi. Isolator 5
is located in the basement of the MVD headquarters and is the facility in which
detainees suspected of a serious crime, or whose cases have political overtones, are
incarcerated. The individuals arrested in connection with the assassination attempt
on President Shevardnadze in August 1995 are held in this facility. According to
local human rights observers, despite calls by senior law enforcement officials for
investigators to show restraint, virtually every detainee brought to Isolator 5 is
beaten. Often the threat of incarceration in this facility is sufficient to induce a con-
fession.
Prison authorities admit that conditions are inhuman in many facilities. They
blame inadequate cells, medicine, and food on a lack of resources. For example, in
Isolator 5 more than 2,000 inmates are housed in a prison designed for fewer than
1,000. Cells can contain as many as 36 inmates witn so few beds that they must
sleep in shifts. The lack of proper sanitation, medical care, and food poses a serious
threat to the life and healtn of prisoners. Tuberculosis is a particular problem and
was responsible for many of the deaths of individuals in custody (see Section l.a.).
Government plans announced in 1995 to build new facilities remain unfulfilled.
The ICRC nad full access to detention facilities in accordance with its customan'
procedures, which include meetings with detainees without the presence of third-
party observers and regular repetition of visits. In June President Shevardnadze is-
sued a decree instructing the Ministers of Security, Interior, and the Procuracy to
"take measures for the halting of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment." Following this decree, international human rights monitors reported en-
hanced cooperation on the part of government officials and increased access to pris-
oners. The OSCE mission and foreign diplomats were granted access to visit pris-
oners and detainees. However, local human rights groups reported that they still
encountered obstacles in visiting detainees, especially those whose cases have politi-
cal overtones.
1088
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^The Constitution includes provisions to
protect citizens against arbitrary arrest and detention; however, authorities fre-
quently violated these provisions. The Constitution provides for a 9-month period of
maximum pretrifd detention, mandated court approval of detention after "^ hours,
and restrictions on the role of the prosecutor (see Section I.e.). These safeguards are
not yet in force and not observed. A new Criminal Procedures Code, along with
other legislation to implement constitutional protections and restrict the powers of
the Procuracy and the police was passed by Parliament in November, but by year's
end it was not yet in force (see Section I.e.).
In the absence of the new Criminal Procedures Code, the Criminal Code of the
former Greorgian Soviet Socialist Republic continues to be used by a law enforcement
and court system that is still beginning to adapt to democratic norms. Under Soviet
law, prosecutors issued warrants for arrests and searches without court approval.
Persons could be legally detained for up to 72 hours without charge. After 72 nours,
the prosecutor was required to approve the detention. However, this approval was
oft«n a formality since it was normally the prosecutor who initiated the arrest in
the first place. The law allowed for a maximum of 18 months of detention before
trial.
In practice even these provisions are frequently violated. Virtually no means are
available for accused individuals to present their cases to a judge prior to trial. This
effectively means that pretrial detention is at the discretion oi the prosecutor. Per-
sons detained on suspicion of involvement in the attempted assassination of Presi-
dent Shevardnadze in 1995 were held without trial for 27 months before the trial
finally began in December.
There were no cases of forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but in practice the judiciary often does not exercise independence. Prior to
adoption of the Constitution, the courts were often influenced by pressure from the
executive branch. This pattern continues, with judicial authorities frequently defer-
ring to the executive branch, particularly at lower levels of the court system. Inves-
tigators routinely plant or fabricate evidence and extort confessions in direct viola-
tion of the Constitution. Judges are generally reluctant to exclude evidence obtained
illegally over the objection oT the Procuracy. Local human rights observers also re-
eort widespread judicial incompetence and corruption, including the payment of
ribes to prosecutors and judges, which also leads to denial of justice.
A new Law on the Courts, designed to enhance judicial independence, was passed
by Parliament in June. Under the new law, (Georgia retains a three-tier court sys-
tem. At the lowest level are the district courts, which hear both routine criminal
and civil cases. At the next level are regional courts of appeal, which serve as appel-
late courts for the district courts; they review cases, and either confirm verdicts or
return cases to the lower court for retrial. The regional courts also try major crimi-
nal and civil cases. The judicial regions intentionally do not coincide with political
regions in order to lessen the ability of appointed regional executive branch officials
to pressure the courts. The Supreme Court, the hignest level, acts as an appellate
court. Administration of the court system was moved from the Ministry of Justice
to a new Council of Justice. The Council has 12 members, 4 selected from within
eadi branch of government. The law set up a testing procedure for current and pro-
spective judges to be administered by the Council. The testing procedure is designed
to reduce judicial incompetence. Judges' salaries were raised to the level of par-
liament members to reduce incentives for corruption.
A separate Constitutional Court was created in 1996. Its mandate includes arbi-
trating constitutional disputes between the branches of government and ruling on
individual claims of human rights violations. The Court chose to interpret this latter
function narrowly, agreeing to rule o^v on cases where the complaint alleges that
the violation was sanctioned by law. The Court rejected numerous complaints that
alleged that an illegal violation of human rights had occurred.
According to the Constitution, a detainee is presumed innocent and has the right
to a public trial. A detainee has the right to demand immediate access to a lawyer
and to refuse to make a statement in the absence of counsel. The detaining officer
must inform the detainee of his rights and must notify the detainee's family of his
location as soon as possible. These rights mark a significant departure from Soviet
legal practice, but tney are not fully observed. Defense attorneys must still obtain
permission from the investigator to visit clients, and permission is often refused. In-
vestigators seldom inform individuals of their rights.
The legislation required to implement constitutional guarantees was passed by
Parliament in November. The implementing legislation included a Criminal Proce-
dures Code and a law on the Procuracy. These laws are designed to create a legal
system with adversarial trials by reducing the pervasive powers of the Procuracy,
1089
increasing the rights of defense attorneys, and enhancing the independence and au-
thority of the judiciary. Currently, Soviet law continues to be used. Under Soviet
law, prosecutors are vested with powers greater than those of judges and defense
attorneys. Prosecutors direct criminal investigations, supervise some judicial func-
tions, and represent the State in trials. Trials are not conducted in an adversarial
manner. Prosecutors continued to wield disproportionate influence over outcomes.
Under Soviet law, the State must provide legal counsel if the defendant is unable
to afford one. In fact the State provided virtually all criminal defense attorneys, as
they remain by and large employees of the State. Attorneys are assigned to a case
by the Office of Legal Assistance, a part of the state-controlled Bar Association,
upon the recommendation of the Procurator's Office. Private attorneys are allowed
in criminal cases only with the express written approval of the Office of Legal As-
sistance. Parties to civil cases are permitted to choose their attorney.
In recent years, the Government has tried Badri Zarandia, Loti Kobalia, Nugzar
Molodinashvih, and other members of the former Gamsakhurdia government who
fought against forces loyal to the Shevardnadze Government. In these cases, the
Government consistently violated due process during the investigation and trial.
Torture, use of forced confessions, fabricated or planted evidence, denial of legal
counsel, and expulsion of defendants from the courtroom took place. This pattern
continued in the investigation and trial of Dodo Gugeshashvili and 12 other mem-
bers of the paramilitary Mkhedrioni. Gugeshashvili, who was the deputy head of the
Mkhedrioni, was tried and convicted in November on charges of banditry. She re-
ceived a 10-year prison sentence. The trial of Jaba loseliani, the head of the
Mkhedrioni, and 14 other alleged conspirators in the 1995 assassination attempt on
President Shevardnadze started on December 1, but it was quickly recessed and had
not resumed by the end of the year. The investigative stage of this trial has also
been characterized by violations. At least one oi those detained, former Security
Service Capttiin Guram PapukashvUi, was beaten severely, and alleged conspirators
were held in pretrial detention for 27 months, well in excess of even the Soviet legal
limit (see Section l.d.).
As part of a moratorium on capital punishment, in July President Shevardnadze
conmiuted the death sentences of all 54 prisoners facing capital punishment, includ-
ing Zarandia, Kobalia, and other Gamsakhurdia supporters, and the two men con-
victed in 1995 of attempting to kill Jaba Koseliani. The sentences were reduced to
20 years' imprisonment.
Qiarges were finally dropped in the case of Eldar (jogoladze, a former colonel in
the State Security Service, who was ostensibly arrested on suspicion of weapons pos-
session, although at the time he had a permit to carry a weapon, and when police
searched his home no weapons were found.
Colonel Gia Korbesashvili, arrested and severely beaten in July 1995, was con-
victed of the attempting bombing of a bridge in TTjilisi and sentenced to 12 years'
imprisonment.
mtemational and local human rights groups agree that there are political pris-
oners but disagree about the number. Russian human rights activist Sergei Kovalev
visited 17 prisoners and detainees and concluded that all were being held for politi-
cal reasons. Local observers disagreed with his view, noting that many of the indi-
viduals had committed violent acts during the civil war or the period of near anar-
chy that followed. Although these individuals, members of the Mkhedrioni,
Gamsakhurdia supporters, and MGB personnel, may have had jwlitical objectives,
they committed criminal acts and were tried and sentenced on criminal grounds. Ac-
cording to some local observers there are several Gamsakhurdia supporters who
never took up arms and should be considered political prisoners, including Nugzar
Molodinashvili, Valter Shurgaia, Zviad Dzidziguri, and Zaur Kobalia (Loti Kobalia's
brother). These individuals, political leaders of Gamsakhurdia's movement, were
tried and convicted on poorly substantiated charges of treason, banditry, and illegal
possession of weapons. They are currently serving sentences ranging from 7 to 12
years in prison.
Itemur Jhorjholiani, a former member of Parliament and head of the Monarchist
Party, was pardoned by President Shevardnadze in November and released from
prison. Jhorjholiani had been serving a 4-year sentence for drug possession and as-
sault on a police oflicer.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution forbids the tapping of telephones and other forms of interference in an
individual's private life witnout court approval or legal necessity. However, in prac-
tice law enforcement agencies monitor private telephone conversations without ob-
taining court orders. In June then head of the MGB, Shota Kviraia, was inves-
tigated by Parliament for illegally tapping the telephones of journalists. During the
parliamentary hearings in June, journalists identified tape recordings of their con-
1090
versations. In the wake of the scandal, Kviraia was forced to resign. State security
police and state tax authorities also enter homes and places of work without legal
sanction. PoUce regularly stop and search vehicles without probable cause to extort
bribes. The hi^ level oi unregulated police misconduct and corruption has under-
mined public confidence in government, especially law enforcement agencies.
In the Gali district of Abkhazia, Abkhaz authorities periodically impress young
Georgian males into the Abkhaz military (see Section l.a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution and the 1991 press law pro-
vide for freedom oi the press; however, although the independent press was increas-
ingly active, the Government constrained some press freedoms. According to journal-
ists, security and law enforcement authorities attempted to intimidate the press
through public comments and private admonitions. In May security forces beat jour-
nalists wno were reporting on a rally of Gamsakhordia supporters (see Section 2.b.).
There is no law providing pubUc access to government information, and government
officials are sometimes unwilling to answer press inquiries. Journalists lack effec-
tive legal protection, and this circumstance hinders investigative journalism.
Some 200 independent newspapers operate, and the press increasingly serves as
a check on government, frequently criticizing the performance of high-level officials.
However, no independent newspapers have a national audience, althou^ several
have emerged as serious and reputable sources of information. The Government fi-
nances and controls two newspapers and a radio and television network, which have
a national audience and reflect official viewpoints. Most persons continue to get
their news from television. The Government's monopoly on broadcast news was bro-
ken when Rustavi-2, the Tbilisi member station oi the fledgling independent tele-
vision network, TNG, successfully resisted government attempts to shut it down.
The Ministry of Communications revoked the station's license in 1996 and awarded
its broadcast channel to a company with strong ties to government officials.
Rustavi-2 eventually appealed the revocation to the Supreme Court, which directed
the lower court to reverse its decision and restore Rustavi-2's broadcast license. The
station resumed broadcasting in May and again displayed independence in news
and programming.
The Government's near monopoly on printing and distribution was broken with
the establishment of privately owned alternatives. However, distribution remained
a vulnerable area. The mayor of Kutaisi, Temur Shashiashvili, issued a decree to
establish a single distributor in Kutaisi for newspapers and magazines, reportedly
with tJie intent of limiting press criticism. Independent newspapers and television
stations continued to be harassed by state tax authorities.
Academic freedom is widely respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right to peaceful assembly without prior permission from the authorities, and
in practice the national and local governments generally resp>ect this right. Par-
liament passed a law on peaceful assembly on June 12 that incorporated these con-
stitutional provisions. The law requires political parties and other organizations to
give prior notice and obtain permission from local authorities only if tney intend to
assemble on a public thoroughfare. Permits for assembly are granted without arbi-
trary restriction or discrimination. However, government respect for freedom of as-
sembly was limited with respect to supporters of former President Gamsakhurdia.
The "Zviadists," who do not recognize the legitimacy of the Government, attempted
to hold a series of unsanctioned rallies on Tbilisi public thoroughfares. On May 26,
Independence Day, police and troops from the Ministry of the Interior violently
broke up their rally. Several journalists who were reporting the event were beaten
by police, and a participant in the rally, Klara Shukvan, was later arrested for car-
rying a placard insulting" President Shevardnadze. At year's end, she was being
held in pretrial detention. The mayor of Tbilisi and the Minister of Interior publicly
supported the actions of the police and denounced "unsanctioned rallies." Local
human rights groups staged a rally in June to protest the law enforcement agencies'
excessive use of force in dispersing the rally.
On September 24, Gamsakhurdia supporters attempted to stage a rally in front
of the university. The rally was dispersed and the events organizers, Leila Tsomaia
and Tamila Nikoldaze, were arrested, tried, and convicted on charges of civil dis-
order. They received prison sentences of 1 and IV2 years resp»ectively.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government re-
spects this right in practice. Authorities grant permits for registration of associa-
tions without arbitrary restriction or discrimination.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. Georgia has a tradition of religious toler-
1091
ance. However, the Georgian Orthodox Church lobbied Parliament and the Govern-
ment for laws that would grant it special status and restrict the activities of mis-
sionaries from "nontraditional" religions. In May the Ministry of Justice presented
a draft of a law on religious organizations to Parliament which would have identi-
fied "traditional" religions eligible for government assistance and support but would
have required other religious organizations to wait 25 years to achieve such status.
However, the bill encountered opposition, was returned to the Ministry to be rewrit-
ten, and no fiirther action has been taken.
The Catholic Church and the Armenian Orthodox Church have been unable to se-
cure the return of churches closed during the Soviet period and later given to the
Georgian Orthodox Church. A prominent Armenian Church in Tbilisi remains
closed, and both Churches, as is the case with Protestant denominations, have been
unable to get permission to construct new churches, reportedly as a result of pres-
sure from me Georgian Orthodox Church.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^The Constitution and the 1993 Law on Migration provide for these
rights, and the Government generally respects them in practice. Registration of an
individual's place of residence is no longer required, nor are internal passports. In
principle the Government respects the right of repatriation, although approximately
275,000 Meskhetian Turks (primarily Muslim), who were expelled from southern
Georgia to Central Asia by Stalin in the 1940's, still face public opposition to their
return. In December 1996, President Shevardnadze issued a decree authorizing the
return of 1,000 Meskhetians per year for 5 years. Parliament considered and re-
jected a law on repatriation that would have provided legal status and funding for
Meskhetian repatriates. Since independence onlv 140 Meskhetians have returned to
Georgia; 40 returned in 1997. No Meskhetians nave been repatriated as a result of
the decree; all came as illegal immigrants. The Government funds an adaptation
center in Tbilisi where most of these individuals are housed.
The 1994 quadripartite agreement (Russia, Georgia, Abkhazia, and the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) on repatriation in Abkhazia called for the
free, safe, and dignified return of displaced persons and refugees to their homes.
The Abkhaz separatist regime prevented virtually all ofiicial repatriation and uni-
laterally abrogated the agreement in 1994. Over the past 3 years, the UNHCR esti-
mates that more than 40,000 of the estimated 250,000 IDPs and refugees from
Abkhazia have returned spontaneously, most to the southern part of the GaU dis-
trict where the Abkhaz militia operate only sporadically. Returnees continue to face
security threats from Abkhaz separatist militia, Georgian partisans, and Abkhaz
and Georgian armed criminal bands.
The 1992 ethnic conflict in South Ossetia also created tens of thousands IDPs and
refugees. Ethnic Georgians from South Ossetia fled to Georgia proper and Ossetians
from South Ossetia and other Georgian regions largely fled to Russia. The UNHCR
began a program to return the IDPs and refugees to their homes but encountered
obstacles. The South Ossetian separatists defied attempts to repatriate ethnic Geor-
gians to South Ossetia. For demographic refisons, they also pressed for the return
of aU Ossetian refugees to South Ossetia rather than to their original homes in
other Geoi^an regions. The Government publicly recognized the right of Ossetian
refugees to return to their homes in Georgia, but opposition persists on the local
level, especially over the return of illegally occupied homes.
There is no effective law concerning the settlement of refugees or the granting of
political asylum. Georgia has so far not acceded to the 1951 U.N. Convention Relat-
ing to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. The Government has not pro-
vided first asylum, both because there are no legal provisions for it and because the
matter has not yet been raised in practical terms.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution and the 1995 election law provide citizens with the right peace-
fully to change their government. Citizens exercised this right in elections in Octo-
ber 1992 and November 1995. A democratically elected president and parliament
govern most of Georgia. The 223-member Parliament and President Eduard
hevardnadze were elected in multiparty elections in 1995. Despite some violations,
international observers judged these elections to meet international standards, ex-
cept in Ajara. There was no voting in the separatist regions of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia. President Shevardnadze's party won a majority of the seats in Parliament.
Only two other parties qualified for representation in Parliament, but the opposition
plays an important role in the Parliament, often leading the debate on important
issues. The nonparliamentary opposition is also active and outspoken.
1092
The Government did not fulfill its commitment to hold the country's first local
elections in 1997, while the Government and the op{X)sition debated the structure
of local government. The opposition called for both local councils and local executive
branch officials to be directly elected. The Government preferred to maintain ap-
pointed executive branch officials along with elected local councils. The Govern-
ment's plan was passed by Parliament in September. Elements in the opposition
began organizing a referendum on the issue, seeking to demonstrate public support
for the election of all local officials. The referendum was rejected by the Central
Election Commission on technical grounds. At present all local officials are ap-
pointed by the President and are often not from the region in which they serve, lim-
iting the scope of local self-government.
The separatist regions oi Abkhazia and South Ossetia are ruled by undemocratic
leaders. In addition the region of Ajara is to a large extent self-governing under con-
ditions resembling a police state. Ajara's postindependence relationship to the rest
of Georgia is still undefined, and in matters such as elections, Ajara's authorities
claim that regional laws take precedence over national laws. The Government does
not challenge illegal, undemocratic activity by the Ajaran authorities purportedly
because it seeks to avoid open separatism in this ethnic Georgian, historically Mus-
lim region. Ajara held regional elections in 1996 for which it denied monitoring re-
quests from international as well as Georgian organizations. In addition the most
serious violations noted during the 1995 national elections occurred in Ajara.
Women are poorly represented in Parliament. Only 16 women were elected to Par-
liament in 1995, and only 1 woman has been named to a ministerial post. National
minorities are also poorly represented in Parliament. There are four Armenian rep-
resentatives and three Azeris representing populations of approximately 400,000
and 300,000 respectively.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government generally respects the right of international organizations to
monitor human rights but continues to restrict the access of local numan rights
groups to some prisoners (see Section I.e.).
There are several credible local organizations that monitor human rights, but
most human rights monitoring remains politicized. The Government claims that
most local human rights groups are extensions of partisan political groups, while
those groups criticized the Government's human rights bodies, such as the National
Security Cfouncil's human rights advisor, for favoring the Government. The Par-
liamentary Committee on Human Rights is viewed as more objective by the non-
g)vemmental sector. The constitutionally mandated Office of Public Human Rights
efender, or omsbudsman, created in 1995, was finally filled in November, when
Parliament approved the candidacy of David Salaridze, the former head of the State
Revenue Service. The office is accountable neither to the Parliament nor the execu-
tive, but at year's end it was not fully functioning as Salaridze had no staff, budget,
or office space.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution recognizes the equality of all citizens without regard to race, lan-
guage, sex, religion, skin color, political views, national, ethnic, or social affiliation,
origin, social status, landownership, or place of residence. The Government gen-
erally respects these rights. The Constitution provides for Georgian as the state lan-
guage, but not all minorities in Georgia prefer to use Georgian. As a practical mat-
ter, the approximately 400,000 Armenians and 300,000 Azeris prefer to commu-
nicate in their own language. The Abkhaz, Ossetian, and Russian communities pre-
fer to use Russian. Georgian and Russian are both used for interethnic communica-
tion.
Women. — Women's nongovernmental organizations (NGO's), including the Wom-
en's Group of the Georgian Young Lawyer s Association (GYLA) and Women for De-
mocracy, nave been formed to promote women's rights. These organizations report
that spousal abuse usually goes unreported, and therefore uninvestigated, as many
women are unaware of tneir legal rights. Spousal abuse reportedly is one of the
leading causes of divorce. GYLA's women's group set up a hotline to provide counsel-
ing for women, and plans to open a shelter for battered women. The Government
has no support services for abused women. Sexual harassment is reportedly a prob-
lem in the workplace and is not investigated. Police do not always investigate re-
ports of rape. There are no laws concerning trafficking in women.
Women's access to the labor market is improving but remains primarily confined,
particularly for older women, to low-paying and low-skill positions, frequently de-
1093
spite high professional and academic qualifications. Equal pay for equal work is gen-
erally respected, but reportedly men are given preference in promotions.
cAiWren.— Government services for cnildren are extremely limited. The 1995
Health Reform Act withdrew free health care for children over the age of 1 year.
While education is officially free, many parents are unable to afford books and
school supplies, and most parents have to pay for their children's education.
The Georgian private voluntary organization Child and Environment noted a dra-
matic rise in homeless children following the collapse of the Soviet Union. It esti-
mates that there are more than 1,000 street children in Tbilisi due to the inability
of orphanages and the Government to provide support. Child and Environment re-
ported that during the winter, street children die of exposure. The organization
opened a shelter that can only accommodate a small number of the street children.
The children increasingly survive by turning to criminal activity, narcotics, and
E restitution. Despite the cultural tradition of protecting children, the Government
as taken little official action to assist street children due to a lack of resources.
People With Disabilities. — There is no legislative or otherwise mandated provision
requiring accessibility for the disabled. The Law on Labor has a section that in-
cludes the provision of special discounts and favorable social policies for those with
disabilities, especially disabled veterans.
Many of the state facilities for the disabled that operated in the Soviet period
have been closed because of lack of government funding. Most disabled persons are
supported by family members or by international humanitarian donations.
Religious Minorities. — The Government generally respects the rights of religious
minorities. However, the Georgian Orthodox Church sought special status from the
Government (see Section 2.c.) and tried to hinder evangelical missionaries and the
Salvation Army. Foreign Christian missionaries, particularly evangelicals, continued
to report incidents of harassment on the part of Orthodox priests and their support-
ers. A March worship meeting of the Salvation Army in Rustavi was disrupted by
a crowd led by 10 Orthodox priests. The Patriarchy publicly denounced the Salva-
tion Army, calling it a satanic organization. The Georgian Orthodox Church has ar-
gued that foreign Christian missionaries should confine their activities to non-Chris-
tian areas.
Organizations promoting the rights of Jews and Jewish emigration continue to re-
port mat the Government provides good cooperation and support. Jewish leaders at-
tribute isolated acts of anti-Semitism in previous years, including the publication of
anti-Semitic newspaper articles and the destruction of Jewish communal property,
to general instability and disorder. The Government has been outspoken in denounc-
ing anti-Semitism. The editor of the independent newspaper Noi received a 3-year
pnson sentence and publication of the newspaper was suspended following publica-
tion of a virulently anti-Semitic article in 1996.
The Jewish community publishes and distributes a newspaper without any prob-
lems. However, the Jewish community also experienced delay in the return of prop-
erty confiscated during Soviet rule. A former synagogue, rented from the Govern-
ment by a theater group, was ordered by the courts to be returned to the Jewish
community in ApriL The theater group refused to comply and started a publicity
campaign with anti-Semitic overtones to justify its continued occupation of the
building. In August the mayor of Tbilisi gave the campaign implicit support by re-
versing a previous city government decision that also called for the return of the
building, but at year's end there had been no resolution of the issue.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Government generally respects the
rights of members of ethnic minorities in nonconflict areas but limits self-govern-
ment in the ethnic Armenian and Azeri enclaves (see Section 3). The Government
provides insufficient funds for schools in these areas but allows instruction in non-
Georgian languages. Violence in Abkhazia and South Ossetia reflects historic ethnic
tensions and the legacy of Soviet policy, which was designed to pit ethnic minorities
against one another.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the April Law on Trade
Unions provide for the right of citizens to form andjoin unions.
The principal trade union is the Amalgamated Trade Unions of Georgia (ATUG).
The ATUG is the successor to the official union that existed during the Soviet pe-
riod. The union broke from the central Soviet labor union in 1989. Its present struc-
ture was established in 1995, aft,er the union had resisted efforts first by the
Gamsakhurdia Government and later by the State Council to bring the union under
government control. The ATUG consists of 29 sectoral unions. Its leadership was in-
directly elected for a period of 5 years in 1995 by representatives to the ATUG con-
gress that year. The organization officially claims 1.2 million members, but acknowl-
1094
ed^es that the number of active, dues-paying members is considerably fewer. The
union has no affiliation with the Government and receives no government funding.
The union sees its primary role as defending the economic and social interests of
workers, a departure from its Soviet predecessor, which was essentially an adminis-
trative body concerned with property and finance rather than with worker rights.
The ATUG organized strikes in the manganese and coal mining industries and
teachers' strikes in several locations. In each case, the issue was unpaid wages.
There was no retaliation against workers who struck.
There are no legal prohibitions against affiliation and participation in inter-
national organizations. The ATUG works closely with the International Confed-
eration of Free Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution and the
Law on Trade Unions allow workers to organize and bargain collectively, and this
right is respected. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers against
union members. Employers may be prosecuted for antiunion discrimination and be
made to reinstate employees and pay back wages. The Ministry of Labor inves-
tigates complaints but is not staffed to conduct effective investigations.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of" Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor and provides for sanctions against violators. Violations are rare;
there is no bonded or forced child labor. The Ministry of Labor enforces this law.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution prohibits forced or compulsory labor, and it is not known to occur. The
Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and enforces this prohibi-
tion effectively (see Section 6.c.). According to current legislation, the minimum age
for employment of children is 16 years; however, in exceptional cases, the minimum
age can be 14 years. The Ministry of Labor enforces these laws, and they are gen-
erally respected.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The nationally mandated minimum wage was
abolished in 1995 and replaced by a wage scale that sets salaries for various grades
in the public sector, the lowest of which is approximately $10 (13 lari) per month.
There is no state-mandated minimum wage for private sector workers. Pensions and
salaries are usually insufficient to meet basic minimum needs.
The law provides for a 41-hour workweek and for a 24-hour rest period. The gov-
ernment workweek is often shortened during the winter due to the continuing en-
ergy crisis. The Labor Code permits higher wages for hazardous work and permits
a worker in such fields to refuse duties that could endanger life.
GERMANY
The Federal Republic of Germany is a constitutional parliamentary democracy
with an independent judiciary; citizens periodically choose their representatives in
free and fair multiparty elections. The head of the Federal Government, the Chan-
cellor, is elected by the lower house of Parliament. The powers of the Chancellor
and of the Parliament are set forth in the Basic Law (Constitution). The 16 states
enjoy significant autonomy, especially as concerns law enforcement and the courts,
education, the environment, and social assistance. The judiciary is independent.
Law enforcement is primarily a responsibility of state governments, and the police
are organized at the state level. The jurisdiction of the Federal Criminal Office is
limited to counter-terrorism, international organized crime, especially narcotics traf-
ficking, weapons smuggling, and currency counterfeiting. Police forces in general are
well trained, disciplined, and mindful of citizens' rights, although there were in-
stances of alleged police abuse.
Germany has a well-develof)ed industrial economy that provides its citizens with
a high standard of living. Although plagued in the past few years by sluggish
growth, the economy is slowly recovering. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth
was estimated to reach 2.25 percent in 1997, mostly due to increased exports, and
growth for 1998 was expected to reach as high as 3 percent. Despite these optimistic
growth prospects, unemployment affects women disproportionately more than men.
Unemployment remains a volatile political issue, especially as Germany prepares for
the fall 1998 elections.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, and the law
and judiciary provide effective means of dealing with instances of individual abuse.
However, there were continued allegations of police abuse, especially against for-
eigners. Violence and harassment directed at foreigners continued to occur. While
there was only a slight increase in the overall number of antiforeigner crimes during
1095
the first 6 months of 1997, compared with the first 6 months of 1996, the number
of violent antiforeigner crimes rose by 11 percent. This marked a change in what
had been a downward trend since 1992.
Anti-Semitic incidents increased by 9 percent in the first 6 months. Most involved
fraffiti, the distribution of anti- Semitic materials, or the display of symbols of
anned organizations. The overwhelming majority of the perpetrators of attacks on
foreigners or anti-Semitic acts were frustrated, largely apolitical youths and a small
core of rightwing extremists. All the major political parties and all the highest offi-
cials of the Federal Republic condemn mistreatment of foreigners and anti-Semitic
acts.
Women continue to face wage discrimination in the private sector, as do members
of minorities and foreigners. The Government is taking serious steps to address the
problem of violence against women and children.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings by government omcials.
On November 18, prosecution began of Yasser Mohammed Shraydi, Ali Chanaa
(alias Alba) and his former wife, Verena Helga Chanaa (a German national), and
his wife's sister, Andrea Haeusler (also a CJerman) in the case of the April 1986
bombing of the Berlin discotheque La Belle. The attack killed one Turkish citizen
and two U.S. citizens, and injured 230 persons.
On April 10, the trial dealing with the September 1992 murders in Berlin's
Mykonos restaurant of four Iranian Kurdish opposition figures came to an end. Four
of the five defendants, an Iranian and three Lebanese, were found guilty. Two re-
ceived life prison sentences, one received 11 years in prison, and another received
5 years and 3 months in prison. The Berlin court concluded that the highest levels
of Iran's political leadership had ordered the killings. In the wake of the decision,
the Government suspendea its "critical dialog" with Iran and recalled its ambas-
sador. Authorities decided not to pursue a high-level investigation of the "Commit-
tee for Special Operations" of Iran s leaders that the court accused of masterminding
the shootings.
In August three former East German Politburo officials, Egon Krenz, Guenter
Schabowski, and Guenter Kleiber, were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 3
to 6V2 years for their roles in issuing orders that resulted in the shooting of persons
who attempted to flee from the former East (jermany. The sentencing of these
former high-level civilian officials capped an effort to hold East German officials re-
sponsible for hundreds of killings which began with the prosecution of former East
Germein border guards who were directly responsible for shootings on the border.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
In May a court found Markus Wolf, a high ranking state security official of the
former East Germany, guilty on 4 counts of kidnaping, including orchestrating the
abduction of a former East German state security agent who had escaped to the
West. Wolf received a 2-year suspended sentence.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and the authorities generally respect this in prac-
tice.
However, there continue to be serious allegations of excessive use of force by the
police, especially against foreigners. In July the Council of Europe published a re-
port of a delegation that toured detention facilities in Germany in 1996. The delega-
tion heard no allegations of abuse of persons in custody but did note allegations of
excessive use of force during apprehensions. Also in July, Amnesty International
published a rejwrt that found a ' continuing pattern of police ill-treatment," largely
affecting foreigiiers.
Prison con(fitions meet minimum international standards, and the (jovemment
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Basic Law prohibits arbitrary arrest,
detention, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition. A person can only
be arrested on the basis of an arrest warrant issued by a competent judicial author-
ity, unless the person is caught in the act of committing a crime, or the police have
strong reason to believe the person intends to commit a crime. Any person detained
by police must be brought before a judge and charged by the day ailer arrest. The
court must then issue an arrest warrant stating the grounds for detention or order
the person's release. Police oft,en detain known or suspected right- and lefl,wing radi-
cals for brief periods, when the police believe such individuals intend to participate
in illegal or unauthorized demonstrations. For example, in August police detained
45-909 98-36
1096
about 200 persons suspected of heading for illegal rallies to mark the 10th anniver-
sary of the death of Rudolf Hess (see Section 5). The rules governing this type of
detention are different in each state, with authorized periods of detention ranging
from 1 to 14 days, provided judicial concurrence is given within 24 hours of initial
apprehension.
If there is evidence that a suspect might flee the country, police may detain the
suspect for up to 24 hours pending a formal charge. The right of free access to legal
counsel has been restricted only in the cases of terrorists suspected of having used
contacts with lawyers to continue terrorist activity while in prison. Only judges may
decide on the validity of any deprivation of liberty. Bail exists but is seldom em-
B loved; the usual practice is to release detainees unless there is clear danger of
imt outside the country.
There is no use of forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Basic Law provides for an independent judici-
ary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
TTie court system is hi^ly developed and provides full legal protection and nu-
merous possibilities for judicial review. Ordinary courts have jurisdiction in criminal
and civil matters. There are four levels of such courts (local courts, regional courts,
higher regional courts, and the Federal Court of Justice), with appeals possible from
lower to higher levels. In addition, there are four types of specialized courts: Admin-
istrative, labor, social, and fiscal courts. These courts are also established on dif-
ferent levels, with the possibility for appeal to the next higher level.
Separate from these five branches of jurisdiction is the Federal Constitutional
Court, which is not only the country's supreme court but an organ of the Constitu-
tion with special functions defined in the Basic Law. Among other things, it reviews
laws to ensure their compatibility with the Constitution and adjudicates disputes
between constitutional organs on questions of competencies. It also has jurisdiction
to hear and decide claims based on the infringement of a person's basic constitu-
tional rights by a public authority.
The judiciary provides citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process, although
there are complaints that court proceedings are sometimes delayed due to ever in-
creasing caseloads.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Basic Law prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect these
prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Basic Law provides for freedom of the
press, and the Government respects this right in practice. There is no official censor-
ship. An independent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic po-
litical system combine to ensure freedom of speech and the press, including aca-
demic freedom. Propaganda of Nazi and other proscribed organizations, as well as
statements endorsing nazism, are illegal.
The authorities have sought to block what they consider dangerous material on
the Internet. However, in June a local court in Berlin dismissed charges against pol-
itician Angela Marquardt, who had provided an electronic link on her Internet home
page to a leftist magazine that published articles about techniques for making
bombs and derailing trains. The judge's ruling was based on fairly narrow legd
points. In July Parliament passed a law to prohibit access to prohibited material
on the Internet (for example, child pornography and Nazi propaganda), which took
effect on August 1. The law's implications regarding possible liability of on-line serv-
ice providers are not yet clear.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice. The Basic Law permits ban-
ning Organizations whose activities are found to be illegal or opposed to the liberal
democratic order as established by the Basic Law. A 1950's ruling by the Federal
Constitutional Court outlawed a neo-Nazi and a Communist party. A number of
other organizations that authorities generally classify as rightwing or leftwing, for-
eign extremist, or criminal, are banned. State governments may outlaw only organi-
zations that are active solely within their state, with activities crossing state bound-
aries coming under federal jurisdiction. In August the state of Brandenburg banned
the Kameradschaft Oberhavel as a rightwing organization, and in September the
state of Bremen banned the Bremer Volkskulturverein as a foreign extremist orga-
nization. In addiiton, several hundred organizations were under observation bv the
federal and state offices for the Protection of the Constitution (OPC). The OPC s are
charged with examining possible threats to the democratic system; they have no law
1097
enforcement powers, and OPC monitoring by law may not interfere with the organi-
zations' continued activities.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Basic Law specifically provides for religious freedom,
and the Government respects this right in practice. Most religious organizations are
granted tax-exempt status. In order to obtfiin this status, state-level authorities
must find that the organization operates on a nonprofit basis and contributes so-
cially, spiritually, or materially to society.
Beyond the basic tax-exempt status, state governments grant certain religious
groups "public-law corporation" status. This status entitles an organization to levy
taxes on its members; the taxes are collected by the state and distributed propor-
tionaUy to the religious group's enrolled membership. State governments also sub-
sidize various institutions affiliated with such puolic-law corporations, such as
schools and hospitals. In order to attain public-law corporation status, a religious
organization much show that its constitution and membership offer an assurance of
its permanency. Although commonly thought to include only the Lutheran and
Roman Catholic churches, Jewish congregations, and a few small free churches, the
number of religious groups that have acquired public law corporation status is sig-
nificantly larger.
In July the Federal Administrative Court in Berlin upheld a decision of the Berlin
state government that had denied Jehovah's Witnesses public-law corporation status
in that state. The court concluded that the church did not offer the "indispensable
loyalty" towards the democratic state "essential for lasting cooperation," because, for
example, it forbade its members from participating in public elections. Jehovah's
Witnesses are appealing this ruling in the Constitutional Court.
One Christian Charismatic Church led by an American pastor reported that it
had been subjected over several years to vandalism, threats of violence, and public
harassment or scrutiny by sect commissioners. The church is challenging a 1995 rul-
ing by authorities in Cologne, who revoked its tax exempt status on the grounds
that it was not a charitable organization and did not contribute to the cultural, reli-
gious, or spiritual values of German society.
The Church of Scientology continued to be the focus of debate. Scientology has
come under increasing scrutiny by both federal and state officials who contend that
it is not a religion but an economic enterprise. Authorities have sometimes sought
to deregister Scientology organizations previously registered as nonprofit associa-
tions and require them to register as commercial enterprises. In November the Fed-
eral Administrative Court in Berlin, in sending an appeal concerning the
deregistration of a Scientology organization in the state of Baden Wuerttemberg
back to a lower level for further review, declared that a registered nonprofit associa-
tion, religious or otherwise, could engage in entrepreneurial activities as long as
these were only supplementary and collateral to its nonprofit goals. The case contin-
ues in the lower court.
Some government officials allege that Scientology's goals and methods are anti-
democratic and call for further restrictions on Scientology-affiliated organizations
and individuals. In June authorities of the federal and state Offices for the Protec-
tion of the Constitution (OPC) agreed to place the Church of Scientology under ob-
servation for 1 year because of concerns raised by some offices that there were indi-
cations that Scientology may pose a threat to democracy. Under the observation de-
cision, OPC officials will seek to collect information mostly from written materials
and first hand accounts to assess whether a "threat" exists. More intrusive methods
would be subject to legal checks and would require evidence of involvement in trea-
sonous or terrorist activity. One State, Schleswig-Holstein, announced in August it
had decided not to implement such observation, on the grounds that the situation
did not appear to justify such measures. While Federal Interior Minister Manfred
Kanther supported the decision on observation, in a written response to an inquiry
from the Bavarian state government, Kanther indicated that he did not see suffi-
cient evidence to support a ban on Scientology.
Most major political parties continued to exclude Scientologists from membership
arguing that Scientology is not a religion but a for-profit organization whose goals
and principles are antidemocratic and thus incompatible with those of the political
parties, although there has been only one known instance of enforcement of this
Dan. In July a Bonn state court, in the first court challenge to this exclusion, upheld
the December 1996 expulsion of three Scientologists from a state-level organization
of the governing Christian Democratic Union party, ruling that a political party had
the rignt to exclude from its organization those persons who do not identify them-
selves with the party's basic goals.
Scientologists continued to report discrimination, alleging both government-con-
doned and societal harassment. So-called "sect-filters," statements by individuals
that they are not affiliated with Scientology, are used by some businesses and other
1098
organizations to discriminate against Scientologists in business and social dealings.
Scientologists assert that business firms whose owners or executives are
Scientologists, as well as artists who are Church members, have faced boycotts and
discrimination, sometimes with state and local government approval. Other Church
members have reported employrnent difficulties and, in the state of Bavaria, appli-
cants for state civil service positions are screened for Scientology membership. Sev-
eral states have published pamphlets warning of alleged dangers posed by Scien-
tology. In October a Berlin hotel and a firm renting meeting space reportedly re-
fusea to rent space for public events to be held at their facilities when tney learned
that the Churcn of Scientology was involved in organizing the events.
Scientologists continued to take grievances to the courts. Legal rulings have been
mixed. In April the European Commission on Human Rights decided not to pass on
to the European Court of Human Rights a discrimination case brought oy the
Church of Scientology against Germany, on the grounds that the Church had not
exhausted domestic legal channels.
A parliamentary commission established in 1996 to investigate so-called "sects
and psycho -groups" has included the Church of Scientology among the groups about
whose structures, principles, and activities the commission heard testimony. The
Commission is expected to produce a final report in the spring of 1998. In December
1996, federal and state government authorities established an interministerial
group of mid-level ofTicials to exchange information on policies toward Scientology
and to gather and examine charges of discrimination. This body has no decisionmak-
ing authority. It plans to publish a review of state-level policies in 1998.
a. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens are free to move anywhere within the country, to travel
abroad, to emigrate, and to repatriate, without restrictions that violate human
rights.
For ethnic Germans from eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, the Basic
Law provides both for citizenship immediately upon application and for legal resi-
dence without restrictions. Other persons may acquire citizenship (and witn it the
right of unrestricted residence) if they meet certain requirements, including legal
residence for at least 10 years (5 if married to a German), renunciation of all other
citizenships, and a basic command of the language. Long-term legal residents often
opt not to apply; they receive the same social benefits as do citizens, and after 10
years of le^aJ residency they are entitled to permanent residence.
The Basic Law and subsequent legislation provide for the right of foreign victims
of political persecution to attain asylum and resettlement. The Government cooper-
ates with trie office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and
other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees.
Asylum applications continued to decline. In the first half of 1997, Germany re-
ceived 52,588 applications for asylum and had a recognition rate of 11.4 percent for
the 90,922 cases concluded. Since July 1993, when the criteria for granting asylum
were tightened with an amendment to the asylum law, the overall trend in asylum
applications has continued downward, decreasing by two- thirds from the 1992 all-
time high of 438,191.
Under the tightened criteria, persons coming directly from any country that offi-
cials designate as a "safe country of origin" cannot normally claim political asylum
but may request an administrative review of their applications while in Germany.
Persons entering via a "safe third countr>'" — any countn' in the European Union or
adhering to the Geneva Convention — are also ineligible for asylum.
The legislated changes also limited legal recourse against denials of asylum appli-
cations. Critics argue that few countries can assured!}' be designated as "safe tnird
countries" and that the law unjustly fails to allow applicants to rebut such designa-
tions. Wliile the law permits appeals against designations of "safe countries of ori-
gin,' critics protest that the 48-nour period allotted for hearings is too brief. How-
ever, the Constitutional Court uphela the constitutionality of the amendments in
1996.
In May state authorities began the "second phase' of Bosnian refugee repatri-
ations, whereby all remaining refugees were to return to Bosnia unless they quali-
fied for an extension of stay on certain humanitarian grounds. A number of promi-
nent national officials, as well as the L^NHCR, cautioned that the refugees place
of origin and ethnicity should be given careful consideration in the implementation
of returns. In June the federal and state interior ministers agreed that, for the time
being, the deportation of refugees from the "Republika Srpska" region of Bosnia
would be regarded as a low priority. Most states subsequently extended the tem-
porary protection status of refugees in this category. Since 1992 approximately
320,000 Bosnian refugees have lived in Germany under temporary protection, and
another 25,000 have appHed for asylum. The Government has provided first asylum
1099
and has granted "temporary protection" (first asylum) to these Bosnian refugees.
Grovemment support for these refugees costs an estimated $2.8 biUion annually. At
year's end, an estimated 100,000 refugees had returned to Bosnia voluntarily, and
approximately 900 more had been deported by state authorities.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Basic Law provides citizens with the right to change their government peace-
fully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, Tree, and fair elec-
tions. The Government is elected on the oasis of universal suffrage and secret ballot-
ing. Members of the Parliament's lower house, the Bundestag, are elected from a
mixture of direct-constituency and party-list candidates. The upper house, the Bun-
desrat, is composed of delegations from state governments.
The law entitles women to participate fully in political life, and a growing number
are prominent in the Government and the parties, but women are still underrep-
resented in those ranks. Slightly over 26 percent of the Federal Parliament is fe-
male, including its President. Women occupy 2 of 16 cabinet positions. One state
minister-president is a woman. On the Federal Constitutional Court, 5 of the 16
judges are women, including the Chief Justice. All of the parties have undertaken
to enlist more women. The Greens/Alliance 90 Party requires that women comprise
half of the party's elected officials. The Social Democrats have a 40-percent quota
for women on all party conunittees and governing bodies. The Christian Democrats
reqpiire that 30 percent of the first-ballot candidates for party positions be women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government ofli-
cials are very cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits denial of access to shelter, health care, or education on the
basis of race, religion, disability, sex, ethnic background, political opinion, or citizen-
ship. The Government enforces the law effectively.
Women. — While violence against women occurs and is almost certainly under-
reported, it is prohibited by laws that are effectively enforced. It is condemned in
society, and legal and medical recourse is available. Police statistics on rape showed
a slight increase to 6,228 cases Ln 1996 (latest available data) from 6,175 in 1995.
The Government has conducted campaigns in the schools and through church
groups to bring public attention to the existence of such violence and has proposed
steps to counter it. The Federal Government has supported numerous pilot projects
throughout Germany. There are, for example, 330 "women's houses" in Germany,
over 100 in the new states in the East, where victims of violence and their children
can seek shelter, counseling, and legal and police protection. Germany supported the
appointment of a special rapporteur on violence against women at the UNHCR.
Trafficking in women and forced prostitution is also forbidden by law. The laws
against trafficking in women were modified in 1992 to deal more effectively with
problems stemming from the opening of Germany's eastern borders. In recent years,
the Federal Ministry for Women and Youth commissioned a number of studies to
gain information on violence against women, sexual harassment, and other matters,
producing for example a special report on violence against women in 1995.
Children. — The Government demonstrates a strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. Public education is provided and is mandatory through the age of 16.
The Government recognizes that violence against children is a problem requiring
its attention. Police figures indicate that there were 15,674 alleged cases of sexual
abuse of children in 1996 (latest available figures), down slightly from 1995. Offi-
cials believe that the number of unreported cases may be much higher. The Child
and Youth Protection Law stresses the need for preventive measures, and the Gov-
ernment has taken account of this in stepping up its counseling and other assist-
ance.
The Criminal Code was amended in 1993 and in December 1997 to further protect
children against pornography and sexual abuse. For possession of child pornog-
raphy, the maximum sentence is 1 year's imprisonment; the sentence for distribu-
tion is 5 years. The 1993 amendment made sexual abuse of children by German citi-
zens abroad punishable even if the action is not illegal in the child's own country.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against the disabled in em-
ployment, education, or in the provision of other state services. The law mandates
1100
several special services for disabled persons, and the Government enforces these
provisions in practice. The disabled are entitled to assistance to avert, eliminate, or
alleviate the consequences of their disabilities and to secure employment commensu-
rate with their abilities. The Government offers vocational training and grants for
employers who hire the disabled. The severely disabled may be granted special ben-
efits, such as tax breaks, free public transport, special parking facilities, and exemp-
tion from radio and television lees.
The Federal Government has established guidelines for attainment of "barrier-
free" public buildings and for modifications oT streets and pedestrian traffic walks
to acconmiodate the disabled. While it is up to the individual states to incorporate
these guidelines into building codes, all 16 states now have access facilities for the
disabled.
Religious Minorities. — ^Anti-Semitic acts increased 9 percent, with 414 incidents
reported in the first 6 months of 1997, compared with 380 in the same period in
1996. About 90 percent of these anti-Semitic mcidents involved graffiti, the distribu-
tion of anti-Semitic materials, or the display of symbols of banned organizations. In
September unknown vandals desecrated a Jewish cemetery in Berlin, damaging 28
gravestones. In October the president of the Central Council of Jews in Germany
(CCJG) protested to the head of Brandenburg state after the town of Gollwitz re-
fused to accept a group of 60 Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union. The
village council voted against the county's plans to convert a local building into a
temporary shelter for immigrants from the former Soviet Union. The president of
the CCJG also criticized what he saw as a growing indifference to everyday
antiforeigner and rirfitwing incidents.
National / Racial /Ethnic Minorities. — The number of antiforeigner crimes in-
creased slightly in the first 6 months of 1997, compared with the same period in
1996. This increase, which includes an 8 to 10 percent rise in violent antiforeigner
crimes, marked a change in what had been a downward trend since 1992. The per-
centage of such crimes was significantly higher in the eastern states. As in previous
years, most of these oflenses were directed against foreign residents.
Perpetrators of antiforeigner violence were predominantly young, male, and low
in socioeconomic status, often committing sucn acts spontaneously and while ine-
briated. Some offenders were rightwing extremists, such as neo-Nazis and
"skinheads." Many, however, could best be described as rightwing-oriented, having
loose, if any, practical or ideological ties to extremist groups. Other perpetrators
were apolitical.
Acts by low-ranking members of the Bundeswehr have caused particular concern.
In March, nine soldiers in uniform, under the influence of alcohol, sought out and
assaulted at random three foreigners in the city of Detmold. Five soldiers were sub-
seqpiently discharged from the military and prosecuted, receiving sentences ranging
from 6 months' probation to 14 months' imprisonment. In August an arson attack
committed in Dresden against the residence of Italian workers, by two army
conscripts with rightwing, xenophobic motives led the Defense Minister to call for
more careful screening of conscripts. The two incidents received substantial public
attention and were followed by a series of revelations of other rightwing offenses
conunitted by military personnel between 1991 and 1997. The offenses ranged from
the possession and production of far-right propaganda, to drunken assaults against
foreigners.
Acting to increase vigilance, the Ministry of Defense remstered 130 rightwing ex-
tremist incidents between January and November, the Ministry moved quickly to
take stem disciplinary action against those responsible, dismissing and prosecuting
perpetrators where possible, and punishing and transferring commanders. In De-
cember Defense Minister Ruehe suspended a lieutenant general and ordered dis-
ciplinary proceedings against a colonel for inviting Manfred Roeder, a former lawyer
who served 8 years in jail for racist bombings against immigrants, to speak in 1995
at a leadership seminar at the military academy in Hamburg. Authorities also con-
firmed that the military inadvertently supplied several used surplus vehicles to an
organization with which Roeder is active. There was no evidence that rightwing of-
fenders are more prevalent in the military than in the general young male popu-
lation. Nevertheless, the Government stated that it would take all necessary meas-
ures to investigate incidents and prevent future ones.
In May and June, two firebomb attacks on Christian churches in Luebeck showed
signs of rightwing, antiforeigner motives. Rightwing graffiti, as well as the name of
a local Pastor known for assisting asylum seekers, was found on the church walls
following the attacks. A 19-year-old rightwing radical who admitted committing one
of the attacks was arrested in June.
The federal and state governments were firmly committed to combating and pre-
venting rightwing violence and continued to search for more effective law enforce-
1101
ment measures, as well as measures aimed at the societal roots of extremist crimes.
Police in the eastern states continued to move toward reaching standards of effec-
tiveness diaracteristic of police in the rest of Germany, and demonstrated greater
coordination in preventing illegal rightwing and neo-Nazi activities. In August pxjlice
in 10 states conducted a coordinated search of homes and firms of individuals sus-
pected of having connections to the growing rightwing, underground rock music
scene. During the action, police seized illegal recordings, paraphernalia, and weap-
ons. Also in August, police in several states enforced a ban on demonstrations by
neo-Nazis who were attempting to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the death
of former Nazi leader Rudolf Hess. There continued to be evidence that neo-Nazi
groups were making efforts to achieve greater coordination among themselves, par-
ticularly through the use of modem communication technologies. The federal office
for the Protection of the Constitution (OPC) reported that 47,000 people belonged
to far-right organizations in 1997, an increase from 45,300 in 1996.
Isolated attacks targeting Turkish establishments and individuals occurred.
Though some attacks were linked to rightwing perpetrators, most were attributed
to intra-Turkish political or private disputes, but none directly attributable to the
Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). In September a court in Ehiesseldorf sentenced
two members of the PKK to 5-year prison tenns in connection with a series of at-
tacks on Turkish establishments in 1993. Several other trials of PKK members are
also underway.
Resident foreigners and minority groups continue to voice credible concerns about
societal and job-related discrimination. Unemployment affects foreigners dispropor-
tionately, though this is in part due to the sometimes inadequate language skills
or nontransferable professional qualifications of the job-seekers. The Federal Gov-
ernment and all states have established permanent commissions for foreigners' af-
fairs to assist foreigners in their dealings with government and society. In Septem-
ber the Government ratified the Council of Europe's Minority Protection Convention,
pledging to protect and foster the languages and cultures of the national and ethnic
minorities that have traditionally lived in Gtermany (e.g.. Sorbs, Danes, Roma, Sinti,
and Frisians).
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The right to associate freely, choose representatives,
determine programs and policies to represent workers' interests, and publicize views
is recognized and freely exercised. Some 31.6 percent of the total eligible labor force
belongs to unions. The German Trade Union Federation (DGB) represents 84.9 per-
cent of organized workers.
The law provides for the right to strike, except for civil servants (including teach-
ers) and personnel in sensitive positions, such as members of the armed forces. In
the past, the International Labor Organization (ILO) has criticized the Govern-
ment's definition of "essential services" as overly broad. The ILO was responding to
complaints about sanctions imposed on teachers who struck in the state of Hesse
in 1989 and, earlier, the replacement of striking postal workers by civil servants.
In neither case did permanent job loss result. The ILO continues to seek clarifica-
tions from the Government on policies and laws governing labor rights of civil serv-
ants.
The DGB participates in various international and European trade union organi-
zations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Basic Law provides for
the right to organize and bargain collectively, and this right is widely exercised. Due
to a well- developed system of autonomous contract negotiations, mediation is un-
common. Basic wages and working conditions are negotiated at the industry level
and then are adapted, through local collective bargaining, to particular enterprises.
However, some firms in eastern Germany have refused to join employer associa-
tions, or have withdrawn from them, and then bargained independently with work-
ers. Likewise, some large firms in the West withdrew at least part of their work
force from the jurisdiction of employer associations, complaining of rigidities in the
industrywide, multicompany negotiating system. They have not, however, refused to
bargain as individual enterprises. The law mandates a system of works councils and
worker membership on supervisory boards, and thus workers participate in the
management of the enterprises in which they work. The law thoroughly protects
workers against antiunion discrimination.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The basic law prohibits forced or
compulsory labor, including forced or bonded child labor, and there were no reports
that it occurred.
1102
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Federal
law generally prohibits employment of children under the age oi 15, with a few ex-
ceptions: Those 13 or 14 years of age may do farm work for up to 3 hours per day
or may deliver newspapers for up to 2 hours per day; those 3 to 14 years of age
may take part in cultural performances, albeit under stringent curbs on the kinds
of activity, number of hours, and time of day. The Federal Labor Ministry effectively
enforces the law through its Factory Inspection Bureau.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no legislated or administratively de-
termined minimum wage. Wages and salaries are set either by collective bai-gaining
agreements between unions and employer federations or by individual contracts.
Covering about 90 percent of all wage- and salary-earners, these agreements set
minimum pay rates and are legally enforceable. Tnese minimums provide an ade-
quate standard of living for workers and their families. The numoer of hours of
work per week is regulated by contracts that directly or indirectly affect 80 percent
of the working population. The average workweek for industrial workers is 36 hours
in western Germany and about 39 hours in the eastern states.
An extensive set of laws and regulations on occupational safety and health incor-
porates a growing body of European Union standards. These provide for the right
to refuse to perform dangerous or unhealthy work without jeopardizing employment.
A comprehensive system of worker insurance carriers enforces safety requirements
in the workplace. The Labor Ministry and its counterparts in the states effectively
enforce occupational safety and health standards through a network of government
organs, including the Federal Institute for Work Safety. At the local level, profes-
sional and trade associations — self-governing public corporations with delegates both
from the employers and from the unions — oversee worker safety.
GREECE
Greece is a constitutional republic and multiparty parliamentary democracy with
an independent judiciary in which citizens choose their representatives in free and
fair elections. The Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) holds a majority of par-
liamentary seats, and its leader, Constantine Simitis, has been Prime Minister since
1996. The New Democracy Party is the main opposition party.
The national police ana security services are responsible for internal security. Ci-
vilian authorities maintain efiective control of all security forces, and police and se-
curity services are subject to a broad variety of restraints. Some members of the po-
lice and security forces committed human rights abuses.
Greece has a market economy with a large public sector that accounts for rou^ly
40 percent of gross domestic product. Residents enjoy a relatively advanced stand-
ard of living. European Union subsidies, grants, and loans, the latter two directed
mainly toward major infrastructure projects, reinforce government economic devel-
opment efforts.
The Government respected the human rights of most citizens, but problems re-
main in some areas. Security force personnel sometimes abused suspects during ar-
rests and interrogations and abused illegal aliens. The Government continued to
take corrective action to relieve severe overcrowding and harsh living conditions in
some prisons. It continued to use Article 19 of the Citizenship Code to revoke the
citizenship of Greek citizens who are not ethnically Greek, and Article 20 of the
same code was used to revoke the citizenship of some Greek citizens abroad who
asserted a "Macedonian" ethnicity. On occasion the Government placed inter-
national and domestic human rights monitors, non-Orthodox religious groups, and
minority groups under surveillance.
Some restrictions on freedom of religion persisted; the Government investigated
and arrested members of non-Orthodox religions for proselytism. Discrimination
against minorities continued to be a problem. The Government formally recognizes
only the Muslim minority specified in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. It refuses to
acknowledge formally the existence of any other ethnic groups, principally
Slavophones, under the term "minority." As a result, some individuals who define
themselves as members of a minority find it difficult to express their identity freely
and to maintain their culture.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings.
1103
In February a policeman was charged with homicide for killing an Albanian mi-
Srant in Kastoria who was a passenger in a car that failed to stop when police
agged it down. In April a policeman was convicted of manslaughter and exceeding
the limits of self- defense for shooting and killing a man who did not stop for a rou-
tine identity check. This marked the first time a policeman has been convicted for
such an offense in Greece. There were several reports of shootings on the Greek-
Albanian border during the period of armed unrest in the latter country. An indeter-
minate number of deaths resulted; the incidents were investigated by local officials.
In October a policeman shot and killed an Albanian illegal immigrant who alleg-
edly resisted arrest in Thessaloniki. The policeman claimed that the shooting was
accidental.
In 1996 a Romani man was shot and kUled by a police officer while Ijnng face
down on the pavement at a police roadblock in Livadia. The officer was charged
with involuntary manalau^ter. The case was pending at year's end.
Shipyard owner Constantine Peratikos was shot to death by masked assailants in
May. The "November 17" terrorist organization claimed responsibility for the killing.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution specifically forbids torture, and a 1984 law makes the use of tor-
ture an offense punishable by a sentence of 3 years' to life imprisonment. This law
has never been invoked. However, security force personnel sometimes abused sus-
pects during arrests and interrogations ana abused illegal aliens.
Six Albanian immigrants reported that police entered their house and beat them
in January. A traffic policeman was suspended from duty in January for attacking
a driver in central Athens. An Albanian illegal immigrant was reportedly shot and
wounded by police in February; an internal police investigation cleared the police-
man and the prosecutor declined to press charges. In March three policemen in the
town of Amfikleia stood trial on charges of beating, torturing, and robbing a group
of Indian and Pakistani immigrants. Other credible reports of severe beatings of de-
tainees exist.
An Evia man filed assault charges against policemen in November 1996 for alleg-
edly attacking him after he visited a police station to pick up a legal document.
In the 1996 case of a man beaten by five policemen in Iraklion, four of the officers
were suspended from duty for 15 days. Charges filed by the individual were still
{>ending. The prosecutor dropped a case relating to a man who died in a Vyron po-
ice detention center in 1996 after concurring with the internal investigation, which
concluded that the man had died of a heart attack. Charges are still pending from
a 1996 incident in Thessaloniki in which a man charged with robbery was allegedly
beaten by police officers.
Conditions in some prisons remained poor due te substantial overcrowding and
outdated facilities. The largest prison housed 1,127 inmates, more than double its
official capacity, through the first 9 months of the year. As of September 1, the Min-
istry of Justice reported that the total prison population was 5,477 (of whom ap-
proximately 2,150 were foreigners), while total capacity of the prison system was
4,332.
No credible reports emerged of abuses in prisons. In October 80 to 100 illegal im-
migrants held in the Drapetsona police detention facility staged a hunger strike to
protest their detention. The Ministry of Justice expanded the prison construction
program announced in 1996 to include a total of seven new facilities. Construction
on several of the facilities began during the year.
No Albanian prisoners were repatriated under the 1995 bilateral agreement be-
tween Greece and Albania due to the civil unrest that prevailed in Albania for much
of the year.
The Government is inconsistent in granting permission for prison visits by non-
governmental organizations.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution requires judicial war-
rants for all arrests, except during the actual commission of a crime, and the law
prohibits arbitrary arrest orders, rolice must, by law, bring a person arrested on
the basis of a warrant or while committing a crime before an examining magistrate
within 24 hours. The magistrate must issue a detention warrant or order the release
of the detainee within 3 days, unless sp>ecial circumstances require a 2-day exten-
sion of this time limit.
Defendants brought to court before the end of the day following the commission
of a charged offense may be tried immediately, under a "speedy procedure." Al-
though legal safeguards, including representation by counsel, apply in speedy proce-
dure cases, the short period of time may inhibit the defendant s ability to present
an adequate defense. Defendants may ask for a delay to provide time to prepare
1104
their defense, but the court is not obUged to grant it. The speedy procedure was
used in less than 10 percent of misdemeanor cases. It does not apply to felonies.
The effective maximum duration of pretrial detention is 18 months for felonies
and 9 months for misdemeanors. Defense lawyers complain that pretrial detention
is overly long and overused by judges. A panel of judges may grant release pending
trial, with or without bail. Pretrial detainees made up 31 percent of those incarcer-
ated, contributing to overcrowding problems, according to government sources. A
person convicted of a misdemeanor and sentenced to 2 years or less may, at the
court's discretion, pay a fine in lieu of being imprisoned.
Exile is unconstitutional, and no cases have been reported since the restoration
of democracy in 1974. However, Greek citizens not of ethnic Greek origin who travel
outside the country may be deprived of their citizenship and refused readmittance
to the country under Article 19 of the Citizenship Code. Article 20 of the Code per-
mits the Government to strip citizenship from those who "commit acts contrary to
the interests of Greece for the benefit oi a foreign state." Article 19 was applied in
50 cases as of the 9 months ending in September, the Government would not pro-
vide statistics on the number of Article 20 cases it pursued in 1997 (see Section
2.d.).]
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for the independence
of the judiciary; recurring public charces suggest that judges sometimes allow politi-
cal criteria, including the desire to obtain promotion, to influence their judgments.
The judicial system includes three levels of courts, appointed judges, an examin-
ing magistrate system, and trial by judicial panels.
The Constitution provides for puolic trials, and trial court sessions are open to
the public, unless the court decides that privacy is required to protect victims and
witnesses, or the cases involve national security matters. According to defense attor-
neys, the latter provision has not been invoked since the restoration of democracy
in 1974. The defendant enjoys a presumption of innocence, the standard of proof of
guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, the right to present evidence and call witnesses,
uie right of access to the prosecution's evidence, the right to cross-examine wit-
nesses, and the right to counsel. Lawyers are provided to defendants who are not
able to afford legal counsel only in felony cases. Both the prosecution and the de-
fense have the ri^t of appeal.
Non-Greek speaking defendants have the right to a court-appointed interpreter;
however, the low fees paid for such woric often result in poor translation. Foreign
defendants who depend on these interpreters frequently complain that they do not
understand their trials.
The legal system does not discriminate against women or minorities, with some
exceptions: Article 19 of the Citizenship Code (see Section 2.d.) applies only to Greek
citizens who are not ethnically Greek; the Ministry of Education and Religious Af-
fairs may base its decision on "house of prayer" permit applications by non-Orthodox
S*oups on the opinion of the local Orthodox bishop (see Section 2.c.); non-ethnic
reeK citizens are legally prohibited from settling in a large "supervised zone" near
the frontier (althou^ this prohibition is not enforced in practice); and a 1939 law
(sdso not enforced in practice) prohibits the functioning oi private schools in build-
ings owned by non-Orthodox religious foundations.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits invasion of privacy and searches without warrants, and the
law permits the monitoring of personal communications only under strict judicial
controls. However, the number of persons and groups subjected to government sur-
veillance in recent years raises questions about the efficacy of these safeguards.
The security services continued to monitor human rights activists, non-Orthodox
religious groups, minority group representatives, and foreign diplomats who met
with such individuals. On several occasions, information about such private meet-
ings was published by the press. Human rights activists also reported the continu-
ation of suspicious openings and diversions of mail. As far as is known, the Govern-
ment took no steps to stop such practices or to prosecute those involved.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government generally respected these rights in practice, but
with exceptions. Legal restrictions on free speech remain in force and were used in
some cases by the Crt)vemment.
Articles of the Penal Code that can be used to restrict free speech and the press
include Article 141, which forbids exposing the friendly relations of the Greek state
with foreign states to danger of disturbance; Article 191, which prohibits spreading
false information and rumors liable to create concern and fear among citizens ana
1105
cause disturbances in the country's international relations and inciting citizens to
rivalry and division, leading to disturbance of the peace; and Article 192, which pro-
hibits inciting citizens to acts of violence or to disturbing the peace through dishar-
mony among them. No one was imprisoned as a result of such charges during the
year. Those convicted in the past were allowed to convert their convictions into a
fine of approximately $14 per day.
In December Article 191 charges were filed against a Vlach man by New Democ-
racy M.P. Evgenios Haitidis after an incident in 1995 in which the man was seen
distributing a brochure of the European Union's Bureau for Lesser Used Languages
that listed several dialects spoken in Greece.
The public prosecutor in Fiorina has invoked these laws on several occasions in
recent years in attempts to limit the Rainbow Party's use of Slavic names for Greek
towns. In October the trial of four officers of the Rainbow Party was postponed until
1998. The charges under Article 192 arose from a 1995 riot over a bilingual sipi
hung outside party headquarters in Fiorina. The case of a Rainbow Party official
charged in 1996 under Article 191 for attempting to bring wall calendars into the
country that identified Greek cities by their Slavic names is scheduled to be heard
in 1998 as well.
On matters other than the question of ethnic minorities, Greece generally enjoys
a tradition of outspoken public discourse and a vigorous free press. Satirical and op-
position newspapers routinely attack the highest state authorities. Members of eth-
nic, religious, and linguistic minorities freety publish periodicals and other publica-
tions, often in their native language. The Constitution allows for seizure (though not
prior restraint), by order of tne public prosecutor, of publications that insmt the
President, offend religious beliefs, contain obscene articles, advocate violent over-
throw of the political system, or disclose military and defense information. Seizures
have been rare, however, none occurred in 1997.
In June two journalists were charged with "espionage" for printing a classified
Government document believed to have been leaked by government officials. The ex-
amining magistrate imposed $7,000 (2 million drachmas) bail for each of the jour-
nalists and a travel ban based on "demonstrable proof of guilt." The case is ongoing.
In July two ioumalists were each sentenced to 33 months in prison for "malicious
defamation" oi Minister of Justice Evangelos Yiannopoulos. The criminal charges
were filed by the public prosecutor based on a complaint from Yiannopoulos regard-
ing a series of articles published in July and September 1996 that questioned his
participation in the resistance during the Greek civil war.
In 1996 Muslim journalist Abdulhalim Dede was charged under Article 191 and
libel laws for an article he wrote about extremist groups in Thrace. In February he
was acquitted of violating Article 191 but sentenced to 10 months in prison for libel.
In July an appeals court reduced the sentence to 6 months with a 3-year suspen-
sion. Dede appealed the decision to the Supreme Court, which had not ruled by
year's end.
The Constitution provides that the state exercise "immediate control" over radio
and television. The state monopoly on radio and television ended in 1989 and a
plethora of private stations quickly emerged. A 1995 law places ownership and tech-
nical frequency limits on the electronic media. Until 1997 radio and television sta-
tions operated either without licenses or with provisional licenses, usually issued by
local authorities. Licensing of radio stations began in late 1996, but the process of
licensing television stations only began in September. State-run stations tended to
emphasize the Government's views but also reported objectively on other parties'
programs and positions. Private radio and television stations operated independ-
ently of any Government control over their reporting. Turkish-language television
programs are widely available via satellite in Thrace.
The National Radio and Television Council (NRTC), a governmental organization,
fined the Antenna Television Station $350,000 (100 million drachmas) and ordered
it to suspend normal programming for 10 minutes daily for 5 days for "violating the
code of ethics" and "not protecting juveniles." (The charges stemmed from an episode
of an Antenna "reality show" that allegedly prompted a man charged with incest
to commit suicide before the show was broadcast.) The Minister of Press and Mass
Media approved the Council's decision in September. Antenna appealed the case to
the Council of State, claiming that the NRTC acted in an extrajudicial manner and
exceeded the limits of its statutory authority, which authorizes it to revoke or sus-
pend licenses but is silent on other penalties.
The Government prosecuted radio Icik, a Turkish -language station in Komotini,
for operating without a license in 1994 and 1995. At the trial in February, the sta-
tion argued that operation of a station without a license was so common that pros-
ecution of radio lak was unfair. The judge postponed a decision in the case for 14
months, pending reform by Parliament of laws on radio licensing.
1106
In March an appeals court judge dismissed charges brought against actor Vassilis
Diamantopolous and professor George Roussis in 1996 for "praising a criminal act"
in conjunction with their defense of rioting students on a television talk show. They
were acquitted in 1996, but the public prosecutor appealed the decision.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government respects this right in practice. Police per-
mits were routinely issued for public demonstrations, and there were no reports mat
the permit requirement was abused.
The Constitution provides for the right of association, which was respected except
in cases involving ethnic minorities. In 1996 the European Court of Human Ridits
declared a case regarding the Government's refusal to register the "Macedonian Cul-
tural Center" in Fiorina admissible. The European Court is scheduled to hear the
case in 1998.
Government authorities legally recognize the existence of the MusUm minority,
but not other minorities (see Section 5). This is contrary to the 1990 Copenhagen
document of the then-Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe to wmch
the Government is a signatory, which asserts that "to belong to a national minority
is a matter of a person's individual choice."
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution establishes the Eastern Orthodox
Church of Christ, to which 95 to 97 percent of the population at least nominally ad-
here, as the prevailing religion. The Orthodox Church wields significant political
and economic influence. Although the Constitution provides for freedom of religion,
non-Orthodox groups face legal limits on religious practice. The Constitution also
prohibits proselytism. Two laws from the 1930's require that to hold services,
Ttnown" religious groups must obtain a "house of prayer" permit from the Ministry
of Education and Keligion, which by law may base its decision on the opinion of the
local Orthodox bishop. No formal mechanism exists to seek recognition as a known
religion.
In March an appeals court confirmed the 1996 conviction of Hara Kalomiri for op-
erating a Bhuddist place of worship without a house of prayer permit.
Following a 1996 European Court of Human Rights decision (Manousakis et al vs.
Greece) in which the Court ruled that aspects of the house of prayer authorization
procedure were contraiy to Article 9 of the European Convention on the Protection
of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, Prime Minister Simitis ordered the
Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs to draft new legislation to adapt Greek
laws to international human rights norms. Although the legislation has not been fi-
nalized, Ministry officials say^ that they no longer obtain the opinion of the local Or-
thodox bishop when considering "house of prayer" jjermit applications. According to
ministiy officials, all pending applications have been issued.
Muslmis who live in the Athens area, including immigrants from the Middle East
and Greek citizens of Turkish origin originally from Thrace, complain that the Gov-
ernment has hindered their efforts to establish a mosque and a cemetery in the Ath-
ens area.
Several religious denominations reported difficulties in dealing with the authori-
ties on a variety of administrative matters. Privileges and legal prerogatives grant-
ed to the Greek Orthodox Church are not routinely extended to other recognized re-
ligions. The non-Greek Orthodox must make separate and lengthy applications to
government authorities on such matters as arranging appointments to meet with
Ministry of Education and Religion officials and gaining permission to move places
of worship to larger facilities.
A tax bill passed by Parliament in February created three new taxes on churches
and other nonprofit organizations; "public legal entities" were exempted from the
{)roperty tax requirement. The exemption of the Greek Orthodox Church, a public
egal entity due to its official status, from the property tax led many observers to
conclude that the legislation was discriminatory. Leaders of some non-Orthodox reli-
gious groups claimed that all the taxes were discriminatory, even those that the Or-
thodox Church had to pay, since the Government subsidized the Orthodox Church
while other groups were self-supporting.
Religious instruction in public primary and secondary schools is mandatory for
Greek Orthodox students. Non-Orthodox students are exempt from this require-
ment.
Police frequently detained Mormons, Jehovah's Witnesses, and Scientologists after
receiving complaints that the individuals were engaged in proselytism. In most
cases, the individuals were held for several hours at a police station and then re-
leased with no charges filed. Many reported that they were not allowed to call their
lawyers and that they were verbally abused by police officers for their religious be-
liefs. Mormon church officials allege that police failed in June to intervene appro-
1107
priately in two separate cases when missionaries were assaulted on the street in
central Athens (see Section 5).
In December 1996, an Athens court revoked the operating permit of KEFE (now
known as EKDS), the organization representing Scientologists in Greece, on a tech-
nicality. The group, which the Government does not recognize as a religion, has
since obtained a new operating permit. The court's decision contained extensive crit-
icism of Scientology's beliefs and practices; the Scientologists appealed the decision
in order to have that language invalidated. Since October 1996 the Government has
summoned 15 members of the boards of KEFE and EKDS to face charges of
•^inprovoked factual insult."
The Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs launched an investigation into
the activities of two teachers in Crete who are members of the Church of Christians,
a nondenominational Protestant church. The men are under investigation for alleg-
edly proseljrtizing their students and for "membership in a para-rehgious organiza-
tion. In a letter to one of the men, a ministry ofTicial statea that the charges were
based in part on a January episode of a sensationalist television program about the
Church of Christians. The investigation was still underway at year's end.
In June Parliament passed a law providing an alternative form of mandatory na-
tional service for conscientious objectors. The law, which is to take effect in January
1998, provides that conscientious objectors may work in state hospitals or municipal
services for 36 months. Conscientious objector groups generally characterized the
legislation as a "positive first step" but criticized the 36-month alternative service
term, which is double the regular 18-month period of military service.
Although Jehovah's Witnesses are recognized as a "known" religion, the military
has consistently refused to exempt their clergy from mandatory military service.
This practice was found to be in violation of Articles 5 and 6 of the European Con-
vention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms by the European Court of
Human Rights in two decisions reached in May, Tsirlis and Kouloumpas vs. Greece
and Georgiadis vs. Greece. While the Government apparently has not yet changed
its policy as a result of the Court's decisions, no sucn cases arose during the year.
Mosques operate freely in Western Thrace and in the islands of Rhodes and Kos,
where most Greek citizens of the Muslim faith reside. In Xanthi province 17 Mus-
lims arrested in 1996 for ignoring a stop-work order against admng a minaret to
their mosque were sentenced in January to 4 months in jail. In June an appeals
court reduced the sentence to 2 months with a 3-year suspension. Renovation of the
mosque stopped and the congregation was not allowed access to the site. The Gov-
ernment encouraged the builders to apply for an amended building pennit including
the minaret; the builders refused, claiming to have a valid permit tnat was not rec-
ognized due to discrimination. In October local officials allowed construction on the
mosque to resume.
Under a 1990 presidential decree, the (jovemment appointed two muftis (Islamic
judges and religious leaders) and one assistant mufti in Greece, all resident in
Thrace, based on the recommendations of a committee of local Muslim scholars, reli-
gious authorities, and community leaders. The (jovemment argued that it must ap-
{)oint muftis because, in addition to their religious duties, they perform judicial
unctions in many civil and domestic matters under Muslim religious law, for which
the State pays them.
The Muslim minority remains divided on the mufti selection issue. Some Muslims
accept the authority of the two officially appointed muftis; others have chosen two
different muftis to serve their communities. In November and December, the Gov-
ernment convicted Mehmet Amin Aga, one of the unofficial muftis, of usurping the
authority of the official mufti; Aga was convicted six times in 2 years of the same
offense. The respective sentences were suspended pending appeal.
A 1980 law placed administration of tlie 'Svakfs" (Muslim charitable organiza-
tions) in the hands of the appointed muftis and their representatives. In response
to objections from some Muslims that this arrangement weakens the financial au-
tonomy of the wakfs and violates the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne, a 1996 presi-
dential decree put the wakfs under the administration of a committee for 3 years
as an interim measure pending resolution of outstanding problems.
Some non-Greek Orthodox religious leaders assert that their followers face dis-
crimination in reaching the senior ranks of government service. In the military, gen-
erally only members of the Greek Orthodox faith become officers, leading some
meniers of other faiths to declare themselves Orthodox. Only two Muslim officers
have advanced to the rank of reserve officer.
The (Jrovemment took no further action to implement or repeal a 1991 law man-
dating that citizens declare their religion on new EU-standardized identity cards
based on European Union (EU) standards, which could be used for internal ETU trav-
el. Current identity cards contain a space for religion which may be left blank.
1108
On December 16, the European Court of Human Rights held unanimously that
Greek courts had violated Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights
by refusing to acknowledge that the Canea Catholic church in Crete had legal per-
sonality and therefore the standing to act in legal proceedings. The Court awarded
the church $40,000 in court costs and damages. Human rights observers viewed the
decision as a criticism of government policies toward non-Orthodox religions.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution calls for freedom of movement within and outside the
country and the right to return. However, Article 19 of the Citizenship Code distin-
guishes between citizens who are ethnic Greeks and those who are not. Most Article
19 cases involve Muslims from Western Thrace, since only the "Muslim minority"
is recognized as having non-Greek ethnicity. Citizens who are not ethnic Greeks
may be deprived of their citizenship if it is determined that they left Greece with
no apparent intent to return. Determination of intent is made without input from
the aiiected individual; in practice, this law is applied to members of the Muslim
conmaunity considered to be "undesirable" by the security services. However, immi-
grants who are ethnic Greeks are normally recognized as citizens and accorded full
ridits, despite years or even generations oi absence.
The Interior Ministry initiates proceedings under Article 19 on the basis of re-
ports by local authorities or by Greek embassies or consulates abroad. Affected per-
sons are not notified of Article 19 hearings and are not permitted to attend. Those
who lose citizenship as a result of such hearings sometimes learn of this loss only
when they seek to reenter Greece. According to the Ministry of the Interior, 50 per-
sons lost Greek citizenship under Article 19 as of September (compared with 84 at
the same time in 1996). Of this number, the Government claims that 36 voluntarily
relinquished their citizenship (compared with 35 in 1996). Recent Government sta-
tistics indicate that over 7,000 individuals were stripped of their citizenship between
1981 and 1996. Between 1981 and 1991, Article 19 was applied an average of 570
times per year; from 1992 to 1996, it was applied an average of 164 times per year.
Persons who lose their citizenship under Article 19 have the right of "administra-
tive app>eal" to the Interior Ministry; they can also appeal to the Council of State
and to the Council of Europe. Leaders of the Muslim community complained that
the time and expense involved tended to discourage such appeals. In addition some
persons who lose their citizenship under Article 19 do not discover that fact until
appeals deadlines have passed. Human rights observers report that an unspecified
number of individuals, possibly as many as 2,000, who have been stripped of their
citizenship under Article 19 actually live in Greece. As the Government has not is-
sued the affected individuals any alternative form of identity document, they find
it difficult or impossible to travel abroad and to obtain government services.
Another section of the Citizenship Code, Article 20, permits the Government to
strip citizenship from those who "commit acts contrary to the interests of Greece for
the benefit of a foreign state." While the law as written applies equally to all Greeks
regardless of ethnic background, to date it has been enforced only against citizens
who identified themselves as members of the "Macedonian" minority. The CJovern-
ment would not reveal the number of Article 20 cases it pursued in 1997. Dual citi-
zens who are stripped of Greek citizenship under Article 20 are frequently pre-
vented from entering the country using the passport of their second nationality.
Greece maintains restricted military zones along its borders. Until 1995 authori-
ties controlled entry into the zone along the northern border with Bulgaria even for
local residents, causing the mostly Pomak inhabitants of the region to complain that
their freedom of movement was restricted. The Government removed the sole re-
maining checkpoint into the village of Exinos in 1995 and no longer enforces the
entry restrictions for citizens. Regulations concerning the zone remain in force for
foreigners, however, and in 1997 several were refused official permission to enter
the zone.
Ethnic Greek immigrants, including those who came from the former Soviet
Union since 1986, normally qualify promptly for citizenship and special assistance
from the Government. The returnees were settled initially in Western Thrace, where
government programs encouraging them to remain have met with limited success.
Most move to Athens, Thessaloniki, or other cities, where job prospects are better.
The Government offers asylum under the terms of the 1951 Geneva Convention.
It cooperates with the local office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees. Par-
liament passed new legislation in 1996 amending the sections of the Aliens Act that
relate to refugees ana asylum. The legislation is scheduled to be implemented in
1998, after necessary presidential decrees are completed. The new legislation abol-
ished the requirement that asylum seekers submit their applications immediately
afler entering the country.
1109
Individuals recognized as refugees under the terms of the Geneva Convention are
eligible for residence and work permits necessary to resettle permanently. In the
first 8 months of 1997, 2,369 individuals submitted applications for refugee status,
an almost three-fold increase over the corresponding period in 1996. Eighty-five in-
dividuals were recognized as refugees during the first 8 months of the year, of those
refused refugee status, 38 were granted temporary residence on humanitarian
grounds until return to their countries of origin becomes possible.
Credible reports indicated that the Government at times deported asylum seekers
back to their country of origin before they could submit formal applications for asy-
lum.
The Government does not recognize the concept of first asylum. Thousands of in-
dividuals from Turkey, Iraq, and Iran enter Greece illegally each year; only a small
percentage eventually apply for official refugee status. Some of those who do not
apply remain illegally, often living in government camps where conditions vary from
adequate to very poor. Others proceed on to Western Europe, often applying for asy-
lum there. The Grovemment does not usually seek out such individuals for deporta-
tion; as Greece and Turkey do not have a readmission agreement, the Government
finds it practically impossible to deport individuals who enter Greece from Turkey.
In June Greece and Albania exchanged instruments of ratification for the seasonal
employment agreement signed in 1996 in an effort to regularize the status of the
approximately 250,000 Albanians working illegally in Greece.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Greece is a multiparty democracy in which the Constitution provides for full polit-
ical ri^ts for all citizens and for the peaceful change of governments and of the
Constitution. The Government headed by Prime Minister Constantine Simitis of the
Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) won in free and fair elections in Septem-
ber 1996. Parliament elects the President for a 5-year term. Voting is mandatory
for those over age 18, but there are many conditions that allow one not to vote, and
{)enalties are not applied in practice. Members of the unicameral 300-seat Par-
iament are elected to maximum 4-year terms by secret ballot. Opposition parties
function freely and have broad access to the media.
Although there are no legal restrictions on the participation of women or minori-
ties in government or politics, representation of both at the higher levels of political
life remains low. Women held 2 ministerial positions in the Government and only
1 of 29 subministerial positions. Of the 300 members of Parliament, 17 were women.
Women are underrepresented in the leadership of the two largest parties. The head
of the Communist Party is a woman.
While the Government generally respects citizens' political rights, there are some-
times charges that it limits the right of some individuals to speak publicly and asso-
ciate freely on the basis of their self-proclaimed ethnic identity, thus impinging on
the political rights of such persons. In the 1996 parliamentary elections, however,
three Muslim deputies were elected in Thrace, one each from PASOK, New Democ-
racy, and the Coalition of the Left. Romani representatives report that local authori-
ties sometimes deprive Roma of the right to vote by refusing to register them.
In 1996 the Grovemment transferred responsibility for oversight of all rights guar-
anteed to the Muslim minority under the Treaty of Lausanne (including education,
zoning, administration of the wakfs, and trade) from elected local governors to the
government- appointed periferiarch of Eastern Macedonia and Thrace. The
periferiarch is a regional administrative official appointed by the Government. Mi-
nority members charged that the transfer reduced tneir ability to use the democratic
process to influence decisions that affect them. They also charged that the transfer
opened the possibility of unequal application of local laws, because it created a situ-
ation in which Muslims and non-Muslims must go to different government offices
to apply for documents such as building permits. The Government stated that it
made the change because Greece's treaty obligations could be administered more ef-
fectively by the central authorities.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government allows domestic human rights organizations to operate, but co-
operation with them varies. In principle it does not prohibit foreign diplomats from
meeting with officials and other citizens, including critics of ofiicial policy. However,
the security services on occasion monitor contacts of human rights groups, including
listening in on conversations held between those groups and human rights inves-
tigators and diplomats. The security services have also questioned monitors' inter-
locutors in the aftermath of meetings, reports of which have subsequently appeared
1110
in the press. Official government documents regarding the activities of human
rights monitors have also been cited in the press. Monitors view this activity as a
form of intimidation that deters others from meeting with investigators.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equality before the law and the full protection of
individual life, honor, and freedom irrespective of nationality, race, language, or reli-
gious or political belief. Government respect for these rights in practice is uneven.
Women. — The incidence of violence against women that is reported to the authori-
ties is low, but Athens' Equality Secretariat, which operates the only shelter for bat-
tered women, believes the actual incidence is "high." According to the Ministry of
Public Order, 183 cases of rape were reported in 1996 (latest statistics available).
The General Secretariat for Equality of the Sexes (GSES), an independent govern-
ment agency, asserts that police tend to discourage women from pursuing domestic
violence charges and instead undertake reconciliation efforts, although they are nei-
ther qualified for nor charged with this task. The GSES also claims that the courts
are lenient when dealing with domestic violence cases.
A government shelter and a residential facility for battered women and their chil-
dren provide relevant services in Athens, including legal and psychological advice.
Battered women can also go to state hospitals and regional health centers, although
these facilities are often not adequately staffed to handle such cases properly.
According to the police, trafficking in women for prostitution, mostly from the
former Soviet Union, Albania, Bulgaria, and Romania, has increased sharply in re-
cent years. The MPO reports that of the 185 foreigners arrested for prostitution
without a license in the first 9 months of 1997, 50 were from Albania and 78 were
from the former Soviet Union. Police estimate that foreigners constitute 2,000 of the
5,000 prostitutes in Greece.
Women enjoy broad constitutional and legal protections, including equal pay for
equal work. However, the GSES and the unions maintain that women receive lower
salaries overall than men because they are hired for lower-level jobs. The National
Statistical Service's most recent data (the fourth quarter of 1996) show that wom-
en's salaries in manufacturing were 69 percent of those of men in comparable posi-
tions; in retail sales, women's salaries were 85 percent of those of men in com-
parable positions. These same groups claim that women face a "glass ceiling" when
they are considered for promotions in both the public and private sectors. Although
there are still relatively few women in senior positions, in recent years women have
entered traditionally male -dominated occupations such as the legal and medical pro-
fessions in larger numbers.
Children. — The Government is committed to providing adequate basic health and
education services for children. Education is compulsory through the ninth grade
and free through university. Penal law prohibits the mistreatment of children and
sets penalties Tor violators, while welfare legislation enacted in 1992 established
preventive and treatment programs for abused children and for children deprived
of a family environment; it also sought to ensure the availability of alternative fam-
ily care or institutional placement.
Several government organizations have responsibility for children's issues. The
National Welfare Organization, which has a nationwide network of offices, is active
in the field of child protection. The General Secretariat for Youth, a part of the Min-
istry of Education and Religious AfTairs, is conducting a campaign to encourage so-
cial and political participation by the young and to promote the rights of children
and youth.
According to the Institute of Child Health (ICH), a research center under the Min-
istry of Health and Welfare, physical punishment is widely regarded as a socially
acceptable method of disciplining children. In a recent ICH study, 65% of mothers
and 55% of fathers told surveyors that they punished their children physically. The
use of such measures has decreased over the years as parents have learned about
alternatives forms of punishment. There is no societal pattern of abuse of children.
No national data exist on the incidence rate of chila abuse, as local authorities
are not obligated to report such cases. In a 10-year clinical study of 200 cases, the
ICH reports that 59.5% involved physical abuse, 20% involved neglect, and 21% in-
volved children who were not abused at the time but had a history of abuse. (The
study did not cover victims of sexual abuse.) An ICH prevalence study of child sex-
ual abuse among 740 university students revealed an incidence rate of 7% among
boys and 17% among girls prior to age 18. Societal abuse of children in the form
of pornography and child labor is rare. Child prostitution is a growing phenomenon,
particularly in some parts of central Athens.
1111
Child health specialists say that some social groups, such as Roma and illegal im-
migrants, are underserved. Children's rights advocacy groups claim that protection
of nirii-risk children in state residential care centers is inadequate and of low qual-
ity. Thev cite lack of coordination between welfare services and the courts, inad-
equate funding of the welfare system, and poor staffing of residential care centers
as systemic weaknesses in child abuse prevention and treatment efforts. ChUd
health specialists note that the number of children in residential care facilities is
decreasing, while the number in foster ct re is rising.
In recent years, the number of street children who panhandle or peddle at city
intersections on behalf of adult family members or for criminal gangs has increased.
Many such street children in the Athens area are Albanian. Police occasionally
round up these children and take them to state or charitable institutions that care
for wayward children. Parents can reclaim their children but risk deportation if they
are illegal immigrants.
People With Disabilities. — Legislation mandates the hiring of disabled persons in
public and private enterprises employing more than 50 persons. However, the law
IS reportedly poorly enforced, particularly in the private sector. The law states that
disabled persons should number 3 percent of stafi in private enterprises. In the civil
service, 5 percent of administrative staff and 80 percent of telephone operator posi-
tions are reserved for disabled persons. Persons with disabilities have been ap-
pointed to important positions in the civil service.
The Construction Code mandates physical access for disabled persons to private
and public buildings, but this law too is poorly enforced. Ramps and special curbs
for the disabled have been constructed on some Athens streets and at some public
buildings, and sound signals have been installed at some city street crossings. Since
1993 the Government has been replacing old city buses with new ones with stairs
specially designed for the disabled. The new Athens subway lines under construction
reportedly were designed to provide full access for the disabled.
Religious Minorities. — In August the Council of State ruled that individuals who
"explicitly state that they adhere to a dogma or religion the beliefs of which would
prevent the fulfillment of their duties" can legally be excluded from- the national fire
brigade. Human rights observers criticized the decision as a dangerous precedent al-
lowing religious discrimination in public sector hiring.
Jehovah's Witness leaders report that their members experienced difficulty ob-
taining permission to bury their dead in public cemeteries.
In June Mormon missionaries were assaulted by passersby in two incidents on the
street in central Athens; police allegedly failed to intervene. Mormon church officials
criticized the police response (see Section 2.c.).
In March a Jewish cemetery in Trikala was severely vandalized. Jewish commu-
nity leaders report that the Ministry of Public Order at first declined to investigate
the incident. An investigation was eventually launched that has produced no results
to date. Leaders of the Jewish community have lobbied the Government for several
years to delete anti-Semitic references from public school textbooks. The Ministry
of Education and Religion agreed to delete all such references as new editions were
published, and established a committee to identify such references. Only one of the
six anti-Semitic references identified by the committee was deleted from the new
textbook editions published in 1996.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — There are communities that identify them-
selves as Turks, Pomaks, Vlachs, Roma, Arvanites (ethnic Albanians), and "Macedo-
nians" or "Slavomacedonians." Most are fully integrated into society. The Govern-
ment formally recognizes only the "Muslim minority" specified in the 1923 Treaty
of Lausanne, applying the term to several different ethnic communities. Most of the
Muslim minority (officially estimated at 120,000 persons) is ethnically Turkish or
Turcophone and lives in Western Thrace. The Muslim minority also includes
Pomaks and Roma. Many Greek Muslims, including Pomaks, identify themselves as
Turks and say that the Muslim minority as a whole has a Turkish cultural con-
sciousness. Wmle use of the term "tourkos" ("Turk") is prohibited in titles of organi-
zations, individuals may legally call themselves "tourkos." To most Greeks, the word
"tourkos" connotes Turkish identity or loyalties, and many object to its use by Greek
citizens of Turkish origin. Use of a similar adjective, "tourkoyennis" (of Turkish de-
scent, affiliation, or ethnicity) is, however, allowed. In June a dozen Muslim teach-
ers were each sentenced to 8 months in prison for using the term "Turkish teachers
of Western Thrace" in signing a union document. Their sentences were suspended
pending appeal.
The Treaty of Lausanne provides that the Muslim minority has the right to Turk-
ish-language education, with a reciprocal entitlement for the Greek minority in Is-
tanbul (now reduced to about 3,000). Western Thrace has both Koranic and secular
Turkish-language schools. Government disputes with Turkey over teachers and text-
1112
books caused these secular schools serious problems in obtaining faculty and teach-
ing materials in sufficient number and quality. Under a 1952 educational protocol,
Greece and Turkey may annually exchange 35 teachers on a reciprocal basis. The
teachers serve in Istanbul and Western Thrace, respectively, but in recent years the
Greek side limited the exchanges to 16 teachers per country due to the dwindling
needs of the small and agiiiK Greek population m Turkey. In Greece over 9,000
Muslim children attended Turkish-language primary schools. Approximately 650 at-
tended Turkish-language secondary schools, and approximately 1,000 attended
Greek-language secondary schools. Many Muslims reportedly went to high school in
Turkey due to the limited number of places in the Turkish-language secondary
schools, which are assigned by lottery.
In 1995 the Government enacted several measures designed to improve the edu-
cational situation of Muslims in Thrace. Incentives were created to encourage Mus-
lim and Christian educators to reside and teach in isolated villages. The law also
permits the Minister of Education to give special consideration to Muslims for ad-
mission to universities and technical institutes. The law required universities and
technical institutes to create a certain number of places for Muslim students each
year, in 1997, 334 spaces were available. The admission exams were taken by 120
Muslim students, and 114 were accepted into universities and technical schools. Mi-
nority sources indicate that the success rate of students accepted in 1996 was low.
The rate of employment of Muslims in the public sector and in state-owned indus-
tries and corporations is much lower than the Muslim percentage of the population.
In Xanthi and Komotini, while Muslims hold seats on the prefectural and town
councils, there are no Muslims among the regular employees of the prefecture. Mus-
lims in Thrace claim that they are hired only for lower level, part-time work. The
Government says that lack oi fluency in written and spoken Greek and the need
for university degrees for hi^-level positions limit the number of Muslims eligible
for government jobs. In 1997, for the first time, a Muslim-owned company received
one of the government subsidies offered to corporations establishing or expanding
business operations in Thrace.
Public omces in Thrace do their business in Greek; the courts provide interpreters
as needed. The office of the nomarch (governor) in Rodopi province, where many eth-
nic Turks live, has Turkish-language interpreters available. In November, however,
a prosecutor in Rodopi ordered the Komotini registrar to stop accepting documents
sealed by the government-appointed muftis unless the language of the documents
is Greek. He also ordered the registrar to reiect as unsealed any documents bearing
the Arabic-lettered seals used by the muftis for the last 70 years.
Claims of discriminatory denial of Muslim applications for business licenses, trac-
tor ownership, or property construction have diminished greatly in recent years. De-
velopment 01 basic public services (electricity, telephones, paved roads) in Muslim
neignborhoods and villages, however, continues in many cases to lag far behind that
of non-Muslim areas.
Other than in one multicultural education 'pUot school,' the Government does not
provide instruction in Greek as a second language to Turcophone children in the
Athens area. Muslim parents report that their children are unable to succeed in
school as a result of this policy. The Government maintains that Muslims outside
of Thrace are not covered by the Treaty of Lausanne and therefore do not enjoy
those rights guaranteed by the treaty.
In February a group of youths threw rocks at a mosque in Rodopi province during
m^yers, causing minor damage. Four people were injured in the ensuing scuffie.
The incident did not appear to be related to the organized anti-mosque violence of
previous years. Authorities who investigated the incident attributed it to intoxicated
juvenile delinquents. However, Muslims continued to face governmental and societal
discrimination.
Members of the Muslim minority on the Dodecanese islands of Rhodes and Kos
are much more integrated into local society.
Northern Greece is home to an indeterminate number (estimates range widely,
from under 10,000 to 50,000 or more) of citizens who are descended from
Slavophones. Some still speak a Slavic dialect, particularly in Fiorina province. A
small number of them identify themselves as belonging to a distinct ethnic group,
which they call "Macedonian,' and assert their right to minority status, (these self-
described ethnic "Macedonians" are hereafter referred to as "Macedonians. ") This
assertion generates strong objections among the 2.2 million ethnically and linguis-
tically Greek inhabitants of tne northern Greek region of Macedonia, who also use
the term to identify themselves. The Government refuses to recognize the Slavic dia-
lect as "Macedonian" and denies that it is a language distinct from Bulgarian. Gov-
ernment officials in Fiorina have used laws against "inciting rivalry and division"
to block the use of Slavic place-names and other terms in public (see Section 2.a.)
1113
Greek sensitivity on this issue stems from concern that members of the "Macedo-
nian" minority may have separatist aspirations. Greece's dispute with the former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia over that country's name heightened this sensitiv-
ity.
Government harassment and intimidation of some of these people, which has in-
cluded denying their right to association (see Section 2.b.), monitoring activists'
meetings with numan rights investigators (see Section 2.d.), and accusing activists
publicly of being agents of a foreign Government, continues at a reduced level. Fear
of loss of employment or other sanctions leads some Greeks who consider themselves
"Macedonian" not to declare it openly. Activists also complain of limited access to
the press, although there is no evidence that the Government pressures the media
not to cover the issue.
Roma frequently face discrimination in employment and in housing, particularly
when attempting to rent accommodations. They experience police abuse more fre-
quently than some other groups, particularly when police raid entire Roma camps
based on a warrant to arrest one individual.
The (iieneral Secretariat for Adult Education (GSAE), a government agency, esti-
mated the Romani population to be 150,000 to 200,000 in 1997. NonofTicial sources
estimate the total at 250,000 to 300,000. Most of the Roma in Western Thrace are
Muslim; elsewhere, the majority are Greek Orthodox. Almost half are permanently
settled, mainly in the Athens area. The other half are mobile, working mainly as
agricultural laborers, peddlers, and musicians throughout the country. The GSAE
reports that the number of Roma who move around the country is gradually de-
creasing as families settle into slums in the suburbs of major cities. Government
policy is to encourage the integration of Roma. Poverty, illiteracy, and social preju-
dice continue to plague large parts of the Romani population; these problems are
most severe among tne Roma who are mobile or who live in slums. The GSAE con-
ducts education and training programs for the Romani population. The illiteracy
rate among Roma is estimated at 80 percent. The Ministry of Education established
a system of identity cards designed to permit students to change schools easily as
their parents move and is developing a system of satellite schools for Romani settle-
ments.
The integration of Roma into public social security systems is quite low. It is esti-
mated that 90 percent of Roma are not insured by the public social security systems,
as they are unable or unwilling to make the required contributions. Like all Greek
citizens, the Roma are entitled to free emergency health care. Their access to health
care is at times hindered by the fact that their encampments are located far from
public health facilities.
In April the mayor of Ano Liossia ordered the eviction of 100 Romani families liv-
ing on private land next to the landfill that serves the greater Athens area. Accord-
ing to human ri^ts observers and Roma, the residents were given only a few hours
notice to remove their possessions before bulldozers leveled their shacks. Roma
claim that there had been a Romani encampment on the site for 15 years and criti-
cized the short notice and apparently arbitrary nature of the eviction.
Projects announced in 1996 to improve Romani living conditions have not yet been
implemented. The Prime Minister nas designated a member of his staff to coordi-
nate the efforts of all government ministries having a role in the integration of
Roma.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and subsequent legislation provide
for the right of association. All workers, with the exception of the military, have the
right to form or join unions. Police have the right to form unions but not to strike.
Approximately 30 percent of workers (nearly 1 million persons) were organized in
unions. Unions receive most of their funding from a Ministry of Labor organization,
the Workers' Hearth, which distributes mandatory contributions from employees
and employers. Workers, employers, and the state are represented in equal numbers
on the board of directors of tne Workers' Hearth. Only the five most powerful public
sector unions have dues-withholding provisions in their contracts, in addition to re-
ceiving Workers' Hearth subsidies.
Over 4,000 unions are grouped into regional and sectoral federations and two um-
brella confederations, one for civil servants and one, the General Confederation of
Greek Workers (GSEE), for private sector employees. Unions are highly politicized,
and there are party-afliliated factions within the labor confederations, but day-to-
day operations are not controlled by political parties or the (jovernment. There are
no restrictions on who may serve as a union ofiicial.
Legal restrictions on strikes include a mandatory p)eriod of notice, which is 4 days
for public utilities and 24 hours for the private sector. Legislation mandates a skele-
1114
ton staff during strikes affecting public services, such as electricity, transportation,
conimunications, and banking. Public utility companies, state-owned banks, the
postal service, Olympic Airways, and the railroads are also required to maintain a
skeleton staff during strikes.
The courts have the power to declare strikes illegal, although such decisions are
seldom enforced. Unions complain, however, that this judicial power serves as a de-
terrent to some of their membership from participating in strikes. In 1997 the
courts declared a majority of strikes illegal for reasons such as failure of the union
to give adequate advance notice of the strike, or the addition of demands by the
union during the course of the strike. No striking workers were prosecuted, how-
ever.
Unions are free to join international associations and maintain a variety of inter-
national affiliations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Legislation provides for the
right to organize and bargain collectively in the private sector and in public corpora-
tions. These rights are respected in practice. There are no restrictions on collective
bai^aining for private sector employees. The union of civil servants negotiates with
the Office of the Minister to the Prime Minister.
In response to union complaints that most labor disputes ended in compulsory ar-
bitration, legislative remedies were enacted in 1989 providing for mediation proce-
dures, with compulsory arbitration as a last resort. The legislation establishing a
national mediation, reconciliation, and arbitration organization went into effect in
1992 and applies to the private sector and public corporations (the military and civil
service excluded).
Antiunion discrimination is prohibited. The labor inspectorate or a court inves-
tigates complaints of discrimination against union members or organizers. Court
rulings have mandated the reinstatement of improperly fired union organizers.
Three free trade zones operate according to European Union regulations. The
labor laws apply equally in these zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits all
forced or compulsory labor, including that performed by children, and the Ministry
of Justice enforces this prohibition. However, the Government may declare the "civil
mobilization" of workers in the event of danger to national security, life, property,
or the social and economic life of the country. The International labor Organization
(ILO) Committee of Experts has criticized this power as violating the standards of
ILO Convention 29 on forced labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Con-
stitution contains a blanket prohibition of compulsory labor. Although no specific
legislation explicitly prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, such practices
are not known to occur. The minimum age for employment in the industrial sector
is 15, with higher limits for certain activities. The minimum age is 12 in family
businesses, theaters, and the cinema. These age limits are enforced by occasional
Labor Inspectorate spot checks and are generally respected. However, families en-
gaged in agriculture, food service, and merchandising often have younger family
members assisting them, at least part time.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Collective bargaining between the GSEE and
the Employers' Association determines a nationwide minimum wage. The Ministry
of Labor routinely ratifies this minimum wage, which has the force of law and ap-
plies to all workers. The minimum wage of $22 (Dr 6,000) daily and $495 (Dr
133,962) monthly, effective July 1, is sufficient for a decent standard of living for
a worker and family. The maximum legal workweek is 40 hours in the private sec-
tor and 37y2 hours in the public sector. The law provides for at least one 24-hour
rest period per week, mandates paid vacation of 1 month per year, and sets limits
on overtime.
Legislation provides for minimum standards of occupational health and safety. Al-
though the GSEE characterized health and safety legislation as satisfactory, it
charged that enforcement, the responsibility of the Labor Inspectorate, was inad-
equate. The ILO urged the Government to put the Labor Inspectorate under central
authority in order to comply with ILO Convention 81. Workers do not have the legal
right to remove themselves from situations they believe endanger their health. They
do have the right, however, to lodge a confidential complaint with the Labor
Inspectorate. Inspectors have the right to close down machinery or a process for a
period of up to 5 days if they see safety or health hazards that they believe rep-
resent an imminent danger to the workers.
1115
HUNGARY
Hungary is a parliamentary democracy with a freely elected legislative assembly.
F*rime Minister Gyula Horn, the leader of the Hunearian Socialist Party, heads a
coalition Government formed after the 1994 national elections. The Government re-
spects the constitutional provisions for an independent judicisiry.
The internal and external security services report directly to a minister without
portfolio, and the police report to the Interior Minister. There continued to be credi-
ble reports of pwlice abuses, although their frequency has declined compared with
previous years.
The Government has demonstrated through its macroeconomic policies and exten-
sive privatization its commitment to the transition to a market economy. The pri-
vate sector generates about 75 percent of gross domestic product. Services, trade,
and government employ about 63 percent of the labor force, and industry nearly 30
percent. Major exports include manufactured goods (41 percent) and machinery and
transport equipment (39 percent). An estimated 25 percent of the population live in
poverty, with elderly pensioners, dependent housewives and children, and Roma
most affected.
The Government generally respects human rights and civil liberties of its citizens;
however, in practice the authorities do not always ensure due process in all cases.
Prosecutors and judges may impose what amounts to unlimitea pretrial detention,
although the Government expanded legal provisions for the right to fair trial. Police
on occasion enter private residences to check foreigners' identification without war-
rants. Although senior levels of the Interior Ministry and the National Police ad-
dressed problems in specific cases, police continued to use excessive force against
suspects. Police harassed and abused both Roma and foreign nationals.
Tne print media are completely privatized and enjoy a high degree of independ-
ence. The electronic media remain a mixture of state-run and private enterprises:
the two laivest stations are state owned, but in October three commercial stations
began broadcasting. Opposition politicians and some journalists criticized what they
termed the Government's "media monopoly," the constraints it purportedly imposes
on press freedom by economic pressure, and its discrimination against conservative
media. However, there is no evidence of government interference with editorial con-
tent. Societal discrimination against Roma remains a serious problem. Anti-Semitic
and racist attacks continued to decline. Spousal abuse of women, sexual harass-
ment, and discrimination in the job market remain serious problems. Steps were im-
plemented to improve the rights of women and persons with disabilities.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
After a suspect reportedly was beaten to death in Paszto in 1995, one of the police
officers involved was dismissed, three were suspended, and the police commander
resigned. After 12 months of investigation, formal charges were brought in October
1996. In February the police officers were acquitted on the grounds that there was
insufficient evidence that the beating directly resulted in the suspect's death.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
No known incidents of torture occurred. Police abuses continued, including harass-
ment, use of excessive force, and beatings of suspects. Police also continued to har-
ass and physically abuse Roma and foreign nationals. A total of 164 police officers
were accused of physical abuse in 1995 (latest available data), a three-fold increase
over 1994.
The police and Interior Ministry are working to change the police's authoritarian
image, and human rights organizations report thatpolice are generally more cooper-
ative with outside monitoring of police benavior. These efforts are hampered, how-
ever, by low salaries and a lack oi physical resources. A 1997 study by tne ombuds-
man's office, which investigates constitutional violations in the public sector, con-
demned police corruption but noted that it is unsurprising that it exists, given the
police's low pay ana poor working conditions. Police frequently harass residents,
charging questionable fines for erroneous traffic violations to earn petty cash. Police
showed indifference towards foreigners who have been victims of street crime.
Although prisons are overcrowded, conditions meet minimum international stand-
ards. Following a report by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture
and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment published in January, the
Government closed detention facilities deemed unfit and modernized others. A re-
1116
port for the first half of 1996 by a local human rights organization identified 28
cases of physical abuse of detainees in prisons (latest available data).
The Government permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Police must inform suspects upon arrest
of the charges against them and may hold them for a maximum of 72 hours before
fUing charges. The law requires that all suspects be allowed access to counsel prior
to questioning and throughout all subsequent proceedings. The authorities must
provide counsel for juveniles, the indigent, and the mentally disabled. There are
credible reports that police do not always allow access to counsel, particularly for
minor crimes. There is no bail system; however, depending upon the nature of the
crime, courts may release detainees upon their own recognizance.
The Police Act permits police to hold suspects in public security detention (F'SD)
in cases where the suspect has no identity papers; where blood or urine tests must
be performed to determine blood alcohol content; or if the suspect continues to com-
mit a misdemeanor offense in spite of prior warning. Suspects may be held in PSD
for up to 24 hours. Such detainees are not always informed of the charges against
them, because such periods of "short" detention are not defined as "criminal deten-
tion" and so are not considered to be covered by the Criminal Code.
Pretrial detention, based on a warrant issued by a judge, is initially limited to
1 year while criminal investigations are in progress; it may be extended indefinitely
on the prosecutor's motion (provided the judge concurs). The lack of a bail system
gives tremendous leeway to the judge. In 1996 the average length of pretrial deten-
tion was 3 to 6 months, althougn nearly 10 percent of detainees were held for peri-
ods ranging from 8 to 12 months. In addition, foreigners are usually held until their
trial since they are considered likely to flee the country. Roma allege that they are
kept in pretrial detention longer and more frequently than non-Roma (see Section
I.e.). The law provides for compensation when a detainee is released for lack of evi-
dence, but the procedure is exercised rarely since detainees must undertake a com-
plicated legal procedure to pursue their claims.
The Penal Code does notprovide for exile, and it is not employed.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides
citizens with a fair, although sometimes slow, process. Counsel is appointed for indi-
gent clients, but public deienders are poorly paid and do not give indigent defend-
ants priority; lawyers often meet such clients ior the first time at trial.
Under the Constitution, the courts are responsible for the administration of jus-
tice, with the Supreme Court exercising control over the operations and judicature
of aU the courts. There are three levels of courts. Original jurisdiction in most mat-
ters rests with the local courts. Appeals of their rulings may be made to the county
courts or to the Budapest municipal court, which have original jurisdiction in other
matters. The highest level of appeal is the Supreme Court, whose decisions on non-
constitutional issues are binding. In the case of military trials, appeals also may be
addressed to the Supreme Court.
The Constitutional Court is charged with reviewing the constitutionality of laws
and statutes brou^t before it. Citizens may appeal directly to the Constitutional
Court if they believe that their constitutional rights have been violated. Parliament
elects the dourt's members to 9-year terms, which may be renewed. In September
the Parliament began debate on whether to increase the number of seats on the
Constitutional Court, as well as providing life tenure for its members (the current
retirement age is 70), thereby addressing concerns that vacancies on the bench
could delay the Court's work. No judge or member of the Supreme or Constitutional
Court may belong to a political party or engage in political activity. Although the
Government has alleged that judges' political attitudes have affected decisions,
these charges are undercut by unanimous decisions in controversial cases, with
judges appointed by the (jovernment siding with those appointed by the opposition.
T^ie law provides for the right to a fair trial, and the authorities respected this
right in practice. In selected cases judges may agree to a closed trial to protect the
accused or the crime victim, such as in some rape cases. There is no jury system;
hence judges are the final arbiters.
Military trials follow civil law and may be closed if national security or moral
grounds so justify. In all cases, sentencing must take place publicly. Defendants are
entitled to counsel during all phases of criminal proceedings and are presumed inno-
cent until proven guilty. Judicial proceedings are generally investigative rather than
adversarial in nature.
Many human rights and Romani organizations claim that Roma receive less than
equal treatment in the judicial process. Specifically, they allege that Roma are kept
in pretrial detention more often and for longer periods of time than non-Roma. This
allegation is credible in light of general discrimination against Roma; however, there
1117
is no statistical evidence because identifying the ethnicity of offenders is not allowed
in police records.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
provides that the prosecutor's oflice may issue search warrants. Police must carry
out house searches in the presence of two witnesses and must prepare a written in-
ventory of items removed from the premises. Wiretapping, which may be done for
national security reasons and for legitimate criminal investigations, requires a
court's permission. These provisions appear to be observed in practice. However, po-
lice at times enter private residences without warrants to check foreigners' identi-
fication.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government respects this right in practice. All the major
print media — national and re^onal newspapers, magazines, and tabloids — are in
private hands, some as part oi foreign medaa companies. The print media enjoy con-
siderable freedom; however, journalists and opposition politicians are concerned that
the expression of different views in the press may be circumscribed by the small
number of owners who control most of the print media.
Parliament passed a media law in 1995 creating institutions designed to foster
a free and independent electronic media. The law provided for the creation of na-
tionwide commercial television and radio, and insulated the remaining public serv-
ice media from government control. In June the Government awarded licenses for
the new privatized television channels that began broadcasting in October; licenses
for commercial radio were awarded in November, and the stations are expected to
bejrin broadcasting in early 1998.
The regulatory Dody created by the 1995 law, the National Television and Radio
Board (OKTT), was accused during its first year and a half of operation of political
bias in awarding television licenses. Others have criticized ORTT for its attempts
to acquire a share of the National Broadcasting Company, thereby becoming an
owner in the industry it regulates. Two lawsuits have been filed against the Board,
in both cases raising the question of whether the Board is truly insulated from poli-
tics and conflicts of interest as intended by the law.
Academic freedom is generally respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assem.bly and Association. — There are essentially no re-
strictions on peaceful public gatherings. In general the Government does not reqruire
permits for assembly except when a public gathering is to take place near sensitive
installations, such as military facilities, embassies, or key government buildings. Po-
lice may sometimes alter or revoke permits, but there is no evidence that they abuse
this right.
Any 10 or more persons may form an association, provided that it does not com-
mit criminal offenses or disturb the rights of others. Associations with charters and
elected officers must register with the courts.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and
members of all faiths are allowed to practice tneir religion freely. There are 77 offi-
cially recognized churches. There is no officially preferred religion, but only 41 ofTi-
cially approved religions receive state subsidies. A 1996 law permits citizens to do-
nate 1 percent of their income tax to the church or nonprofit agency of their choice.
Figures released in September show that of $10 million (1.9 billion forints) donated,
$100,000 (20 million forints) was sent to churches (the remainder was donated pri-
marily to schools and animal welfare groups). In June the Government signed a
treaty with the Vatican to return church property confiscated by the Communist re-
gime; the treaty also guaranteed a minimum state subsidy to the Catholic Church
of $9 million (1.7 billion forints). Religious orders and schools have regained some
property confiscated by the Communist regime.
In March Parliament passed enabling legislation setting up a $20 million (4 bil-
lion Ft) Jewish Heritage Foundation fund as provided for in the 1996 Jewish res-
titution decree. The fund provides restitution to over 16,000 Holocaust survivors.
Payments, in the form of life pensions, began in October. The (jovernment also
agreed to restore to the Jewish community nine real estate properties and assorted
artwork confiscated by the Communist authorities.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no restrictions on the movement of citizens within or outside
the country, including on the rights of emigration and repatriation. However, local
authorities have in some cases tried to expel Roma from towns or to induce Roma
to live in what amount to ghettos. The Government may delay but not deny emigra-
tion for those who have significant court-assessed debts or who possess state secrets.
1118
It requires that foreigners from countries that do not have a visa waiver agreement
with Hungary obtain exit visas each time they leave the country, although blanket
permission is sometimes available.
Refugees numbering 4,469 from the former Yugoslavia are registered in Hungary.
Most are in private housing, with only 500 housed in 3 refugee camps. The Govern-
ment estimates there are as many as 60,000 immigrants (the vast majority from Ro-
mania) living in the country in unregistered status, although the local omce of the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) oelieves that this figure
is too high.
Hungary is a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees and to its 1967 Protocol. In December Parliament amended the
refugee law to eliminate a restriction granting refugee status only to Europeans.
The Government cooperates with the ofUce of the UNHCR and other humanitarian
organizations in assisting refugees. Hungary provided first asylum to refugees from
the former Yugoslavia during the fighting in that neighboring country. Prospective
refugees who seek only to transit to Western Europe are encouraged to return to
their countries of departure.
Illegal aliens, mostly non-European, were housed at border guard facilities
throughout Hungary. During the period from January to July, 5,149 illegal aliens
were processed pending either deportation or qualification for resettlement in a
third country according to Interior Ministry data. The determination is made by the
local office of UNHCR. While police seek the timely deportation of detainees who
do not qualify for refugee status, a shortage of funds and the detainees' lack of prop-
er documentation, sucn as passports, often result in lengthy stays. The Helsinki
Committee reported that a group of 15 Syrian Kurds were detained for 6 weeks in
an airport hangar after being denied refugee status. They were transferred to a ref-
ugee camp after human rights groups threatened to take the case to the European
Court of Human Rights. Tne group has since left the camp and is believed to have
left the country. There were no reports of the forced return of persons to a country
where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens age 18 and over have the right to change their government through na-
tional elections held at least every 4 years. Members of Parliament are elected
through a complex voting procedure for individuals and party lists. In the 1994 na-
tional elections, Prime Minister Gyula Horn's Hungarian Socialist (formerly Com-
munist) Party won an absolute majority and formed a coalition (jovemment with
the Liberal Alliance of Free Democrats. Four parties, ranging from moderate to con-
servative, as well as several independent members, constitute an active opposition
in Parliament.
There are no legal impediments to women's participation in government or the po-
litical process; 43 of 383 parliamentary deputies are women. There are few women
in leadership positions in the Government or the political parties. Several minorities
are represented in Parliament, including one Rom, one ethnic German, one ethnic
Slovak, one ethnic Croat, and one ethnic Romanian.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Numerous human rights organizations operate without government restriction or
interference. Many nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) report that the Govern-
ment is generally responsive to their requests for information. However, individual
police units and prosecutors are reportedly uncooperative at times, particularly in
cases involving Roma or police abuses. Some NGO s also reported attempted intimi-
dation and harassment by the police. There is also an active 20-member parliamen-
tary Committee for Human, Minority, and Religious Rights.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for individual rights, equality, and protection against
discrimination, but in practice discrimination still exists, particularly against Roma.
Women. — Spousal abuse is believed to be common, but the vast majority of such
abuse is not reported, and victims who step forward often receive little help from
authorities. While there are laws against rape, it is often unreported for cultural
reasons. Police attitudes towards victims of sexual abuse are often reportedly un-
sympathetic, particularly if the victim was acquainted with her aggressor. New laws
entered into force in September that recognize rape within marriage as a crime and
increase penalties for sex crimes. According to the government statistics office, there
were 406 reported rapes in 1995 and 2,862 reported cases of assaults on women;
1119
for the first 6 months of 1996, 189 rapes and 1,303 assaults were reported (latest
available data).
Legally, women have the same rights as men, including identical inheritance and
property rights. While there is no overt discrimination against women, the number
of women m middle or upper managerial positions in business and government is
low. Women are heavily represented in the judiciary and in the medical and teach-
ingprofessions.
The law does not prohibit sexual harassment in the work place. A 1995 report
prepared under the auspices of the U.N. to evaluate compliance with the Convention
on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women termed sexual harassment in
the woricplace as "virtually epidemic." Women's groups report that there is little
support for efforts to crinunalize sexual harassment and that harassment is toler-
atea by women who fear unemployment more than harassment. The Government
moved to address women's concerns by establishing an Office of Women's Issues in
the Ministry of Labor.
Children. — The Government is committed to children's rights. Education is man-
datory through 16 years of age, and employment is illegal below the age of 16. There
is no societal pattern of child abuse, although NGO's report that neglect and abuse
are common in state care facilities. According to the government statistics office,
there were 753 reported cases of violence against children in 1995, 100 of which
took place within the family. For the first 6 months of 1996, 331 crimes against chil-
dren were reported, of which 54 were within the home (latest available data).
People With Disabilities. — Although the (Government does not mandate accessibil-
ity to buildings or government services for people with disabilities, a September de-
cree requires all companies that employ over 20 persons to reserve 5 percent of their
jobs for the physically or mentally disabled, with fines of up to 75 percent of the
average salary paid bv the company for noncompliance. Services for the disabled are
limitea, and most buildings are not wheelchair accessible.
Religious Minorities. — 'There were a few anti-Semitic incidents of damage to ceme-
tery property. In May the local government paid for repairs to a Jewish cemetery
vandalized in Balassagyarmat. In May a group of youths shouted anti-Semitic slo-
gans and beat a Jewish youth, who suuered a broken nose and chin.
In the first conviction under a 1996 law making it a crime to incite hatred against
a community, a court in July sentenced neo-Nazi politician Albert Szabo to 1 year
in prison for delivering an anti-Semitic speech in 1996. The court suspended the
sentence and placed Szabo on parole for Syears.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — The 1993 Law on Ethnic and Minority
Rights establishes the concept of collective rights of minorities and states that mi-
norities need special rights in order to preserve their ethnic identities. It explicitly
permits organized forms of limited seli-govemment in areas where ethnic groups
constitute a majority and states that the establishment of self-governing Dodies
must be made possible in localities where an ethnic group constitutes less than a
majority of the population. The law permits associations, movements, and political
parties based upon an ethnic or national character and mandates the unrestricted
use of ethnic languages. Only those ethnic groups that have lived within the coun-
try's present borders for at least 100 years ana whose members are citizens may
obtain recognized status under this law.
On this basis, the law specifically grants minority status to 13 ethnic or national
groups. Other groups may petition the Chairman of Parliament for inclusion if they
include at least 1,000 citizens and have their own language and culture.
In 1994 the first elections were held for minority local self-government entities,
which resulted in the formation of over 600 minority local bodies. The number grew
in 1995 to 817 organizations, of which 477 are Roma groups. With funding from the
central budget ($7.5 million [1.5 billion forints] in 1997) and logistical support from
local governments, these bodies have as their primary responsibility influencing and
overseeing local matters affecting the minorities. In 1995 these groups elected na-
tional minority self-government bodies, whose effectiveness has varied widely. The
non-Romani minorities appear to be the most satisfied, while Romani leaders ex-
press frustration with the self-governments' lack of clear authority, responsibility,
or resources. These entities' greatest value is that they provide a platform for mi-
norities to address local and national government organizations; their greatest
weakness is that the Government is compelled to listen, but not to act.
In 1995 Parliament appointed an Ombudsman — currently an ethnic (Jerman —
specifically charged with defending minority rights.
Roma constitute at least 4 percent of the population; Crermans, the second largest
minority group, constitute about 2 percent. Smaller communities of Slovaks, Croats,
Romanians, Poles, Greeks, Serbs, Slovenes, Armenians, Ruthenians, and Bul-
garians, all are recognized as minorities.
1120
Education is available to varying degrees in almost all minority languages. There
are minority-language print media, and the state-run radio broadcasts 2-hour daily
programs in the mother tongue of major nationalities, i.e., Romani, Slovak, Roma-
nian, German, Croatian, anof Serbian. State-run television carries a 30-minute pro-
gram for the larger minority groups, complemented by 5-minute weekly news bul-
letins. And the newly-privatized television stations also carry weekly programs for
ethnic minorities.
Conditions of life within the Romani community are significantly worse than
among the general population. Roma suffer from discrimination and racist attacks
and are considerably less educated, with lower than average incomes and life ex-
pectancy. The Romani unemployment rate is estimated to be 60 to 85 percent, over
six times the national average of 10.3 percent. With unemployment benefits ex-
hausted and social services stretched thin, Roma often coniront desparate situa-
tions.
Roma continue to suffer widespread discrimination in education, housing, and ac-
cess to public institutions, including restaurants and pubs. Discrimination in edu-
cation was highlighted when the town of Tiszavasvari held separate graduation cele-
brations in June for Roma and non-Roma high school students. Local authorities
segregated Roma students in a separate school from non-Roma for 12 years because,
local officials allege, they carry lice and have proportionately more learning disabil-
ities. Local ofiicials deny any discrimination; tne Glovemment criticised the local au-
thorities, but took no steps to correct the situation. Roma schools are more crowded
and in markedly poorer condition than those attended by non-Roma. The Helsinki
Committee found that there are 132 similarly segregated schools throughout the
country.
In what is considered a landmark case, in July a court ordered a bar owner in
the city of Pecs to pay a $750 fine and take out newspaper advertisement apologiz-
ing for refusing to serve a Rom.
Local officials have in some cases taken advantage of rules prohibiting over-
crowded, unsafe or unsanitary housing, or punishing nonpayment of utUity tills to
evict Roma families from residences without providing alternative housing as the
law requires. In July in Satoraljaujhely, the local government ordered the expulsion
of two Roma families for disturbing the peace. Central government officials con-
demned the decree but did not move to overturn it (see Section l.d.).
The Government sponsors programs both to preserve Romani languages and cul-
tural heritage and to assist social and economic assimilation. There is a Coordina-
tion Council for Romani Afl"airs attached to the Prime Minister's Office. In July the
Government published an action plan designed to improve living conditions in
Romani communities, with specific focus on public health, education, and work
training. However, the plan provides no additional funds; rather, it redistributes al-
ready inadequate resources. Widespread popular prejudice against Roma nonethe-
less continues. Police commonly abuse them (see Section l.c).
The Helsinki Committee recorded 2 cases of skinhead assaults (one against a
group of Roma, the other against an Asian student.) According to press reports, a
Sudanese man was attacked in Budapest by four skinheads in December. The
attackers were arrested and the case is under investigation. Foreigners of color re-
Sorted harassment by police and at border control checkpoints. The Martin Luther
ang Organization (MLKO), which documents assaults on nonwhites, recorded six
such incidents in the first half of 1996, a higher rate of assaults than the total
(seven) for 1995 (latest available data). MLKO sources believe many cases go unre-
ported.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1992 Labor Code recognizes the right of unions
to organize and bargain collectively and permits trade union pluralism. Workers
have the right to associate freely, choose representatives, publish journals, and
openly promote members' interests and views. With the exception of military per-
sonnel and the police, they also have the right to strike. Under a separate 1992 law,
public servants may negotiate working conditions, but the final decision on increas-
ing salaries rests with Parliament.
The largest labor union organization is the National Confederation of Hungarian
Trade Unions, the successor to the former monolithic Communist union, with over
800,000 members. The Democratic League of Independent Unions and the Federa-
tion of Workers' Councils have approximately 250,000 and 150,000 members respec-
tively.
There are no restrictions on trade union contacts with international organizations,
and unions have developed a wide range of ties with European and international
trade union bodies.
1121
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Code permits col-
lective bargaining at the enterprise and industry level, although the practice is not
widespread and is actively discouraged in the growing private sector. Labor organi-
zations appear willing to cooperate with one another, and this is particularly evi-
dent in tneir relationship in forums such as the National Interest Reconciliation
Council (ET), which provides a forum for tripartite consultation among representa-
tives from management, employees, and the Government. The ET discusses issues
such as wage increases and the setting of the minimum wage, which is centraDy
negotiated within the ET in order to control inflation. Individual trade unions and
management may negotiate higher levels at the plant level. The Ministry of Labor
is responsible for drafting labor-related legislation, while special labor courts enforce
labor laws. The decisions of these courts may be appealed to the civil court system.
Employers are prohibited from discriminating against unions and their organizers.
The Ministry of Labor enforces this provision.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
fmlsory labor, including that performed by children, and the Ministry of Labor en-
brces this prohibition.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
Srohibits forced and bonded labor by children. The Labor Code forbids labor by chil-
ren under the age of 14, and regulates labor conditions for minors (14 to 16 years
of age), including prohibitions on night shifts and hard physical labor and guaran-
teed overtime payments. The National Labor Center enforces these regulations in
practice, and there does not appear to be any significant abuse of this statute. Edu-
cation is compulsory through age 16. Roma are far more likely than non-Roma to
stop attending school before age 16.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The ET establishes the legal minimum wage,
which is subsequently implemented by Ministry of Labor decree. The minimum
wage, $95 (14,500 Ft) per month, is insufficient to provide an adequate standard of
living for a worker and family. Many workers supplement their primary employ-
ment with second jobs.
The Labor Code specifies various conditions of employment, including termination
procedures, severance pay, maternity leave, trade union consultation rights in some
management decisions, annual and sick leave entitlement, and labor conflict resolu-
tion procedures. Under the Code, the official workday is set at 8 hours; it may vary,
however, depending upon the nature of the industry. A 24-hour rest period is re-
quired during any 7-day period.
Labor courts and the Ministry of Labor enforce occupational safety standards set
by the Government, but specific safety conditions are not generally consonant with
internationally accepted standards. The enforcement of occupational safety stand-
ards is not always effective in part due to the limited resources the Ministry of
Labor is able to commit to enforcement. In theory, workers have the right to remove
themselves from dangerous work situations without jeopardy to continued employ-
ment.
ICELAND
Iceland is a constitutional republic and a multiparty parliamentary democracy. Its
people participate in high percentages in regular, free, and fair elections which de-
termine the distribution of power among political parties and leaders. The judiciary
is independent.
Elected officials control the police force, which scrupulously observes and enforces
the laws that ensure protection of human rights.
Iceland has a mixed, open economy, in which citizens have the right to hold pri-
vate property. It provides residents with a high standard of living. The leading ex-
port, marine products, accounts for almost 80 percent of export revenues.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, and the law
and judiciary provide effective means of dealing with instances of individual abuse.
There is some societal discrimination against women, which the Government has
begun to address.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
1122
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment are pro-
hibited by law and do not occur.
Prison conditions are good, and while many prisons are near capacity, the Govern-
ment is actively modernizing and expanding existing facilities.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution and law provide for an independ-
ent judiciary, and the Grovemment respects this provision in practice.
The Ministry of Justice administers the lower court system, while the Supreme
Court guards its independence and fairness. Juries are not used, but multijudge
panels are common, especially in the appeals process. All judges, at all levels, serve
for life.
The judiciary provides citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process. Defend-
ants are presumed innocent. They are guaranteed the right of access to legal coun-
sel of their own choosing in time to prepare their defense. For defendants unable
to pay attorneys' fees, the State assumes the cost. Defendants have the right to be
present at their trial, to confront witnesses, and to participate otherwise in the pro-
ceedings. No groups are barred from testifying, and all testimony is treated alike.
Trials are public and are conducted fairly, with no official intimidation. Defendants
have the right to appeal.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties. Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An inde-
pendent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system
combine to ensure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Although the official state religion is Lutheranism, the
Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government respects this
right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice. The Government cooperates with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in as-
sisting refugees. There were no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid
claim to refugee status. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise in
1996. In addition to the 31 refugees from the former Yugoslavia that Iceland accept-
ed in 1996, 19 refugees mostly from Croatia's Krajina region were settled in the
southern town of Hofn in August. Local government authorities have played a major
role in helping the refugees adapt to their new environment, including providing
Icelandic language classes and jobs.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. The most recent elections to the
Althingi (unicameral Parliament) were held in April 1995.
There are no legal or practical impediments to women's participation in govern-
ment and politics. There is one woman in the cabinet. There is an active feminist
political party, the Women's List, which won 3 of 63 seats in the 1995 parliamentary
elections.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials
are generally cooperative and responsive to their views.
1123
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The culture of the ethnically homogeneous population is strongly egalitarian and
opposed to discrimination based on any of these factors. Government legislation and
practice generally reflect this attitude.
Women. — Increased governmental awareness of violence against women, resulting
from extensive media coverage, has led to stiffening of sentencing for sex offenders.
The tougher sentencing derives from improved action by the courts in more strictly
enforcing existing laws. A police program to train officers in correct interrogation
procedures in rape and sexual abuse cases appears to be addressing prior concerns
that police indifference and hostility to female victims did not assure victims of such
abuses proper attention and consideration.
There is a public women's shelter that offers protection to approximately 350
women and 200 children per year; these figures are virtually unchanged since 1995.
There is also a rape trauma center sponsored and operated by women's organiza-
tions; some 400 women and children seek assistance annually. Both facilities are
funded by national and municipal governments, and private contributions. The Rey-
kjavik City Hospital emergency ward has an all-female staff to care for rape victims.
During the year the emergency ward reported 77 visits associated with incidents of
rape or sexual abuse, 71 by women ana 6 by men. Hospital officials estimate that
only 55 percent of these victims press charges and only a handful of cases actually
go to trial, attributing this to fear of publicity in such a small, tightly-knit society.
The Women's List political movement and the female Mayor of Reykjavik have
kept women's issues in the forefront of public debate. While major political institu-
tions and businesses remain male dominated, the Government is taking steps to en-
force legislation requiring equal pay for equal work. The 20 percent gap in earnings
between men and women in comparable jobs narrowed somewhat nationally but
dropped significantly in Reykjavik to 10 to 15 percent.
Since 1991 complaints regarding the Equal Ri^ts Law have been referred to a
special committee under the Equal Rights Affairs Office of the Ministry of Social
Affairs. However, the committee has only advisory powers, and its recommendations
to employers do not have the force of law. Few complaints are made to the commit-
tee.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights through its well-funded systems of public education and medical care. The
Government provides free prenatal and infant medical care, as well as heavily sub-
sidized children's care. Compulsory education ends in the 10th grade. About 85 per-
cent of students continue to upper secondary education, which is financed com-
pletely by the State. In 1994 the Government created the Office of the Children's
Ombudsman in the Prime Ministry, with a mandate to protect children's rights, in-
terests, and welfare by, among other things, exerting influence on legislation, gov-
ernment decisions, and public attitudes. The Parliament ratified the Hague Conven-
tion on Child Abduction which entered into force in December. This action is ex-
pected to facilitate the handling of international child custody cases.
There is no societal pattern of abuse directed against children.
People With Disabilities. — Disabled individuals are not subject to discrimination
in employment, education, or provision of other state services. The Government has
legislated accessibility to public buildings for the disabled.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers make extensive use of the right to establish
organizations, draw up their own constitutions and rules, choose their own leaders
and policies, and publicize their views. The resulting organizations are controlled
neither by the Government nor by any single political party. Unions take active part
in Nordic, European, and international trade union todies. With the exception of
limited categories of workers in the public sector whose services are essential to
gublic health or safety, unions have had and used the right to strike for many years.
ome 76 j)ercent of all eligible workers belong to unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — There are no impediments to
union membership in law or in practice. Virtually all unions exercise their right to
bargain collectively. The central labor and management organizations periomcally
ne^tiate collective bargaining agreements that set nationwide standards and spe-
cific terms for workers pay, work hours, and other conditions. The Government
often plays a role in the negotiations, and sometimes undertakes commitments in
order to bring the two sides together. Labor courts effectively adjudicate disputes
over contracts and over the rights provided for in the 1938 Act on Trade Unions
and Industrial Disputes, which prohioits antiunion discrimination.
1124
By law, employers found guilty of antiunion discrimination are required to rein-
state workers fired for union activities. In practice, the charges are difficult to
prove.
In 1996 the Parliament passed legislation updating the labor laws and bringing
them into compliance with the European human rights convention.
There are no export processing or other special economic zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is pro-
hibited by law and does not occur. The law prohibits forced and bonded labor by
children, and the Government enforces this prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The law
Erohibits forced and bonded labor by children and the Government enforces this pro-
ibition effectively (see Section 6.c.). The law requires children to attend school until
the age of 16 years and prohibits employment of children under that age in fac-
tories, on ships, or in other places that are hazardous or require hard labor. This
prohibition is observed in practice. Children 14 or 15 years old may be employed
part-time or during school vacations in light, nonhazardous work. Their work -hours
must not exceed the ordinary work -hours of adults in the same occupation. The Oc-
cupational Safety and Health Administration enforces child labor regulations.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Although there is no minimum wage law,
union membership is so extensive and effective as to ensure that labor contracts af-
ford even the lowest paid workers a sufficient income for a decent standard of living
for themselves and their families.
Workers are protected by laws that effectively ensure their health and safety as
well as provide for unemployment insurance, paid vacations, pensions, and reason-
able working conditions and hours. The standard legal workweek is 40 hours. Work
exceeding 8 hours in a workday must be compensated as overtime. Workers are en-
titled to 10 hours of rest within each 24-hour period and to a day ofi" every week.
Under defined special circumstances the 10-hour rest period can be reduced to 8,
and the day off can be postponed by a week, in which case the worker has a right
to 2 additional hours ofi in tne following week.
Health and safety standards are set by the Althingi and administered and en-
forced by the Ministry of Social Affairs through its Occupational Safety and Health
Administration.
IRELAND
Ireland is a parliamentary democracy with a long tradition of orderly transfer of
power. The Government is headed by a President and a Prime Minister, and there
is a bicameral Parliament. The judiciary is independent.
The national police are under the effective civilian control of the Minister of Jus-
tice and have sole responsibility for internal security. Ireland's principal internal se-
curity concern has been to prevent the spillover of terrorist violence from Northern
Ireland. The Irish Republican Army's (IRA) declaration of a cease-fire on July 19
led to the start of substantive political negotiations between key parties to the con-
flict.
Ireland has an open, market-based economy that is highly dependent on inter-
national trade. It is a large net recipient of funds from the European Union (EU)
designed to raise per capita gross national product to the EU average. Despite
strong economic growth over the past few years, unemployment remains 10.8 per-
cent.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens. Human
rights problems arise primarily from: prison overcrowding and substandard facili-
ties; instances of abuse by police and prison officials; the continuation of special ar-
rest and detention authority and the nonjury court; discrimination and violence
against women; abuse of children; the occasional censorship of films, books, and
f)eriodicals; discrimination against refugees; and a lack of explicit antidiscrimination
egislation, especially in relation to persons with disabilities and "travelers" (an itin-
erant ethnic community).
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
1125
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and security personnel generally did not employ
them.
While mistreatment of persons in police custody is not widespread, an unspecified
number of cases have been filed by detainees claiming damages for injuries sus-
tained while in police custody. No official public action has yet been taken in the
case of two persons accused of murdering a police officer in 1996, who alleged that
they had been severely beaten while in police custody and who appeared in court
with physical injuries consistent with their allegations.
Ireland has a low incarceration rate (76 inmates per 100,000 population), and the
prison regime is generally liberal. However, the physical infrastructure of many
Srisons is barely adequate: facilities are plagued by chronic overcrowding, requiring
oubling-up in many single-person cells. Although 2 new prisons have been built,
most of the country's 14 prisons are very old buildings that were originally intended
for other uses; as a result, many cells do not have toilets and running water. The
Government is in the process of upgrading prison facilities to improve sanitary con-
ditions and to meet statutory health and safety standards.
According to the Justice Department, no cases had been filed against the State
for alleged mistreatment of prisoners as of October, althou^ an unspecified number
of complaints were bein^ processed by individual prison governors.
The Government contmued to arrest and incarcerate at Portlaoise prison persons
involved in paramilitary activity. Conditions for these inmates are the same, if not
better, than those for the general prison population.
The Government began a 3-year prison construction plan to build 800 new cells
and a new women's prison annex at Mountjoy prison.
International human rights monitors are permitted to visit prisons without res-
ervation.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution stipulates that no per-
son shall be deprived of personal liberty without due process under the law. A de-
tainee has the right to petition the High Court, which is required to order release
unless it can be shown that the person is being detained in accordance with the law.
Under the 1984 Criminal Justice Act, the maximum period of detention for ques-
tioning in most cases is 12 hours, plus a possible extension of 8 hours overnight to
allow a detainee to sleep.
Detention without charge is permitted for up to 48 hours, however, in cases cov-
ered by the 1939 Offenses Against the State Act. This act allows police to arrest
and detain for questioning anyone suspected of committing a "scheduled offense,"
i.e., one involving firearms, explosives, or membership in an unlawful organization.
Although the stated purpose oi the act is to "prevent actions and conduct calculated
to undermine public order and the authority of the state," it is not restricted to sub-
versive offenses. Therefore, the police have broad arrest and detention powers in
any case involving firearms. However, under the terms of the decommissioning law
enacted in February in support of the Northern Ireland peace process, proceedings
may not be instituted agamst persons in relation to any offense that may be com-
mitted in the course of decommissioning illegally held arms in accordance with an
approved arms decommissioning scheme.
The act also provides for the indefinite detention, or internment, without trial of
any person who is engaged in activities that are "prejudicial to the preservation of
public peace and order or to the security of the state." While this power has not
been invoked since the late 1950's, the Government could do so by simply issuing
a proclamation. There are no provisions for the 1939 Offenses Against the State Act
to De renewed; it continues indefinitely.
The Criminal Justice (Drug Trafficking) Act of 1996 permits detention without
charge for up to 7 days in cases involving drug trafficking. To hold a suspected drug
trafficker for more than 48 hours, however, the police must seek a judge s approvaL
Following approval in 1996 of a referendum calling for stricter bail laws, legisla-
tion was enacted in May that is designed to allow a court to refuse bail to a person
charged with a serious offense where it is reasonably considered necessary to pre-
vent the commission of a serious offense by that person. A serious offense is defined
by reference to a schedule of offenses contained in the bill and must be one that
carries a j>enalty of 5 years' imprisonment or more. However, by year's end the Jus-
tice Minister had not signed a statutory order which would allow the courts to im-
plement the law's provisions. The lack of accommodations for prisoners was cited
as the reason for the delay.
The authorities do not impose exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides
citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
1126
The judicial system includes 23 district courts, 8 circuit courts, the High Court,
the Court of Criminal Appeal, and the Supreme Court. Judges are appointed by the
President on the advice oi the Government.
Most criminal cases are prosecuted by the Director of Public Prosecutions, a state
official with semiautonomous status. Jury trial is the norm. The accused generally
may choose his or her attorney. For indigent defendants, the state assumes the cost
of counsel.
However, the Constitution explicitly allows "special courts'* to be created when
"ordinary courts are inadequate to secure the effective administration of justice and
the preservation of public peace and order." In 1972, under the 1939 Offenses
Against the State Act, the Government set up a nonjury "Special Criminal Court"
(SCC) to try "scheduled offenses" (see Section l.d.). Largely a reaction to the spill-
over of paramilitary violence from Northern Ireland, the SCC has been iustified over
the years as addressing the problem of jury intimidation in cases involving defend-
ants with suspected paramilitary links.
Three cases were completed in the Special Criminal Court between January and
June, and 13 cases were pending as of October. In addition to "scheduled offenses,"
the Director of Public Prosecutions can have any nonscheduled offense tried by the
SCC where he is of the opinion that the ordinary courts are inadequate to secure
the effective administration of justice and the preservation of public peace and order
in relation to a trial of a person on such charges and so certifies in writing.
In lieu of a jury, the Special Criminal Court always sits as a three-judge panel.
Its verdicts are by majority vote. Rules of evidence are essentially the same as in
regular courts, except that the sworn statement of a police chief superintendent
identifying the accused as a member of an illegal organization is accepted as prima
facie evidence. Sessions of the SCC are usually public, but the judge may exclude
certain persons other than journalists. Appeals oi SCC decisions are allowed in cer-
tain circumstances.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The Su-
preme Court has affirmed that, although not specifically provided for in the Con-
stitution, the inviolability of personal privacy, family, and home must be respected
in law and practice. This ruling is fully honored by the Government.
In 1996 the High Court upheld a referendum that removed the ban on divorce.
The Government enacted implementing legislation allowing courts to grant divorces
under certain circumstances.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides individuals with the
right to "express ireely their convictions and opinions. ' Freedom of the press, how-
ever, is subject to the qualification that it not "undermine public order or morality
or the authority of the state." Publication or utterance of "blasphemous, seditious,
or indecent matter" is prohibited. While the press, in practice, operates freely, the
1961 Defamation Act (which puts the onus on newspapers and periodicals accused
of libel to prove defamatory words are true) and the 1963 Official Secrets Act (which
gives the State wide scope to prosecute unauthorized disclosures of sensitive govern-
ment information) are believed to result in some self-censorship.
Broadcasting remains mostly state controlled, but under the 1988 Radio and Tele-
vision Act, private sector broadcasting is growing. There are 21 independent radio
stations, and negotiations are proceeding wr an independent television station. The
Broadcasting Complaints Conmiission oversees standards and investigates com-
plaints about programming. The 1960 Broadcasting Act empowers the Government
to prohibit the state-owned radio and television network from broadcasting any mat-
ter that is "likely to promote or incite to crime or which would tend to undermine
the authority of the state." It was on this basis that the Government banned Sinn
Fein (the legal political front of the IRA) from the airwaves from 1971 to 1994.
Films and videos must be screened and classified by the Office of the Film Censor
before they can be shown or sold. Distributors must pay a fee of about 11 cents (7
Irish pence) per foot of film, which is used to finance the censor's office. Under the
1923 Censorship of Films Act, the censor has the authority to cut or ban any film
that is "indecent, obscene or blasphemous" or which tends to "inculcate principles
contrary to public morality or subversive of public morality." No films were banned
in 1997. Decisions of the censor can be appealed to a nine-member appeal board,
but neither the censor nor the appeal board is required to hear arguments or evi-
dence in public or to state the reasons for its decisions.
Books and periodicals are also subject to censorship. The 1946 Censorship of Pub-
lications Act calls for a five-member board to examine publications referred to it by
the customs service or a member of the general public. It can also examine books
1127
or periodicals on its own initiative. The board can prohibit the sale of any publica-
tion that it judges to be indecent or obscene. In 1997 the board banned at least 24
books and 90 periodicals, compared with 46 books and 43 periodicals in 1996.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides citi-
zens with the right to "assemble peaceably and without arms" and to lorm associa-
tions and unions. However, it also allows the State to "prevent or control meetings"
that are calculated to cause a breach of the peace or to be a danger or nuisance
to the general public. Under the 1939 Offenses Against the State Act, it is unlawful
to hold any public meeting on behalf of, or in support of, an illegal organization.
Although the Government prosecutes and incarcerates persons for mere membership
in a terrorist organization, it allows meetings and assemblies by some groups that
are associated with illegal terrorist organizations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government does not hamper the teaching or practice of any faith. Even though Ire-
land is overwhelmingly Roman Catholic, there is no state religion. However, almost
all primary and secondary schools are denominational, managed and controlled by
the Catholic Church. Religious instruction is an integral part of the curriculum, but
there are provisions for parents to exempt their children from such instruction.
There is no widespread discrimination against nontraditional religious groups.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There is complete freedom of movement within the country, as well as
freedom to engage in foreign travel, emigration, and voluntary repatriation.
The Government approved a new remgee law in 1996 but, except for provisions
relating to the Dublin Convention of 1990, which harmonizes European Union (EU)
asylum procedures, it has not been implemented. Under provisions of the Conven-
tion, persons who arrive in Ireland from another EU state and claim asylum are
to be returned to the EU state from which they arrived to make their claim. Ireland
implements its obligations under the 1951 United Nations (U.N.) Convention Relat-
ing to the Status of Refugees on an administrative basis. Specific administrative
procedures for the determination of refugee status were drawn up in consultation
with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees; in 1992 the Supreme Court ruled
that these procemires were binding on the Minister of Justice. However, as the
number of asylum seekers has increased (from only 31 in 1990 to nearly 3,000 in
the first 9 months of 1997), these administrative procedures have proved inad-
equate. In particular there have been complaints of long delays and a lack of trans-
parency in decisions concerning refugee status. There is an estimated backlog of
4,000 asylum cases. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise in 1997;
nor were there reports of the forced return of persons to a country where they feared
persecution. Allegations of racism in dealing with asylum seekers sparked a public
debate on immigration (see Section 5).
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitutional requirement that parliamentary elections be held at least
every 7 years has always been met. Suffrage is universal for citizens over the age
of 18, and balloting is secret. Several political parties have seats in the bicameral
Parliament. Members of the Dail (House of Representatives) — the chamber that car-
ries out the main legislative functions — are popularly elected; in the Seanad (Sen-
ate), some members are elected and some are appointed by various bodies. The
President is popularly elected for a 7-year term and is limited to 2 terms. An ap-
pointed Council of State serves as an advisory body to the President.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. Although a woman is
president, only 20 of the 166 deputies in the Dail and 8 of the 60 senators are
women. Three of the 15 government ministers are women, as are 2 of the 17 junior
ministers. There are 3 women on the 20-member High Court; only 1 of the 8 Su-
preme Court judges is a woman. While women participate in all departments of
Government, they are underrepresented at senior levels.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of sieged Violations of Human Rights
The principal independent organization monitoring domestic human ri^ts prob-
lems, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties (ICCL), operates generally without hin-
drance from the Government. However, with regard to allegations of mistreatment
of two suspects held in connection with the murder of a police officer in 1996, the
ICCL indicated in a report issued jointly with British Irish Rights Watch in July
that its efTorts to investigate these allegations did not receive the cooperation of the
police authorities. The ICCL report saia that "this incident raises serious questions
45-909 98-37
1128
about the attitude of the Garda (police) authorities toward bona fide humtin rights
organizations investigating allegations of human rights abuses in the Republic of
Ireland." The ICCL report requested the Irish Government to set up a "fully inde-
pendent incjuiry, headed by a judge and with hidi court powers to summon and
question witnesses, to investigate the treatment of persons arrested in Limerick fol-
lowing Garda Mccabe's murder." The Minister of Justice told the Dail in December
that, while he would not be prepared to tolerate any abuse of persons in custody,
it would not be appropriate to take any action on the allegations pending completion
of the murder trials.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution, as amended, forbids state promotion of one religion over an-
other and discrimination on the grounds of religious profession, belief, or status. Ex-
cept as regards employment, however, neither the Constitution nor the law prohibits
discrimination on the basis of disability, race, sex, language, or social status.
To address these and other shortcomings in civil law, the Government in 1993 cre-
ated the Department of Equality and Law Reform, whose responsibilities were fold-
ed into the Department of Justice in 1997. An equal status law and an employment
equality law drafted by the Department were passed by the Dail in 1997 but were
ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.
Women. — A government task force on violence against women issued its report in
April. The task force concluded that the problem, in particular domestic violence,
is widespread and that many women believe that existing services are incapable of
responding to their needs in trying to deal with violence in relationships. The task
force found that many women believe that the legal and court systems minimize the
seriousness of crimes committed against women, fail to dispense justice, and make
women feel at fault for what happened. The task force cited a need to compile more
accurate and comprehensive statistics on the nature and extent of the problem, and
issued a series of recommendations that are under government review.
The task force found that only a small number of rape cases are ever reported
to the police and that an even smaller number lead to criminal proceedings. Accord-
ing to the Dublin Rape Crisis Center, while crime generally fell over the 18 months
to June, the level of reported rapes continued to rise. The Center received 6,270
calls between June 1996 and May 1997 and concluded that there was disquieting
evidence that rape and sexual assaults — by their very number and frequency — were
duUing the response of the public at large. The Center estimated that only 28 per-
cent of rape victims report the crime to police and that only 2 percent of these cases
resulted in convictions in 1996. A 1990 act criminalized rape within marriage and
provided for free legal advice to the victim. There are 12 women's refuges in the
country, funded in part by the Government, with accommodation for about 50 fami-
lies.
Discrimination against women in the workplace is unlawful, but inequalities per-
sist regarding pay and promotions in both the public and the private sectors.
Women hold about 37 percent of public-sector jobs. Working women are also ham-
pered by the lack of adequate child care facilities. The Maternity Protection Act was
passed in 1994, providing a woman 14 weeks of maternity leave and the right to
return to her job. The Anti-Discrimination (Pay) Act of 1974 and the Employment
Equality Act of 1977 provide for protection and redress against discrimination based
on gender and marital status. The Employment Equality Agency monitors their im-
plementation. The number of cases brought to the agency has fallen in recent years,
out progress in eliminating the differential in earnings has been modest. In 1997
the hourly industrial wage for women was about 70 percent of that received by men,
and weekly earnings of women averaged 69 percent of the weekly pay of men.
Children. — The Government is committed to the welfare and rights of children,
as demonstrated by its ongoing implementation of the 1991 Child Care Act. Edu-
cation is compulsory for children 6 to 15 years of age. Among other things, the act
places a statutory duty on government health boards to identify and help children
who are not receiving adequate care and gives the police increased powers to remove
a child from the family wnen there is an immediate and serious risk to health or
welfare. The Minister of State (junior minister) for Health has special responsibility
for children's policy, including implementation of the Child Care Act. The Status of
Children Act of 1987 abolished tne concept of illegitimacy and provided for equal
rights for children in all legal proceedings.
Sexual abuse of children continued to receive significant media attention, with al-
most daily reports involving cases of incest or pedophilia. The Dublin Rape Crisis
Center reported that 53 percent of contacts with its crisis line involved child sexual
1129
abuse. The Government has sought to strengthen procedures for reporting child
abuse but has refrained from enacting a mandatory reporting requirement.
People With Disabilities. — An estimated 15 percent of the adult population have
a disability; 80 percent of those are unemployed. There is currently no legislation
to protect f>ersons with disabilities from discrimination in employment or m other
matters or to improve their access to buildings or transportation. Few public or pri-
vate buildings have facilities for people with disabilities. The Government is study-
ing the recommendations of the report issued in 1996 by the Commission on the
Status of People with Disabilities. Following the Supreme Court's ruling that the
employment equality bill was unconstitutional, the Government stated that it plans
to introduce new employment equality legislation.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — There are some 25,000 nomadic people in
Ireland who regard themselves as a distinct ethnic group called "travelers, roughly
analogous to the Roma of continental Europe. The "traveling" community has its
own history, culture, and lan^age. The travelers' emphasis on self-employment and
the extended family distinguish tnem from the rest oi Irish society. In 1991 a Euro-
pean Parliament committee reported that in Ireland, "the single most discriminated
against ethnic group is the 'traveling people.'" That remained true in 1997.
Travelers are regularly denied access to premises, goods, facilities, and services;
many restaurants and pubs, for example, have a policy of not serving them. Despite
national school rules that provide that no child may be refused admission on ac-
count of social position, travelers frequently experience difficulties in enrolling their
children in school. Sometimes they are segregated into all-traveler classes. Of an es-
timated 4,000 traveler families, about 1,000 live on roadsides or on temporary sites
without toilets, electricity, or washing facilities.
The equal status bill passed by the Dail would have prohibited discrimination
against travelers, among other categories of people, but it did not take effect, as it
was ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.
Under new procedures designed to respond to a large influx of asylum seekers —
nearly 3,000 by the end of September — more than 500 persons were refused entry
and returned to the United Kingdom. Advocates for refugees and other immigrants
claimed that nonwhite persons were disproportionately singled out under the new
port controls. The influx of asylum seekers, some of whom were migrating for eco-
nomic reasons, sparked a public debate over how open society is to new immigrants
and triggered isolated racist incidents.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The right to join a union is provided for by law, as
is the right to refrain from joining. About 55 percent of workers in the private and
fiublic sectors are members of unions. Police and military personnel are prohibited
rom striking, but they may form associations to represent themselves in matters
of pay, working conditions, and general welfare. The right to strike is freely exer-
cised in both the public and private sectors. The Industrial Relations Act of 1990
prohibits retribution against strikers and union leaders; the Government effectively
enforces this provision through the Department of Enterprise and Employment. In
1997 the number of industrial disputes and the number oi work days lost "by strikes
declined from 1996. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTIJ) represents 65
unions in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Both the ICTU and the
unions afflliated with it are independent of the Government and of the political par-
ties. Unions may freely form or join federations or confederations and afliliate with
international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Labor unions have full free-
dom to organize and to engage in collective bargaining. The Anti-Discrimination
(Pay) Act of 1974 and the Employment Equality Act of 1977 make the Employment
Equality Agency responsible for oversight of allegations of antiunion discrimination.
If the Agency is unable to effect resolution, the dispute goes before the Labor Court,
which consists of one representative each for the employer and the union, plus an
independent chairperson. The Unfair Dismissals Act of 1977 provides various forms
of relief in cases oi employers found guilty of antiunion discrimination, including the
reinstatement of workers fired for union activities.
Most terms and conditions of employment are determined through collective bar-
gaining, in the context of a national economic pact negotiated every 3 years by the
social partners," i.e., representatives of unions, employers, farmers, and the Gov-
ernment. A 3-year agreement negotiated among the social partners in 1996, entitled
"Partnership 2000," remains in eifect.
The Industrial Relations Act of 1990 established the Labor Relations Commission,
which provides advice and conciliation services in industrial disputes. The Commis-
sion may refer unresolved disputes to the Labor Court, which may recommend
1130
terms of settlement and may set up joint employer-union committees to regulate
conditions of employment and minimum wages in a specific trade or industry.
There is an export processing zone at Shannon airport with the same labor laws
as the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced and bonded labor, includ-
ing that performed by children, is prohibited by law and does not occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — By law
children are required to attend school until the age of 15. Under the terms of the
Protection of Young Persons Act, which took effect in 1997, employers may not em-
ploy those under the age of 16 in a regular full-time job. Employers may hire 14-
or 15-year-olds for light work on school Holidays, as part of an approved work expe-
rience or educational program, or on a part-time basis during the school year (for
children over the age of 15 only). The act gives effect to international rules on the
protection of young workers drawn up by the ILO and the EU; it sets rest intervals
and maximum working hours, prohibits the employment of 18-year-olds for late
night worit, and requires employers to keep specified records for their workers who
are under 18 years of age. The law prohibits forced and bonded child labor, and the
Government enforces this prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no general minimum wage law, but
there are several minimum rates of pay applicable to specific industrial sectors,
mainly those with lower-than-average wages. Although the lowest of these minimum
wages is not sufficient to provide a decent living for a family of four, low-income
fainilies are entitled to additional benefits such as subsidized housing and children's
allowances.
The standard workweek is 39 hours. Working hours in the industrial sector are
limited to 9 hours per day and 48 hours per week. Overtime is limited to 2 hours
per day, 12 hours per week, and 240 hours in a year. The Department of Enterprise
and Employment is responsible for enforcing four basic laws dealing with occupa-
tional safety that provide adequate and comprehensive coverage. No significant com-
plaints arose from either labor or management regarding enforcement of these laws.
Recent regulations provide that employees who find themselves in situations that
present a "serious, imminent and unavoidable risk" may leave without the employer
being able to take disciplinary action.
ITALY
Italy is a longstanding, multiparty parliamentary democracy. Executive authority
is vested in the Council of Ministers, headed by the President of the Council (the
Prime Minister). The Head of State (the President of the Republic) nominates the
Prime Minister after consulting with leaders of all political forces in Parliament.
Parliament was elected in free and democratic elections in April 1996. The judiciary
is independent, but critics complain that some judges are politicized.
The armed forces are under the control of the government and Parliament. Four
separate police forces report to different ministerial or local authorities. Under ex-
ceptional circumstances, the government may call on the army to provide security.
The army supports the police in general guard duties in the region of Sicily and in
the province of Naples, both areas with high levels of organized crime, thus freeing
the police for investigative and related activities. There were a number of credible
reports that some members of the security forces committed abuses.
Italy has an advanced, industrialized market economy, and the standard of living
is high. Small and midsized companies employ some 70 to 80 percent of the work
force. Major products include machinery, textiles, apparel, transportation equip-
ment, and food and agricultural products. The government owns a substantial num-
ber of enterprises in finance, communications, industry, transportation, and serv-
ices, but privatization is moving forward at a measured pace.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens. The law and
the judiciary generally provide effective means of dealing with instances of individ-
utd abuse. However, there were problems in some areas. There continued to be re-
ports of police abuse of detainees. Prisons are overcrowded, and the pace of justice
remains slow. Societal discrimination against women, abuse of children, and dis-
crimination and sporadic violence against immigrants and other foreigners are prob-
lems. The Government is taking steps to combat violence against women. There
were some reports of child labor in the underground economy.
1131
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
The case against two Turin police officers tried on manslaughter charges for alleg-
edly beating a suspect to death after his arrest in 1993 came to an end \n December
1996, when the Turin Appeals Court upheld a lower court decision absolving the of-
ficers.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture and cruel or degrading punishment. However, there have
been some reports of abuse by police. Anmesty International (AI), the United Na-
tions Human Rights Commission (UNHRC), the United Nations (U.N.) Committee
Against Torture, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture, and the Council of Eu-
rope's Committee for the Prevention oi Torture (CPT) reported instances in which
police abused detainees, commonly at the time of arrest or during the first 24 hours
in custody, before detainees saw an attorney or a judicial authority. Examples of
mistreatment include insults, particularly those aimed at aliens or Roma, kicking,
punching, beatings with batons, or deprivation of food. A high proportion of these
cases involve non-European Union immigrants (mostly Africans), Roma, and persons
held in connection witn drug-related offenses. T^e U.N. Committee, the UNHRC,
the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture, and Caritas expressed concern over a pos-
sible trend towards racism. Amnesty International (AI), the UNHRC and the U.N.
Committee noted that, although authorities routinely investigate complaints of mis-
treatment in detention, some of the investigations lack thoroughness. The U.N.
Committee and the UNHRC also questioned whether appropriate sanctions were
imposed on those found guilty. Italy has ratified all of tne principal international
instruments prohibiting torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or pun-
ishment, but the CPT and the UNHRC recommended that the authorities take more
effective steps to safeguard detainees and inmates from treatment. The CPT's first
visit to Italian prisons was in 1992. Further visits took place in 1995 and 1996, but
only the report on the 1995 visit was available by the end of the year. In the report,
the CPT called on the Government to provide more formal training for prison
guards, highlighting the rights of detainees, and for improvements in the investiga-
tion of complaints by prisoners. AI reported several specific instances of mistreat-
ment by law enforcement and prison officers. One involved the alleged beating and
verbal abuse of the driver of a car by police officers acting as bodyguards for a judge
in Sicily. The driver filed a complaint against the police, but a prosecutor, after re-
viewing the case, recommended that charges not oe filed against the police. This
recommendation is under review. In 1996 AI reported that an Italian citizen of Ni-
gerian origin filed a complaint with the courts claiming that she had been beaten
by two police officers, who had asked her for her identity documents. Court hearings
into this complaint are underway. The case of the Ghanian citizen resident in Den-
mark who reportedly was beaten by police at the Rome airport in 1995 was referred
to the Rome prosecutor's office. There is no information regarding an investigation.
In June the press published reports of alleged episodes of torture of Somalis, in-
cluding sexual abuse, the use of electrical shocks, and beatings, by Italian para-
troopers during the international peacekeeping efforts in Somalia in 1993. The Gov-
ernment launched investigations into the charges by both military and judicial au-
thorities. Some of these investigations are still underway; some found wrongdoing
but not of an institutional nature. Two generals temporarily resigned. A number oT
officers and men were disciplined, and investigations that could lead to charges
against some continued at year's end.
Prison standards meet minimal international standards. However, despite the
construction of new prison space, the prison population exceeds the maximum capac-
ity of the prisons by some 15 percent. In some cases, the number of inmates is two
or three times greater than capacity. Overcrowding creates problems of poor sanita-
tion and strains medical services, so much so that it was noted as a negative factor
by the CPT in its report on prison conditions after a visit in 1992 (published in
1995). AIDS is a major problem, although the law allows judges to release prisoners
whose detention would prevent access to appropriate treatment or endanger the
health of other inmates. According to data from the Interior Ministry's prison ad-
ministration, about 4 percent of the total prison population is HIV positive. There
were 36 suicides in prison as of the end of July, compared with 45 during 1996.
Allegations continued of the abuse ofprisoners by guards. In 1994 the Naples ju-
diciary committed to trial 71 prison officials of the Secondigliano prison, including
the chief warden, on charges of mistreating some 300 inmates in 1993. Two trials.
1132
one involving 65 of the defendants and another involving 6 were still in progress
at year's end.
The Government permits the independent monitoring of prison conditions by par-
liamentarians, local human rights groups, the media, and other organizations.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — In response to public concern over the
excessive use of preventive or investigative detention, Parliament passed a law in
1995 clarifying that preventive detention can be imposed only as a last resort, or
if there is clear and convincing evidence of a serious offense, such as crimes involv-
ing the Mafia, or those related to drugs, arms, or subversion. In these cases, a maxi-
mum of 2 years of preliminary investigation is permitted. Except in extraordinary
situations, preventive custody is not permitted for pregnant women, single parents
of children under 3 years of age, persons over 70 years of age, or those who are seri-
ously ill. Preventive custody can be imposed only for crimes punishable by a maxi-
mum sentence of not less than 4 years.
Detainees are allowed prompt and regular access to lawyers of their choosing (al-
though occasional lapses in this general rule have been alleged) and to family mem-
bers. If detainees are indigent, the State provides a lawyer. The preliminary hearing
judge's interrogation of an accused person must be conducted within 5 days, or the
defendant must be released. Interrogation by a magistrate of a person in custody
must be recorded on video or audio tape, or the statements cannot be utilized in
any proceedings. The prosecutor is required to include in his request for preventive
detention all evidence favorable to the accused. In addition the defense may present
any favorable evidence directly to the court.
There is no provision for bail, but judges may grant provisional liberty to suspects
awaiting trial. As a safeguard against unjustified detention, panels of judges ("lib-
erty tribunals ") review cases of persons awaiting trial and decide whether contin-
ued detention is warranted. Despite these measures, as of mid year, 42 percent of
inmates were in prison awaiting either trial or the outcome of an appeal, rather
than because they had been finally sentenced. The Constitution and law provide for
restitution in cases of unjust detention.
Punishment by exile abroad is not practiced, and the law prohibits domestic exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides
citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
There are three levels of courts. The lower level has three separate tracks: praetor
Courts for offenses punishable by monetary fines or imprisonment for not more than
4 years; a Court of Assizes for crimes punishable by prison terms of more than 24
years; and a Tribunal Court for offenses falling between the jurisdiction of the first
two. The Assizes Court of Appeals hears appeals from all three tracks. Decisions at
this level can be further appealed to the highest level, the Court of Cassation in
Rome.
The law mx)vides for trials to be fair and public, and the authorities observe these
})rovisions. The law grants defendants the presumption of innocence. Trials are pub-
ic, and defendants nave access to an attorney sufficiently in advance to prepare a
defense. Defendants can confront witnesses. All government-held evidence is nor-
mally made available to defendants and their attorneys. Defendants can appeal ver-
dicts to the highest appellate court.
Cumbersome procedures slow the pace of justice. The average waiting period for
trials is about 18 months. The Code of Criminal Procedure that took effect in 1989
sought to streamline the process, but it has not produced substantial improvement.
Since 1991 public prosecutors have conducted sweeping investigations of corrup-
tion among the political and economic elites and in the judiciary. These inquiries
continue and enjoy public support. However, there are critics who complain that
some investigating magistrates are occasionally influenced by political or other in-
terests in choosing targets of inquiry, or sometimes fail to show adequate respect
for the ri^ts of suspects by, for example, making excessive use of preventive deten-
tion (see Section l.d.).
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
safeguards the privacy of the home, and the authorities respect this provision.
Searches and electronic monitoring may be carried out only under judicial warrant
and in carefully defined circumstances. Violations are subject to legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of speech and the
press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An independent press,
an eftective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combine to en-
sure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
1133
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The GJovemment does not re-
strict the right of peaceful assembly, including protests against government policies,
except in cases where national security or public safety is at risk. Permits are not
required for meetings, but organizers of public demonstrations must notify the po-
lice in advance. Professional and employer associations organize and operate freely.
While allowing general freedom of association, the Constitution and law prohibit
clandestine associations, those that pursue political aims through force, that incite
racial, ethnic, or religious discrimination, or that advocate fascism.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religions and
the Government respects this right. The Government subsidizes the Roman Catholic
Church, the Adventist Church, and the Assemblies of God by allowing taxpayers to
elect to designate a fixed percentage of their tax payment to one or another of these.
In 1997 Parliament passed a law extending these subsidies to the Lutheran and
Jewish denomination. In 1993 the Buddhist community applied for the same fund-
ing, but the Government has not yet responded.
Roman Catholic religious instruction is offered in public schools as an optional
subject. Those students who do not want to attend the "hour of religion" may take
an alternative course.
Nontraditional religious groups are free to follow their beliefs and proselytize pro-
vided they respect public order and general moral standards. In August the Su-
preme Court reversed a lower court decision that Scientology was not a bona fide
religion, ruling that the definition of religion applied was unconstitutional.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution and law provide for these rights, and the Government
respects them in practice. Citizens who leave are guaranteed the right to return.
The Constitution forbids deprivation of citizenship for political reasons.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. It provides first
asylum for refugees fleeing hostilities or natural disasters, for example. In these
cases the refugees are granted temporary residence permits that must be renewed
periodically and that carry no guarantee of future permanent residence. 220,000 for-
eigners living irregularly in Italy, including would-be asylum seekers, were able to
obtain residence and work permits in 1996 as a result of a 1995 amnesty decree.
As of mid-year, the number of refugees present in Italy, largely of Balkan origin,
increased to 62,500 because of the continuing difficulties in the former Yugoslavia
and the unrest in Albania. The Government also provides political asylum, often for
permanent residence, and 107 such permits were granted as of mid-year, compared
with a total of 175 for all of 1996. There were no reports of forced expulsion of any
person having a valid claim to refugee status.
In December the Government began closing the camps housing refugees who fled
Albania earlier in the year. The Government acted after ascertaining that sufficient
civil authority was restored in Albania and after the International Committee for
the Red Cross determined that there was no longer a humanitarian emergency
there.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
There are no restrictions in law on women's participation in government and poli-
tics. Fewer women than men, however, are office holders: women held 3 of 23 cabi-
net positions, 24 of 325 Senate seats, and 69 of 630 seats in the Chamber of Depu-
ties.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government ofii-
cials are generally cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, sex (except with regard to
hazardous work — see below), religion, ethnic background, or political opinion and
provides some protection against discrimination based on disability, language, or so-
cial status. However, societal discrimination persists to some degree.
1134
Women. — Legislation to protect women from physical abuse, including from mem-
bers of their family, was updated and strengthened in 1996. The law treats spousal
rape the same as any other rape.
Media reports of violence against women are common. Telefono Rosso, a promi-
nent nongovernmental organization, in a 1996 survey detected a slight increase in
reports of beatings and rape but a slight decline in reports of sexual harassment.
Law enforcement and court officials are not reluctant to bring perpetrators of vio-
lence against women to justice, but victims sometimes do not press charges due to
fear, shame, or ignorance of the law. The new legislation passed in February makes
the prosecution of perpetrators of violence against women easier and shields women
who have been objects of attack from publiaty. The Government provides a hot line
through which abused women can obtain legal, medical, and other assistance. The
city 01 Milan maintains a clinic served by 40 doctors to provide free medical assist-
ance to abused women and minors. Women's associations also maintain several shel-
ters for battered women.
The media report cases of trafficking in women, often involving forced prostitu-
tion. The women (as well as their exploiters) are usually illegal immigrants and are
therefore reluctant to contact the police. Nevertheless, the police have been able to
make arrests on several occasions using the charge of profiting from or exploiting
the prostitution of others.
A number of government offices work to ensure women's rights. The Prodi Gov-
ernment createa a new cabinet-level position, the Office of Minister for Equal Op-
portunity, and named a woman to this position. In addition there is an Equal Op-
portunity Commission the Office of the Prime Minister. Another such commission
IS in the Labor Ministry and focuses on discrimination and women's rights in the
workplace. The Labor Ministry has a counselor who deals with these problems at
the national level, and similar officials serve with regional and provincial govern-
ments. Many of tnese counselors, however, have limited resources for their work.
Some laws intended to protect women from hazardous work keep them out of jobs
such as night shifts or underground work in mines, quarries, or tunnels. Maternity
leave, introduced to benefit women, does add to the cost of employing them, with
the result that employers sometimes find it advantageous to hire men instead.
Women generally receive lower salaries than men for comparable work. They are
underrepresented in many fields, such as management or the professions (women,
for example, account for only 25 percent of magistrates and only 10 percent of police
officers). Women experience unemployment more frequently than men.
While the law does not specifically prohibit sexual harassment, labor agreements
covering broad sectors of the economy, in both the private and public sectors, do con-
tain clauses that address the problem.
Women enjoy legal equality with men in marriage, property, and inheritance
rights.
Many NGO's actively and effectively promote women's rights. Most are affiliated
with labor unions or political parties.
Children. — The Government demonstrates a strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare. It signed the European Convention on the Exercise of the Rights
oi Minors on January 25. In September it launched an extensive study of the living
conditions of minors to serve as a data base for policies to improve their situation.
In August Parliament passed a law aimed at helping shield children from dangerous
situations and encouraging them to attend school. The major objective of the law
is child welfare but it also is connected with government efforts to banish child labor
(see Section 6.d.). Boys and girls enjoy equal access and treatment with regard to
education, health, and other government services.
Schooling is compulsory for children from the age of 7 to 14. The dropout rate is
high, especially in junior and senior high school. In 1995 on average only 56 stu-
dents graduated from senior high school of each 100 who enrolled in primary school
19 years earlier.
'The abuse of children is a societal problem Telefono Azzurro, an NGO that main-
tains a toll-free hot line for cases of child abuse, received an average of 800 calls
a day during 1996 and in the first 3 months of 1997. From all of these calls, follow-
up services were required in 1,425 cases in 1996 and 437 cases in the first 3 months
of 1997. Social workers counsel abused children and are authorized to take action
to protect them.
People With Disabilities. — The law forbids discrimination against disabled persons
in employment, education, or in the provision of state services. The law requires en-
terprises with more than 35 employees to hire the disabled to staff 15 percent of
their work force, directs that public buildings be made accessible to persons with
disabilities, and stipulates a number of specific rights for the disabled. Compliance
with these requirements, however, is still incomplete.
1135
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Immigrants and other foreigners face soci-
etal discrimination. Some are subjected to physical attack. Roma encounter difficul-
ties finding places for their groups to stay. The city of Rome opened six camps for
them and launched a program of compulsory schooling for Roma children.
The Forum of Foreign Communities continues its work on behalf of immigrants
and foreign residents. It maintains a hot line to report incidents of violence against
foreigners. Other NGOs, such as Caritas, provide a broad range of assistance to im-
migrants throughout the country.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law provides for the right to establish trade
unions, join unions, and carry out union activities in the woricplace. Some 40 per-
cent of the work force is organized. Trade unions are free of government controls
and no longer have formal ties with political parties. The right to strike is embodied
in the Constitution and is frequently exercised. A 1990 law restricts strikes affecting
essential public services such as transport, sanitation, and health. Unions associate
freely with international trade union organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution provides for
the right oi workers to organize and bargain collectively, and these rights are re-
spected in practice. Bv custom (though not by law), national collective bargaining
greements apply to all workers regardless of union affiliation.
The law pronibits discrimination by employers against union members and orga-
nizers. It requires employers who have more than 15 employees and who are found
guilty of antiunion discrimination to reinstate any workers affected. In firms with
less than 15 workers, an employer must state the grounds for firing a union em-
ployee in writing. If a judge deems these grounds spurious, he can order the em-
ployer to reinstate or compensate the worker.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, including that performed by children, and it does not occur.
d. Status of Child l2ibor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
forbids forced or bonded labor involving children, and such practices do not occur
(see Section 6.c.). The law also forbids employment of children under 15 years of
age (with some limited exceptions). There are also specific restrictions on employ-
ment in hazardous or unhealthful occupations for males under age 18, and females
under age 21. The enforcement of minimum age laws is effective only outside the
extensive "underground" economy. The leader of the largest union put the number
of child laborers at 300,000.
In addition to their legal obligations, the government, labor, and business volun-
teered in a January 1996 pact to mobilize against exploitation of child labor at home
and abroad.
The August law aimed at helping shield children from dangerous situations and
encouraging them to attend school is the first step in the Government's plan to
strengthen support for children and is connected with government efforts to banish
child labor (see Section 5).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Minimum wages are not set by law but rather
by collective bargaining agreements. These specify minimum standards to which in-
dividual employment contracts must conform. When an employer and a union fail
to reach agreement, courts may step in to determine fair wages on the basis of prac-
tice in comparable activities or agreements.
A law enacted in June reduced the legal workweek to 40 hours from 48. Most col-
lective agreements provide for a 36- to 38-hour workweek. Overtime may not exceed
2 hours a day or an average of 12 hours per week.
The law sets basic health and safety standards and guidelines for compensation
for on-the-job injuries. European Union directives on health and safety nave also
been incorporated into the law; some provisions have already taken effect and oth-
ers will be phased in during 1997. Labor inspectors are from local health units or
from the Ministry of Labor. They are few in numbers, given the scope of their re-
sponsibilities. Courts impose fines and sometimes prison terms for violation of
health and safety laws. Workers have the right to remove themselves from dan-
gerous work situations without jeopardy to their continued employment.
KAZAKHSTAN
The Constitution of Kazakhstan concentrates power in the presidency. President
Nursultan Nazarbayev is the dominant political figure. The Constitution, adopted
1136
in 1995 in a referendum marred by irregularities, permits the President to legislate
by decree and dominate the legislature and judiciary; it cannot be changed or
amended without the President's consent. Presidential elections originally scheduled
for 1996 did not take place, as President Nazarbayev's term in office was extended
to 2000 in a separate 1995 referendum, also marred by irregularities. Under the
1995 Constitution, Parliament's powers are more limited than previously. However,
members of Parliament have the right to introduce legislation. During the Par-
liament's first full session, deputies orafled 19 bills for consideration. The judiciary
remained under the control of the President and the executive branch. The lack of
an independent judiciary made it difficult to root out corruption, which was perva-
sive throughout the Government.
In October as part of a larger government reorganization, the law enforcement
community was restructured. The Committee for National Security (the KNB, suc-
cessor to the KGB) is responsible for counterintelligence and law enforcement activi-
ties on the national level. A new external intelligence service, Barlau (the Kazakh
word for intelligence), was created to supervise overseas operations. Both report di-
rectly to the President. The Ministry of Internal affairs supervises the criminal po-
lice who are poorly paid and widely believed to be corrupt. The State Committee
for Investigations (GSK), a federal investigative and law enforcement agency estab-
lished in 1995, was dissolved. Its functions were divided between the Interior Min-
istry and the KNB. The KNB continued efforts to legitimize its role by focusing on
activities to combat terrorism and organized crime. Members of the security forces
committed human rights abuses.
Kazakhstan is rich in natural resources, chiefly petroleum and minerals. The Gov-
ernment has made significant progress toward a market-based economy since inde-
pendence. After a 5-year decline, overall production began to increase in 1996. The
Government has been successful in stabilizing the local currency (tenge), slowing in-
flation, and improving structural reforms. The agricultural sector, traditionally ac-
counting for over one-third of national employment and production, has been slow
to privatize. The Government successfully privatized most small- and medium-size
firms, and is working to privatize large-scale industrial complexes, particularly in
the oil and gas sector. However, living standards for many citizens continue to de-
cline. According to several surveys, up to 35 percent of citizens live below the gov-
ernment-defined poverty line of $50 per month.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens in some
areas, but serious problems remain in others. Democratic institutions are weak. The
Government infringed on citizens' right to change their government. The legal struc-
ture, including the Constitution adopted in 1995, does not fully safeguard human
rights. Members of the security forces often beat or otherwise abused detainees, and
harsh prison conditions continued to deteriorate. There were allegations of arbitrary
arrest, and prolonged detention is a problem. The judiciary remains under the con-
trol of the President and the executive branch, and corruption is deeply rooted. The
Government infringed on citizens' rights to privacy. The (jovernment generally tol-
erates independent media, although the media practiced self-censorsnip, and the
Government maintained control of most printing presses and facilities. Freedom of
assembly was sometimes restricted. Some organizers of unsanctioned demonstra-
tions were arrested and fined or imprisoned. Freedom of association, while generally
respected, was sometimes hindered by complicated and controversial registration re-
quirements for organizations and political parties that restrict this right. Domestic
violence against women remained a problem. There was discrimination against
women, the disabled, and ethnic minorities. The (jovemment discriminated in favor
of ethnic Kazakhs. The Government tried to limit the influence of independent trade
unions, both directly and through its support for state-sponsored unions, and mem-
bers of independent trade unions were harassed.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings.
There were credible reports that a few detainees died due to mistreatment during
interrogation by the security forces (see Section I.e.). In January according to the
Russian Center (an ethnic Russian political movement), a young man taken into
custody for public drunkenness was killed while in detention in Almaty. The
Kazakhstan International Bureau on Human Rights (formerly the Kazakhstan-
American Bureau on Human Rights) reported that in February a man who was
taken into custody for public drunkenness was beaten to death while in custody in
1137
Talgar. In July the press reported that the GSK officer responsible was convicted
of murder and sentenced to 9 years in prison.
In May a chief of criminal investigations in the State Committee for Investiga-
tions in Zhaimbyl, who was charged with the death of a detainee under his authority
in December 1995, was sentenced to 15 years in prison. In September the verdict
and sentence were upheld by the Supreme Court.
The Government acknowledged that more than a thousand inmates died due to
disease, mainly tuberculosis, aggravated by harsh prison conditions and inadequate
medical treatment (see Section I.e.). Human rights monitors believe that the total
was more than twice this number.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution states that "no one must be subject to torture, violence or other
treatment and punishment that is cruel or humiliating to human dignity." However,
there were creoible reports that police beat or treated detainees abusively to obtain
confessions. Human rights observers report that detainees are sometimes choked,
handcuffed to radiators, or have plastic oags placed over their heads to force them
to divulge information. Training standards for fx)lice are very low and individual
law enforcement officials are often poorly supervised. In June opposition leader
Madel Ismailov alleged that he was deprived oi sleep, forced to stand for hours, and
housed in substandard, crowded conditions after he was arrested for organizing an
unauthorized demonstration against a government decision to approve a hike in
electricity rates (see Section 2.b.).
There are credible reports that a few detainees died as a result of mistreatment
during police interrogations in January and February (see Section l.a.).
Petr Svoik, one of the leaders of the political opposition movement Azamat, al-
leged that government authorities arranged for four unidentified assailants to break
into his hotel room in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan on December 1 and beat him with clubs
as a warning to Azamat after he organized an unsanctioned November 30 dem-
onstration. Svoik reportedly suffered minor injuries, none of which required medical
attention. Official government comments expressed sympathy for Svoik as a victim
of violence and President Nazarbayev asked the Minister of Internal Affairs to work
with Kyrgyz authorities to find Svoik's assailants. No arrests have been made in the
case (see Section l.d.).
Army personnel subjected conscripts to brutal hazing, including beatings and
verbal abuse. In August the military Prosecutor General estimated that one oT every
nine crimes in the army was concealed by senior military commanders. He reported
that there were 60 cases of death due to mistreatment in the army in 1996; as of
April, 20 cases of death due to mistreatment had been reported.
Prison conditions were harsh and continued to deteriorate, due to diminishing re-
sources. In 1996 the Minister of Interior noted that $64.3 million (4.5 billion tenge)
was needed to support the prison population, but only $37.1 million (1.9 billion
tenge) was allocated by the (Government. The Kazakhstan International Bureau for
Human Rights estimated that the same amount would be needed to support the
prison population in 1997, but that again only 45 to 50 percent of that amount
would be allocated by the Government— about $33.3 million (2.5 billion tenge). The
Government allocated $37.7 million (2.6 billion tenge) for prisons in 1997 and $68
million (5.1 billion tenge) for prisons in 1998. The (jovemment, however, faced a
large budget deficit, and it was uncertain whether the prisons would actually re-
ceive the money allocated in the budget. In July the Ministry of Interior reported
that there were 68,000 persons in prison and another 15,000 in detention in facili-
ties designed to hold 60,000. Local numan rights activists agreed with the (govern-
ment's figures. In October the press reported that 10 prisoners in a maximum secu-
rity prison in Aktyubinsk cut open their stomachs to protest the prison administra-
tion's refusal to abolish separate zones for different categories of prisoners. The pris-
oners also demanded the dismissal of the prison's administration and improvement
of conditions in the prison.
Overcrowding, combined with an inadequate prison diet and a lack of medical
supplies and personnel, contributed to tuberculosis, hepatitis, and other diseases. In
July the Government reported that more than 20 percent of all inmates suffered
from tuberculosis. The International Human Ri^ts Bureau's estimate is slightly
higher — at least 30 percent of all inmates suffer from tuberculosis and other major
illnesses. The Government also acknowledged that AIDS is becoming a concern.
Prison guards, who are poorly paid, steal food and medicines intended lor prisoners.
In July the Government reported that 1,122 inmates imprisoned under harsh con-
ditions with inadequate medical treatment had died of disease, 770 of them from
tuberculosis. Human rights monitors estimated the number of those who died from
disease while imprisoned at more than twice that number.
1138
Violent crime among prisoners is common.
The Government reported that a 1996 amnesty reduced the number of prisoners
significantly. Althougn no official figures are available, the Kazakhstan Inter-
national Bureau on Human Rights estimates that between 5,500 and 11,000 persons
were amnestied.
Prisoners are allowed one 4-hour visit every 3 months, but additional visits may
be granted in emergency situations. Some prisoners are eligible for 3-day visits with
close relatives once every 6 months. Juveniles are kept in separate facilities.
The Government was reluctant to work with local human rights groups to im-
prove prison conditions. However, a representative of the domestic nongovernmental
organization (NGO) The International Bureau on Human Ri^ts was permitted to
visit prisons for juveniles and women in Almaty. In the past, the Government has
permitted international groups to visit prisons, most recently a U.N. study group
in December 1996.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Local human rights organizations alleged
that the Government used minor infractions of the law or manufactured charges to
arrest and detain government opponents arbitrarily. In February law enforcement
authorities charged independent trade union leader Leonid Solomin with violating
currency laws and a constitutional provision barring trade unions from receiving fi-
nancial assistance from a foreign source (see Section 6. a.). In June two leaders of
the Worker's Movement (a Communist party fringe group), Madel Ismailov and
Yuriy Vinkov, and the leader of the National Pensioner's Movement, Nina
Savostina, were arrested and jailed after organizing a peaceful, unsanctioned dem-
onstration in May in front of the Parliament to protest government approval of an
electricity rate hike (see Section 2.b.). In December the three cochairmen of the
Azamat political opposition movement were questioned by authorities afl«r they or-
ganized a peaceful, unsanctioned demonstration in front of the parliament building
in Almaty to protest a March 1995 presidential decree requiring demonstrators to
obtain permits for public meetings. Petr Svoik, who alleged that he was beaten in
BishkeK at the behest of Kazakhstani authorities, received a warning from the Gov-
ernment; Marat Auezov was summoned to the local district court, fined $33 (2,480
tenge), and released; and Galim Abilseitov was arrested and sentenced to 15 days
in prison (Abilseitov served 7 days before he was released) (see Section 2.b.). Petr
Svoik, who was arrested and fined for organizing unsansctioned demonstrations in
late 1996 in Almaty, was still under investigation for taking a portable computer
used during his tenure as the head of the State Antimonopoly Committee.
The law sanctions pretrial detention. According to the Constitution, police may
hold a detainee for 72 hours before bringing charges. In May the Aktau city prosecu-
tor's oflice reported that 2,500 people had been detained in 1996 on suspicion of
being involved in a crime; most were released after a few hours. According to the
law, after 72 hours police may continue to hold a detainee for 10 days with the ap-
proval of a prosecutor. However, in practice police routinely hold detainees, with the
sanction of a prosecutor, for weeks or even months without bringing charges. In Au-
gust the Deputy Prosecutor General publicly acknowledged that prolonged deten-
tions— especially those intended to force a detainee to confess to a crime — were a
serious problem.
In June legislation signed into law by the President formally established a system
of bail that permits those charged with a crime and awaiting trial to request the
judge to approve bail. During the same month, the leaders of the Azamat political
opposition movement posted a $1,334 (100,(X)0 tenge) bail for detained Woricer's
Movement leader Madel Ismailov, who was then released.
The law stipulates that the maximum length of pretrial detention is 2 months,
although the length of pretrial detention can be extended up to 1 year, with the ap-
proval of the Prosecutor General. The Prosecutor General claims that between 70
and 80 percent of those accused of a crime are considered to be eligible for bail; how-
ever, the International Human Rights Bureau believes that the percentage of ac-
cused persons who actually obtain bail is small.
According to the Constitution, every person detained, arrested, or accused of com-
mitting a crime has the right to the assistance of a defense lawyer from the moment
of detention, arrest, or accusation. This right is generally respected in practice.
However, human rights activists allege that members of the security forces have
pressured prisoners to refuse the assistance of an attorney, sometimes resulting in
a delay before the accused sees a lawyer. Detainees may also appeal the legalitv of
detention or arrest to the prosecutor before trial. If the defendant cannot aiford an
attorney, the Constitution provides that the State must provide one free of charge.
Human rights organizations allege that many prisoners are unaware of this provi-
sion of the law. Although some lawyers are reluctant to defend clients unpopular
1139
with the Government, there were no reports of attorneys being sanctioned by the
Grovemment for their decisions to defend particular clients.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Government interference and pressure com-
promised the court system's independence throughout 1997 — a situation codified in
the Constitution's establishment of a judiciary fully under the control of the Presi-
dent and the executive branch. The Government continued the process of restructur-
ing the judicial system to bring it conformity with provisions of the Constitution.
There are three levels in the court system: local; oblast (provincial); and the Su-
Ereme Court. According to the Constitution, the President proposes to the upper
ouse of Parliament (the Senate) nominees for the Supreme Court (recommended
by the Supreme Judicial Council, a body chaired by the President, which includes
the chairperson of the Constitutional Council, the chairperson of the Supreme
Court, the Prosecutor General, the Minister of Justice, senators, judges and other
persons apfwinted by the President). The President appoints oblast ludges (nomi-
nated by the Highest Judicial Council) and local level judges from a list presented
by the Ministry of Justice, based on recommendations from the Qualification Colle-
gium of Justice, an autonomous institution made up of deputies from the lower
house of Parliament (the Majilis), judges, public prosecutors, and others appointed
by the President.
According to legislation passed in December 1996, judges are appointed for life,
although in practice this means until mandatory retirement at age 65. The 1995
Constitution abolished the Constitutional Court and established a Constitutional
Council; three of its seven members, including the chairman, are directly appointed
by the FVesident. The Council rules on election and referendum challenges, inter-
{irets the Constitution, and determines the constitutionality of laws adopted by Par-
iament. Under the Constitution, citizens no longer have the right to appeal directly
to a court about the constitutionality of a government action; this appeal is now the
sole prerogative of the courts. The Constitution states that "if a court finds that a
law or other regulatory legal act subject to application undermined the rights and
liberties of an individual and a citizen, it shall suspend legal proceedings and ad-
dress the Constitutional Council with a proposal to declare the law unconstitu-
tional," but does not grant citizens the right to approach the courts on a constitu-
tional issue.
Local courts try less serious crimes, such as petty theft and vandalism. Oblast
courts handle more serious crimes, such as murder, grand theft, and organized
criminal activities. The oblast courts may also handle cases in rural areas where
no local courts are organized. Judgments of the local courts may be appealed to the
oblast-level courts, while those of tne oblast courts may be appealed to the Supreme
Court. There is also a military court. Although they do not currently exist, special-
ized and extraordinary courts can also be created — for example, economic, taxation,
family, juvenile, and administrative courts — which have the status of oblast and
local courts.
The Constitution and the law establish the necessary procedures for a fair trial.
Trials are public, with the exception of instances in which an open hearing could
result in state secrets being divulged, or when the private life or personal family
concerns of a citizen must be protected.
According to the Constitution, defendants have the right to be present, the right
to counsel (at public expense if needed), and the right to be heard in court and call
witnesses fbr the defense. Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence, are pro-
tected from self-incrimination, and have the right to appeal a decision to a higher
court. Legal proceedings are to be conducted in the state language, Kazakh, al-
though Russian may also be used officially in the courts. Proceedings also may be
held in the language of the majority of the population in a particular area.
In most cases, these rights are respected. However, in December Azamat political
opposition movement cochairman Galim Abilseitov was arrested, taken to district
court, and charged with organizing an unsanctioned rally on November 30.
Abilseitov stated that he was not permitted to have a public trial. He was not per-
mitted to have a lawyer present; nor was he permitted to offer testimony in his own
defense. The judge sentenced Abilseitov to 15 days in prison. Abilseitov was released
from prison 7 days later, after the district prosecutor general upheld his complaint
that tne trial had been illegal. The court did not pursue the case further (see Sec-
tion 2.b.).
The problem of corruption is evident at every stage and level of the judicial proc-
ess. Judges are poorly paid; the Government has not made a vigorous effort to root
out corruption in the judiciary. According to press reports, judicial positions can be
purchased. Anecdotal evidence stemming from individual cases suggests that judges
solicit bribes from participants in trials and rule accordingly. In May 1996, the CJov-
1140
eminent instituted a new procedure that requires all judges to go through a recer-
tification process. The process was intended to ensure that judges are familiar with
current law and was completed in the fall. Jud^s were required to pass an oral
examination. The recertification process resulted in a significant turnover of person-
nel, particularly at the lower levels. The recertification process addressed a legiti-
mate need to improve judicial competence; however, it was used in some cases by
local governments to remove individual judges for political reasons.
The Government is in the process of reforming tne legal system. In June the Par-
liament passed new criminal and civil codes to bring tne legal system into accord
with the Constitution. However, much of the old Soviet legal structure remained in
force while the Government drafted the necessary implementing regulations. Al-
though human rights organizations acknowledged that the new criminal code was
a step forward, they raised a number of concerns regarding the code's effect on indi-
vidual poUtical and civic rights. The new code extends the maximum term of impris-
onment from 15 to 30 years, limits the use of the death penalty, and gives judges
and law enforcement officials more flexibility in determining appropriate charges.
Previously, after a certain number of civil code violations, a defendant would auto-
matically be charged with a criminal ofTense. The new code also eliminates a num-
ber of legal holdovers from the Soviet period, including public condemnation as a
punishment, enforcement of restrictive passport regulations, and prosecution for va-
grancy or a parasitic way of life.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides that citizens have the right to "confidentiality of personal de-
posits and savings, correspondence, telephone conversations, postal, telegraph and
other messages." Limitation of this right is allowed "only in the cases and according
to the procedure directly established by law." However, the KNB and Ministry of
Internal Afl'airs, with the concurrence of the General Prosecutor's office, can and do
arbitrarily interfere with privacy, family, home, and correspondence. The law re-
quires criminal police, who remain part of the internal security structure, to obtain
a search warrant from a prosecutor before conducting a search, but they sometimes
search without a warrant. The KNB has the right to monitor telephone calls and
mail, but under the law it must inform the General Prosecutor's office within 24
hours of such activity.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution and the 1991 Press Law pro-
vide for freedom of the press, and the Government generally tolerates independent
media. The Government continued to own and control most printing and distribu-
tion facilities and to subsidize periodicals, including many that were supposedly
independent. The potential for government control and instances of official pressure
resulted in widespread media self-censorship. The key subject considered to be "off
limits" by journalists was personal criticism of the President and government offi-
cials.
In February the editor and staff of the weekly newspaper Economika Segodnya
were questioned at length about an article in the newspaper that quoted an opposi-
tion leader criticizing the President. The newspaper haa previously been cited by
the government mass media agency for not including in its masthead all the infor-
mation required by government regulation. The newspaper was warned that one
more citation would result in the suspension of its business license.
There were two cases in northern Kazakhstan in which local administration cen-
sorship offices accused independent stations of violating local laws after they had
aired programs that were objectionable to the Government. No further action was
taken against either station.
Despite such official heavy-handedness, the press was generally permitted to criti-
cize government decisions. Official corruption remained an acceptaole topic for criti-
cal coverage. Many journalists criticize the Parliament as being without power and
subject to the President's control.
In January the press reported that the Government closed the independent daily
newspaper, Karavan Blitz, which was very critical of the Prime Minister. However,
the newspaper's owner announced that he had ceased publication because the news-
paper was not profitable. The owner also publishes the weekly tabloid-style Cara-
van, the most popular newspaper in the country, which routinely criticizes the Gov-
ernment and offers political views and commentary.
Most political opposition groups freely issued their own publications. There are
several independent newspapers that reflect opposition views, particularly Delovaya
Nedelya (Business Week) and Twenty-first Century. However, in June the Govern-
ment closed the Communist Party's national newspaper when it applied for rereg-
1141
istration, alleging that the newspaper had violated the Constitution by calling for
the violent overthrow of the social system. It is unclear whether this charge was
accurate. The newspaper responded that it had only discussed the reform of the so-
cial system and attempted to sue the National Agency on Press and Mass Media
for about $26,667 (2,000,000 tenge). However, the courts refused to hear the case
and the newspaper remains closed.
There are 31 independent radio and television stations. Eleven of these are in
Almaty. In November 1996, there were 57 independent stations in the country; eight
were in Almaty. Of the 26 stations that went out of business in 1997, half closed
due to the frequencies auctions. The other 13 went bankrupt before the auctions
began or joined forces with other broadcasting companies to compete in the auctions.
There are only two government-owned comoined radio and television companies.
However, they represent five channels and are the only stations that can broadcast
nationwide. Regional governments own several frequencies; however, independent
broadcasters have arranged with local administrations to use the majority of these.
The Government controls nearly all broadcasting transmission facilities. About 40
percent of newspapers are government-owned. All daily newspapers are govern-
ment-run. There are also a large number of newspapers that are produced by gov-
ernment ministries, for example, Kazakhstan Science, published by the Ministry of
Science. However, many newspapers receive a government subsidy. All Kazakh lan-
guage newspapers receive a government subsidy, although most would call them-
selves independents. Therefore, including newspapers that receive subsidies, about
80 percent of newspapers are government-run. Each major population center has at
least one independent weekly newspaper. There are seven maior independent news-
papers in Almaty. An Association of Independent Electronic Media of Central Asia
(ANESMI) exists, but it is fractured and weak.
An auction of television and radio frequencies convinced many human rights ac-
tivists and some media outlets that the Government sought to harass and even
eliminate independent media. The Government denied any intent to limit free
speech and asserted that it was acting in its own fiscal interest. The Government
had announced the tender for frequencies in Almaty in December 1996. Prior to the
frequencies auction, there was no formal process for obtaining a frequency. Some
stations simply assumed ownership at no cost; others obtained frequencies through
the good offices of local officials, often accomplished through bribery. The majority
of independent media outlets in Almaty participated in the auction. Some joined
with otner broadcasting companies or commercial backers to raise the necessary
capital. Others protested the auction vehemently, but still participated. The results
of the Almaty frequencies auction were announced in January. Two television/radio
companies and one radio company (which carried the Voice of'^America) lost the auc-
tion and were removed from the airwaves. The two television/radio companies that
lost the auction were the most vocal critics of the (jovemment in the media. How-
ever, there was no change in the total number of independent Almaty television sta-
tions. Two new stations replaced the two losers. In radio there was a net increase
of one independent broadcaster. Some of the new stations established as a result
of the frequencies auction offer political news and commentary and criticism of the
Government; others do not.
The situation was very different in the subsequent frequencies auction for the
provinces (oblasts). Few broadcasters could meet the minimum bid required by the
Government. In addition the (jovemment announced that no frequencies would be
awarded in areas in which there were not at least two bidders. In April the Govern-
ment awarded three television and five radio frequencies in seven cities. Many of
the losing stations claimed that the winners received frequencies because they
promised to be loyal to the Government. At the end of the auction, ANEMSI de-
clared that no real independent media existed in Kazakhstan. In fact only a small
number of stations lost tneir frequencies in the auctions, although many were forced
to find commercial backers and to relinquish financial control over their stations.
Although many of the commercial backers have ties or connections to the (jovern-
ment, there are few reports of broadcasters being pressured by commercial backers
in order to please the (jovemment. One station reported that it was pressured by
one of its owners not to broadcast information about an unauthorized demonstration
in order to ensure that the local administration did not close the station and cut
off advertising revenues. Commercial backers are more likely to pressure stations
to air more high-profit programs such as westerns, rather than low-profit offerings
of news and political commentary. The total number of independent stations operat-
ing decreased, however, many stations ceased broadcasting before the auctions
began. Others elected not to participate in the auctions and closed voluntarily.
Overall, the tender process was flawed. The rules were complex and sometimes
contradictory. Although the tender award committee was eventually expanded to in-
1142
elude a mass media representative, the process was not transparent. According to
government oflicials, the minimum bid was based on a cost formulation used for fre-
quencies in Australia. Bids varied based on the power of the station and other tech-
nical parameters, but the commonly used figure for Almaty was $126,000. This ap-
proach priced many independents out of the market, especially in the provinces
where advertising revenue is low. The Government also did not require its television
and radio companies to compete in the auction and reserved the highest quality and
the most desirable freouencies for them.
In March ANESMI filed an inquiry with the Prosecutor General regarding the le-
gality of the frequencies auctions. The Prosecutor's Office ruled that the law upon
which the auction was based was unconstitutional. The Prosecutor asked the Prime
Minister for a response to the ruling, but none was given. The Prosecutor's Office
did not directly address the legality of the auctions themselves. There was no fur-
ther action taken on the ANESMI protest. According to the law, if the Government
does not respond to a prosecutor's ruling, the Prosecutor General's office can take
the Government to court. In this case, the Prosecutor General's officer took no fur-
ther action. None of the losing stations went to court to protest the loss of their fre-
quencies. Most believed that it was too expensive and not worthwhile to try. There
is no procedure in the law to appeal the loss of a tender.
Some members of the independent media alleged that the January murder of a
foreign expert providing technical assistance to the independent media during the
debate over the frequencies auctions was part of a political campaign against the
independent media. However, the murderers were arrested and convicted in June
and evidence presented during the trial confirmed that the motive for the murder
was robbery.
The Constitution provides for the protection of the dignity of the President and
the law against insulting the President and other officials remained on the books.
Although no cases of insulting the President or other officials were reported in the
press, the Kazakhstan International Bureau on Human Rights alleged that there
were numerous cases of individuals arrested for insulting local officials. The bureau
reported that in September, three youths in Uralsk, Ainur Kurmanov, Sergey
Kolokolov, and Vasya Nikolayev, were arrested and charged under five separate
statutes of the new Criminal Code for writing antipresidential graffiti on the walls
of a building in May. Conviction could carry a prison sentence of 3 to 8 years. The
youths originally were arrested and charged with the minor offense of hooliganism
(a crime that no longer exists under the Criminal Code passed in June), and re-
leased. However, in accordance with a June decree reiterating the importance of
protecting the honor and dignity of the President, the Government ordered Uralsk
authorities to arrest the youths and take them into custody. The case remains open.
Two of the youths are in custody; one is not being held because he is a minor. The
case was scheduled to go to trial on December 22, however, one of the defendants,
Ainur Kurmanov, who was on a 23-day hunger strike to protest his imprisonment,
was too ill to stand trial. The court postponed the trial until Januair 19, 1998.
Prominent opposition leaders, including Yuriy Vinkov of the Labor Movement, a
Communist parliamentary deputy from Uralsk, Valeriy Zemliyanov, and the co-
chairmen of the Azamat political movement, are supporting the youths.
Several laws control aavertising in the mass meaia. One law restricts alcohol and
tobacco advertising on television, as well as "pornography" and "violence" during
prime viewing hours. Another law restricts the amount of advertising in newspapers
to 20 percent of the total material in each issue. The Minister of Justice and the
Minister of Press and Mass Media have interpreted this law as restricting paid arti-
cles, but not commercial advertisements.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
peaceful assembly; however, the Government and the law impose significant restric-
tions. According to the law, organizations must apply to the local authorities for a
permit to hold a demonstration or public meeting at least 10 days in advance, or
the activity is considered illegal. In some cases, local officials routinely issued nec-
essary permits. However, human rights activists complained that complicated proce-
dures and the 10-day notification period made it difficult for all groups to organize
public meetings and demonstrations. They argue that local authorities, especially
those outside of the capital, turned down the majority of applications submitted or
refused to allow rallies to take place in central locations. According to the press,
local authorities refused to issue permits for public meetings in Shymkent and
Zhambyl because of the "danger of epidemics arising among large groups of people."
In September the Kazakhstan International Bureau on Human Rights reported that
local authorities in Uralsk refused to issue a permit to a Communist Party par-
liamentary deputy who wanted to organize a public meeting with his constituents.
1143
In January the President announced a "year of political accord" and asked politi-
cal and social movements to agree to a 1-year moratorium on political actions. Al-
though many state-supported organizations agreed, most independent organizations
refused. In March the Prosecutor General referred to unsanctioned gatherings in
which top officials were slandered and defamed — an offense under the law — when
he warned that the Government would not tolerate unauthorized public meetings,
strikes, or the release of inflammatory public statements. He pledged to take "all
necessary actions" to stop illegal activities.
Nevertheless, there were numerous peaceful, unsanctioned demonstrations of
workers and pensioners protesting difficult economic conditions and the nonpayment
of wages and pensions. For the most part, law enforcement authorities did not inter-
fere in the demonstrations, and no action was taken against the individuals partici-
6ating. There were peaceful unsanctioned demonstrations in Kentau, Ust-
Kamenogorsk, and Almaty in which no arrests were made. In September the
Azamat political opposition movement issued a statement that "demonstrative re-
prisals" (warnings) had been issued by the Government to the organizers of illegal
protest actions in Karaganda, Pavlodar, Kokchetau, and Uralsk.
However, there were also cases in which the Government arrested, detained,
fined, and sometimes imprisoned the individual organizers of unsanctioned rallies.
In March several Communist Party members were arrested and fmed for protesting
the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Also in March, after an unsanctioned dem-
onstration to protest economic conditions in Almaty, three members of the Alash
Party alleged that they were arrested and fined for carrying banners with
antigovemment slogans. Madel Ismailov, leader of the Worker's Movement (a Com-
munist Party fringe group), was arrested for organizing an unsanctioned May 1
demonstration in Almaty. Ismailov obtained a permit from city officials to hold a
rally in a park in the city. However, after the rally began, Ismailov led protesters
to the office of the head of the local administration. After the demonstration con-
cluded, Ismailov was arrested and sentenced to 15 days in prison.
In June Ismailov and another Worker's Movement member, Yuriy Vinkov, and the
leader of the National Pensioner's Movement, Nina Savostina, were arrested after
organizing an unsanctioned demonstration on May 30 in front of Parliament to pro-
test government approval of a utility rate hike. Savostina and Vinkov were sen-
tenced to 7-day ana 15-day jail terms respectively for organizing the demonstration.
Ismailov was charged with "active participation in or organization of public dis-
order," an offense that carries a possible sentence of 3 years in jail, and detained.
He was released from prison on bail in July after his trial began. In September
Ismailov was found guilty and sentenced by the district court to 1 year of "corrective
labor." In fact, however, this sentence amounted to a fine for Ismailov, an employee
of a government seismic control station, as the Government garnished 15 percent
of his wages each month. The judge took into account the 30 days Ismailov had
spent in detention and ruled that each day spent in custody would be equal to 3
days of "corrective labor." Therefore, Ismailov would be required to serve only 9
months of "corrective labor." Ismailov, who continues to argue his innocence, ap-
pealed the conviction and sentence to the obiast-level court (see Section l.d.). The
court has not yet acted upon Ismailov's appeal.
Also in June, 400 pensioners in Pavlodar clashed with police during an
unsanctioned demonstration to protest economic conditions. The press alleged that
tear gas and force were used to disperse the crowd; local officials denied the allega-
tions. The organizer of the rally, the head of the local pensioner's movement, was
arrested and sentenced to 15 days in prison. In July two leaders of a miners' union
in Karaganda were arrested for organizing an unsanctioned demonstration to pro-
test the nonpayment of wages. The two were sentenced to jail terms, but the ruling
was overturned by the district court; they were fined and released.
On November 30, the political opposition groups Azamat and the Worker's Move-
ment held an unauthorized demonstration in front of the parliament building in
Almaty to protest a March 1995 presidential decree requiring demonstrators to ob-
tain permits for demonstrations. The opposition groups claim that the decree is un-
constitutional, in that it contradicts the August 1995 Constitution, which provides
for freedom of assembly and peaceful demonstration. The orderly rally was attended
by about 500 persons and lasted approximately 1 hour. The three Azamat cochair-
men who organized the rally were arrested by the Government. Petr Svoik, who also
alleged that he was beaten on December 1 in Bishkek at the behest of Kazakhstan!
authorities, received a warning from the Government; Marat Auezov was summoned
to the local district court, fined $33 (2,480 tenge), and released; and Galim
Abilseitov was arrested and sentenced to 15 days in prison (Abilseitov served 7 days
before he was released) (see Sections I.e., l.d., and I.e.).
1144
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, the Government
and the law impose significant restrictions. Organizations, movements, and political
parties that conduct public activities, that hold public meetings, participate in con-
ferences, or have bank accounts must register with the Government. Registration
on the local level requires a minimum of 10 members and on the national level, a
minimum of 10 memoers in at least 7 of the 14 oblasts. In addition a registration
fee is required, which many groups consider to be a deterrent to registration.
The Constitution prohibits political parties established on a religious basis. The
Government has reiused to register ethnic -based political parties on the grounds
that their activities could spark ethnic violence. The Constitution bans "pubfic asso-
ciations"— including political parties — whose "goals or actions are directed at a vio-
lent change of the Cfonstitutional system, violation of the integrity of the republic,
undermimng of the security of the state (and), fanning of social, racial, national, re-
ligious, class and tribal enmity." Unregistered parties and movements, nonetheless,
hold meetings and publish newspapers. All of tne major religious and ethnic groups
have independently functioning cultural centers.
To participate in elections, a political party must register with the Government.
Under current law, a party must submit a list of at least 3,000 members from a
minimum of 7 oblasts. The list must provide personal information about members,
including date and place of birth, address, and place of employment. For many citi-
zens, submitting such personal data to the Government is reminiscent of the tactics
of the former Soviet KGB and inhibits them from joining parties. The nationalist
Alash Party and the Social Democratic Party have refused to register on the prin-
ciple that they should not have to submit personal information about their members
to the Government. Under the law, memDers of unregistered parties may run for
elected office as individuals, but not as party members.
There are no statistics available regarding the number of registered political par-
ties (approximately 25 registered nationwide), however, all parties requesting reg-
istration have been successful. In general political parties are very weak, and with
the exception of the Communist Party and some of the ethnically based political
movements, they have very little influence outside the capital with membership esti-
mated at about 100,000. The majority of parliamentary deputies are independents;
they are active in Parliament, but most support the President and the (jovemment.
Parties represented in the Parliament include several propresidential parties, the
Communist Party, and the Socialist Party. Most opposition party members decided
not to participate in the December 1995 elections and are therefore not represented
in the Parliament.
The Constitution prohibits foreign political parties and foreign trade unions from
operating. In addition the Constitution prohibits the financing of political parties
and trade unions by foreign legal entities and citizens, foreign states, and inter-
national organizations. In March independent trade union leader Leonid Solomin
was accused of violating the Constitution by accepting financial support from the
AFL-CIO's Free Trade Union Institute (see Section 6. a.). Some trade union associa-
tions have circumvented this prohibition by registering with the (}ovemment as
"public oivanizations," in other words, nongovernmental organizations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of rehgion, and the
various denominations worship without government interference. However, the Con-
stitution also requires that the appointment by foreign religious centers of the heads
of religious associations must be carried out "in coordination with the Government,"
as must the activities of foreign religious associations. In practice the Government
does not interfere with the appointment of religious leaders or the activities of for-
eign religious associations. Foreign missionaries, unwelcome to some Orthodox and
M!uslim citizens, have complained of occasional harassment by low-level government
officials. In particular evangelical Protestants working as teachers and medical pro-
fessionals have alleged government hostility toward their efforts to proselytize. How-
ever, no action has oeen taken against foreign missionaries working in the country.
There were allegations that the political harassment of trade union leader Leonid
Solomin (see Section 6.b.) was directly related to his Jewish faith. Union members
were reportedly told that they had "sold themselves to the Jew Solomin." However,
Solomin said publicly that the harassment was because of his trade union activities,
not his religion.
The Islamic mufli and the Russian Orthodox archbishop appeared together pub-
licly to promote religious and ethnic harmony, usually at the invitation of and with
the President.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for the right to emigrate and the right of re-
patriation; both are respected in practice. Kazakhstanis have the right to change
their citizenship, but are not permitted to hold dual citizenship.
1145
According to the Constitution, everyone who is legally present on the territory of
the Republic has the right to move freely on its territory and freely choose a place
of resiaence except in cases stipulated by law. This provision formally abolishes the
"propiska" system of residence permits, a holdover from the Soviet era, and replaces
it with a system of registration. However, in practice, citizens are still required to
register in order to prove legal residence and obtain city services. Registration in
most of the country was generally routine, but it was difficult to register in Almaty
due to its relative affluence. The Government can refuse to register a citizen, just
as it did under the propiska system, in order to limit the number of persons who
can move to a certain city or area.
There were a few reports of government efforts to restrict the movement of for-
eipiers around the country. Internal visas are no longer required for foreigners trav-
elmg outside the capital.
An exit visa is required for both citizens and foreigners who wish to travel abroad,
although refusals are rare. There have been reports of some officials demanding
bribes for exit visas. It is usually necessary to meet a number of bureaucratic re-
quirements before the exit visa is issued. For example close relatives with a claim
to support from the applicant must give their concurrence. Intending emigrants
must also obtain evidence that they have no outstanding financial obligations.
The Government accords special treatment to ethnic Kazakhs and their families
who fled during Stalin's era and wish to return. Kazakhs in this category are enti-
tled to citizenship and many other privileges. Anyone else, including etnnic Kazakhs
who are not considered refugees from the Stalin era of political repression, such as
the descendants of Kazakhs who moved to Mongolia during the previous century,
must apply for permission to return, but it is the stated policy oi the Government
to encourage and assist all ethnic Kazakhs living outside the country to return, if
they so desire.
Tne Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees, espe-
cially with the resettlement of ethnic Kazakhs from Afghanistan living as refugees
in Iran. There were no reports of forced expulsion of refugees; however, in April the
Afghan Charge d'Affaires publicly appealed to the Government not to expel Afghan
remgees. None were forced to leave. There were complaints that the Government
had not yet adopted laws regularizing the status of refugees. According to the law,
only ethnic Kazakh repatriates can be considered refugees. Migrants from other
Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries are not considered to be refu-
gees as they may travel and settle freely in any CIS country. All non-CIS citizens
are considered to be intending immigrants. In practice, however, the Government
is tolerant in its treatment of local refugee populations. Political asylum can be
granted only by the President. The issue of the provision of first asylum has arisen,
ut the Government has not passed legislation and implementing procedures in con-
formity with internationally recognized norms.
In December the Parliament passed a migration law. The UNHCR believes that
the law is a positive first step toward establishing procedures for the Government
to cope with migration-related problems. The law, based on a draft initiated by a
parliamentary deputy, mandated the establishment of a government migration
agency to oversee migration-related issues, independent of the Ministry of Labor
and Social Protection, which formerly had responsibility for migration within the
government.
At the end of 1994, Kazakhstan and Russia initialed agreements that established
broad legal rights for the citizens of one country living on the territory of the other,
and provided for expeditious naturalization for citizens of one country who moved
to the other. In July the two countries exchanged instruments of ratification to
bring these agreements into force.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although the Constitution provides for a democratic government, in practice the
Government infringed on the right of citizens to change their government. The Con-
stitution concentrates power in the presidency, granting the President considerable
control over the legislature, judiciary, and local government. The Constitution can-
not be modified or amended without the consent of the President. In 1995 President
Nazarbayev extended his term of office to the year 2000 by referendum without a
contestea presidential election (which, according to the Constitution then in force,
should have been held in 1996).
A bicameral legislature took office in January 1996. The lower house (the Majilis),
consisting of 67 members, was elected directly. The upper house (the Senate), with
42 members, was elected indirectly, by members of oblast and city parliaments, with
1146
7 of its members appointed directly by the President. (The number of Senate seats
was reduced after October by-elections from 47 to 42 in accordance with the Govern-
ment's March decision to reduce the number of oblasts from 19 to 14.) TTie election
law requires candidates for both houses to meet minimum age and education re-
quirements, and to pay a nonrefundable registration fee of 100 times the minimum
monthly wage (in a oy-election in March, this fee was about $2,700 (190,000 tenge).
The election law does not require Majilis candidates to collect a certain number of
signatures in order to be placed on the ballot. Senate candidates, however, are re-
quired to obtain signatures from 10 percent of the members of the local assemblies
in their oblasts in order to be placed on the ballot. Some consider the election re-
quirements, especially the registration fee, to be a barrier to participation. The Con-
stitution mandates that participation in elections is voluntary. However, experts
stated that the law requiring participation of at least 50 percent of the eligible vot-
ers to make an election valid puts pressure on polling site workers to gamer a suffi-
cient number of votes and has been cited as one of the causes of fraud and vote
inflation in past elections.
The legislature cannot initiate changes in the Constitution or exercise oversight
over the executive branch. The Parliament has, however, asserted itself with regard
to the budget, challenging the figures presented by the Government and adjusting
allocations. Should Parliament fail to pass within 30 days an "urgent" bill brought
by the President, the President may issue the bill by decree. While the President
hfis broad powers to dissolve Parliament, Parliament can remove the President only
for disability or high treason, and only with the consent of the Constitutional Coun-
cil, which is largely controlled by the President.
Although the President has the right to legislate by decree, he respected the par-
liamentary procedures laid out in the Constitution. During its first full session from
September 1996 to June 1997, the Parliament passed 150 bills to the President for
signature. Although the majority of bills was drafted by the executive, the Par-
liament considered 19 bills that were drafted and introduced by individual deputies.
Several of the 19 bills initiated by parliamentary deputies were passed into law, in-
cluding bills on government support for small business development, the develop-
ment of nontraditional energy sources, and migration. However, the Parliament fell
short in several areas. Parliamentary procedures were weak and constituent rela-
tions were nonexistent. Most parliamentary activities continued to be conducted be-
hind closed doors. Sessions were neither open to the public nor televised.
The Constitution significantly constrains the independence of the judiciary. A
Constitutional Council replaced the Constitutional Court in August 1995 when the
new Constitution was adopted. Three of its seven members, including its chairman,
are directly appointed by the President. A two-thirds majority of the Council is re-
3uired to overrule a Presidential veto. All judges are appointed directly by the Presi-
ent.
According to the Constitution, the governors of oblasts (the "akims") are selected
by the Prime Minister but serve at the discretion of the President, who may also
annul their decisions.
The major national political opposition movements both called for the direct elec-
tion of provincial governors and cnanges in the (jovernment's economic reform poli-
cies. Azamat is a movement of intellectuals dedicated to constructive opposition. Re-
public is a popular front led by the Kazakhstani Communist Party representing 20
political parties, public associations, and movements. The Government did not inter-
fere with the development of either movement. In March, however, local officials in
Almaty barred Azamat members from a meeting hall prior to the opening of a na-
tional conference due to "fire code violations." In June a small group of opposition
leaders formed an "antitotalitarian league," but the league remains inactive. In No-
vember Marat Auezov, one of the cocnairmen of the Azamat political opposition
movement, announced his candidacy for President for the 2000 elections. Also in No-
vember, 11 opposition parties, including Azamat, the Communist Party, the ethnic
Kazakh movement Azat, the ethnic Russian movement Lad, and the pensioners'
movement Pokolenia, established a new People's Front to contest the 1999 and 2000
elections.
All adult citizens (at least 18 years of age) have the right to vote. Membership
in political parties or trade unions is forbidden to members of the armed forces, em-
ployees of national security and law enforcement organizations, and judges.
tnere are no legal restrictions on the participation of women and minorities in
politics, but the persistence of traditional attitudes means that few women hold high
office or play active parts in political life. There is one female federal minister, but
no female provincial governors (akims). Of 47 Senate members, 5 are women; of 67
Majilis members, 9 are women.
1147
Although minority ethnic ^ups are represented in the Government, Kazakhs
hold the majority of leadership positions. After an October government reorganiza-
tion, only 3 of 14 government ministries are headed by non-Kazakhs. (In March the
Government reduced the number of ministries from 21 to 14.) Non-Kazakhs are
well-represented in the Majilis and the Senate.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Helsinki Watch, the International Bureau on Human Rights (formerly the
Kazakhstan-American Bureau on Human Rights), and Legal Development of
Kazakhstan are the most active of a small numoer of local human rights organiza-
tions. They cooperate on human rights and legal reform issues. Although these
groups operated largely without government interference, limited financial means
hampered their ability to monitor and report human rights violations. Some human
rights observers complained that the (Jovemment monitored their movements and
telephone calls.
The Government permitted international and foreign nongovernmental organiza-
tions (NGO's) dealing with human rights issues to visit Kazakhstan and meet with
local human rights groups as well as government officials. The International Labor
Organization, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies,
and the UNHCR have permanent offices in the country. The Constitution forbids
"the financing of political parties and trade unions by foreign legal entities and citi-
zens, foreign states and international organizations." Independent trade union lead-
er Leonid Solomin was charged with violating this provision after he accepted finan-
cial assistance from the AFL-CIO's Free Trade Union Institute (see Section 6. a.).
The Civil Code requires NGO's to register with the (Government and most NGO's
are registered; however, some continue to operate without legal standing. Although
some government officials made an effort to work with domestic and foreign NGO s,
others continued to assert that foreign NGO's promote instability. Some NGO's
chose not to register because they objected to the requirement of registration in
principle or because they do not have the money to pay the registration fee. Others
believe that they were not eligible to register because they promoted the interests
of one ethnic group or religion and are considered by some to violate the constitu-
tional ban on inciting social, racial, national, religious, class, and tribal enmity. The
new Criminal Code passed in July criminalizes the activity of NGO's that are not
registered.
A presidential commission on human rights was reorganized in May and is now
led by a senator. The commission reached out to independent human rights organi-
zations, but made little progress in establishing itself as an ombudsman. In general
the (jrovemment tended to deny or ignore charges of specific human rights abuses,
although the commission pledged to produce its own human rights report. Prior to
the commission's reorganization, its secretary angered local human rights activists
by alleging that they had "close ties with certain international human rights organi-
zations of a dubious nature and with certain financial support from foreign coun-
tries."
In December the commission, the U.N. office in Almaty, and human rights NGO's,
cohosted a human rights round table. While the conference was poorly attended, es-
Seciallv by government officials, the fact of government involvement apparently in-
icated a nascent awareness of human rights problems by government omcials.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states "everyone is equal before law and court. No one may be
subjected to any discrimination for reasons of origin, social position, occupation,
property status, sex, race, nationality, language, attitude to religion, convictions,
place 01 residence or any other circumstances." However, the (Government does not
effectively enforce this provision on a consistent basis. The Government has favored
ethnic Kazakhs in government employment and, according to many citizens, in the
process of privatizing state enterprises.
Women. — According to human rights CToups, there is considerable domestic vio-
lence against women. A local NGO, the Feminist League, estimates that hundreds
of thousands of women are the victims of spousal abuse. Police are often reluctant
to intervene, considering it to be the family's business, unless they believe that the
abuse is life threatening. The maximum sentence for wife beating is 3 years, but
few such cases are prosecuted. The (jovemment has not specifically addressed the
problem. Law enforcement authorities reported 1,905 cases of rape in 1996 and ad-
justed their 1995 figures to report 1,641 cases. Ministry of Interior officials stated
that there were 1,343 reported cases of rape in the first 9 months of 1997. The pun-
1148
ishment for rape can range from 4 to 15 years. There is very little coverage of rape
in the press, and rapes often go unreported.
There is no legal discrimination against women, but women are severely under-
represented in higher positions in government and state enterprises and overrepre-
sented in low-paying and some menial jobs. Women have unrestricted access to
hi^er education.
Children. — The Government is committed in principle to children's rights, but, as
in many other areas, budget stringencies and otner priorities severely limit its efiec-
tiveness in dealing with cnildren's issues. There is no established pattern of govern-
mental or societal abuse against children. Rural children normally work during har-
vests (see Section 6.d.).
People With Disabilities. — Citizens with disabilities are entitled by law to assist-
ance from the State. There is no legal discrimination against people with disabil-
ities, but in practice employers do not give them equal consideration. There are laws
mandating tne provision of accessibility to public buildings and commercial estab-
lishments for the disabled, but the Government does not enforce these laws. Dis-
abled persons are a low priority for the Government. Mentally ill and mentally re-
tarded citizens can be committed to institutions run by the State. These institutions
are poorly run and inadequately funded. The NGO, International Bureau on Human
Rights, reported that the Government provides almost no care for the mentally ill
and mentally retarded due to a lack of funds.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The population is between 16 and 17 million
and consists of approximately 45 percent Kzakhs and 35 percent ethnic Slavs (Rus-
sians, Ukrainians, Belorussians, and others), with many other ethnic groups rep-
resented. In May, for what appeared to be political reasons, the Government an-
nounced that ethnic Kazakhs composed 51 percent of the population; most neutral
observers agree that this figure is not accurate.
The Government continued to discriminate in favor of ethnic Kazakhs in govern-
ment employment, where ethnic Kazakhs predominate, as well as in education,
housing, and other areas. However, the Government has continued to back away
from its "Kazakhification" campaign of the first year of independence. President
Nazarbayev has publicly emphasized that all nationalities are welcome, but many
non-Kazakhs are anxious about what they perceive as expanding preferences for
ethnic Kazakhs. Many ethnic Kazakhs, however, believe that such affirmative action
is needed to reverse 200 years of discrimination.
In December representatives of the Chechen and Ingush communities complained
that law enforcement authorities unfairly singled them out as violators of tne law.
Law enforcement officials denied the allegations, noting that violators of the law are
not divided by ethnic group.
Most of the population speaks Russian; only about one-half of ethnic Kazakhs
speak Kazakh fluently. According to the (Constitution, the Kazakh language is the
state language. The (constitution states that the Russian language is omcially used
on a basis equal with that of the Kazakh language in organizations and bodies of
local self-administration. This slight increase in the status of the Russian language
(from its previous status as the Republic's "language of interethnic communication')
did not satisfy some ethnic Russian Kazakhstanis who had hoped that Russian
would be designated as a second state language. The (government is encouraging
more education of children in the Kazakh language, but has done little to provide
Kazakh-language education for adults.
In June a language law intended to strengthen the use of Kazakh without infring-
ing on the rights of citizens to use other languages was passed by Parliament and
signed into law by the President. Although introduction of the legislation in 1996
created anxiety among many citizens — ^particularly among ethnic Slavs — the final
version of the bill ofiiended few. The bill does not appropriate sufficient funding to
make Kazakh language education universal. The Parliament deleted the bill's most
controversial provision — the immediate establishment of a list of government posi-
tions that must be held by individuals fluent in Kazakh by a specific date. Instead,
the Parliament is to compile a list of positions requiring Kazakh language fluency
at some time in the future.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the Labor Code provide for
basic worker rights, including the right to organize and the right to strike. In De-
cember the Grovernment withdrew the latest draft Labor Code from consideration
after sharp criticism from parliamentary deputies and returned it to the Ministry
of Labor to be redrafted.
Most workers remained members of state-sponsored trade unions established dur-
ing the Soviet period, when membership was obligatory. At most enterprises, the
1149
state-sponsored unions continued to deduct 1 percent of each worker's wage as dues.
In addition the Government withholds 30 percent of each woriier's wage, 85 percent
of which is for the state pension fund, 5 percent for social insurance, and 10 percent
for health care. An additional 2 percent of each worker's wage is withheld for the
unemployment fund. The state unions under the Communist system were, and for
the most part still are, organs of the Government, and work with management to
enforce labor discipline and to discourage workers from forming or joining independ-
ent unions.
The law gives workers the right to join or form unions of their choosing and to
stop the automatic dues deductions for the state unions. However, enterprises often
continue to withhold dues for the state-sponsored union in spite of requests from
individual workers to stop the deduction. The Independent Trade Union Center of
Kazakhstan claims membership of about 500,000 out of a total work force of about
5.6 million; however, the actual number of independent trade union members is esti-
mated to be closer to 70,000. To obtain legal status, an independent union must
apply for registration with the local judicial authority at the oblast level and with
the Ministry of Justice. Registration is generally lengthy, difficult, and expensive.
The decision to register a union appears to be arbitrary, with no published criteria.
Although no unions appear to have been denied registration, the independent trade
union center had difficulty registering and a labor union in Kapchaeai waited 5
months to be registered. The two major independent trade union confederations are
registered. Judicial authorities and the Ministry of Justice have the authority to
cancel a union's registration; however, there is no evidence that the Ministry of Jus-
tice has used this authority.
The law does not provide mechanisms to protect workers who join independent
unions from threats or harassment by enterprise management or state-run unions.
Members of independent unions have been dismissed, transferred to lower paying
or lower status jobs, threatened, and intimidated. According to independent union
leaders, state unions work closely with management to ensure that independent
trade union members are the first fired in times of economic downturn.
A 1S95 tripartite agreement between labor, management, and the Government,
designed to help resolve labor issues and disputes, remained moribund. EfTorts to
revive the agreement were unsuccessful and the tripartite agreement failed.
Unions and individual workers exercised their right to strike in 1997, primarily
to protest the nonpayment of wages and in an attempt to recover back wages owed
to workers. Nonpayment of wages continued to be the priority issue for workers.
Miners' strikes in the coal mining region of Karaganda continued throughout the
year. According to the law, workers may exercise the right to strike only if a labor
dispute has not been resolved by means of existing conciliation procedures. In addi-
tion the law requires that employers be notified that a strike is to occur no less than
15 days before its commencement. There were numerous unsanctioned strikes
throughout the country to protest the nonpayment of wages. In February 106 work-
ers at the Karaganda heat and power plant went on strike to protest the nonpay-
ment of wages. In March 1,500 teachers who had not received salaries for several
months went on strike in Semipalatinsk. In May the Kapchagai city prosecutor at-
tempted to sue the employees of the power convpany for organizing an illegal strike
to protest the problem of unpaid wages. The Kapchagai city court ruled that the
strike was illegal and that the company would not have to pay the workers for the
days on which the strike took place. The workers appealed the decision and the pro-
vincial court upheld their appeal. The city prosecutor appealed the decision and the
case was returned to the Kapchagai city court. No final decision has been made, but
none of the workers involved have been fined or dismissed.
On October 1, about 1,000 workers of the Achpolimetal Metallurgical Plant began
a 600 mile march from Kentau to Almaty to protest the nonpayment of wages. The
plant is being operated by a Swedish company under a management contract. The
workers were stopped by police 5 miles from Kentau. They refused to move until
10 months' of back wages, totaling about $1.6 million (120 million tenge) were paid.
On October 31, the Government and Swedish company agreed to pay all wage ar-
rears and the workers returned home. However, on November 15, tne Kentau Pros-
ecutor General's office accused five independent trade union leaders of organizing
the march without the permission of the authorities. The Kentau city court refused
to hear the case. The Prosecutor General's office appealed and the provincial court
ruled that the protest march was unsanctioned and illegal. The provincial court's
decision was appealed to the Supreme Court and a decision is pending. There have
been no arrests made in the case.
As a result of their inability to pay salaries, many enterprises continued to pay
wages in scrip rather than in cash, a practice at odds with International Labor Or-
ganization Convention 95 on the protection of wages other than in the legal cur-
1150
rency without the express consent of the workers. Enterprise directors claimed that
the enterprises were not being paid in cash by their traditional trading partners in
other parts of the former Soviet Union, which were also experiencing cash flow dif-
ficulties as a result of the general economic crisis. The scrip was often not accepted
at stores or was accepted only at devalued levels.
By law unions may freely join federations or confederations and affiliate with
international bodies. Most independent trade unions belong to the Indep>endent
Trade Union Center of Kazakhstan (ITUCK) headquartered in Almaty. The Inde-
6endent Miners' Federation of Kazakhstan and the State Miners' Union of
Karaganda are members of the Miners' International Federation. The unions be-
longing to the ITUCK are not members of international federations but do maintain
contacts with foreign trade union federations.
Independent unions complain about a orovision in the Constitution that forbids
the financing of trade unions by foreign legal entities and citizens, foreign states,
and international organizations. Since independence, independent trade unions have
received financial assistance from the AFL-CIO's Free Trade Union Institute
(FTUI). Most of this assistance ended in 1996 when FTUI funding was reduced.
Since then independent trade unions have sought new means of support. Some asso-
ciations of trade unions were able to receive financing from foreign sources by reg-
istering as "public organizations" rather than labor unions.
On January 6, in what was interpreted by human rights activists as a govern-
ment attempt to suppress the independent trade union movement. Independent
Trade Union Center leader Leonid Solomin was charged with violating currency
laws (by paying his workers in dollars) and the constitutional ban on obtaining fi-
nancial support from foreign sources, in this case, the AFL-CIO's FTUI. Solomin
had organized several protest demonstrations in the fall of 1996. The KNB opened
an investigation, froze Solomin's trade union and personal bank accounts, and ques-
tioned Solomin and his staff over several months about the case. Solomin reported
that during the investigation, his home was burglarized and personal records stolen.
In September the Government closed the case due to a lack of evidence of wrong-
doing and dropped all charges.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — There are significant limits
on the ri^t to organize and bargain collectively. Most large scale enterprises have
been privatized or rented to foreign companies under management contracts and are
no longer entirely dependent on state production orders. Collective bargaining rights
are not spelled out in the law, although in some instances unions successfully nego-
tiated agreements with management. If a union's demands are not acceptable to
management, it may present those demands to an arbitration commission composed
of management, union officials, and independent technical experts. Unions routinely
appealed to arbitration commissions. In October workers from Kentau successfully
resolved through an arbitration commission their complaints regarding 10 months
of unpaid wages. There is no legal protection against antiunion discrimination.
There are no export processing zones. Several free economic zones enjoy all the
privileges of export processing zones, as well as other tax privileges and abatements,
but labor conditions there appear to be no different than elsewhere in the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits forced
labor except "at the sentence of the court or in the conditions of a state of emergency
or martial law," and it is generally not known to occur. However, in northern
Kazakhstan some persons were still required to provide labor or the use of privately
owned equipment with no, or very low, compensation to help gather the annual
grain harvest.
The Constitution does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by chil-
dren, but such practices are not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for employment is 16 years. A child under age 16 may work only with
the permission of the local administration and the trade union in the enterprise in
which the child would work. Such permission is rarely granted. Although the Con-
stitution does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, there
were no reports of such practices (see Section 6.c.). Abuse of child labor is generally
not a problem, although child labor is routinely used in agricultural areas, especially
during harvest season.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — In 1997 the Government resumed publication
of a minimum wage. In May the minimum monthly wage was approximately $27.46
(2,060 tenge). This was a sizable increase over previous years, but still far from suf-
ficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.
TTie legal maximum workweek is 48 hours, although most enterprises maintained
a 40-hour workweek, with at least a 24-hour rest period. The Constitution provides
1151
that labor agreements stipulate the length of working time, vacation days, holidays,
and paid annual leave for each worker.
Although the Constitution provides for the right to "safe and hygienic working
conditions," working and safety conditions in the industrial sector are substandard.
Safety consciousness is low. Workers in factories usually do not wear protective
clothing, such as goggles and hard hats, and worii in conditions of poor visibility
and ventilation. Management largely ignores regulations concerning occupational
health and safety, enforceable by the Ministry of Labor and the state-sponsored
unions. Workers, including miners, have no legal ri^t to remove themselves from
dangerous work situations without jeopardy to continued employment.
KYRGYZ REPUBLIC
The KyiTgyz Republic became an independent state in 1991. Although the 1993
Constitution defines the form of government as a democratic republic with substan-
tial civil rights for its citizens, the President, Askar Akayev, dominates the govern-
ment. Akayev was reelected in December 1995 in an open, multicandidate presi-
dential election, which was marred, however, by deregistration of three rival can-
didates immediately prior to the vote. Also in 1995, a new, two-chamber Parliament
was elected for a 5-year term. The Constitution was amended by referendum in Feb-
ruary 1996 to strengthen substantially the presidency and define the role of Par-
liament. However, the referendum was marred by serious irregularities. In 1995 a
Constitutional Court was sworn in, and a reform program was implemented to im-
prove the quality of the judiciary in 1996. While Parliament has become increas-
ingly active, the balance of power resides in the office of the President. The judiciary
is dominated by the executive branch.
Law enforcement responsibilities are divided between the Ministry of Internal Af-
fairs (MVD) for general crime, the Ministry of National Security (MNB) for state-
level crime, and the procurator's office for both types of crime. Both the MVD and
the MNB deal with corruption and organized crime. These ministries inherited their
personnel and infrastructure from their Soviet predecessors. Both appear to be
under the full control of the Government and usually conform their actions to the
law. KjTB^zstani borders are manned by Russian border troops under an agreement
with the Russian Federation. The Government has little authority over these troops,
who sometimes enforce their own rules rather than Kyrgyzstani law.
The Kyrgyz Republic is a poor, mountainous country with a predominantly agri-
cultural economy. Cotton, wool, and meat are the main agricultural products and
exports. Other exports include gold, mercury, antimony, uranium, and
hydroelectricity. The Government has carried out progressive market reforms. The
moderate growth apparent in most sectors has increased, and economic reform is
now accepted by the general public. However, the level of hardship for pensioners,
unemployed workers, and government workers with salary arrearages continues to
be very high. Foreign assistance plays a significant role in the country's budget.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens in many
areas, but there were problems with citizens' limited ability to change their govern-
ment, freedom of speech and the press, due process for the accused, religious free-
dom, and ethnic discrimination. Prison conditions remained poor. As in the past, but
with increasing frequency, journalists were tried, arrested, and convicted under
criminal rather than civil statutes for libeling government officials or other promi-
nent citizens. However, in a number of cases journalists received reduced sentences
on appeal or by pardon. At year's end, a journalist who previously was serving a
sentence under criminal libel had been amnestied, but eight other cases were an-
nounced by the President's press secretary as pending. In a number of cases, the
accused were held for months without bail before their trials. The Constitution was
amended illegally in a 1996 referendum marred by irregularities. In general execu-
tive domination of the judiciary made assurances of due process problematic. Local
"Srillage elders' courts" levied harsh sentences beyond their mandate, but abuses
such as torture and death sentences by stoning apparently have abated. Although
sanctioned by the Government, elders' courts are not part of the regular judicial
structure, and the Government has made efforts to curtail their activities. The Gov-
ernment does not fully protect freedom of religion. Concerns about ethnic discrimi-
nation remain, but in general, the situation of minorities has improved and emigra-
tion rates have stabilized at a low level. Violence against women is a problem that
authorities often ignore. There is a growing number of street children.
1152
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices. There were credible reports of police bru-
tality but these could not be substantiated. There are credible reports of police vio-
lence against detained suspects, a holdover from the Soviet era.
Prison conditions (including food shortages and lack of heat and other necessities)
are poor, but not so bad as to constitute cruelty. Those detained by the ND^, rather
than the MVD are kept in an MNB facility; after conviction, they go to a regular
prison.
Procedures for prison visits are not well established. In principle visitors are sel-
dom permitted. However, some citizens, including local human rights activists,
claim that they usually can obtain official permission for a visit through personal
connections with the MVD. The Criminal Procedure Code of 1994 is based on the
Soviet-era Criminal F*rocedure Code and established the right for attorney-client vis-
its of unlimited number and duration. In practice, however, an attorney must obtain
official permission for every visit.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The judicial system continues to operate,
in many cases, under Soviet laws and procedures, and authorities generally respect
these provisions in practice. The prosecutor's office determines who may be de-
tained, arrested, and prosecuted. The Interior Ministry, the MNB, and the General
Procurator carry out investigations. Since 1990 persons arrested or charged with
crimes have the right to defense counsel. The prosecutor's office responsible for the
investigation often nominates the defense counsel, who is required to visit the ac-
cused within the first 3 days of incarceration. However, sometimes the accused first
sees defense counsel only at the trial.
The Criminal Code permits the procurator to detain suspects for 72 hours before
releasing them or accusing them of a crime. The procurator must issue an arrest
warrant before a person can be detained. If a suspect is charged, the procurator
must advise defense counsel immediately. The accused usually remains in detention
while the prosecutor investigates and prepares the case for presentation in court.
The prosecutor has discretion to keep tne accused in pretrial detention for up to 1
year, but there are conditions for provisional release before trial. After 1 year, the
procurator must release the accused or ask Parliament to extend the period of de-
tention. Since independence, there have been no known instances in which Par-
liament has been asked to extend a detention.
Two days before the 1995 presidential elections, the campaign chairman of an op-
¥osition candidate, as well as a campaign worker, were arrested while campaigning,
he two were charged with libeling the President by handing out leaflets saying
that President Akayev was ethnically Kazakh. The accused and their colleagues de-
nied having any leaflets. The two men were detained without bail (even though bail
is usually available in cases of non-violent crimes) for 4 months and were allowed
no visitors other than spouses or attorneys. In April 1996, they were convicted of
libel and sentenced to 1-year suspended sentences. A third person was arrested in
February 1996 on similar charges and held without bail until his conviction in July
1996, at which time he was also given a 1-year suspended sentence.
The government does not employ forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, the court system remains largely unreformed, and the executive
branch dominates the judiciary.
Cases originate in local courts; they may move to appeals courts on the district
or regional level, and finally to the Supreme Court. Separate courts of arbitration
handle civil disputes, and traditional elders' courts handle low-level crime in rural
areas.
The procurator brings the case to court and tries it before a judge and two peo-
ple's assessors (pensioners or citizens chosen from labor collectives). The accused
and defense counsel have access to all evidence gathered by the prosecutor. They
attend all proceedings, which are generally public, and are allowed to question wit-
nesses and present evidence. In fact nearly anyone in the courtroom may be allowed
to question witnesses. Witnesses do not always recapitulate their evidence in court;
instead they affirm or deny their statements in the prosecutor's files. Defendants
in criminal cases are sometimes treated in a demeanmg manner by being kept in
cages in the courtroom.
1153
The court may render one of three decisions: innocent, guilty, or indeterminate,
i.e., the case is returned to the procurator for further investigation. In May 1996,
the Constitutional Court ruled tnat only the defense has the right of appeal. The
decision of a court to return a case to the procurator for further investigation may
not be appealed, and the accused are returned to the procurator's custody, where
they may remain under detention.
The procurator, not the judge, is in charge of criminal proceedings. Thus, the
very
. „ „ „ . citizens
that allbut a very few scrupulously honest judges are open to oribes.
In the past, local elders courts have exceeded their authority by trying major
crimes, using torture to extract confessions, or even levying capital punishment.
While there were no reports of abuses this year, many oi the elders' courts are lo-
cated in remote remona, making monitoring and supervision by prosecutors' offices
extremely difficult. It is unlikely that these courts receive proper oversight.
The Government has begun to reform the judicial system. Generally accepted
international practices, including the presumption of the innocence of the accused,
have been introduced. Judges do not hold positions for life. As provided in the Con-
stitution, terms for judges range from 15 years for Constitutional Court judges to
3 years for first term local judges. A new system of court administration is being
instituted, and sitting judges are being tested on their knowledge of the law and
new civil codes. If they fail these tests, they are removed from office. The process
appears to have increased judicial professionalism and a number of judges have
been removed due to poor performance on the exams. Some dismissals, however, ap-
gear to have been suojective, but most lawyers and judges consider the system to
e a fair measure of competence. In what may be an indication of growing judicial
independence, the Constitutional Court ruled in November 1996 that the speaker
of the legislative lower house had been unconstitutionally elected, since mandated
parUamentary procedure had not been followed. The legislature accepted the Court's
ruling and elected a new speaker.
The appointment of ethnic Kyrgyz to key positions in the judicial system has led
to charges by non-Kyi^z that tne system is arbitrary and unfair, and that the
courts treat Kyrgyz more leniently than members of other groups. Although system-
atic discrimination is not clearly evident, it is credible in some cases. There are also
complaints, by Uzbeks and even by ethnic Kyrgyz, that the south is underrep-
resented in the judiciary.
Economic crimes such as tax evasion, embezzlement, or theft of government prop-
erty are common. Prosecution for these crimes, however, is relatively rare, and
sometimes appears to be directed at opponents of the Government. Legislators have
used their parliamentary immunity to avoid being brought to court.
Many observers consider opposition activist Topchubek Turgunaliyev to be a polit-
ical prisoner. On January 8, Turgunaliyev was convicted oi embezzlement, fraud,
and abuse of position, stenuning from his service as a university rector in 1994.
(Turgunaliyev was also convicted in April 1996 of defaming President Akayev and
received a 1-year suspended sentence.) He was arrested in December 1996 after or-
ganizing a demonstration in Bishkek to protest high unemployment and nonpay-
ment of pensions. The charges on which he was convicted had been brought pre-
viously, but dismissed for lack of evidence. The timing of the case, the lack of new
evidence, and the disproportionately severe sentence (for alleged embezzlement of
$10,000) suggested that the prosecution was politically motivated. Turgunaliyev was
serving his4-year (reduced from 10-year) sentence in mternal exile at a penal colony
in a remote region of Jalalabad oblast, but was released in November and is now
residing at his home in Bishkek on parole, required to report to government authori-
ties once a month.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits unlawful entry into a home against the wishes of the occu-
pant and states that a person's private life, privacy of correspondence, and tele-
phonic and telegraphic communications are protected. The law and procedures re-
c^uire the General Procurator's approval for wiretaps, searches of homes, intercep-
tion of mail, and similar acts. A change in the law in 1995 weakened these protec-
tions by allowing the procurator to give approval for searches over the telephone;
thus no written proof exists to verify that the search was approved. Furthermore,
in certain cases, law enforcement officers may first carry out a search and then get
approval within 24 hours. If approval is not given, any evidence seized is inadmis-
sible in court.
Personnel and organizations responsible for violations during the Soviet period
have remained largely in place; however, no widespread or systematic violations of
1154
the privacy of citizens were reported. There were concerns by citizens active in poli-
tics or human rights issues that the privacy of their communications was violated,
but evidence is not available.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — On December 6, President Akayev vetoed a new
draft media law, which would have further restricted journalistic freedom. His ac-
tion leaves in effect a 1992 law which calls for freedom of the press and mass media
but also provides guidelines proscribing publication of certain information. The law
supports the right of journalists to obtain information, to publish without prior re-
straint, and to protect sources. However, it also contains provisions that the Govern-
ment used to restrict press freedom. For example the law prohibits publication of
material that advocates war, violence, or intolerance toward ethnic or reli^ous
groups; desecration of national norms, ethics, and symbols, such as the national
seaJ, anthem, or flag; publication of pornography; and publication of "false informa-
tion." The law also states that the press should not violate the privacy, honor, or
dignity of individuals. It requires all media to register with the Ministiy of Justice
and to await the Ministry's approval before beginning to operate. The Ministry has
ruled that foreign entities are not entitled to register. An amendment to the Con-
stitution makes the dignity of presidents or former presidents inviolable.
Criminal libel is not a private action. As a criminal charge, such an action must
have, at the least, the consent of a prosecutor's office. At times other government
agencies app>ear to have been involved in specific cases of criminal libel.
There are approximately 40 to 50 independent newspapers and magazines, includ-
ing some with local, not national, standing. There are also a few hours daily of inde-
pendent television broadcasting and some independent radio stations. However,
state television and radio and government newspapers receive government sub-
sidies, which permit the Government to influence media coverage. Additionally, the
state printing house, Uchlan, is the only place to print newspapers. Thus, the Gov-
ernment could be in a position to control or pressure even the independent news-
papers.
Two print journalists were barred from practicing their profession in 1995 libel
convictions. One has returned to journalism (although the conviction for criminal
libel has not been overturned), but the other has not. The conviction of two cam-
paign woricers and one journalist for criminal defamation of the President during
the election campaign of 1995 emphasized the limits to freedom of speech. These
persons were given 1-year suspended sentences in 1996, then released (see Section
l.d.). On September 29, the journalist Yrysbek Omurzakov was sentenced to 30
months in a penal colony for criminal libel against a prominent industrialist. At
year's end, this case remained under appeal. Also on September 29, the President's
press secretary announced eight new cases of criminal libel against an opposition
newspaper Asaba. An Osh newspaper was also threatened with court action in late
September for "insulting the honor and dignity" of the police in alleged cases of drug
corruption.
A vaguely worded new Criminal Code was passed by Parliament and si^ed by
President Akayev in June. It will take effect on January 1, 1998 and could poten-
tially be used to prosecute journalists for criticizing government officials. The exist-
ing code was used this year to convict journalists of criminal libel. In November
President Akayev publicly requested his legal department to draft an amendment
to the Criminal Code transferring libel and slander to the Civil Code.
The editor of an opposition newspaper has arranged on five separate occasions to
rent space in Bishkek to reestablish nis newspaper, which had been suspended by
government action. On each occasion, the deal fell through after potential landlords
received warnings by telephone from government officials.
Officials from the MNB (the KGB successor organization) have repeatedly con-
tacted editors to discourage "unacceptable" types oi coverage. Although the (jovem-
ment's treatment of journalists occasionally has been heavyhanded, journalistic
standards and ethics remain uneven. For example it is not uncommon for news-
paper articles to be inaccurate or to contain potentially libelous language. However,
the number of criminal libel cases increased tnis year.
In January and February, one newspaper, Kattama, was closed for allegedly pub-
lishing pornography. Although regulations on pornography are not clear, this case
does not appear to have been politically motivated. Another newspaper, Kriminal,
was closed after one edition for alleged violations of the mass meaia law. The edi-
tion had been extremely critical of the President and his wife, the Prime Minister,
and other government officials. In May the journalists Zamira Sydykova and A.
Alyanchikov were sentenced to 18 months in prison for criminal libel against a
prominent industrialist. In August Sydykova was released after her appeal reduced
1155
the sentence to the time she had already served. She is continuing her journalist
activities. Two other journalists were fined and forbidden to practice journalism;
they were subseouently acquitted on appeal.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Under the Constitution, citi-
zens have the right to assemble freely and the Government generally respects this
right in practice.
The Constitution provides for the right of association, and the Government gen-
erally respects this right, although it does hinder registration to some extent.
Permits are required for public marches and gatnerings but are routinely avail-
able. In 1996 some peaceful protests took place outside the President's office, mostly
consisting of pensioners protesting late pension payments and market vendors pro-
testing tax enforcement.
There were a number of marches and demonstrations this year concerning eco-
nomic issues, almost invariably involving picketing of the White House in Bishkek.
For example, the Yntymak movement picketed the White House on housing and in-
ternal migration issues on April 15. Workers from the Bishkek-Nun bread factory
picketed on May 13 and October 8 on privatization and other social issues.
The 1991 Law on Public Organizations, which includes labor unions, political par-
ties, and cultural associations, requires them to register with the Ministry of Jus-
tice. A bureaucratic mentality, dilatory work habits, and inertia, factors carried over
from the Soviet period, probably are responsible for the delay some organizations
experience in registering. Excessive caution by some officials is a contributing ele-
ment. Ultimately all organizations have been able to register, with the exception of
a Uighur organization with the stated goal of creating an independent Uighur state
in northwest China.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The Constitution and the law provide for freedom of reli-
gion and the right oT all citizens to choose and practice their own religion; however,
the Government does not fully protect these rights. The Government does not sup-
port any religion and expressly forbids the teaching of religion (or atheism) in public
schools.
In March 1996, the Government created a new State Commission on Religious Af-
fairs, officiallv in order to promote religious tolerance, protect freedom of conscience,
and oversee laws on religion. In its early months, the Commission was not active,
and the Government appeared to resist calls by some Orthodox and Muslim leaders
to limit the activities oi "sects" and "nontraditional religions." By the fall of 1996,
however, the Commission became more active. The President signed a decree requir-
ing all religious organizations to register with the commission, and a draft law on
reugion was presented to Parliament but was not passed in 1997. Under the new
regulations, each congregation must register separately. As previously if a group
wishes to own property, open bank accounts, and otherwise engage in contractual
activities, it must become a legal entity by registering with the Ministry of Justice.
In practice, the Ministry has never registered a religious organization without prior
registration by the Commission. There were no known instances this year oi the
Commission thwarting attempts by religious groups to register.
During the process of reregistration, the Church of Jesus Christ, once officially
registered, encountered difficulties with the Commission. A number of press articles
have characterized such groups as fanning interconfessional hatred and interethnic
tensions. The Commission claimed that it has a small staff which must process
2,000 individual entities from 30 religious organizations. It suggested that the appli-
cation of the Church of Jesus Christ might be processed in February 1998.
Muslim leaders complain that the Commission makes decisions about religious
events without consulting them. The main Baptist organization reported in 1996
that a congregation of Baptists in Naryn oblast was denied registration both by the
Commission lor Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Justice. The church filed law-
suits and appeals, but the courts upheld the denial of registration in 1996. The Bap-
tists in Naryn also reported that in October 1996, police broke into their services
and threatened worshipers. The Chairman of the Commission acknowledged that he
was aware of the problems of the Naryn Baptists. In October the Commission in-
formed the Baptists that the group had been registered as a religious organization.
At year's end, the group was registered as a legal entity with the Justice and with
local officials.
Religious leaders note with concern that the Commission frequently uses the term
"national security" in its statements. They also worry that references to "preserving
interconfessional accord" could be used by traditional religious groups to prevent
smaller churches from registering. Both Christians and Muslims have expressed
concern about the State's apparent intention to tsike a more intrusive role in reli-
gion. Ethnic Kyrgyz Christian congregations appear to face special barriers, as do
1156
some Muslim congregations with foreign support. A small Jewish congregation
meets in Bishkek without a rabbi. The group also organizes informal cultural stud-
ies and humanitarian services, chiefly food assistance for its elderly. This group has
experienced no particular difficulties stemming from adverse government poliaes or
lack of societal acceptance.
The Seventh Day Adventist Church operate six churches in Bishkek, as well as
several elsewhere in the country, without apparent hindrance. A Roman Catholic
church in Bishkek also functions unhindered.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— In general ^vemment policy allows free travel within and outside the
country. However, certam Soviet-era policies continue to complicate internal migra-
tion, resettlement, and travel abroad. Under the Soviet-era law still in force, citizens
need oflicial government permission (a "propiska") to work and settle in a particular
area of the country. Strictly speaking, the "propiska" affords the right to reside in
a given city or region. In addition home and apartment owners can legally sell their
Eroperty only to buyers with such permission. However, in practice, many employers
ave traditionally refused to provide employment to any applicant residing illegally.
This law, however, has not been enforced recently. People now move within the
country, purchase homes, and sell businesses without hindrance.
There is no law on emigration. Administrative procedures permit movement of
fteople; however, citizens who apply for passports must present a letter of invitation
rom the country they intend to visit or to wnich they intend to emigrate. They also
need an exit visa. There were no reports, however, that citizens, after presenting
such a letter, were denied a passport or an exit visa. A Soviet-era law prohibits emi-
gration within 5 years of working with "state secrets." No one is believed to have
been barred from emigration under this statute in 1997.
Emigrants are not prevented from returning to Kyrgyzstan, and there is report-
edly a small but steady flow of returnees. The Gk)vemment cooperates with the of-
fice of the United Nations Hi^ Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian
organizations in assisting refugees. During the summer, the International Organiza-
tion for Migration also openecTa regional Headquarters in Bishkek, in part because
of the cooperative attitude of government officials. The issue of first asylum did not
arise in 1997.
There were no reports of forced return of persons to countries where they feared
persecution, or expulsion of those having a valid claim to refugee status, except in
the case of Uighur nationalists who had fled from China. One hundred or more
Uighurs were detained and returned to China (or remanded to the Chinese em-
bassy) for alleged visa or passport irregularities, without being processed as refu-
gees. Clearly, at least some of these Uighurs considered themselves to be refugees,
as they applied for refugee status. However, few of the Uighur refugee applications
were considered by the authorities and all were refused on technicalities. The
UNHCR has studied the case, but has taken no public position.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the constitutional right to change their government peacefully, but
have limited ability to do so in practice.
The Constitution mandates presidential elections every 5 years. There is a two-
term limit. The President was reelected to a second term in 1995 in a multican-
didate election marred by irregularities. Parliamentary elections are also held every
5 years. In 1995 citizens elected a new Parliament in elections marred by irregular-
ities. In February 1996, a referendum was held that amended the Constitution to
redistribute power within the Government. The referendum violated the Constitu-
tion in force at the time and the Law on Referendums. Voter apathy was hi^, and
turnout was low. The results were reminiscent of the Soviet era, with a reported
turnout of 98 percent, and an approval margin of 95 percent. Ballot stuffing was
rampant.
The amendments approved in the 1996 referendum further strengthened the for-
mal power of the President and his advisors, who dominate the Government. The
Parliament and the judiciary tend to be subordinate to the executive branch, but
show increasing signs of independence, such as by overriding presidential vetoes. In
comparison witn 1996 when tne Parliament passed 66 laws, this year it passed 158
laws (of which the President signed only 143). In April the Parliament overrode a
presidential veto on a bill allowing a no-confidence vote on any government minister
(and not just the prime minister). In December the Parliament held up passage of
the 1998 budget until reaching a compromise with the executive branch. The over-
whelming majority of local government officials are not elected, but appointed by the
President.
1157 ^ 1 i
Political parties remain weak. There were 17 registered political partjies; some,
such as Ata Meken, Asaba, and the Communist Party were inactive. None of the
winners of four parliamentary seats in by-elections this year has a party affiliation.
Likewise, parties nominated very few candidates. In Parliament less than half of the
members (46 of 105) claims party affiliation. There are 10 parties represented in
Parliament, but voting seldom proceeds along strict party lines.
Women and most ethnic minorities are underrepresented in government and poli-
tics. Only 3 of 105 parliamentary deputies are women. The Deputy Prime Minister
for Social Issues, as well as the Ministers for Labor and Justice, are women. The
Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court is also a woman. A women's group has
been formed to recruit, advise, and campaign for female candidates in the next par-
liamentary elections. Russians and Uzbeks are underrepresented in government po-
sitions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government ofBcials
are sometimes responsive to their views. However, activists sometimes allege that
harassment originates within government circles. The fact that such harassment is
sometimes featured prominently in the government press, or announced by the
President's press secretary, lends credence to such claims.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for the rights and freedom of individuals and prohibits
discrimination, including on the basis of language. The Government expresses a
strong commitment to protecting the rights of members of all ethnic, religious, and
linguistic groups, as well as those of women, but in practice has a mixed record.
Women. — Research conducted in 1996 on violence against women showed a notice-
able increase in such incidents since independence. Activists note that rape is be-
coming more common, with authorities often ignoring such attacks. Official statis-
tics show little change in the number of crimes against women, but medical records
present a different story, with increased hospital admissions of women who have
been injured by a family member. Many of these incidents are alcohol related. Such
crimes are treated by the normal criminal process if women press charges, but sta-
tistics indicate that most such crimes go unreported. There are no shelters for bat-
tered women. The Government has not devised a program to deal with this problem.
The law gives equal status to women, and they are well represented in the woric
force, in professions, and in institutions of higher learning. Women are prominent
in law, medicine, accounting, and banking. They also play an active role in the rap-
idly growing nongovernment sector. Nonetheless, recently deteriorating economic
conditions have had a severe effect on women, who are more likely to lose their jobs.
It is estimated that 70 percent of the unemployed are women. Women make up the
majority of pensioners, who are also in much worse condition than previously as in-
flation has eroded pensions, which are often paid late. Women's groups express gen-
eral concern about the situation of rural women. With the end of Communism, tra-
ditional attitudes toward women are reasserting themselves strongly in the country-
side, where women are relegated to the role of wife and mother and educational op-
portunities are curtailed.
Women's groups have been involved in drafting a family law intended to include
sections on the treatment of women and children within the family. However, no
significant action was taken on this draft legislation during the year.
Children. — The current socio-economic situation does not effectively guarantee de-
cent living conditions for children. Basic needs for shelter, food, and clothing often
are not met. After independence vaccine-preventable diseases such as diphtheria,
polio, and measles reemerged. A range of serious nutrition-related problems affect
a large number of children, especially in rural areas. Traditional social safety meas-
ures are now inadequate to cope with the social pressures affecting families, and
in a number of major cities, children are regularly observed begging or selling ciga-
rettes. There are increasing reports of abandonment due to parents' lack of re-
sources to care for children.
Education is compulsory for the first nine years and the country has a 97 percent
literacy rate. The education system, however, has suffered material and financial
hardships, and conditions continue to deteriorate due to an acute shortage of mate-
rial resources.
The Government continues to rely on former Soviet law in this sphere, but is find-
ing it increasingly ineffective in dealing with adoption issues, custody disputes, and
1158
. {
similar matters. A 1994 law on adoption is still weakly implemented, and in cases
of international addption, is often ignored. Implementing regulations, to the extent
that they are stated at all, are contradictory and confusing.
Human rights groups and the Kyrgyz Children's Fund monitor the condition of
children. Human rights groups note that children who are arrested are usually de-
nied lawyers. Police often do not notify parents of the arrest and neither parents
nor lawyers are generally present during questioning, despite laws to the contrary.
Children are often intimidated into signing confessions and sometimes are placed
in cells with adult criminals to frighten them.
In practice children have restricted rights to travel abroad until age 16. Before
that age, they are not entitled to their own passports and usually travel only when
accompanying a parent, in whose passport the child's data are recorded.
The Kyrgyz Children's Fund (KCF) is concerned about the growing number of
street chUdren, many of whom have left home because of abusive or sucoholic par-
ents. Although numbers are hard to estimate, a 1-day sweep through Bishkek led
to a count of 700 children of school age working during school hours and similar
conditions occur in other urban centers, as well as in the countryside. The KCF has
opened two shelters, one in Bishkek (for approximately 30 children) which also
helps train social workers and one in Osh, to provide food, clothing, and schooling
to such children.
The forced marriage of underage girls has become more common, and the authori-
ties often ignore this practice. Cultural traditions and social structures discourage
victims from going to the authorities.
Children in rural areas are commonly called upon to pick crops as needed by their
family farms.
People With Disabilities. — There is no special law to protect disabled individuals,
nor any law mandating accessibility to buildings and workplaces. Former Soviet law
remains the basis for any resolution of complaints.
Social facilities for the mentally disabled are severely strained, as budgets have
fallen and workloads remain heavy. In one program facilitated by foreign volun-
teers, local high school students have begun to visit special institutions, such as
those for the mentally disabled.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Reported complaints of discrimination cen-
ter on the treatment of citizens who are not ethnic Kyrgyz. In an estimated popu-
lation of 4.5 million, some 58.1 percent are Kyrgyz, 18 percent are ethnic Russians,
13.9 percent are ethnic Uzbeks, and the rest are Ukrainians, Tajiks, Tatars, Ger-
mans, and others. The latter, non-Kyrgyz, groups, which make up over 40 percent
of the population, are often called the Russian-speaking minority. Members of this
minority allege discrimination in hiring, promotion, and housing. They complain
that government officials at all levels favor ethnic Kyrgyz. The predominance of eth-
nic I^Tgyz in government lends weight to this claim.
Russian speakers (those who do not speak Kyrgyz) also allege that a ceiling exists
in government employment that precludes their promotion beyond a certain level.
The representation of ethnic Kyrgyz at high and intermediate levels of government
is disproportionately high. This fact gives credence to perceptions that career oppor-
tunities are limited for those who are not ethnic Kyrgyz.
The Constitution designates Kyrgyz as the state language, but provides for preser-
vation and equal and free development of Russian and other languages used in the
country. In 1996 Russian was also declared, by presidential decree, an "official" lan-
guage for some purposes. However, lawyers ana others noted that no legislation re-
ferred to "official" languages, so the status of Russian was no clearer than pre-
viously. In 1997 a draft law declaring Russian an official language was declared con-
stitutional by the Constitutional Court. To date, however, the law has been stymied
in Parliament. Nevertheless, as a result of these efforts to improve the status of
Russian, as well as diflicult economic conditions in Russia, Russian emigration has
significantly declined, with some ethnic Russians returning.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^The 1992 Labor Law provides for the right of all
workers to form and belong to trade unions, and there is no evidence that the Gov-
ernment has tried to obstruct the formation of independent unions. The Federation
of Trade Unions of the Kyrgyz Republic (The Federation), successor to the former
official union, remains the only trade union umbrella organization in the country,
although unions are not required to belong to it. The Federation forms one part of
a bilateral commission, the Cabinet, the other. Each year the two parties sign an
agreement on "cooperation." The Federation leadership is changing, however, and
some properties are being sold. There is one small independent union, the Union
1159
of Entrepreneurs and Small Business Workers, whose membership numbers in the
tens of thousands.
The Federation has been critical of government policies, especially privatization,
and their effect on working class living standards. Tlie Federation still regards itself
as being in a process of transition, ouring which it is adjusting its relations with
the Government, with other unions in the former Soviet Union, and with other for-
eign unions. A growing number of smaller unions are not affiliated with the um-
brella organization.
While the ridit to strike is not codified, strikes are not prohibited. There were
small strikes oT short duration. There were no retaliatory actions against strikers,
nor were there instances of human rights abuse directed at unions or individual
workers.
The law permits unions to form and join federations and to affiliate with inter-
national trade union bodies. It calls for practices consistent with international
standards. Since independent unions are still in their infancy, no meanin^ul affili-
ation with international trade union bodies has taken place.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law recognizes the right
of unions to negotiate for better wages and conditions. Although overall union struc-
ture and practice are only changing slowly from those of the Soviet era, there is
growing evidence of active union participation in state-owned and privatized enter-
prises, fhe Government sets the minimum wage, and then each employer sets its
own wage level.
The law protects union members from antiunion discrimination, and there were
no recorded instances of discrimination against anyone because of union activities.
There are free economic zones (FEZ) that can be used as export processing zones.
The minimum wage law does not apply to the approximately 3,000 workers in ordi-
nary FEZ'S.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The law forbids forced or compul-
sory labor, as well as forced or bonded labor by children, and it is not known to
occur,
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for employment is 18 years. Students are allowed to work up to 6 hours
per day in summer or in part-time jobs from the ace of 16. The law prohibits the
use of child labor (under age 16); the Ministry of Education monitors enforcement.
However, families frequently call upon their children to work to help support the
family (see Section 5). Forced and bonded labor by children is not believed to occur
(see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The CJovemment mandates a national mini-
mum wage at a level theoretically sufficient to assure a decent standard of living
for a worker and family. The minimum wage is about $5.00 (90 soms) per month.
In practice even the higher median wage is considered insufficient to ensure a de-
cent standard of living for a worker and family. The Federation is responsible for
enforcing all labor laws, including the law on minimum wages. Minimum wage reg-
ulations are largely observed. However, enforcement of labor laws is nonexistent in
the growing underground economy. Market forces help wages in the unofficial sector
to keep pace with official wage scales.
The standard workweek is 41 hours, usually within a 5-day week. For state-
owned industries, there is a mandated 24-hour rest period in the workweek.
Safety and health conditions in factories are poor. Despite the recent improvement
in economic growth, the previous deterioration in enforcement of existing regula-
tions continued to hamper investment to improve health and safety standards. A
1992 law established occupational health ana safety standards, as well as enforce-
ment procedures. Besides government inspection teams, trade unions are assigned
active roles in assuring compliance with these measures, but the previous economic
deterioration in the country has made the compliance record of businesses spotty.
Workers have the legal right to remove themselves from unsafe working conditions.
LATVIA
Latvia is a parliamentary democracy, having regained its independence in 1991
after forced annexation and more than 50 years of occupation by the Soviet Union.
Elections for the 100-seat Parliament (Saeima) held in the fall of 1995 and for mu-
nicipal council elections in March were free and fair, but the election law barred
some citizens from competing due to prior activity in pro-Soviet organizations or
lack of fluency in the state language. The Prime Minister, as chief executive, and
the Cabinet are responsible for government operations. The President, as Head of
45-909 98-38
1160
State, is elected by the Parliament. The Saeima reelected President Guntis Ulmanis
in a competitive election in June 1996. The 1991 Constitutional Law which supj^e-
ments Latvia's 1922 Constitution, provides for basic rights and freedoms. (The
Saeima, however, has not yet finalized the second portion of the Constitution itself
which includes guarantees of human rights.) The judiciary is independent but not
well-trained, efficient, or free from corruption.
The security apparatus consists of: The national police and other services, such
as the Special Iinmigration Police, subordinate to the Ministry of Interior, municipal
police operating unoer local government control; the Counterintelligence Service and
a protective service operating under the Ministry of Defense; and the National
Guard, an element of the national armed forces, which also assists in police activi-
ties. Effective January 1, the Border Guard Force was transferred from the Ministry
of Defense to the Ministry of Interior. Civilian authorities generally maintain effec-
tive control of the security forces and the Constitution Protection Bureau (SAB) is
responsible for coordinating intelligence activities. However, Interior Ministry
forces, municipal police, and intelligence personnel sometimes acted independently
of central government authority. Some members of the security forces, including po-
lice and other Interior Ministry personnel, committed human rights abuses.
Traditionally dominated by agriculture and forestry products, with military and
other industrial production introduced by the Soviets, the varied economy is increas-
ingly oriented toward the service sector. As the transition from a centrally planned
to a market-oriented economic system continues, private enterprise in trade and
services is thriving. About 80 percent of agricultural land is farmed privately, and
60 percent of all land is now in private hands. In the industrial sector, progress to-
ward privatization and revitalization is much slower. The currency remained stable
and freely traded, unemployment was 7.3 percent, and annual inflation was 7.7 per-
cent, down from 15 percent in 1996. Per capita gross domestic product (GDP) was
slirfitly over $2,016. GDP continued the rise oegun in 1996.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens and the
large resident noncitizen community, although problems remained in certain areas.
Members of the security forces, including the police and other Interior Ministry per-
sonnel, continued to use excessive force; police and prison officers beat detainees
and inmates. The Government did not take adequate disciplinary action against
those responsible. Prison conditions remained poor. The inefficient judiciary did not
always ensure the fair administration of justice. Although the Citizen and Immigra-
tion Department (CID) remained bureaucratic and slow in dealing with issues con-
cerning noncitizens, independent observers stated that the previous year's improved
performance continued. The Prosecutor General formally protested the light sen-
tence handed down in June to an alleged local Mafia boss — a case that also high-
lighted the current lack of an effective witness protection program. Thirty-three
anens remain in detention in Latvia without trial or final determination of their sta-
tus. Women are discriminated against in the workplace. Spousal abuse and traffick-
ing in women, as well as child prostitution and abuse, are significant problems.
Among key positive developments were the Saeima's ratification in June of the
1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms; and itspassage in July of the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Sta-
tus of Refugees. The Government plans to develop a new refugee reception center
at Mucinieki, on the outskirts of Riga. In September, the Government signed the
Council of Europe's Convention Against Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treat-
ment or Punishment. The National Human Rights Office (NHRO) continues to func-
tion independently and to achieve greater recognition from the public.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — In December unknown assailants
shot and killed Janis Riba, the leader of the ultranationalist group, Aizargi. Riba's
followers claim that the killing was politically motivated; others speculate that ri-
vals within the ultranationalist movement committed the murder. A police inves-
tigation is still underway.
D. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances,
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture. However, there were credible reports that police
and prison personnel beat prison inmates as well as asylum seekers at the (Jlaine
Detention Center, as well as other detainees in other facilities. Some law enforce-
ment personnel were prosecuted for use of excessive force in handling prisoners. A
municipal policeman Janis Senbergs, an ethnic Latvian, was sentenced to 5 years'
imprisonment for involuntary manslaughter after he beat Maksim Ermolayev, a 16-
1161
year-old ethnic Russian who later died of his iniuries. After the highly publicized
nazing incidents of 1996, military authorities toot steps to curb the practice. 'Oiere
were no confirmed reports of hazmg during the year.
Prison conditions remained poor, despite new construction and foreign assistance,
that has facilitated some improvements. Inadequate sanitation facilities, persistent
shortages of blankets and medical care, and insufficient lighting and ventilation are
common problems, as is the shortage of resources in general. Detainees complain
that they are subject to physical and psychological intimidation by prison guards.
Latvia's worst facility, built in the first decade of the 20th century, had undergone
no renovations until 1996. In the unrenovated portion of the facility, more than 40
prisoners are housed in a single cell with one open toilet; sink conditions are sub-
stantially better in renovated portions of the facility. The Government has stated
its intention to continue renovations as rapidly as its limited finances allow. Min-
istry of the Interior personnel stated that prisoners accused of crimes spend an av-
erage of 1 year in this facility before trial, but many have been there much longer.
The NHRO continues to criticize the failure of many prison facilities to meet mini-
mum international standards and in particular the fact that medical personnel are
not sufficiently independent of the prison administration. Throughout the year, the
NHRO organized human rights training programs for prison authorities and person-
nel.
Detention facilities for asylum seekers are substandard (see Section 2.d.)
The situation for some imprisoned children, who are not always separated from
adults, remained poor. Children as young as 14 years of age were kept in unsanitary
conditions, and suffer from disease and deprivation. Both boys and girls are subject
to violence and possible sexual abuse.
In December a delegation of foreign ambassadors visited Latvia's worst prison at
the invitation of the Nlinister of the Interior.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — There were no known instances of arbi-
trary arrest. The responsibility for issuing arrest warrants was transferred from
prosecutors to the courts in 1994. The law requires the prosecutor's office to make
a formal decision whether to charge or release a detainee within 72 hours after ar-
rest. Charges must be filed within 10 days of arrest. No detainee may be held for
more than 18 months without the prosecutor presenting the case to the defendant
and the court. Detainees have the right to have an attorney present at any time.
These rights are subject to judicial review but only at the time of trial. There were
credible reports that these rights are not always respected in practice, especially
outside Riga.
There were no reports of forced exile, which is prohibited by law.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government generally respects this provision in practice. However,
the courts must rely on the Ministry of Justice for administrative support, and the
judiciary is not well trained, efficient, or free from corruption.
The Supreme Court does not have a clearly established right to rule on the con-
stitutionality of legislation or its conformity with the country s international obliga-
tions. In June the Parliament amended the Constitution and adopted legislation to
establish a Constitutional Court to fulfill these functions. The new seven-judge
panel is authorized to hear cases at the request of state institutions (the President,
Cabinet, prosecutor, Supreme Court, local governments, or one-third of Saeima
members) but not of individuals or courts. A project is currently underway to ex-
pand the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court to include referrals from lower
courts. The Parliament approved six of the judges to sit on the court, which held
its first organizational meeting and elected an acting chairman in December.
The Government continues to reform the judicial system. In 1995 it completed the
establishment of regional courts to hear appeals of lower court decisions. For more
serious criminal cases, two lay assessors join the professional judge on the bench.
Corruption in the judicial system is reportedly widespread. In November the judges
appointed to preside over the trial of the President of the collapsed Bank Baltija,
Oscar Lavent, resigned from the case, citing alleged political pressure from the Gov-
ernment. The accusation came after the judges released Lavent to house arrest fol-
lowing a heart attack that he suffered in the courtroom on the first day of the trial.
In March the country's leading newspaper reported that, according to a recent socio-
logical survey, most residents do not trust the courts. Most judges have inadequate
i'udicial training, and the court system is too weak to enforce many of its decisions.
n June the Prosecutor General harshly criticized the light sentence handed down
to alleged Mafia boss Ivan Haritonov, and appealed the decision. (The case also
highlighted the absence of an effective witness protection program.) A major dif-
ficulty in enforcing court decisions is the lack of an effective bailiff or sheriff system.
There is a lack ofinformation available on which to make informed decisions, espe-
1162
cially outside Riga. Court cases are not published systematically, nor is there a cen-
tralized index for those that are published. Trials may be closed if state secrets
might be revealed or to protect the interests of minors. All defendants have the
right to hire an attorney, and the State will lend funds to destitute defendants for
this purpose. Defendant^ have the right to read all charges, confront all witnesses,
and may offer witnesses and evidence to support their case. They may also make
multiple appeals of adverse verdicts.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
Former Latvian Communist Party First Secretary Alfreds Rubiks, whose support-
ers considered him a political prisoner, was released from jail in December after
serving 6 years of an 8-year sentence for plotting to overthrow the Government.
Under the law a court can, on the recommendation of prison authorities, release
persons on grounds of good behavior who have served three-quarters of their sen-
tence.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
requires that law enforcement authorities have a judicial warrant in order to inter-
cept citizens' mail, telephone calls, or other forms of communication. This protection
is less comprehensive lor the large noncitizen population. There were no reports of
the unsanctioned taping of the telephone conversations of public ofiicials, such as
came to light in 1996.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitutional Law provides for freedom of
speech and the press, and the Government generally respects this right in practice.
Tiie 1991 Press Law prohibits censorship of the press or other mass media. Most
newspapers and magfizines are privately owned. New publications continued to ap-
pear, but economic difficulties forced others to close. Newspapers in both Latvian
and Russian published a wide range of criticism and political viewpoints.
A large number of independent television and radio outlets broadcast in both Rus-
sian and Latvian, and the number of people receiving satellite television broadcasts
continued to increase.
The Law on Radio and Television contains a number of restrictive provisions regu-
lating the content and language of broadcasts. No more than 30 percent of private
broadcasts may be in languages other than Latvian; in prime time, 40 percent of
television broadcasts must be of Latvian and 80 percent of European origin. How-
ever, these provisions are not always implemented. In addition foreign investment
may not exceed 20 percent of the capital in electronic media organizations.
tiiere are no restrictions on academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The authorities legally may
not prohibit public gatherings. Organizers of demonstrations must provide advance
notice to local authorities, who may change the time and place of public gatherings
for such reasons as fear of public disorder. Numerous public meetings and political
demonstrations took place without government interference. In January the Saeima
passed legislation on public demonstrations and that requires protesters to remain
specified distances from foreign missions, the Saeima, the Prosecutor's office, and
certain other public institutions. While the law purports to imitate western Euro-
pean statutes, independent human rights organizations in Latvia find its provisions
contradictory and confusing.
The Constitution provides for the right to associate in public oi^ganizations. How-
ever, the Law on Registering Public Organizations was amended in late 1993 to bar
registration of Communist, Nazi, or other organizations whose activities would con-
travene the Constitution. More than 35 political parties are officially registered.
Noncitizens are prohibited from forming political organizations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitutional Law provides for freedom of religion,
and the Government generally respects this right in practice. Although the Govern-
ment does not require the registration of religious groups, the 1995 Law on Reli-
gious Organizations specifies that religious organizations can enjoy certain rights
and privileges only if they register. Under this law the Justice Ministry has reg-
istered over 800 religious congregations, including Mormons, whose previous lack of
official registration had created difficulties in obtaining visas and residence status.
According to the Ministry of Justice's Department of Religious Affairs, the church
groups denied registration to date include Jehovah's Witnesses, the Latvian Free
Orthodox Church, the Church of Christ Scientist, and the Rock of Salvation Church.
Although Jehovah's Witnesses withdrew their court challenge to this decision, they
continue to press for registration as a religion. Foreign evangelists and missionaries
are permitted to hold meetings and to proselytize, but the law stipulates that only
religious organizations in Latvia may invite them to carry out sucn activities. For-
eign religious denominations have criticized this provision.
1163
The denial of registration to Jehovah's Witnesses imposes real hardships and has
resulted in the general perception among both the public and many government offi-
cials that Jehovah's Witnesses is an illegal group. Uespite the number of adherents
in Latvia, as an organization, Jehovah s Witnesses is denied the necessary legal
means to administer to the spiritual needs of its members.
In July the Parliament adopted amendments to the Law on Religious Organiza-
tions, one of which stipulated that religious education may be provided to students
in public schools on a voluntary basis only by representatives of Evangelical Lu-
theran, Roman Catholic, Old Believer, Baptist, and Orthodox religious organiza-
tions. Students at state-supported national minority schools may also receive edu-
cation in the religion "characteristic of the national minority." Other denominations
may provide religious education, but may not do so in state-funded schools. In July
1996, the Parliament adopted amendments to the Law on Religious Organizations,
one of which reduced the number of persons necessary to seek registration as a reli-
gious organization from a minimum of 25 citizens to 10 persons residing perma-
nently in Latvia. In June Parliament further amended this legislation to allow any
citizens and permanent residents included in the Inhabitant's Register to register
a religion. However, asylum seekers, foreign embassy staff, and those in the country
temporarily or in special status still cannot register a rehgious organization.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no obstacles to freedom of movement within the country, for-
eign travel, or repatriation of citizens. Latvia has readmitted noncitizens who
claimed refugee status in a foreign country, or who voluntarily abandoned their per-
manent residence, and then decided to return to Latvia to live and woric. Nonciti-
zens who left Latvia as refugees based on Soviet-era persecution have no difficulty
returning on foreign refugee travel documents for business reasons or for family vis-
its.
The 1995 Law on the Status of Former Soviet Citizens stipulates that registered
permanent resident noncitizens enjoy the rights to establish and change residences,
travel abroad, and return to the country. However, certain rights are denied to non-
citizens. Although restrictions on holding jobs such as airline personnel and fire-
fighters were Uited, noncitizens are still prohibited from working as private detec-
tives, armed guards, or certified attorneys, and cannot yet hold licenses to pursue
pharmaceutical activities. In addition, only citizens can be granted amnesty or hold
posts in religious congregations. Noncitizens may own land, but only under com-
plicated restrictions. Tne law also provides for the issuance of new noncitizen travel
documents verifying these rights. In April the Citizenship and Immigration Depart-
ment (CID) began issuing a new, more secure aliens passport to noncitizens. The
Government also announced the gradual phase out of former Soviet external pass-
ports. The validity of former Soviet external passports for departure from Latvia to
all countries except the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) expired on De-
cember 31, 1997. These documents remain valia for travel to the CIS-member coun-
tries through December 31, 1998. Former Soviet external passports may be used to
return to Latvia from all countries through December 31, 1998.
Most of the asylum seekers formerly detained at the Olaine detention camp were
accepted by Nordic countries late in 1996 on the assumption that in 1997 Latvia
would adopt and implement refugee legislation in accordance with the 1951 United
Nations (U.N.) Refiagee Convention. In June Latvia acceded to the Convention Re-
lating to the Status of Refugees done at Greneva in 1951, but, at the insistence of
nationalist parties within the Saeima, with the stipulation that it apply only to refu-
gees from European countries. Independent observers, such as the National Human
lights Office (NHRO), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE), United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Western embassies, as well
as within the Government, immediately criticized the decision. In July the Cabinet
announced it would introduce legislation requesting that the Saeima, on its return
from summer recess in September, drop the provision. In September the Saeima
ratified the 1951 U.N. Convention by reversing its original vote to restrict applica-
tion of the treaty exclusively to refugees from European countries. As soon as the
amendment passed, Sweden and Finland went forward with a visa-free travel agree-
ments previously delayed pending the outcome of the Saeima vote.
The Olaine detention center for asylum seekers has serious shortcomings, and
conditions there are substandard. The Government is developing a new refugee re-
ception center that meets minimum international standards at Mucinieki, on the
outskirts of Riga, with multilateral donor assistance. However, until Mucinieki is re-
furbished, asylum seekers are to remain housed at the Olaine facility. A total of 33
aliens remain in detention in the Olaine center without trial or final determination
of their status.
1164
The Government works closely with the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR). As of year's end, discussions were near completion between the
UNHCR and the Ministry of Interior on an agreement for the UNHCR to supervise
the reconstruction of the new refugee center at Mucinieki.
The Government has charged the Interior and Justice Ministries with the complex
task of implementing the terms of Latvia's accession to the Convention Relating to
the Status of Refugees done at Geneva in 1951. Special immigration police and bor-
der guards units are to help prescreen asylum requests. CID decisions can be ap-
Sealed to a new asylum appeals board, that is being established in the Ministry of
ustice. By late summer, mitial training for the p>ersonnel of these bodies was un-
derway.
The issue of provision of first asvlum did not arise.
Organized alien smuggling, frequently involving central and south Asians
transiting Latvia from Russia and Belarus en route to Western Europe or the Unit-
ed States has been detected. According to police sources, in 1996 more than 700 per-
sons who were illegally in the country were involuntarily returned to their homes
abroad, and another 524 voluntarily departed. During the first 6 months of 1997,
almost 200 people who were illegally in Latvia were deported, and another 173 vol-
untarily left the country. Latvia has approached Russia and Belarus about conclud-
ing refugee readmission agreements, tne lack of which poses a major barrier to ef-
fective control of the eastern border. Thirty -three aliens whose legal status is un-
clear remain in detention at Olaine.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government. There were free and fair elec-
tions for Parliament (the Saeima) in 1995, with the participation of numerous par-
ties and factions representing a broad political spectrum. Candidates from 11 par-
ties won Saeima seats, and 72 percent of eligible voters participated. Free and fair
elections for municipal government offices, in which nearly 56 percent of the elector-
ate participated, took place in March in over 500 cities. However, the election law
barred some citizens from voting in these elections due to prior activity in pro-Soviet
organizations or lack of fluency in the state language.
In August the Saeima's legal affairs committee considered, but did not approve
lifting the ban on persons seeking elected office who had remained active in the
Communist Party or various other pro-Soviet organizations after January 13, 1991.
Under legislative procedures the provision, which is part of a much broader revision
of the election law, was placed before the full Saeima for an initial review. In Octo-
ber the full Saeima again defeated the provision. The popular mayor of Daugavpils,
Aleksei Vidavskiy, had been charged in court with violating this provision, but was
acquitted in February, a decision subsequently upheld in the Supreme Court in Au-
gust. The Saeima, however, maintained the provision barring former KGB officers
and Soviet collaborators from standing in elections. It also let stand provisions pre-
venting noncitizen from voting in local elections. At the end of the year, the legal
affairs committee was preparing a final draft of the ban provision language for sub-
mission to the full Saeima for a final vote.
In June 1996 the Parliament fulfilled its constitutional responsibility to elect an
individual to serve a 3-year term as President. The Saeima chose freely among four
candidates in a secret ballot that resulted in the reelection of the incumbent Presi-
dent.
Following the restoration of independence in 1991, citizenship was immediately
accorded only to those persons who were citizens of the independent Latvian Repub-
lic in 1940 and their direct descendants. Owing to the Russification policy pursued
during the Soviet era, ethnic Latvians constitute 56 percent of a total population
of 2.5 million, and 78 percent of citizens. Ethnic Latvians do not constitute a major-
ity in seven of the eignt largest cities. Citizens of other ethnic origins number ap-
proximately 400,000, of which almost 300,000 are Russian. There are about 687,000
noncitizens, of which an estimated 65 percent are Russian, 12 percent are Belo-
russian, 9 percent are Ukrainian; there are smaller percentages of Poles, Lithua-
nians, Jews, Roma, Germans, Tatars, Estonians, and Armenians. After independ-
ence the status of approximately 670,000 people changed from citizens of the Soviet
Union to noncitizen residents in Latvia. More than 70 percent of the registered resi-
dents are citizens, almost 400,000 of whom are not ethnic Latvian.
Under provisions of a 1994 law, various categories of noncitizens become eligible
to apply for naturalization over a period extending from 1995 until early in the next
century. Highest priority was given to spouses of Latvian citizens, citizens of other
Baltic states, and persons bom in Latvia. The law includes a Latvian language and
residence requirement as well as restrictions on naturalization of several groups in-
1165
eluding former Soviet intelligence and military officers. The law requires applicants
for citizenship to renounce previous non-Latvian citizenship, to have knowledge of
the Constitution and Latvian history, and to take a loyalty oath.
International observers, including the resident Organization of Securitv and Co-
operation in Europe (OSCE) mission, credit the Grovemment with establishing a
competent and proiessional naturalization board with offices throiighout the country
to implement the 1994 law. In the estimation of the NHRO, the OSCE and various
NGO s the Board has to date sought to apply the law fairly. However, the pace of
naturalization remains slow. According to statistics provided by the Naturalization
Board, the number of people who sought to be naturalized in recent years was: in
1995: eligible 60,000, applied 2,856; in 1996: eligible 33,000, applied 2,572; in 1997:
eligible 31,000; applied 2,686. The reasons for this relatively small number may in-
clude potential applicants' lack of confidence that they coum meet language require-
ments, the restncted category of applicants eligible to seek naturahzation in the
first 2 years, certain benents that flow from noncitizen status (such as travel with-
out visas to Russia and exemption from compulsory military service), and a sense
that the legal status of permanent resident noncitizens is relatively secure. Presi-
dent Ulmanis has continued repeatedly and publicly to voice his concern about the
slow pace of naturalization. He has suggested that the naturalization "windows"
system (which permits successive age groups the right to apply for naturalization
in a consecutive sequence and in a designated order) be reconsidered. It was also
at his instigation that in December the Grovemment passed regulations lowering the
naturalization fee according to the economic circumstances of the applicant. Under
the new fee schedule, pensioners and certain categories of students and the handi-
capped will pay about $26 (15 lats) rather than about $52 (30 lats). Other categories
of persons — victims of political repression, the severely disabled, orphans, and the
indigent — are exempt from payment.
In March the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) High
Conunissioner for Minorities Max van der Stoel suggested easing the language and
history sections of the naturalization test, and recommended that Latvia naturalize
those children bom in Latvia to resident aliens after Latvia's reestablishment of
independence.
Since its passage, there have been various attempts to amend the citizenship law.
An amendment in 1995 granted automatic citizenship (as opposed to requiring natu-
ralization) to ethnic Latvians returning to the country, as well as to persons who
successfully complete their secondary education in a Latvian-language school. These
amendments allowed several people to register as citizens. However, efforts by
human rights groups and Saeima members to accord automatic citizenship to chil-
dren bom in Latvia since independence to non-Latvian permanent residents have
so far been unsuccessful. In addition, a proposal to grant citizenship automatically
to ethnic Poles who are permanent residents was also rejected.
International experts, government officials, and domestic human rights monitors
agreed that Latvia must continue to place high priority and devote sufficient re-
sources to implementing the citizenship law in a fair and impartial manner, as well
as seek ways to expedite naturalization and promote social integration. These same
observers also agreed that the Government must provide greater opportunities for
noncitizens to learn Latvian. In 1996 the (Government worked with the United Na-
tions Development Program (UNDP) to begin implementing a long-term nationwide
Latvian language teaching program for adults and for children in non-Latvian
schools. Until recently, the CID, which has administrative responsibility for reg-
istering noncitizens, had a negative reputation among noncitizen residents for deny-
ing applications for permanent status and for being slow in complying with court
rulings on issues within its sphere of responsibility. While problems remain, inde-
pendent observers, including those within the National Human Rights Office
(NHRO), noted improvements in the CID's performance throughout the year.
There are no ethnic restrictions on political participation, and some nonethnic
Latvians serve in various elected bodies. There was no mechanism for the many
residents of Latvia who were not citizens to participate in the elections.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. During the year less
than 20 percent of parliamentarians were women. Two members of the CTabinet of
Ministers are women: the Minister of Culture and the State Minister for Revenue.
Only one Saeima committee — Social and Labor Affairs Relations — is chaired by a
woman.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A growing number of nongovernmental organizations devoted to research and ad-
vocacy on human rights issues, including prison conditions and women's and chU-
1166
dren's rights, operate without government restriction. Several organizations deal
with issues of concern to local noncitizens and other nonethnic Latvians, presenting
them to the courts and the press.
The Government demonstrated a willingness to engage in dialog with nongovern-
mental organizations working on human rights issues. In June, it ratified the 1950
European Human Rights Convention. It welcomed visits by human rights organiza-
tions and received delegations from, among others, the OSCE, the Council of Europe
(COE), and the United Nations. A resident OSCE mission continued to operate with
a mandate to "address citizenship issues and other related matters."
The Government continued to implement its national program for the protection
and promotion of human rights, which was adopted in 1995 upon the recommenda-
tions of key international organizations.
TTie National Human Rights Office's (NHRO) status as an independent institution
with a mandate to promote human rights is respected, and its influence and visi-
bility continue to grow. The NHRO continued to nilfill its mandate to provide infor-
mation on human rights, inquire into individual complaints, and initiate its own in-
vestigations on alleged violations. In July the Government appointed Olafs Bruvers,
a hi^ily respected politician and Saeima member, to a 4-year term as the perma-
nent director of the National Human Ri^ts Office (NHRO). He is subject to dismis-
sal only under limited circumstances. It also provided basic financial support for the
organization, which also receives grants from the United Nations Development Pro-
gram (UNDP) and other international institutions.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
According to the 1922 Constitution, all citizens are equal under the law. In De-
cember the Saeima decided to establish a working group to elaborate a second sec-
tion of the Constitution that would strengthen the constitutional protection of basic
human rights and freedoms. The 1991 Constitutional Law, which supplements the
Constitution, states that "all persons in Latvia" are equal under the law regardless
of race, sex, religion, language, social status, political preference, or other grounds
and grants equal rights to work and wages to "persons of all nationalities." How-
ever, the Constitutional Law only grants to citizens the right to occupy state posi-
tions, establish political parties, and own land.
Women. — Sources indicate that domestic violence against women is fairly wide-
spread and is often connected with alcohol abuse. There is anecdotal evidence sug-
gesting that the legal system, including the courts, tends to downplay the serious-
ness of domestic violence. Observers suggest that police are sometimes reluctant to
make arrests in such cases. The NHRU began to work with the Interior Ministry
to assist victims of domestic abuse and train law enforcement personnel in dealing
with this problem.
Both adult and child prostitution are widespread and often linked with organized
crime. There is no legislation in force that specifically addresses these problems.
Women possess the same legal rights as men. The Labor Code prohibits women
from performing "hard jobs or jobs having unhealthy conditions," that are specified
in a list agreed upon between the Cabinet and labor unions. Moreover, the code
bans employment discrimination. In reality women frequently face hiring and pay
discrimination, especially in the emerging private sector. It is not unusual to see
employment advertising that specifically seeks men. Sexual harassment of women
in the workplace is reportedly common. Cultural factors tend to discourage women
from coming forth publicly with complaints of abuse. Women apparently have not
brought any discrimination suits before the courts.
Women's advocacy groups are growing in size and number. They are involved in
finding employment for women, lobbying for increased social benefits, assisting vic-
tims 0? domestic abuse, and opposing the hazing of military recruits.
Children. — ^Although it is government policy to ensure children's rights to basic
health, welfare, and education, there is no general legislation outlining these rights,
and the (Jovemment lacks the necessary resources to provide them fullv. For exam-
ple, despite the existence of mandatory education, truancy is widespread.
Evidence suggests that abandonment and child abuse, including sexual abuse, are
relatively widespread, as is child prostitution. A few children's advocacy groups are
active, particularly in lobbying for legislation to protect children's rights and for in-
creased welfare payments for children. Law enforcement authorities nave won court
suits to remove children from abusive parents and secured convictions in child mo-
lestation cases.
Although legislation has long provided for the establishment of special institutions
for the rehabilitation and vocational training of juvenile offenders, the Government
1167
has made only sporadic eflbrts to reduce the number of juveniles who have commit-
ted relatively minor oflenses, but are housed in re^lar prison facilities.
People With Disabilities. — There is no law bannmg discrimination against the dis-
abled. The Government supports special schools for disabled persons. It does not en-
force a 1993 law requiring buildings to be accessible to wheelchairs, and most build-
ings are not. However, some larger cities, including Riga and Ventspils, have under-
taken an extensive wheelchair ramp program at intersections.
Religious Minorities. — There was no progress reported in apprehending the per-
f>etrators of the 1995 bombing of a Riga synagogue. In July the police defused a
aiwe bomb planted near the Jewish hospital in Riga, although it is not clear wheth-
er uie bomb was targeted against the hospital or an adjoining building.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Of Latvia's more than 2.5 million registered
residents, there are more than 765,000 ethnic Russians, 100,000 ethnic Belarusians,
almost 70,000 ethnic Ukrainians, and more than 60,000 ethnic Poles. Nearly
400,000 persons belonging to national or ethnic minorities are citizens. Because the
majority of persons belon^ng to national and ethnic minorities are not citizens, they
have difficulty participatmg fully in civic life. Noncitizens who are temporary resi-
dents have particular difficulty, but the size of this group has greatly diminished
since the adoption and implementation of the 1995 Law on the Status of Former
Soviet Citizens who do not hold Latvian or any other citizenship.
This law reiterates guarantees of basic human rights and provides noncitizens
who have been permanent residents continuously since July 1, 1992, with the rights
to change residence, leave and return, and invite close relatives to join them for the
purpose of family reunification. It also requires the registration of noncitizens re-
garoless of their housing status, helping to resolve cases of persons previously un-
registered because they lived in former Soviet military or dormitory housing. The
law also provides for issuance of new travel documents reflecting these rights (see
Section 2.d.). However, Latvia has maintained the Soviet-era practice of requiring
the holder's ethnicity to be printed in his passport. Groups such as Roma and
Belarussians have complained that, because the passport is a basic form of identi-
fication in Latvia, the requirement has opened them to various forms of discrimina-
tion based on ethnicity.
Various laws prohibit employment of noncitizens in certain categories. There are
also a few distinctions in the manner of calculating eligibility for social benefits such
as pensions, though there was progress in 1996 toward eliminating some of these
differences. At the request of the parliamentary human rights committee, the
NHRO undertook a major study of all differences between the status of citizens and
noncitizens to determine whether they may be inconsistent with constitutional pro-
visions or international obligations and to recommend revisions in legislation if nec-
essary. The study, released m December 1996, identified 10 differences between the
rights of citizens and noncitizens that the NHRO considered to be inconsistent with
obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. These
included restrictions on noncitizen employment as firefighters, armed guards, pri-
vate detectives, members of airline crews, and certified attorneys, as well as holding
licenses as pharmacists. In 1997 the restriction on noncitizens working as fire-
fighters and airline personnel was removed, but the others remain in force. The
NHRO found most other differences to be consistent with international standards
and practices that allow a state to limit government employment, political participa-
tion, and some property rights to those persons who are citizens.
The language law requires employees of the State and of all "institutions, enter-
f irises, and institutes" to know sufficient Latvian to carry out their profession. The
aw also requires such employees to be conversationally proficient in Latvian in
order to be able to deal with the public. Despite the language law, there have been
no reports of widespread dismissals, even in the city of Daugavpils, in which only
15 percent of the population is ethnically Latvian. Moreover, Russian is the prevail-
ing language in state-owned industrial entenprises. Nevertheless, many nonethnic
Latvians allege that they have been disfranchised and that the language law dis-
criminates against them. In October the Cabinet issued regulations requiring Lat-
vian language competence for a person to be registered and receive unemployment
compensation and social security henefits, even when such people pay social security
taxes. There is evidence to suggest that the problem is particularly acute in local
government administrations outside Riga.
As of the end of December, the Saeima Education and Science Committee was stiU
considering the draft of a more restrictive language law, which passed a preliminary
vote in the Saeima in October. In its original form, the law would require, among
other things, cultural societies, religious organizations, and minority schools to carry
out their activities entirely in Latvian. In addition, public gatherings and even pri-
vate business meetings would have to be conducted in Latvian. However, faced with
1168
strong protests from critics in institutions ranging from the Ministry of Foreign Af-
fairs and the NHRO to factions in the Saeima itself, and from foreign missions and
embassies, the committee removed many of the most restrictive provisions. It re-
tained, however, the requirement that private business meetings be held in Latvian.
According to the comnuttee chairman, the draft is to be submitted to the Saeima
for a second vote early in 1998, after which it is to be returned to the committee
for additional woris before a final Saeima vote later in the year.
Some ethnic Russians have also complained of discrimination resulting from the
property laws, which do not allow incfividual noncitizens to own land. Moreover,
noncitizens were given fewer privatization certificates (which can be used to pur-
chase shares of stock and to privatize apartments and land) than citizens. However,
the law does allow land ownership by companies in which noncitizens own shares.
The local Russian media and the Russian Government also voiced concern about
acts of vandalism, including an attempt in June by an extreme right wing group
called Thundercross" to blow up the Soviet army victory monument in Riga. Two
people died in the blast. In September police arrested several youths belonging to
^Tiundercross" in connection with the explosion. The Riga City Council voted funds
to repair the memorial, but the damage to the structure may be irreparable.
The Government has agreed to continue using Russian as the language of instruc-
tion in public schools where the pupils are primarily Russian speakers. It also sup-
ports schools in eight other minority languages. Although all non-Latvian-spetiking
students in public schools are supposed to learn Latvian and to study a minimum
number of subjects in Latvian, there are shortages of qualified teachers.
Most state-runded university education is in Latvian, and incoming students
whose native language is not Latvian must pass a Latvian language entrance exam-
ination. However, there are several private institutions offering higher education in
Russian. In midyear the Minister oi Education declined to autnorize establishment
of a branch of the Moscow State University in Riga, but the issue may be revisited.
A lively debate continued over proposals in a draft education law that all second-
ary education in public schools be in Latvian by the year 2005. The Parliament was
considering several hundred amendments to the education law, and it took no le-
gally binding decision on the long term prospects of state-funded minority language
education.
Throughout the year President Ulmanis spoke out forcefully in favor of the rights
of ethnic minorities and of social integration, notably in his Independence Day ad-
dress to the nation on November 18. On other occasions he also expressed his regret
for Latvia's part in persecuting Jews during World War II and urged that such in-
tolerance never again be permitted. The President's Council on Minorities and Na-
tionalities continued to struggle to define a role for itself. During the summer, one
of its members resigned to protest what he considered the Council's passivity. Inde-
pendent observers say that individual Council members are well intentioned, but ex-
press disappointment that the Council has not played a more active, public part in
addressing minority issues; it has made no recommendations since coming into
being.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Law on Trade Unions mandates that workers,
except for the uniformed military, have the right to form and join labor unions of
their own choosing. Union membership, which had been about 50 percent of the
work force in 1993, continued to fall as workers left Soviet-era unions that include
management or were laid off as Soviet-style factories failed. In general the trade
union movement is undeveloped and still in transition from the socialist to the free
market model.
Current law does not limit the right to strike. A few job actions, including a teach-
ers "phone in" to protest low pay, occurred. Although many state-owned factories are
on the verge of bankruptcy and seriously behind in wage payments, workers fear
dismissal if they strike. While the law bans such dismissals, the government has
not effectively enforced these laws.
Unions are free to affiliate internationally and are developing contacts with Euro-
pean labor unions and international labor union organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Labor unions have the right
to bargain collectively and are largely free of government interference in their nego-
tiations with employers. The law prohibits discrimination against union members
and organizers. Some emerging private sector businesses, however, threaten to fire
union members. These businesses usually provide better salaries and benefits than
are available elsewhere. The Government's ability to protect the right to organize
in the private sector is weak.
There are no export processing zones. I
1169
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
Kulsory labor, including among children, and it is not practiced. Inspectors from the
linistry of Welfare's Labor Department enforce this ban.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The stat-
utory minimum age for einployment of children is 15 years, although those from 13
to 15 years of age may work in certain jobs after school hours. Chilm-en are required
to attend school for 9 years. The law restricts employment of those under age 18,
for instance, by banning night shift or overtime work. State authorities are Tax in
their enforcement of child labor and school attendance laws. However, there is no
evidence of forced or bonded labor involving children that is prohibited by law (see
Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government raised the monthly minimum
wage to about $70 (38 lats), far below the amount that trade union officials describe
as the bare minimum for survival. Many factories are virtually bankrupt and have
reduced work hours. The Labor Code provides for a mandatory 40-hour maximum
workweek with at least one 24-hour rest period weekly, 4 weeks of annual vacation,
and a program of assistance to working mothers with small children. The laws es-
tablish minimum occupational health and safety standards for the workplace, but
these standards are frequently ignored. Workers have the legal right to remove
themselves from hazardous work situations, but these standards are frequently ig-
nored in practice.
LIECHTENSTEIN
The Principality of Liechtenstein is a constitutional monarchy and parliamentary
democracy. The reigning Prince is the Head of State; all legislation enacted by the
popularly elected Parliament (Landtag) must have his concurrence. The Landtag
elects and the Prince appoints the members of the Government and of the function-
ally independent judiciary.
The Interior Ministry effectively oversees the regular and auxiliary police forces.
There is no standing military force.
Despite its small size and limited natural resources, Liechtenstein has developed
during recent decades from an agrarian society into a prosperous, highly industri-
alized, free-enterprise economy with a vital service sector. It participates in a cus-
toms union with Switzerland and uses the Swiss franc as its national currency.
Liechtenstein is a member of the European Economic Area (EEA). Citizens enjoy a
veiy high standard of living. Unemployment was only 1.4 percent in 1997.
The Government respects the human rights of its citizens provided for in the Con-
stitution, and the law and judiciary provide efTective means of dealing with individ-
ual instances of abuse. The Government is working to eliminate societal discrimina-
tion against women.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture and cruel punishment, and there were no reports of the
use of such methods.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law provides for freedom from arbi-
trary arrest and detention, and the authorities honor these provisions. Within 24
hours of arrest, the police must bring suspects before an examining magistrate, who
must either file formal charges or order release. The law grants suspects the right
to legal counsel of their own choosing, at no cost if they are indigent. Release on
personal recognizance or bail is granted unless the examining magistrate has reason
to believe the suspects are a danger to society or will not appear for trial.
There is no provision for exile, and it does not occur.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. The judicial system has three tiers: lower court, high court, and Supreme
Court. In addition, an Administrative Court hears appeals against government deci-
sions. Also, the State Court protects the rights accorded by the Constitution, decides
1170
on conflicts of jurisdiction between the law courts and the administrative authori-
ties, and acts as a disciplinary court for members of the Government.
The Constitution provides for public trials and judicial appeal, and the authorities
respect these provisions.
The Constitution authorizes the F*rince to alter criminal sentences or pardon of-
fenders. However, if the offender is a member of the Government and is sentenced
for a crime in connection with official duties, the Prince can take such action only
if the Parliament requests it.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^The
Constitution provides for p>ersonal liberty and for inviolability of the home, postal
correspondence, and telephone conversations. No violations were reported. Police
need a judicial warrant to search private property.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^An independent press, an eflective judiciary,
and a democratic political system combine to ensure freedom of speech and the
press. Two daily newspapers are published, each representing the interests of one
of the two major political parties, as is one weekly news magazine. There is a state-
owned television station and a private radio station, but residents freely receive
radio and television broadcasts from neighboring countries. An information bulletin
is also issued by the third party ("Freie Liste") represented in Parliament.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assem,bly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly and association, and the authorities do not interfere with these
rights in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government does not hamper the teaching or practice of any faith. The finances of
the Roman Catholic Church are integrated directly into the budgets of the national
and local governments. Roman Catholic or Protestant religious education is compul-
sory in aU schools, but the authorities routinely grant exemptions for children whose
parents so request.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens have unrestricted freedom to travel in or outside the country,
to emigrate, and to return.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees.
The Government provides first asylum, but the country's lack of an airport or an
international train station means that it receives few requests (only one was re-
ceived in 1996—97, which was rejected). Those entering to cross the Austrian border
without permission are sent to Austrian authorities in accordance with a bilateral
agreement. Those entering from a third country through Switzerland are dealt with
on a case-by-case basis. A new asylum law is in preparation.
The Government has not granted asylum to the 18 Tibetans who entered the
country in 1993 but has decided for the time being not to force them to return. A
total of 158 refugees from the former Yugoslavia are still in the country. Two state-
less persons of unknown origin are still in the country as well, but their status has
not yet been determined.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have this right; Liechtenstein is a constitutional monarchy and a par-
liamentary democracy. The monarchy is hereditary in the male line. The 25-member
unicameral legislature is elected every 4 years. Suffrage is universal for adults over
age 20, and balloting is secret. A two-party coalition has formed the Government
since 1938, but after the parliamentary elections in February, one of the coalition
parties (Fortschrittliche Buergerpartei) decided to join the third party (the "Freie
Liste ") in opposition in Parliament. The "Vaterlaendische union" is now the only
party in power, and occupies all five cabinet positions. Other parties operate freely.
Citizens regularly vote on initiatives and referenda.
Since women gained the right to vote, a growing number have been active in poli-
tics. One woman, the Foreign Minister, is among the five members of the Cabinet,
and one is a member of Parliament. Women serve on the executive committees of
the major parties.
1171
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The sole local human rights organization, Justitia Et Pax, is an informal group
of about 10 persons who monitor prison conditions and assist foreign workers with
immigration matters.
No requests were received from any source for investigation of human ri^ts vio-
lations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, language, or social status,
and the autnorities respect these provisions.
Women. — The law prohibits all fonns of domestic violence, and the Government
vi^rously prosecutes those who violate the law. According to police statistics, bodily
iiyuries were inflicted on four women by their partners in the first half of 1997.
Liechtenstein operates one shelter, which provided refuge for 15 abused women in
the first half of 1997, only 6 of whom were citizens.
In September the government Bureau for the Promotion of Equal Rights for
Women and Men started an antiviolence campaign, focusing especially on puolic vio-
lence, such as sexual harassment in the workplace, as well as on violence in rela-
tionships. This campaign fostered widespread public awareness. In 1997 the Govern-
ment supported the women's shelter with over $350,000 (250,000 SwF).
Societal discrimination still limits opportunities for women in fields traditionally
dominated by men. On the aggregate level, men earn more than women. It is, how-
ever, unclear if this fact represents overt discrimination. In accordance with a 1992
constitutional amendment mandating equality for women. Parliament has amended
a significant number of laws to ensure equality of treatment. Among other things,
Parfiament has revised the citizenship law, the employment law, the law on labor
conditions, the tax law, and is currently overhauling the matrimony law. The proc-
ess of amending laws to ensure equality of treatment is almost complete. In addi-
tion, a law for equal rights for women and men in the labor market is in prepara-
tion.
There are three active women's rights groups. Their chief concerns are public af-
fairs, information, legal counseling, lobbying, and other political activities for wom-
en's rights.
Children. — ^The Government demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. The Government provides compulsory, free, and universal primary school edu-
cation for children of both sexes up to the age of 16. No sectors or groups are ex-
cluded.
The Government supports programs to protect the rights of children and matches
contributions made to tne four nongovernmental organizations monitoring children's
rights. A children-and-youth service belonging to the Ofilce for Social Services over-
sees the implementation of government-supported programs for children.
There is no pattern of societal abuse against children.
People With Disabilities. — ^Although the law does not expressly prohibit discrimi-
nation against people with disabilities, complaints of such discrimination may be
pursued in the courts. Amendments to the law on insurance for the disabled, which
18 intended to improve the economic situation of disabled persons, came into force
in January.
The Government requires that buildings and government services be made acces-
sible for people with disabilities.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — All workers, including foreigners, are free to associ-
ate, join unions of their choice, and select their own union representatives. Due to
the country's small size and population, only one trade union operates, representing
about 13 percent of the work force. The trade union, however, looks after the inter-
ests of nonmembers as well. It is a member of the World Confederation of Labor
but is represented on an ad hoc basis by a Swiss union.
Workers have the right to strike except in certain essential services. No strikes
are known to have taken place in the last 27 years. The law does not provide spe-
cific protection for those who strike. Employers may dismiss employees for refusal
to work; such dismissals may be contested. In 1997 the Government incorporated
European Economic Area guidelines into labor law legislation that came into force
in the spring. These guidelines require that, among other things, employers enter
into consultations in cases of projected mass dismissals, and submit employment
contracts in written form.
1172
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for the right
of workers to organize and bargain collectively. However, collective bai^gaining
agreements are generally adapted from ones negotiated by Swiss employers and
unions.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or oom-
Sulsoiy labor, and there were no reports of violations. Except by implication, the law
oes not specifically forbid forced and bonded labor by children, but such practices
are not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment does not specifically prohibit forced and bonaed labor oy children, but such
practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.C.). The law generally prohibits em-
ployment of children under 16 years of age; however, exceptions may be made,
under certain circumstances, for some employment of youths older than aige 13 and
for those leaving school after age 14. Children over age 13 may be employed in light
duties for not more than 9 hours a week during the school year and 15 hours at
other times.
Inspections are adequate. No employers have been fined or imprisoned for viola-
tions of the law. The Government devotes adequate resources and oversight to child
labor policies. The observance of the law is effectively supervised by the Department
for Worker Safety of the Office of the National Economy.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no national minimum wage, but even
the lowest actual wages afford a decent living for workers and their families. The
law sets the maximum workweek at 45 hours for white-collar workers and employ-
ees of industrial firms and sales personnel, and 50 hours for all other workers. The
actual workweek is usually 40 to 43 hours. With few exceptions, Sunday work is
not allowed. Workers over age 20 receive at least 4 weeks of vacation; younger ones,
at least 5 weeks.
The law sets occupational health and safety standards, and the Department for
Worker Safety of the Office of the National Economy effectively enforces these provi-
sions. The law provides for a hearing in cases in which workers remove themselves
from dangerous situations.
LITHUANIA
Lithuania is a parliamentary democracy, having regained its independence in
1990 after more than 50 years of forced annexation by the Soviet Union. The Con-
stitution, adopted by referendum in 1992, established a 141-member unicameral leg-
islature, the Seimas; a directly elected president, who functions as Head of State;
and a government formed by a prime minister and other ministers, appointed by
the President and approved by the Seimas. The Government exercises authority
with the approval of the Seimas and the President. In fair elections in 1992, the
Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDDP) — the successor to the Communist Party
of Lithuania, which in 1989 broke away from the Soviet Communist Party — won a
majority of parliamentary seats and formed the Government. In 1993 voters elected
Algirdas Brazauskas, then Chairman of the LDDP, as President. The Conservatives
grevailed in the October and November parliamentary elections, followed by the
hristian Democrats. The two parties formed a coalition government (the first in
Lithuemia's history).
A unified national police force under the jurisdiction of the Interior Ministry is
responsible for law enforcement. The State Security Department is responsible for
internal security and reports to Parliament and the President. The police committed
a number of human rights abuses.
Since independence, Lithuania has made steady progress in developing a mariiet
economy. Over 40 percent of state property, in addition to most housing and small
businesses, has been privatized. Trade is diversifying, and expanding both to the
West and the East. Trie largest number of residents are employed in agriculture
(21.7 percent), followed by industrial enterprises (20.7 percent, including electricity,
gas, and water supply) and wholesale and retail trade (16 percent). About 33.3 per-
cent of those employed work for state enterprises, while 66.7 percent are employed
by private companies. The agricultural sector's high proportion of the work force re-
ffects a lack of eflicient consolidation of small private farms and represents a vocal
protectionist current in economic policy debate. The banking system remains weak,
but laws on banking control and supervision are in place and a number of large pri-
vate banks are undergoing outside audits. The inflation rate for the first half of
1997 was 4.8 percent, compared with an annual rate of 13.1 percent for 1996. Per
1173
capita gross domestic product for the first half of 1997 was estimated at $1,200
(4,800 utas) and unemployment at mid-year was 5.3 percent. The balance of trade
remfuns negative due to imports of gas and other energy products from Russia.
Major exports include textUe and kmtwear products, timber and furniture, elec-
tronic goods, food, and chemical and petroleum products.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, but problems
remain in some areas. Police on occasion beat detainees and abuse detention laws.
The Government is making some progress in bringing police corruption under con-
trol. Prison conditions remain poor.
The police investigated the desecration of one Jewish site and one Polish site but
identified no suspects. State media continues to be subject to political interests. Vio-
lence and discrimination against women and child abuse are serious problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
There is a problem, however, of women who have been forced or willingly sold into
prostitution by organized crime figures (see Section 5). Their families, unaware of
the situation, claim that they have disappeared or have been kidnaped.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution specifically forbids torture, and there were no reports of its use.
However, police sometimes beat or otherwise physically mistreated detainees. The
local press reported that incidents of police brutality are becoming more common.
In many instances, the victims reportedly are reluctant to bring charges against po-
lice officers for fear of repriseds. A total of 85 officers were dismissed for illegal or
fraudulent activities in the first 6 months of 1997 for a variety of offenses, including
41 persons convicted of committing crimes. The Interior Ministry states that district
police insj)ectors are the most negligent in the force. To strengthen the integrity of
the police, the Inspectorate General of the interior ministry was given administra-
tive autonomy in May.
Human rights violations committed by noncommissioned military personnel con-
tinue, despite efforts to quash criminal bullying — a practice inherited from the
former Soviet armed forces. However, such violations decreased compared with
1996, when there were 121 incidents and 10 legal cases were brought. In the first
6 months of 1997, 29 incidents were reported with four cases filed. According to the
Ministry of National Defense, most trauma inflicted on conscripts is psychological
rather than physical: there were four cases of assault, one case of a broken cheek-
bone and one concussion recorded in 1996 and in the first half of 1997 there were
two cases of assault, two cases of broken bones, and one concussion. The Ministry
believes that a lack of professionalism among noncommissioned oflicers — rather
than ethnic, regional, or social factors — is a primary factor in cases of hazing, and
it is woriting actively to improve the skills and judgment of such officers.
Prison conditions are poor. Due to limited resources, most prisons are over-
crowded and poorly maintained. Prisoners on death row or serving life sentences are
required to wear special striped uniforms. Human rights monitors are permitted to
visit prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Except in cases that come under provi-
sions of the Preventive Detention Law (described below), police may detain a person
for up to 72 hours based upon reliable evidence of criminal activity. Under a law
passed in June, a judge must also approve the detention. At the end of that period,
police must decide whether or not to make a formal arrest, and a magistrate must
approve an arrest warrant. The authorities have a total of 10 days to present sup-
porting evidence. Once a suspect is formally charged, prosecutors may keep the sus-
fiect under investigative arrest for up to 2 months before taking the suspect to court,
n exceptional cases, investigative arrest may be extended by a further 6 to 9
months with the written approval of the Prosecutor (general. The Constitution pro-
vides for the right to an attorney from the moment of detention.
In an effort to cope with the rise in violent organized crime, in 1993 Parliament
{)assed the Preventive Detention Law pertaining to persons suspected of being vio-
ent criminals. The law, which was passed as a temporary measure and lasted until
1997, allowed police, but not the internal security and armed forces, to detain sus-
pected violent criminals for up to 2 months rather than only for the standard 72-
hour period. The effect of the law is to give prosecutors and investigators additional
time to conduct an investigation and file formal criminal charges against the de-
tainee. Those apprehended must be released after 2 months if an investigation does
1174
not lead to formal charges. Local police commissioners must obtain the Prosecutor
General's approval of each arrest carried out under the provisions of this law. In
the first 6 months of the year, 303 people were detained pursuant to this law com-
pared with over 338 for all of 1996. Or the 303, 185 were released after 2 months,
as their guilt had not been proven.
The Parliament voted in December 1995 to extend this law for an additional year,
maintaining provisions carried over from 1995 modifications, including checks on
prosecutorial abuse. The law requires that a detainee must be informed within 3
nours following arrest about the length of the preventive detention being considered
(not to exceed 2 months), and must be brougnt before a court within 48 hours of
arrest for a ruling on the legality of the detention. Furthermore, a detainee has the
legal right to consult with an attorney during the period of detention. The law gives
law eniorcement officials wide latitude in msQcing arrest decisions and may be open
to abuse. Parliamentarians who voted against the extension stated that preventive
detention was not in keeping with the Constitution and the European Convention
on Beisic Human Rights and Freedoms. The Prosecutor General, however, reported
that althou^ a drastic measure, it is effective. In several well-publicized cases, the
law helped to convict and sentence dangerous criminals to lengthy prison terms. In
many other instances, however, the suspects were freed without charge after expira-
tion of the maximum detention period, leading some observers to believe that the
police are abusing the length of the detention period provided by this law.
There is no provision for exile, nor is it practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the judiciary is independent in practice.
Efforts continued in 1996 to reform legal codes imposed during the Soviet era.
Parliament passed new civil and criminal procedure codes as well as a Court Reform
Law in 1995. The judicial system presently consists of a two-tier structure of district
courts and a Supreme Court, which is an appellate court. There is also a Constitu-
tional Court. Court decisions sire arrived at independently. The Prosecutor General
exercises an oversight responsibility through a network of district prosecutors who
work with j)olice investigators — employed by the Ministry of the Interior — in prepar-
ing the prosecution's evidence for the courts. The institution of lay assessors was
abolished at the end of 1994.
Under the provisions of the Court Reform Law, two new kinds of courts were cre-
ated. Local district courts were set up below the present district courts to handle
cases at the municipal level, while a new appellate court level hears appeals arising
from district court decisions, thereby reducing the case load of the overburdened Su-
preme Court. In addition a commercial court is in operation through the district
courts.
An arbitration system is pending. In addition, as a result of accession to the
Council of Europe, the Ministry of Justice has begun a thorough review of Lithua-
nia's laws with a view towards bringing them into accord with the provisions of the
European Convention on Human Rights.
The Constitution provides defendants with the right to counsel. In practice the
rirfit to legal counsel is abridged by the shortage of trained advocates who find it
difficult to cope with the burgeoning numbers oi criminal cases brought before the
courts. Outsiae observers have recommended the establishment of a public defender
system to regularize procedures for provision of legal assistance to indigent persons
charged in criminal cases. By law defense advocates have access to government evi-
dence and may present evidence and witnesses. The courts and law enforcement
agencies generally honor routine, written requests for evidence.
Government rehabilitation of over 50,000 persons charged with anti-Soviet crimes
during the Stalin era led to reports in 1991 that some people alleged to have been
involved with crimes against humanity during the Nazi occupation had benefited
from this rehabilitation. A special judicial procedure was established to examine
each case in which an individual or organization raised an objection that a rehabili-
tated person may have committed a crime against humanity. In 1994 the Supreme
Court overturned the rehabilitation of three persons whose cases were pending from
1993; there have been no such rulings by tne Supreme Court since that time, al-
though preparations to establish a legal procedure for regulating the annulment of
rehabilitation are under way.
Formal charges have yet to be brought against Aleksandras Lileikis, an alleged
war criminal. After being stripped of his U.S. citizenship in May 1996 for concealing
his World War II activities, that allegedly included acts of genocide when he headed
the security police of the Vilnius district under Nazi control, Lileikis returned to
Lithuania. Prosecutor General Kazys Pednycia actively investigated the case after
his appointment in February , and was prepared to prosecute Lileikis by the end
of June. However, the law stipulates that the accused cannot be prosecuted if his
1175
medical condition is poor. At 90 years of age, LUeikis is not healthy. Given the scope
of his cdleged crimes, however, the Government and Parliament sought mechanisms
to allow prosecution to proceed. Legislation allowing a case to be presented throu^
the defense attorney to the accused unanimously passed the Seimas on December
23. The prosecution of Aleksandras Lileikis is expected to proceed in January 1998.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, FamUy, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the right to privacy. Tne authorities do not engage in in-
discriminate or widespread monitoring of the correspondence or conmiunications of
citizens. With the written authorization of a prosecutor or judge, however, police
and the security service may engage in surveillance and monitoring activities on
grounds of national security. Except in cases of hot pursuit or the danger of dis-
appearance of evidence, police must obtain a search warrant signed by a prosecutor
beibre they may enter pnvate premises.
It is widely assumed, however, that law enforcement agencies have increased the
use of a range of surveillance methods to cope with the expansion of organized
crime. There is some question as to the legal oasis of this police surveillance, but
there are no known legal challenges to such surveillance.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press. The Government generally respects tnese ri^ts in practice.
F*rior restraint over either print or broadcast media and restrictions on disclosure
are prohibited, unless the Government determines that national security is involved.
The Parliament adopted its long-awaited media law in July 1996, after a draft pub-
lic information law failed to pass in November 1995 because most independent news
publications and many prominent journalists protested that it was too restrictive.
The new media law introduced an element oi self-regulation but postponed a dif-
ficult decision on television advertising. Under the new law, the media are to create
a special ethics commission and ombudsman to check libel cases and other com-
plamts. The final version of the law allows reporting on the private- lives of officials
as long as the information affects the welfare of the people.
The independent print media has flourished since independence, including a wide
range of economic newspapers and specialty magazines. Ofiicially there are over
2,0W) newspapers and magazines registered, but only a fraction are still published.
Many investigative journalists covering organized crime were harassed by and re-
ceived death threats from organized "crime families."
State radio and five private radio stations broadcast throughout the country. In
addition to state television, which is in the process of being transformed into public
television, three private television stations also broadcast regular programming na-
tionwide. Additional radio and television stations, including a Polish-language radio
station in the Vilnius region, are found throughout the country in population cen-
ters.
There are no restrictions on academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
The Communist Party of Lithuania and other organizations associated with the
Soviet regime continue to be banned.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for religious freedom, and the
Government generally respects this provision in practice. The Law on Religious
Communities and Associations was passed in October 1995. It grants religious com-
munities, associations, and centers property rights to prayer houses, homes, and
other buildings and permits construction necessary for their activities. Article 5 of
this law mentions nine religious communities that have been declared "traditional"
by the law and therefore are eligible for governmental assistance: Latin Rite Catho-
lics, Greek Rite Catholics, Evangelical Lutherans, Evangelical Reformers, Orthodox,
Old Believers, Jews, Sunni Muslims, and Karaites. There are no restrictions on the
activities of other religious communities.
Relations between the Government and the officially registered Jewish community
are good. However, the Hasidic Chabad Lubavich community is having difficulties
registering as a traditional Jewish religion. The Ministry of Justice argues that the
Chabad Lubavich is not a part of Lithuania's historical, spiritual, or social heritage
and therefore cannot be registered as traditional (Article 5 of the Law on Religious
Communities and Associations). The Ministry states that the Chabad Lubavich does
not have a continuity of traditions and is a separate branch of Judaism than that
followed by the traditional Lithuanian Jewish religious community. Furthermore,
they state that the Hasidic movement only began in Lithuania in the 18th century
and has been suspended twice. The Chabad Lubavich counter that the suspension
1176
of their activity during the war years and after was imposed by Nazi and Soviet
occupiers. They also have protested the disassociation of the Hasidic movement from
Judaism. The Chabad Lubavich continue to press for recognition as a traditional re-
ligion. They have been allowed to operate a kindergarten.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Under the law, citizens and permanent residents are permitted free
movement within the country and the right to return to the country. There are no
restrictions on foreign travel.
In January Lithuania ratified the 1951 Geneva Convention on the Status of Refu-
gees or its 1967 Protocol. In July, the Law on Refugee Status came into effect, allow-
ing for the first formal grant of refugee status to qualified applicants.
A growing number of economic migrants and refugees prompted the government
to designate appropriate facilities for their use. A registration center for migrants
and remgees is in tne town of pabrade, while a refijgee reception center was opened
during the year in the town of^Rukla. The latter, which has approximately 50 resi-
dents, has facilities for integrating those persons granted refugee status into society.
The Government seeks to deport those who remain at Pabrade — about 800 economic
migrants largely from South Asia and China — but has difficulty doing so due to the
hi^ cost of such deportation and the lack of cooperation from the migrants' home
countries. The Rukla facility is modem and has adequate facilities; at Pabrade,
where conditions are very rudimentary and the housing is overcrowded, the mi-
grants besieged the Lithuanian employees on two occasions during the year in pro-
test. The Government has received some financial assistance from international ref-
ugee organizations to subsidize the repatriation of some refugees who returned vol-
untarily.
Lithuania continued its efforts to stem the tide of illegal migrants through nego-
tiating readmission agreements with Russia and Belarus, the two countries used by
most migrants to reach Lithuania. The Government cooperates with the oflice of the
United National High Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organiza-
tions in assisting refugees. The issue of the provision of first asylum did not arise
in 1997. There were no reports of forced return of jiersons to a country where they
feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage. Of 171 seats in the Seimas, 71 are
elected directly and 70 are elected through proportional representation. Only those
parties that receive more than 5 percent of the total ballots (or 7 percent for coali-
tions) are allowed representation in the Parliament. National minority slates had
been exempt from this law in the past, but despite the 5 percent threshold ethnic
Lithuanians, Poles, Russians, and Jews were all elected to the seimas in the fall
1996 parUamentary elections. The Citizenship Law, adopted in 1991 and amended
in October 1995, is inclusive with regard to the country's ethnic minorities. The law
provides citizenship to persons who were born within the borders of the Republic;
who were citizens of Lithuania prior to 1940 and their descendants; or who became
citizens under previous legal authority. More than 90 percent of Lithuania's ethnic
Russian, Polish, Belarusian, and Ukrainian inhabitants received citizenship.
Qualification for naturalization of persons not covered by the above-mentioned
categories requires a 10-year residency, a permanent job or source of income, knowl-
edge of the Constitution, renunciation of any other citizenship, and proficiency in
Lithuanian.
While there are no legal restrictions on women's participation in politics or gov-
ernment, they are underrepresented in political leadership positions. There are 24
female deputies and 2 female ministers in the 17-member Cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Most government authorities cooperate with local nongovernmental organizations
and actively encourage visits by international and nongovernmental human rights
groups. A key exception is the Ministry of Interior, that has continually refused to
release information on police brutality and statistics on corruption-related incidents.
The Association for the Defense of Human Rights in Lithuania is an umbrella orga-
nization for several small human rights groups, all of which operate without govern-
ment restriction. In 1994 the Grovernment established the Department of Inter-
national and Human Rights within the Ministry of Justice, which monitors law and
1177
legal practice to determine whether these are in accord with Lithuania's inter-
national obligations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, religion, disability,
or ethnic backgrouna. However, discrimination against women persists.
Women. — Abuse of women at home is reportedly common, especially in connection
with alcohol abuse by husbands, but institutioned mechanisms for coping with this
problem are only now being formed. A women's shelter funded in part with Nor-
wegian assistance is now in operation. According to one sociological survey, 20 per-
cent of women reported experiencing an attempted rape, while another 33 percent
reported having been beaten at least once in their lives. The number of rapes re-
ported in the first half of 1997 (88) is proportionally the same as the 168 rapes re-
ported for all of 1996. Official statistics on the incidence of abuse of women in the
home are not filed separately from other categories of assault. Unlike in 1996 the
Ministry of Interior did not provide statistics on the number of women killed due
to arguments resulting from jealousy or domestic problems, although one of the
most prominent victims of sucn a crime was the senior civil servant in the Ministry
of Public Administration Reform and Municipal Affairs. Persons convicted of rape
generally receive sentences of from 3 to 5 years in prison.
A number of women, some underage, have been enticed or forced and sold into
prostitution abroad by organised crime figures. Some go consciously, hoping to be-
come wealthy; others are lured by deceptive ofiers of seemingly innocent jobs as
household helpers, bar dancers, or waitresses. Women are also tricked into prostitu-
tion through false marriage advertisements. Their families are often unaware of
their predicament and believe that they have disappeared or been kidnaped. An ofii-
cial from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has stated that about 99 percent of women
who have been reported missing are actually working as prostitutes abroad.
The Constitution provides for equal rights for men ana women, and official policy
specifies equal pay for equal work. Generally, men and women receive the same pay
for comparable work, but women are significantly underrepresented in some profes-
sions and in the managerial sector as a whole. Significant inequalities in society
based on gender continue, and there are stUl very conservative views about the role
of women. The fact that women's enrollment now exceeds that of men in some uni-
versity departments has prompted universitv administrators to introduce pref-
erential entrance criteria for men to redress what is perceived as an abnormal state
of affairs. Parliamentary deputies speaking about female deputies in public some-
times make unflattering comments based on gender stereotypes without eliciting
any public reaction.
Children. — The Ministries of Social Security and of the Interior share official re-
sponsibility for the protection of children's rights and welfare. Starting in 1994, the
Children's Rights Service of the Ministry of Social Security has taken on many of
the functions formerly handled by the Interior Ministry and its subordinate police
officers throughout the country, tiiereby focusing more attention on the social wel-
fare needs of children. There are 56 branches of the Children's Rights Protection
Council throughout the country. This Council registers and cares Tor children in
abusive and dysfunctional families, and had registered 30,000 children this year.
Child abuse is a problem. The press has been thorough in reporting increases in
cruelty to children, including sexual abuse, intentional starvation, beatings, and
murder. Authorities reported that 73 children were killed bv their parents in 1996.
No department or organization collects information on child abuse, however. More-
over, there are no specific criminal codes for child pornography, sexual abuse, or sex
tourism. There is only one rehabilitation center in the country for children who have
been sexually abused.
Social welfare workers believe that child abuse in connection with alcohol abuse
by parents is a serious problem. Moreover, the prevalence of authoritarian values
in family upbringing has discouraged more active measures against child abuse.
People With Disabilities. — Legal provisions for access to buildings for people with
disabilities are in place but are not widely enforced; the vast majority of public
buildings remain inaccessible to such persons.
More than 350,000 people with disaoilities live in Lithuania — 10,000 of them chil-
dren. The 1991 Law on Integrating Disabled People, provides for a broad category
of rights and public benefits to which disabled people are legally entitled. The Par-
liament allotted $10.5 million for persons with disabilities and has spent $3.6 mil-
lion as of September. A project in Kaunas to build sm apartment building for per-
sons with disabilities has not been completed. A center for deaf children nas been
created, as has a program for children with special orthopedic problems.
1178
Religious Minorities. — Jewish and Polish community leaders expressed their con-
cern regarding desecration of cemeteries and monuments in each of their commu-
nities. In both cases, national and local authorities responded promptly. The dese-
crations were condemned by senior oflicials and investigated by the pohce; however,
no suspects were identified and no charges were brought.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities.— -Minority ethnic groups — including Russians,
Poles, Belarusians, Ukrainians, Tatars, and Karaites — comprise roughly 20 percent
of the country's citizens. There were calls during the year, mostly from the Polish
community, for the resignation of the Education Minister after he made public re-
mains that were interpreted to mean that foreign language instruction in schools
would cease. The Government subsequently connrmed that there was no intention
of ending current instruction in the languages of ethnic minorities.
Many nonethnic Lithuanian public sector employees were required to attain a
functional knowledge of Lithuanian within several years, although the authorities
have been granting liberal extensions of the time frame in which this is to be
achieved. During the first 6 months of 1997, 2,484 persons applied for citizenship.
Citizenship was granted to 952 of them, based in part on their Lithuanian language
ability. There is no documented evidence of job dismissals based on the language
law. The authorities have indicated that the intent of the law is to apply moral in-
centives to learn Lithuanian as the official language of the State; they have asserted
that no one would be dismissed solely because of an inability to meet the language
requirements.
In Vilnius, isolated attacks on foreigners — including French, Japanese and Kazak
diplomats who in two cases requirea extensive medical treatment — have occurred
throughout the year. Authorities have taken steps to curtail such attacks through
an increased police presence.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the 1991 Law on Trade Unions
recognize the right of workers and employees to form and join trade unions. The
Law on Trade Unions formally extends this right to employees of the police and the
armed forces, although the Collective Agreements Law of 1991 does not allow collec-
tive bargaining by government employees involved in law enforcement and security
related work. In 1990 the Lithuanian branch of the Soviet Union's All-Union
Central Council of Trade Unions, including 23 of 25 trade unions, renamed itself
the Confederation of Free Trade Unions (CFTU) and began asserting increased inde-
pendence from its Soviet parent. In 1993 the CFTU joined eight other unions that
also had been part of the All-Union Central Council to form the Lithuanian Trade
Union Center (LTUC).
The Lithuanian Workers* Union (LWU) was formed in 1990 as an alternative to
the CFTU. Unlike the CFTU/LTUC, the LWU was an early supporter of Lithuanian
independence from the Soviet Union and actively sought western free trade union
contacts. The LWU claims a dues-paying membership of 78,000 organized in 35 re-
gional groupings.
The Law on Trade Unions and the Constitution provide for the right to strike,
although public officials providing essential services may not do so. Many workers
threatened to strike because of low wages, but there were no major strikes in 1997.
There are no restrictions on unions affiliating with international trade unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Collective Agreements
Law provides for collective bargaining and the ri^t of unions to organize employ-
ees, although several provisions reportedly hinder the establishment of new union
organizations. According to the law, unions, in order to be registered, must have at
least 30 founding members in large enterprises or have a membership of one-fifth
of all employees in small enterprises. Difiiculties commonly arise in state enter-
prises in which employees are represented by more than one union. LWU officials
charge that managers in some state enterprises discriminate against LWU organiz-
ers and have on occasion dismissed employees in retribution for their trade union
activities. The LWU also charges that the judicial system is slow to resjwnd to LWU
grievances regarding dismissals from work. LWU representatives claim that state
managers sometimes prefer the CFTU/LTUC over LWU unions as collective bar-
gaining partners.
In general trade union spokesmen say that managers often determine wages with-
out regard to trade union wishes, except in larger factories with well-organized
trade unions. The Government issues periodic decrees that serve as guidelines for
state enterprise management in setting wage scales. The LWU and tne LTUC en-
gage in direct collective bargaining over wages at the workplace level. Wage deci-
sions are increasingly being made at the enterprise level, although government min-
istries still retain some control over this sphere in state-owned enterprises. The
1179
LWU reports that it supplements its bargaining efforts with active lobbying in gov-
ernment ministries that own enterprises. During the first 6 months of 1996 prices
increased faster than the growth of wage increases, thereby reversing a process of
real wage growth that had begun in 1993.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution specifically pro-
hibits forced labor by all, including children, and this prohibition is observed in
practice. There are no reports that it occurred.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution specifically prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and this prohibi-
tion is observed in practice.
The legal minimum age for employment of children without parental consent is
16 years. The legal minimum age for employment is 16 years; with the written con-
sent of parents, it is 14 years. Free trade union representatives assert that the
mechanisms for monitoring minimum age legislation are rudimentary. Complaints
about infringement of child labor regulations generally are referred to local prosecu-
tors who investigate the charges and take legal action to stop violations. Available
evidence suggests that child labor is rare.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The legal minimum wage was raised in 1997
from $75 (300 litas) to $100 (400 litas) per month. The minimum wage does not pro-
vide a decent standard of living for a woriser and family. The average wage in the
public sector is $215 (861 litas) per month. The Council of Ministers and the Min-
istry of Social Security periodically adjust the minimum wage. Every 3 months these
government bodies must submit their minimum wage proposals to the Seimas,
which has the right to approve or revise the minimum wage level. Enforcement of
the minimum wage is almost nonexistent, in part because the (jovemment does not
want to exacerbate unemployment. The 40-hour workweek is standard, with a provi-
sion for at least one 24-nour rest period. For a majority of the population, living
standards remain low. The poorest households spend 66 percent of their income on
food, compared 45 percent in wealthier households.
The Constitution provides that workers have the right to safe and healthy woric-
ing conditions. In 1993 a Labor Safety Law went into effect, setting the rights of
workers confronted with hazardous conditions and providing legal protection for
workers who file complaints about such conditions. The State Labor Inspection Serv-
ice, which the law established, is charged with implementing the Labor Safety Law.
Regional labor inspection offices, each of which employs only two to three ofiicials,
are severely understaffed. They closed 40 enterprises or departments of enterprises
found to be in violation of safety regulations during the first 6 months of this year.
Unsafe conditions caused by worn, outdated industrial technologies are reportedly
widespread, and 34 work-related deaths were recorded in the first six months of
1997 compared with 98 work -related deaths for all of 1996.
LUXEMBOURG
Luxembourg is a constitutional monarchy with a democratic, parliamentary form
of government. The role of the Grand Duke is mainly ceremonial and administra-
tive. The Prime Minister is the leader of the dominant party in the popularly elected
Parliament. The Council of State, whose members are appointed by the Grand
Duke, serves as an advisory body to the Parliament. The judiciary is independent.
The Government effectively controls the security apparatus, which consists of po-
lice and gendarmerie.
Luxenmbourg has a prosperous market economy with active industrial and service
sectors. The standard of living and level of social benefits are high.
The Constitution and laws provide for the full range of human rights, and the
Government respects these rights in practice.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhum.an, or Degrading Treatment or Punishm,ent. —
The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that officials employed
them.
1180
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards. The Government per-
mits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition.
Judicial warrants are required by law for arrests except in cases of hot pursuit.
Within 24 hours of arrest tne police must lodge charges and bring suspects before
a judge. Suspects are not held incommunicado. They are given immediate access to
an attorney, at government expense for indigents. The presiding judge may order
release on bail.
Exile is never imposed.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an in dep>endent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides
citizens with a fair and eflicient judicial process.
The independent judiciary is neaded by the Supreme Court, whose members are
appointed by the Grand Duke. Defendants are presumed innocent. They have the
rignt to public trial and are free to cross-examine witnesses and to present evidence.
Either the defendant or the prosecutor can appeal a ruling; appeal results in a com-
pletely new judicial procedure, with the possibility that a sentence may be increased
or decreased.
In response to a 1995 decision by the European Court of Human Rights, the Gov-
ernment established on January 1 an administrative court system to review citizen
challenges to legislation.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of speech and of
the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. Print media are
privately owned. Television broadcasting rights, previously held exclusively by the
privately owned national radio and television company, were extended in 1997 to
a regional cable television company. The Government issues licenses to private radio
stations. Radio and television broadcasts from neighboring countries are freely
available.
Academic freedom is fully respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. There is no state religion, but the State
{)ays the salaries of Roman Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish clergy, and several
ocal governments maintain sectarian religious facilities.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The Government
provides first asylum and granted it to three persons in 1996. The Government has
granted permanent resident status to 1,374 persons from the former Yugoslavia who
enjoyed temporary protected status and expects to process 100 more applications.
A total of 37 persons returned to the former Yugoslavia voluntarily, and 4 were or-
dered to leave after criminal convictions. The Government does not expel those hav-
ing a valid claim to refugee status; there were no reports of the forced return of
persons to countries where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Luxembourg is a multiparty democracy. Suffrage is universal for citizens 18 years
of age and above, and balloting is secret. National parliamentary elections are held
every 5 years.
Women are active in political life. Of 60 Members of Parliament, 11 are women,
as are 3 members of the Cabinet. The mayors of several major municipalities, in-
cluding the capital, are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights groups operate without government restriction. Government ofii-
cials are cooperative and responsive to their views.
1181
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits racial, sexual, or social discrimination, and the Government en-
forces these provisions. Blatant societal discrimination occurs only rarely.
Women. — Neither society nor the Government is tolerant of violence against
women, and the Government prosecutes persons accused of such. The Government
funds organizations providing shelter, counseling, and hot lines. The main women's
shelter in 1996 provided refuge to 189 women, many with their children, and re-
sponded to over 3,000 telephone calls. Of the sheltered women, 67 reported sexual
aouse. It is estimated that about 150 to 200 cases of sexual abuse occur per year.
Women enjoy the same property rights as men. In the absence of a prenuptial
agreement, property is divided equally upon dissolution of a marriage.
The law mandates equal pay for equal work. To date there have been no work-
related discrimination suits. Women constitute 36.8 percent of the work force (1996
data). The Ministry for the Promotion of Women has a mandate to encourage a cli-
mate of equal treatment and opportunity in fact as well as in law.
Children. — The Government demonstrates a strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems of public education and medical
care, which are available equally to girls and boys. The law mandates school attend-
ance from the ages of 4 to 16. Schooling is free through the secondary level, and
the Government provides some financial assistance for postsecondary education.
There is no societal pattern of abuse directed against children. Child abuse does
not appear to be widespread, and laws against it are enforced. In 1996 the main
pediatric hospital dealt with approximately 260 cases of suspected child abuse, not
all of which were substantiated. A hot line maintained by a nonprofit organization
received 923 telephone calls in 1996 from children and youths in distress. The police
established a new hot line for reporting child abuse and commenced a child abuse
awareness campaign for children. A shelter for girls who are victims of sexual abuse
opened in January.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. The law does not
directly mandate accessibility for the disabled, but the Government pays subsidies
to builders to construct "disabled-friendly" structures. Despite government incen-
tives, only a modest proportion of buildings and public transportation have been
modified to accommodate people with disabilities.
The Government helps disabled persons obtain employment and professional edu-
cation. By law, businesses and enterprises with at least 25 employees must fill a
quota for hiring disabled workers ana must pay them prevailing wages. The auota
is fixed according to the total number of employees, and employers who do not fulfill
them are subject to sizable monthly fines. There have been no known complaints
of noncompliance.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — ^Although foreigners constitute over 30 per-
cent of the total population, antiforeigner incidents remain infrequent. The Govern-
ment granted to citizens of European Union countries who reside in Luxembourg
the right to vote and run in municipal elections. Minimum residency requirements
are 6 years for voters and 12 years, includingjB months residence in the commune,
for candidates to run for town councils. The Government-supported nonprofit
"League Against Racism" organized community education and awareness projects in
conjunction with the 1997 European Year Against Racism.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^All workers have the right to associate freely and
choose their representatives. About 65 percent of the labor force is unionized. Mem-
bership is not mandatory. Unions operate free of governmental interference. The
two largest labor federations are linked to, but organized independently of, major
political parties. The law prohibits discrimination against strike leaders, and a labor
tribunal deals with complaints.
The Constitution provides all workers with the right to strike, except for govern-
ment workers such as police, armed forces, and hospital personnel providing essen-
tial services. Legal strikes may occur only afler a lengthy conciliation procedure be-
tween the parties; the Government's National Conciliation Office must certify that
conciliation efforts have ended for a strike to be legal. There were no legal strikes
during the year, and there have been no illegal strikes since 1979.
Unions maintain unrestricted contact with international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for and pro-
tects collective bargaining, which is conducted in periodic negotiations between cen-
tralized organizations of unions and employers. Enterprises having 15 or more em-
ployees must have worker representatives to conduct collective bargaining. Enter-
1182
prises with over 150 employees must form joint works councils composed of equal
numbers of management and employee representatives. In enterprises with more
than 1,000 employees, one-third of the membership of the supervisory boards of di-
rectors must be employee representatives.
The law provides for adiudication of employment-related comjplaints and author-
izes labor tribunals to deal with them. A tribunal can impose a fine on an employer
found guilty of antiunion discrimination, but it cannot require the employer to rein-
state a worker fired for union activities.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor by children and adults, ana it is not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Emoloyment. — The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces tnis prohibition effec-
tively. The law prohibits employment of children under the age of 16 and requires
all children to remain in school until the age of 16. Apprentices who are 16 years
old must attend school in addition to their job training. Public education is free and
universal through the secondary level.
Adolescent workers under the age of 18 have additional legal protection, including
limits on overtime and the number of hours that can be worked continuously. The
Ministries of Labor and Education effectively monitor the enforcement of child labor
and education laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law provides for minimum wage rates at
levels that vary according to the worker's age and number of dependents. The mini-
mum wage for a single worker over the age of 18 is approximately $7.05 (Lux F
259) per hour. Supporting a family is difficult on the minimum wage, but most em-
ployees earn more than the minimum.
The law mandates a workweek of 40 hours. Premium pay is required for overtime
or unusual hours. Employment on Sunday is permitted in continuous-process indus-
tries (steel, glass, and chemicals), and for certain maintenance and security person-
nel; other industries have requested permission for Sunday work, which the (jovem-
ment has granted on a case-by-case basis. Work on Sunday, allowed for some retail
employees, must be entirely voluntary and compensated at double the normal wage;
ana employees must be given compensatory time off on another day, equal to the
number of hours worked on Sunday. The law requires rest breaks for shift workers
and limits all workers to a maximum of 10 hours per day including overtime. All
workers receive at least 5 weeks of paid vacation yearly, in addition to paid holi-
days.
The law mandates a safe working environment. An inspection system provides se-
vere penalties for infractions. The Labor Inspectorate of the Ministry of Labor, and
the Accident Insurance Agency of the Social Security Ministry, carry out their in-
spections effectively.
No laws or regulations specifically guarantee workers the right to remove them-
selves from dangerous work situations without jeopardy to continued employment,
but every worker has the right to ask the Labor Inspectorate to make a determina-
tion, and the Inspectorate usually does so expeditiously.
THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA
The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, which became independent following
the breakup of Yugoslavia, is a parliamentary democracy led by a coalition govern-
ment. It has a popularly elected president. International monitors judged its second
multiparty elections in 1994 to be generally free and fair despite numerous proce-
dural irregularities. The judiciary is generally independent.
The Ministry of Interior oversees a security apparatus that includes uniformed po-
lice, criminal police, border police, and the state intelligence service. Municipal po-
lice chiefs are responsible to the Ministry of Interior, not to municipal leaders. The
Ministry is under the control of a civilian minister; a parliamentary commission
oversees operations. The Ministry of Defense shares with the border police respon-
sibility for border security. Some members of the police on occasion were responsible
for human rights abuses.
Historically, Macedonia was the least prosperous of the Yugoslav republics. Its
economy was closely tied to the other republics, especially Serbia. Confiict in the re-
gion and sanctions imposed on Serbia and Montenegro, along with the problems of
transition to a market economy, led to severe economic difficulties. A (jreek trade
embargo imposed in 1994, in a dispute over the country's name, flag, and Constitu-
tion was lifted in 1995 following the signing of an interim accord between the two
1183
countries. Trade sanctions against Serbia were suspended following conclusion of
the Davton Accords also in 1995. In the circumstances of these two border closures,
gross domestic product fell an estimated 50 percent. Growth resumed during 1996
with a slight increase in industrial production, according to government figures.
Growth in 1997 was approximately 2 to 3 percent. Ofiicial unemployment, which
has been very high for several years, is 32 percent, although the gray economy is
large. Some workers routinely receive their salaries several months late.
Tiie Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however,
there were problems in some areas. Three people were Killed in a clash between po-
lice and ethnic Albanian demonstrators in July. Over 200 persons were injured in
the demonstration; a parliamentary commission is investigating charges that secu-
rity forces used excessive force. The Government took no judicial or disciplinary ac-
tion against the police. There were credible reports of occasional police abuse of pris-
oners and police narassment of political opponents of the Government. A police prac-
tice of compelling citizens to appear for questioning at police stations continued, de-
spite government claims that the practice had ended pursuant to a new law. Vio-
lence and discrimination against women remain problems.
Minorities, including ethnic Albanians, ethnic Turks, and ethnic Serbs, raised var-
ious allegations of human rights infringements and discrimination. Ethnic minori-
ties made progress in securing more representation in state institutions, although
ethnic Macedonians continue to hold a disproportionate number of positions. Ethnic
Albanian representation in several government ministries has risen from less than
2 percent in 1990 to levels in the 7 to 12 percent range. Ethnic minorities are still
poorly represented in the police and the civilian component of the Ministry of De-
fense.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Three people were killed in a clash
between police and demonstrators in July. The demonstrators, most of whom were
members of the ethnic Albanian minority, were protesting the Government's re-
moval in the early dawn hours of July 9 of Albanian and Turkish national flags
from municipal buildings in the towns of Gostivar and Tetovo. The Constitutional
Court had previously ordered the Government to remove the flags because they dis-
regarded state sovereignty. The Government responded to the court order with a
new law that permitted the flying of foreign flags at municipal buildings on national
holidays. The new law protected the private display of foreign flags at all times.
When police enforced the Constitutional Court order and removed the Albanian and
Turkisn flags from the municipal building in Gostivar, crowds gathered during the
morning of July 9. Throughout the day, tension mounted between the police and
demonstrators, until violence erupted in the afternoon. Demonstrators reportedly
broke through police lines. Police, reinforced by armored personnel carriers, pushed
the crowd back using tear gas. Shooting between the police and demonstrators broke
out, and demonstrators threw Molotov cocktails and stones at the police. Three eth-
nic Albanians were killed and just over 200 were injured. Seven f>olice officers were
iryured.
The Government has not yet held anyone responsible for the three deaths nor for
apparently indiscriminate police beatings, some documented by journalists' videos
that may identify the offending police oflicers. A report on the incident drafted by
the Ministry of Interior focused on the provocative acts that led to the violence, not
on possible police misconduct. A parliamentary commission was convened in October
to investigate the Gostivar events. Its mandate is to determine whether or not police
used excessive force. The commission is expected to report to the full Parliament,
which could then recommend disciplinary action for officials it finds responsible. The
Ministry of Interior has taken no action in the meantime to discipline any police
officers.
The investigation into the 1995 car bomb attack on President Gligorov continued
but produced no results.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such treatment and punishment. However, during the
demonstration in Gostivar on July 9, police usea excessive force in attacking and
beating demonstrators, including some who offered no resistance (see Section l.a.).
International observers witnessed the police beating children.
Police also occasionally used excessive force following the arrest of criminal sus-
pects. Police allegedly beat a number of ethnic Albanians early in the year (see Sec-
tion l.d.).
1184
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards and the government
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution states that a person
must be arraigned in court within 24 hours of arrest and sets the maximum dura-
tion of detention pending trial at 90 days. The accused is entitled to contact a law-
yer at the time of arrest and to have a lawyer present during police and court pro-
ceedings. According to human rights observers and criminal defense attorneys, po-
lice sometimes violate the 24-hour reqpairement and deny immediate access to an at-
torney. Although the law requires warrants for arrests, this provision is sometimes
ignored, and the warrant issued only some time after the arrest. Incommunicado de-
tention is not practiced.
There were no confirmed reports of arbitrary arrest, but there were credible re-
ports that the Government continued the practice of compelling citizens to appear
at police stations through an "invitation" for so-called "informative talks." Although
a law on criminal procedures was passed in March stating that police cannot force
citizens to appear for these sessions without presentation of a court order, there
were credible reports that the practice continued.
Ethnic Albanian political leaders reported early in the year that their supporters
were picked up by police on the streets or at their places of work, held for up to
24 hours, and interrogated about their political activities and those of their parties.
A number of those detained were allegedly beaten by police and deprived of sleep,
food, and water.
The Government does not practice forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice, although the court
system is still developing and is sometimes inefficient and slow. The outcomes of
a small number of cases were suspected of being influenced from outside the judici-
ary.
The court system is three tiered, comprising municipal courts, district courts, and
a Supreme Court. A Constitutional Court deals with matters of constitutional inter-
pretation.
Human rights activists are beginning to use the judicial system to further their
aims. The Qonstitutional Court has a mandate to protect the human rights of citi-
zens but has not taken action in any case in this area. In February Parliament
passed a law establishing the Office of a People's Ombudsman to defend citizen's
constitutional and legal rights. An Ombudsman was appointed in July, and the of-
fice began operating late in the year.
Trials are presided over by judges appointed by the Republican Judicial Council
(an independent agency) and confirmed by Parliament. The judges are assisted bv
two members of the community who serve essentially as consulting jurors, although
the iudge has the final word. Court hearings and the rendering of verdicts are open
to tne public except in some cases, such as those involving minors and those in
which tne personal safety of the defendant is concerned. Trials cannot be televised,
pursuant to the criminal procedure code, although the court can in certain cases au-
thorize the presence of television and film cameras. In several high-profile cases this
year, trials were easily accessible to international observers.
There were no reports of political prisoners. The two persons jailed in 1996 in con-
nection with the Tetovo University riots were released during the year.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ITie
Constitution prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect
these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects these rights in practice.
Several daily newspapers are published in Skopje, as well as numerous weekly
or periodical political and other publications. Most towns and municipalities have
local papers. Government-subsidized newspapers in the Albanian and Turkish lan-
guages are published and distributed nationally by the leading news publishing
ouse. Some other newspapers and magazines are subsidized by the Government.
Several privately-owned publications have a wide distribution throughout the coun-
try; some are considered to be oriented towards opposition political parties. The
media that remain partially state owned are government oriented but do report op-
position press conferences and statements and in general provide coverage of the
major opposition parties.
After privatization, the leading newspaper publisher is still partially government
owned and controls one of only two modern, high-speed printing facilities in the
country, as well as most newspaper kiosks. Opposition parties allege that govern-
1185
ment control and manipulation of the media prevent them from getting their mes-
sage across. The introduction of competition in the print media resulted m increased
investigative reporting in the country and a livelier tone, particularly in regard to
several financial and investment scandals during the year. Competition also re-
sulted in price reduction and increased circulation.
Distributors of foreign newspapers and magazines must obtain permission of the
Ministry of Internal Affairs. In 1997 all such requests were approved. Foreign news-
papers, including those from neighboring countries, are available throughout the
country.
There were several incidents in which journalists were threatened or attacked by
the targets of their criticism. In one incident, four individuals were charged with
misdemeanor offenses after they confronted and threatened the manager of a pri-
vate television station.
There are dozens of small commercial radio and television broadcasters through-
out the country. A new law on broadcasting was passed in April, creating a Broad-
casting CouncU to issue licenses and bring some order to the currently crowded air-
waves. The broadcast law directs that broadcast fees collected through individual
electric bills subsidize both state-run Macedonian radio and television and the main-
tenance of infrastructure for other public and commercial broadcasting. There is
concern that new broadcast license fees may price small and medium sized stations
out of the market. Individual satellite dishes are unregulated and plentiful through-
out the country. Cable television is growing.
Individuals and opposition political groups may criticize the Government publicly
without reprisal. The media do not appear to practice self-censorship due to fear of
government reprisal. The Government does not censor books and other publications,
nor does it censor films.
The Government respects academic freedom. Because higher education is not
available in the Albanian language except for teacher training, some ethnic Alba-
nians claim that they do not have complete academic freedom. TTiey want to see the
unauthorized Tetovo university gain legal status so that they can study in their
mother tongue (see Section 5).
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government generally respects this right in practice.
Advance notification of large meetings is optional, and opposition rallies occur regu-
larly without major incident. A July protest demonstration by ethnic Albanians in
Gostivar turned violent, and 3 persons were killed and some 200 injured (see Sec-
tions l.a. and I.e.).
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government re-
spects this right in practice. Political parties and organizations are required to reg-
ister. More than 40 political parties are registered, including ethnically based par-
ties of Albanians, Turks, Serbs, and Roma. However, A new Albanian party was not
able to register due to an ongoing judicial proceeding.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The (Jonstitution specifically provides for freedom of reli-
gion for the Macedonian Orthodox Church and other religious communities and
groups, and the Government generally does not interfere with the practice of reli-
gion. While only the Macedonian Orthodox Church is mentioned by name in the
Constitution, it does not enjoy official status.
The Parliament adopted a new law on religious communities and groups in July.
The law designates the Macedonian Orthodox Church, the Islamic community, and
the Roman Catholic Church as "religious groups", while all other religions are des-
ignated "religious communities." Some rengious leaders voiced concerns about the
impact of the new law, although its effects were not fully apparent by the end of
the year. The law requires, for example, that anyone carrying out religious work
and religious rites be registered with the Commission on Interreligious Relations.
By years end, over 20 religious groups and communities were registered. The law
also stipulates that religious instruction can only be carried out in public spaces
where religious services are held and that foreigners who wish to conduct religious
services must obtain a permit from the Commission before they enter the country.
Protestant groups continued to complain that they could not register their church-
es and obtain regular employment status for employees and that on several occa-
sions they have been prevented from holding religious meetings in venues outside
churches.
The refusal of the Serbian Orthodox Church to recognize the independence of the
Macedonian Orthodox Church has led to difficulties for ethnic Seros who wish to
worship in their own church. On a number of occasions the Government refused
Serbian Orthodox priests permission to enter the country and apparently plans to
continue doing so until the Serbian Church recognizes the Macedonian Church.
1186
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens are permitted free movement within the country as well as the
right to leave and return. These rights may be restricted for security, public health,
and safety reasons but are fully respected in practice.
The law on citizenship is highly restrictive, requiring, for example, 15 years of
residence for citizenship. This has left some people who were living legally in the
country at the time of independence without citizenship. The law particularly affects
ethnic Albanians who had moved to the country from other parts of Yugoslavia be-
fore independence. As citizens of the predecessor state living legally in the territory
of the country at the time of independence, they believe that they have a right to
citizenship.
Some AJbanian political leaders also charge that Ministry of Interior oHicials re-
sponsible for making citizenship determinations discriminate against Albanian ap-
plicants. The officials are said to make more demanding documentary requirements
and to act on applications slowly. There were also plausible charges that officials
demanded bribes in return for a favorable decision. There is some truth to these
charges, but citizenship problems also have affected many ethnic Macedonians and
others.
Ethnic Albanians comprise a disproportionately high number of emigrants, due to
stronger familial ties outside the country and longstanding economic relationships
in other countries.
The Government cooperated with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. It
continued to provide protective status to several thousand refugees from Bosnia and
Herzegovina but ceased admitting new claimants, except for those with close family
ties to the country, as of mid- 1993. The Government granted admission to several
hundred ethnic Macedonians from Albania in March and April, when domestic order
in Albania broke down.
There were no reports of persons seeking first asylum or of the forced return of
persons to a country where tney feared persecution.
The Government is extremely concerned about the flow of economic migrants and
other illegal migrants from neighboring Albania. Illegal migration flows increased
following the domestic upheaval in Albania, including persons thought to be traffick-
ing in illegal goods. If illegal migrants were caught, they were deported. Over 60
armed incidents occurred during the year on the border, several of which were vio-
lent confrontations between police and armed illegal migrants. Several incidents re-
sulted in the deaths of the Albanian migrants, and one resulted in the death of a
police captain.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens elected a President by popular vote for the first time in 1994 and at the
same time chose a new Parliament in the second multiparty elections in the coun-
try's postwar history, the first since independence. Opposition groups charged the
Government with massive fraud, but international monitors found the elections to
be generally free and fair despite widespread irregularities attributed largely to poor
organization. Local elections in Novemoer 1996 were found by foreign monitors to
be a considerable improvement over 1994; the governing party won a plurality of
the vote. The next parliamentary elections are scheduled for 1998.
The unicameral Parliament governs the country. The Prime Minister, as head of
government, is selected by the party or coalition that can produce a majority in the
Ptu'liament. He and the other ministers may not be Members of Parliament. The
Prime Minister is formally appointed by the President, who is head of state. Chair-
man of the Security Council, and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Although no formal restrictions exist on the participation of women in politics and
government, they are severely underrepresented in these areas. Only 1 of 20 cabinet
ministers is a woman, and only 4 of 120 Members of Parliament are women.
Minorities, including ethnic Albanians, ethnic Turks, ethnic Serbs, and Roma,
have political parties to represent their interests. Minorities nevertheless com-
plained that the political structures were biased against them. Some ethnic Alba-
nians claim that Albanian-majority districts had far more voters than ethnic Mac-
edonian ones, thus violating the "one-person, one-vote" principle. There is some
merit to this complaint, but the coalition partner ethnic Albanian party was closely
consulted by the Government during a redistricting of the country's municipalities
in 1996 and obtained changes in the law that it sought. Some ethnic Albanians also
complain that alleged discrimination against them in citizenship decisions effec-
tively disenfranchises a large portion of tneir community (see Section 2.d.).
1187
Ethnic minority Members of Parliament include 19 Albanians, 2 Roma, 1 Serb,
and 1 Turk. There are five cabinet ministers from ethnic minorities, all ethnic Alba-
nians.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights groups and ethnic community representatives meet freely with for-
eign representatives without government interference. A forum for human rights ex-
ists and operates freely. The Government allows indejaendent missions by foreign
observers but objects to being included in the mandates of human rights observers
for the former Yugoslavia, particularly the Specifd Rapporteur from the United Na-
tion's Human Rights Commission. In October the Special Rapporteur recommended
that the Conunission remove the country from her mandate, although she asked
that she retain the right to comment on developments until the commission's next
session. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe maintains a mon-
itoring mission in the country with the support and cooperation of the Government.
The Government is generaJly responsive to the concerns of human rights groups.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal rights for all citizens regardless of their sex,
race, color of skin, national or social origin, political or religious beliefs, property,
or social status. However, societal discrimination against ethnic minorities and the
protection of women's rights are problems.
Women. — Violence against women, especially in the family setting, is common.
Criminal procedures are available for victims of rape, but no legal recourse exists
in the case of spousal rape. Cultural norms discourage the reporting of such vio-
lence, and criminal charges on grounds of domestic violence are very rare. Public
concern about violence against women is not evident in the media, although some
women's groups are working to raise awareness of the issue. Shelters for victims
of spousal abuse are operated by nongovernmental organizations. A hot line remains
open, but its hours are limited.
The trafficking of women and girls for prostitution and pornography is becoming
a problem.
The sexual harassment of women in the workplace is a problem. Maternity bene-
fits are good, with Q-months paid maternity leave. Women also retain for 2 years
the right to return to their jobs.
The Constitution provides that women possess the same legal rights as men. Mac-
edonian society, in both the Muslim and Christian communities, is patriarchal, and
the advancement of women into nontraditional roles is limited. Women are severely
underrepresented in the higher levels of the private sector, although some profes-
sional women are prominent. Women from some parts of the ethnic Albanian com-
munity do not have equal opportunities for employment and education, primarily
due to traditional and religious constraints on their full participation in society. Eth-
nic Albanian girls are underrepresented in primary and secondary school.
\Vomen's advocacy groups include the Humanitarian Association for the Emanci-
pation, Solidarity, and Equality of Women, the Union of Associations of Macedonian
Women, and the League of Albanian Women.
Children. — The Government is committed to the ridits and welfare of children but
in some areas is limited by resource constraints. Education is compulsory through
the eighth grade, or to the ages of 15 or 16. At both the primary and secondary lev-
els, girls in some ethnic Albanian communities are underrepresented in schools. 'Hie
Government encouraged ethnic minority students, particularly girls, to enroll in sec-
ondary schools. Medical care for children is adequate but hampered by the general
dlfiicult economic circumstances of the country and the weak medical system.
There is no pattern of societal abuse against children.
People With Disabilities. — Social programs to meet the needs of the disabled exist
to the extent that government resources allow. Discrimination on the basis of dis-
ability is forbidden oy law. There are no laws or regulations mandating accessibility
for disabled persons.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The population of 2.2 million is composed of
a variety of national and ethnic groups, mainly Macedonians, Albanians, Turks,
Roma, Serbs, and Vlachs. All citizens are equal under the law. The Constitution pro-
vides for the protection of the ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious identity of
minorities, including state support for education in minority languages throu^ sec-
ondaiy school and the ofdcial use of ethnic minority languages in areas where eth-
nic nunorities make up a majority of the population.
1188
Ethnic tensions and prejudices are present in society. The Government is commit-
ted to a policy of peaceful integration of all ethnic groups into society but faces polit-
ical resistance and the {persistence of popular prejudices.
Parts of the political opposition object to even modest steps to meet the needs of
ethnic minorities. The principal example of opposition attitudes came in February,
with protest demonstrations following the Government's approval of teacher train-
ing classes in the Albanian lan^age.
Kepresentatives of the ethmc Albanian community, by far the largest minority
group with 22.9 percent of the population according to government statistics, are the
most vocal in cnarging discrimination. Underrepresentation of Albanians in the
military and police is a major grievance of the community. Even in areas dominated
by ethnic Albanians, the police force remains overwhelmingly ethnic Macedonian.
Tne Ministiy of Interior says that the police force as a whole is only 4 percent Alba-
nian. To raise this figure, the Ministry introduced in 1992-93 a quota of enrolling
22 percent minorities at the police secondary school, although attrition has meant
that graduating classes are not proportionately represented. Albanian leaders allege
that there is continued discrimination against those who do apply.
The military has achieved some success in its efforts to recruit and retain minor-
ity oflicers and cadets. Military service is a universal male obligation, and most
young men, whatever their ethnic origin, answer their conscription notices. The pro-
portion of Albanians in the ranks is now estimated at 25 percent. There are fewer
Albanians in the officer corps, but some progress is being made in this area as well.
Eight percent of junior officers are from ethnic minorities, while 14 percent of new
cadets at the military academy are from ethnic minorities. Just over 8 percent of
the civilian employees are from ethnic minorities; ethnic Albanians constitute only
2.9 percent of Ministry of Defense civilians. The deputy minister of defense and one
of eight general officers are ethnic Albanians.
The Constitution provides for primary and secondary education in the languages
of the ethnic minonties. Primary education is available in Macedonian, Albanian,
Turkish, and Serbian. Albanian-language education is a crucial issue for the ethnic
Albanian conmiunity; it is seen as vital for preserving Albanian heritage and cul-
ture. Almost all ethnic Albanian children receive 8 years of education in Albanian-
language schools. The number of ethnic minority students who receive secondary
education in their mother tongues is increasing, and was 13 percent during the
year, up from 10 percent in the previous school year. Still, less than 40 percent of
primary students go on to high school, partly because of the lack of available classes
in Albanian at the secondary level and partly because the traditional nature of Al-
banian society leads many families in rural areas to see no need to educate their
children, especially girls, beyond the eighth grade.
The Government's response to ethnic Aloanian demands for greater access to
higher education has been to ease admission requirements for minorities at the uni-
versities in Skopje and Bitola for up to 10 percent of entering places, a quota that
increased to 23 percent in the 1996-97 school year. The percentage of ethnic Alba-
nian students at Skopje university rose from 4 percent in 1992 to 7.25 percent dur-
ing the year. In January Parliament passed a government-drafted law that provides
for Albanian language university education for students at Skopje University's
teacher training faculty who study to teach in Albanian-language primary and sec-
ondary schools. An obstacle to increasing university attendance of ethnic Albanians
is their low but increasing enrollment in secondary schools, especially among girls.
Demands for the legahzation of an unofficial Albanian-language university in
Tetovo during 1995 led to a violent clash between demonstrators and police in which
one ethnic Aloanian died and about 30 people were injured. Since then the Govern-
ment has tacitly allowed the university — which it still considers to be illegal — to
function without giving it any official recognition.
The Government has not supported three other demands of some ethnic Albanian
leaders that would require parliamentary approval: use of the Albanian language
in dealings with the central government and Parliament, relaxing citizenship laws
that now require 15 years of legal residence (see Section 2.d.), and official use of
the Albanian fiag.
Ethnic Turks, who comprise about 4 percent of the population, also complain of
governmental, societal, and cultural discrimination. Their main complaints center
on Turkish-language education and media. One continuing dispute has been over
the desire of parents who consider themselves Turkish to educate their children in
Turkish despite the fact that they do not speak Turkish at home. The Education
Ministry refuses to provide Turkish-language education for them, noting that the
Constitution provides for education in the mother tongues, not a foreign lan^age.
The parents nave banded together to hire teachers of their own, but this kind of
private education is not legalfy authorized.
1189
Ethnic Serbs, who comprise about 2 percent of the population, also complained
about discrimuiation, alleged censorship of the Serbian press, and their inability to
worship freely in the Serbian Orthodox Church.
Little tension is evident between the Roma and other citizens of the country, al-
though Roma tend to occupy the lowest economic rung of society. In 1996 optional
education in the Romani language started at four elementary schools, although
there has been no call for a fiill curriculum. There are two Roma Members of Par-
liament. There is some Romani -language broadcasting.
There are also a number of Macedonian Muslims and Bosnian Muslims in the
country. Some Macedonian Muslims contend that they are identified too closely with
ethnic Albanians, most of whom are also Muslim, with whose policies the Macedo-
nian Muslims disagree.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides citizens with the right to
form trade unions. There are restrictions on this right for military members, police,
and civil servants.
Independent trade unions have been allowed to organize since 1992, when an As-
sociation of Independent and Autonomous Unions was formed. There is still a na-
tional trade union, however. The Confederation of Trade Unions of Macedonia is the
successor organization to the old Communist labor confederation. It maintains the
assets of the old unions and is the Government's main negotiating partner, along
with the Chamber of Economy, on labor issues. While its officers may tend to oppose
strikes because of the legacy of the past, they appear to be genuinely independent
of the Government and committed to the interests of the workers they represent.
Independent unions held a number of brief strikes in 1997, including a strike of
railway workers and strikes by factory workers. These were undertaken mainly by
employees of state-owned companies, some of which were shedding workers in the
process of privatization and delaying their pay by up to several months. Strikes
were also organized by the teachers' union and a doctors' union, primarily to protest
low wages and poor working conditions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Constitution implicitly
recognizes employees' right to bargain collectively, a concept nevertheless still in its
infancy. Legislation in this area has yet to be passed by Parliament.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Legal prohibitions against forced
labor, including that performed by children, are observed in practice.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The con-
stitutional minimum age for employment of children is 15 years. The law prohibits
forced or bonded labor by children, and the Government enforces this prohibition
effectively (see Section 6.c.). Children may not legally work nights and are permitted
to work 42-hour weeks. Education is compulsory through grade eight, or to the ages
of 15 or 16. The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare is responsible for enforcing
laws regulating the employment of children.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The average monthly wage in September was
about $170 (9,088 Denars). The minimum wage is, by law, two-thirds of the average
wage. By comparison, an average basket of food for a family of four cost $174 (9,287
Denars). This economic situation meant that few workers could support a family on
their wages alone and had to take on additional work in the gray market or draw
on savings.
Yugoslavia had extensive laws concerning acceptable conditions of work, including
an official 42-hour workweek with a minimum 24-hour rest period and generous va-
cation and sick leave benefits. The country adopted many of these provisions, includ-
ing the workweek and rest period. Proposals to reform the welfare system in order
to reduce government expenditures were severely criticized by the public and with-
drawn. The Constitution provides for safe working conditions, temporary disability
comi)ensation, and leave benefits. Although there are laws and regulations on work-
er safety remaining from the Yugoslav era, credible reports suggest that they are
not strictly enforced. The Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare is responsible for en-
forcing regulations pertaining to working conditions.
If workers have safety concerns, employers are supjwsed to address dangerous sit-
uations. Should they fail to do so, employees may leave the dangerous situation
without losing their jobs.
1190
MALTA
Malta is a constitutional republic and parliamentary democracy. The Head of
State (President) aijpoints as the Head of Government (Prime Minister) the leader
of the party that gains a plurality of seats in the quinquennial elections for the uni-
cameral legislature. The judiciary is independent.
The police are commanded by a civilian commissioner under the effective super-
vision of the Government.
The economy is a mixture of state-owned and private industry, with tourism and
light manufacturing as the largest sectors, and it provides residents a moderate to
high standard of living.
The Government is strongly committed to human rights. An independent judiciary
upholds the Constitution's protections for individual ri^ts and freedoms. Cultural
and religious patterns reiniorce the homogeneity of society. Societal discrimination
against women persists, and domestic violence is a problem, but the Government
has taken steps to address both issues.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits inhuman or degrading punishment or treatment. There
were no reports that officials employ them.
Prison conditions meet minimal international standards, and the Government per-
mits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution and law provide for
freedom from arbitrary arrest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this
prohibition. The police may arrest a person for questioning on the basis of reason-
able suspicion but within 48 hours must either release the suspect or lodge charges.
Arrestecf persons have no right to legal counsel during this 48-hour period. Persons
incarcerated pending trial are granted access to counsel. Bail is normally granted.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent of the executive and
legislative branches. The Chief Justice and nine judges are appointed by the Presi-
dent on the advice of the Prime Minister. There is a civil court, a commercial court,
and a criminal court. In the latter, the presiding Judge sits with a jury of nine .
The Court of Appeal hears appeals from decisions of the civil and commercial courts.
The Court of (Jriminal Appeal hears appeals from judgments of conviction by the
criminal court. The highest court, the Constitutional Court, hears appeals in cases
involving violations of human rights, interpretation of the Constitution, and invalid-
ity of laws. It also has jurisdiction in cases concerning disputed parliamentary elec-
tions and electoral corrupt practices. There are also inferior courts presided over by
a magistrate.
The Constitution requires a fair public trial before an impartial court. Defendants
have the right to counsel of their choice, or (if they cannot pay the cost) to court-
appointed counsel at public exf>ense. Defendants enioy a presumption of innocence.
Tney may confront witnesses, present evidence, and have tne right of appeal.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution protects privacy of the home and prohibits electronic surveillance. The
Government respects these provisions. Police omcers with the rank of inspector and
above may issue search warrants based on perceived reasonable grounds for sus-
picion of wrongdoing.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the (jovemment respects these rights in practice. However,
the 1987 Foreign Interference Act bans foreign participation in local politics during
the period leacung up to elections. An independent press, an efTective judiciary, and
a functioning democratic political system combine to ensure freedom of speech and
of the press, including academic freedom. A monthly, five daily, and three weekly
newspapers express cuverse views. Six television stations (3 government-owned, 1
governing party-owned, 1 opposition party-owned, and 1 commercial), a commercial
cable network, and 19 private radio stations also function freely.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly, and the (jfovernment respects this right in practice.
1191
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. The state -supported rehgion is Roman
Cathohcism. The Government grants subsidies only to Roman Catholic schools. Stu-
dents in government schools may opt to decline instruction in Roman Catholicism.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government does not arbitrarily restrict movement within the
country, foreign travel, or emigration. A court order may prohibit the departure
from the country of anyone who is the subject of a formal complaint alleging non-
fulfillment of an obligation, such as nonpayment of a debt or nonsupport of an es-
tranged spouse.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees. It did not force the return of any refugees to a countiy where
they feared persecution. Since 1992 the Government has granted temporary refiigee
status to over 1,000 persons, pending their relocation abroad. Iraais represent the
majority of the approximately 500 first asylum refugees still in Malta. Tlie Govern-
ment, however, cud not grant refugee status or accept anyone for resettlement. The
Government expels or repatriates persons it deems to be economic refugees.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercise this right in multiparty, secret-ballot elections held every 5 years
on the basis of universal suffrage for those 18 years of age or over. In the 1996 elec-
tion, 97 percent of the electorate voted.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. However, as a result of
the general elections held in October 1996, the percentage of female members of
Parliament rose from 1.5 percent to 5.8 percent. Also for the first time, a woman
was appointed by the newly-elected Labor Government to be Speaker of the House
of Representatives. The Department for Equal Status of Women, established in
1989, was upgraded to a Parliamentary Secretariat for Women's Rights within the
Office of the Prime Minister. The Government also put into practice a policy of posi-
tive action regarding the nomination of women to government boards and commit-
tees, whereby 30 percent of such nominations are reserved for women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Various human rights organizations and persons interested in promoting and pro-
tecting human rights operate freely. The Government places no restrictions on in-
vestigations by international human rights groups.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and law prohibit discrimination based on sex. The Government
respects thisprohibition.
Women. — There is no widespread pattern of family violence against women, but
continuing reports of such incidents have made plain that the problem exists. A spe-
cial police unit and several voluntary organizations provide support to victims of do-
mestic violence. For women who are threatened or physically abused, the Govern-
ment also maintains an emergency fund and subsidises a shelter.
The Government set up a hot line in January 1996 to assist victims of abuse
through counseling and through referrals to legal assistance and shelters. A commit-
tee was set up this year to review existing family legislation and to propose amend-
ments dealing with domestic violence.
Prostitution is a serious offense under Maltese law, and heavy penalties are re-
served for organizers. Rape and violent indecent assault carry sentences of up to 10
years. The law treats spousal rape the same as any other rape. Divorce and aoortion
are not legal.
The Constitution provides that all citizens have access, on a nondiscriminatory
basis, to housing, employment, and education. While women constitute a growing
portion of the work force, they are underrepresented in management. Cultural and
traditional employment patterns often direct them either into traditional "women's
jobs" (such as sales clerk, secretary, bank teller, teacher, or nurse) or into more re-
warding jobs in family-owned businesses or select professions (i.e. academia or medi-
cine). Therefore, women generally earn less than tneir male counterparts, and many
leave employment upon marriage. The (jovemment's Parliamentary Secretariat for
Women's Rights actively addresses women's issues. Legislation enacted in 1993
granted women equality in matters of family law, and a 1991 constitutional amend-
ment committed the (jovemment to promoting equal rights for all persons regard-
less of sex. Redress in the courts for sexual discrimination is available. The (jovem-
ment's agenda on gender includes the introduction of quotas in the civil service,
45-909 98-39
1192
with 20 percent of executive posts to be reserved for women. A study was begun
to facilitate implementation of this policy.
Children. — The Government has expressed concern for children's rights and wel-
fare but addresses those concerns within the context of family law. Although sen-
sitive to children's rights, Parliament has failed to pass specific legislation to protect
children's ri^ts and is not actively considering sucn legislation. A commission, how-
ever, is reviewing family law and has recommended a reform of family courts and
counsel for children. The number of reported cases of child abuse has grown as pub-
lic awareness has increased, but it is not clear whether the actual number of inci-
dents has increased.
People With Disabilities. — The law protects the rights of the disabled. The 1969
Employment of Disabled Persons Act led to greater employment of disabled persons
in govenmient agencies. The 1992 Structures Act requires accessibility to public
buildings for people with physical disabilities. Overall government and private sec-
tor efforts to advance the status of disabled persons have been uneven.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the right to associate freely and to
strike, and the (government respects these rights in practice. Only noncivilian per-
sonnel of the armed forces and police are prohibited from striking. There are 24 reg-
istered trade unions, representing about 50 percent of the work force.
Althourfi all unions are independent of political parties, the largest, the General
Workers' Union, is generally regarded as having close informal ties with the Labor
Party. There is no prohibition on unions affiliating internationally.
Under the Industrial Relations Act of 1976, the responsible minister may refer
labor disputes either to the Industrial Tribunal (a government-appointed body con-
sisting of representatives of government, employers, and employee groups) or to
binding arbitration. The International Labor Organization Committee of Experts ob-
jects to a provision of the act that permits compulsory arbitration to be held at the
request of only one of the parties, but neither unions nor employers appear to object
to this provision. In practice a striking union can ignore an unfavorable decision of
the Tribunal by continuing the strike on other grounds. No disputes were referred
to the Tribunal during the year.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers are free, in law and
practice, to organize and bargain collectively. Unions and employers meet annually
with government representatives to work out a comprehensive agreement regulating
industrial relations and income policy.
Under the Industrial Relations Act, an employer may not take action against any
employee for participation or membership in a trade union. Complaints may be pur-
sued through a court of law, through a tripartite (union-employer-govemment) tri-
bunal, or through the Commission Against Injustices (a government-appointed body
composed of representatives of the Government and the opposition); but most dis-
putes are resolved directly between the parties. Workers fired solely for union activi-
ties must be reinstated.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution bans forced
labor, and it does not occur.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and enforces this
prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition effec-
tively (see Section 6.C.). The law prohibits employment of children younger than the
age of 16. This is generally respected, but there is some employment of underage
children during summer months, especially as domestics, restaurant kitchen help,
or vendors. The Department of Labor enforces the law effectively, but it is lenient
in cases of summer employment of underage youths in businesses run by their fami-
lies.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The legal minimum wage, $113 (44.13 Maltese
liri) per week plus $11 (4.23 Maltese liri) a week in mandatory bonuses paid quar-
terly, provides a decent standard of living for a worker and family with the addition
of government subsidies for housing, health care, and free education. Wage Coun-
cils, composed of representatives of government, business, and unions, regulate
workhours; for most sectors the standard is 40 hours per week, but in some trades
it is 43 or 45 hours per week.
Government regulations prescribe a daily rest period, which is normally 1 hour.
The law mandates an annual paid vacation of 4 workweeks plus 4 workaays. The
Department of Labor effectively enforces these requirements.
1193
Enforcement of the 1994 Occupational Health and Safety (Promotion) Act is un-
even, and industrial accidents remain frequent. Workers may remove themselves
from unsafe working conditions without jeopardy to their continued employment.
MOLDOVA
Moldova gained its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. In 1994 it adopt-
ed a Constitution that provides for a multiparty representative government with
power divided among a president, cabinet, parliament, and judiciary. On January
15, former parliamentary speaker Petru Lucinschi was inaugurated as President for
a 4-year term. International observers considered the presidential elections, held in
the faU of 1996, to be free and fair. President Lucinschi ran as an indejjendent and
in late January appointed a new government under the leadership of Prime Min-
ister Ion Ciubuc. Although Ciubuc had not served as a minister in the previous gov-
ernment, a number of ministers were retained. During the second half of the year,
political parties started to prepare for the parliamentary elections to be held in the
spring of 1998. Although increasing in independence, the judiciary is still subject to
the influence of the prosecutor's ofiice.
Moldova remains divided, with mostly Slavic separatists controlling the
Transnistrian region along the Ukranian border. This separatist regime has entered
negotiations with the national government on the possibility of a special status for
the region. Despite the signing of a memorandum on the bases for normalizing rela-
tions in May, progress has been blocked by the separatists' continuing demands for
"statehood" and recognition of Moldova as a confederation of two equal states. The
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Russian Federa-
tion, and Ukraine act as mediators. The two sides have generally observed the
cease-fire of July 1992, which ended armed conflict between them, but other agree-
ments to normalize relations have often not been honored. A Christian Turkic mi-
nority, the Gagauz, enjoys local autonomy in the southern part of the country.
The Moldovan Ministry of Internal Afl'airs has responsibility for the police. The
Ministry of National Security controls other security organs, including the border
guards. The Constitution assigns to Parliament the authority to investigate the ac-
tivities of these ministries to ensure that they comply with legislation in effect. A
protective service, which guarded the President, the Prime Minister, and the Speak-
er of Parliament, was abolished shortly afler President Lucinschi took ofiice because
of allegations of politicization under former President Snegur.
While Moldova has recently made considerable progress in financial stabilization
and economic reform, real growth in the economy continues to be slow. Hence, for
many, prosperity remains elusive. In Transnistria the economic situation is even
worse. The local authorities have not implemented any significant economic reforms,
and there is substantial evidence of widespread corruption.
Moldova, whose economy is largely based on agriculture, continued to make
progress in economic reform. A law governing the sale and purchase of land went
into effect in September. Citizens and foreign investors can buy land, which is
bought and sold at market prices. However, foreigners cannot buy agricultural land,
nor can agricultural land be resold for a period of 5 years. A government-backed for-
eign-financed program is now facilitating the breakup of agricultural joint stock as-
sociations and the issuance of land titles to their former members. The Government
has privatized 72 former collective farms and plans to extend this pj-ogram to an
additional 500 farms in 1998. The gross domestic product is officially estimated at
about $440 per capita. According to government statistics, about 80 percent of the
population lives below the poverty level, and 10 percent of the rural population has
a per capita income of less than one-quarter of that level. A majority of citizens can-
not afford to buy fish, meat, milk, and other dairy products on a regular basis. The
average monthly inflation rate was under 1 percent. Moldova's external borrowings
totalea over $600 million. The economic situation is worse in Transnistria.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, however,
there were problems in some areas. The police occasionally beat detainees and pris-
oners. Prison conditions remain harsh, with attempts to improve them hampered by
lack of funding. The judiciary remains subject to the influence of the prosecutor's
ofiice. The Constitution potentially limits the activities of political parties, religious
groups and the press. Societal discrimination against women persists. Addressing a
minority concern, the Constitution allows parents the right to choose the language
of education for their children.
1194
The Transnistrian authorities continue to be responsible for abuses, including
questionable detentions, restrictions on freedom of religion pressure on the media,
and discrimination against Romanian/ Moldovan speakers.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of politically
motivated killings either in Moldova or its separatist region.
b. Disappearance. — There were no confirmed or unconfirmed reports of disappear-
ances of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment
or punishment. There were no allegations of torture by the authorities, but there
were credible reports that police sometimes beat prisoners or suspects.
Conditions in most prisons remain harsh, with serious overcrowding. Cell sizes do
not meet local legal requirements. Conditions are especially harsh in prisons used
to hold people awaiting trial or sentencing. These prisons suffer from overcrowding,
bad ventilation, and a lack of recreational and renabilitation facilities. Conditions
for those serving sentences are only marginally better. The incidence of disease, es-
pecially tuberculosis, and malnutrition is high in all facilities. Abuse of prisoners
by other prisoners or jailers themselves, ostensibly for disciplinary reasons, has been
reduced by the dismissal or retirement of some of the worst ofTending guards. The
Ministry of Justice now administers the prison system, having taken over from the
Ministry of Interior in 1996. Attempts to improve prison conditions are frustrated
by a lack of financing. Human rights monitors are permitted to visit prisons.
After questionable trials, four Moldovans are serving sentences in Transnistria for
terrorism-related crimes (see Section l.e). The International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC), which visited these prisoners on two occasions (1992 and 1993) in
Tiraspol, has been unable to visit them since, despite numerous representations to
the Tiraspol authorities.
Requests by human rights monitors to visit prisons in Transnistria have been re-
fused.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The former Soviet Code on Penal Proce-
dure remains in force with some amendments. Prosecutors issue arrest warrants.
Under the Constitution, a suspect may be detained without charge for 24 hours. The
suspect is normally allowed family visits during this period. The 24-hour time limit
is not always respected, especially if a person is arrested late on a Friday or on a
weekend. Ii charged, a suspect may be released pending trial. There is no system
of bail, but in some cases, a friend or relative, in order to arrange release, may give
a written undertaking that the accused will appear for trial. Suspects accused of vio-
lent or serious crimes are generally not released before trial. The Constitution per-
mits pretrial arrest for an initial period of 30 days, which may be extended up to
6 months. In exceptional cases. Parliament may approve extension of pretrial deten-
tion on an individual basis of up to 12 months. The accused has the right under
the Constitution to a hearing before a court regarding the legality of his arrest. Ac-
cording to figures provided by the Ministry of Justice in October, of a prison popu-
lation of 10,521, 1,530 persons were held in confinement awaiting trial (these statis-
tics do not include persons held in Transnistria).
According to the Constitution, a detained person must be informed immediately
of the reason for the arrest and must be made aware of the charges "as quickly as
possible." The accused has the right to a defense attorney throughout the entire
process, and the attorney must be present when the charges are brought. Many law-
yers point out that access to a lawyer is generally granted only after a person has
been detained 24 hours. If the defendant cannot afibrd an attorney, the State re-
quires the local bar association to provide one. Because the State is unable to pay
ongoing legal fees, a lawyer who is less than competent or energetic is often chosen.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary. Although the prosecutor's ofTice still has undue influence, independence of the
judiciary has increased since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Since July prosecu-
tors were given the right to open and close investigations without bringing the mat-
ter before a court. The Constitution provides that the President, on the nomination
of the Superior Court of Magistrates, appoints judges for an initial period of 5 years.
They may be reappointed for a subsequent 10-year period, after which they serve
until retirement age. This provision for judicial tenure is designed to increase judi-
cial independence.
1195
The judiciary consists of lower courts of the first instance, five appellate courts
(tribunals), a Higher Court of Appeals, a Supreme Court, and a Constitutional
Court. The Hidier Appeals Court and the Supreme Court, which serves as a final
court of appeal, are both in Chisinau. The Supreme Court supervises and reviews
the activities of the lower courts.
By law defendants in criminal cases are presumed innocent. In practice prosecu-
tors' recommendations still carry considerable wei^t and Umit the defendant's ac-
tual presumption of innocence. Trials are generally open to the public. Defendants
have the right to attend proceedings, confront witnesses, and present evidence. De-
fense attorneys are able to review the evidence against their clients when preparing
cases. The accused enjoys a right to appeal to a higher court. Because of a lack fund-
ing for adequate facilities and p>ersonnel, there is a large backlog of cases at the tri-
bunal and Higher Appeals Court levels. Court decisions involving the restitution of
salary or a position are not always implemented.
To date no pattern of discrimination has emerged in the judicial system. The Con-
stitution provides for the right of the accused to have an interpreter both at the trial
and in reviewing the documents of the case. If the majority of the participants
agree, trials may take place in Russian or another acceptable language instead of
Romanian/Moldovan .
There continue to be credible reports that local prosecutors and judges extort
bribes for reducing charges or sentences. Such charges were brought against a judge
and prosecutor in Cainari in October. Prosecutors occasionally use bureaucratic ma-
neuvers to restrict lawyers' access to clients.
There were no reports of political prisoners outside Transnistria.
In Transnistria, four Moldovans, members of the "Ilascu Six," (one of whom, Ilie
Ilascu, is an elected member of the Moldovan Parliament but has never been able
to take his seat) remain in prison following their conviction in 1993 for allegedly
killing two separatist officials. International human rights groups raised serious
questions about the fairness of the trial; local organizations alleged that the
Moldovans were prosecuted for political reasons, solely because of their membership
in the Christian Democratic Popular Front, a Moldovan political party that favors
reunification with Romania. Family members have been allowed access. A group of
Moldovan doctors was refused access in October. The Transnistrian "authorities"
have refused access to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) under
standard ICRC terms and conditions, such as requesting a private meeting.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Both
judges and prosecutors issue search warrants. In some instances searches are con-
ducted without warrants. Courts do not exclude evidence that was illegally obtained.
There is no judicial review of search warrants.
The Constitution specifies that searches must be carried out "in accordance with
the law," but does not specify the consequences if the law is not respected. It also
forbids searches at night, except in the case of flagrant crime.
It is widely believed that security agencies continue to use electronic monitoring
of residences and telephones without proper authorization. By law the prosecutor's
office must authorize wiretaps and may do so only if a criminal investigation is
under way. In practice, the prosecutor's office lacks the ability to control the security
organizations and police and prevent them from using wiretaps illegally.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution and the law provide for free-
dom of speech and press, although with some restrictions. The (jovemment does not
abridge freedom of speech, and the print media express a wide variety of political
views and commentary. National and city governments subsidize a number of news-
papers, but political parties and professional organizations, including trade unions,
also publish newspapers.
Although the number of media outlets that are not owned and operated publicly
by the State or a political party is growing, most of these "indepiendent" media are
stUl in the service of a politician or political movement, commercial interest, or for-
eign country, and secure large subsidies from these sources. There are several inde-
pendent radio stations, including one that broadcasts religious programs. Two inde-
pendent television stations broadcast in the Chisinau area. The larger independent
outlet in Chisinau maintains a news stafT and conducts a number of public interest
programs. The Government owns and operates a television channel tnat covers the
whole country and several of the major radio stations. A number of regional centers,
including Gagauzia, operate local television and radio stations. In contrast, there is
only one private radio station, which broadcasts religious programs outside of
Chisinau.
1196
Restrictions on press freedoms forbidding "disputing or defaming the State and
the people" and political parties that "militate" against the country's sovereignty,
independence and territorial integrity remain in the Constitution. They lack imple-
menting legislation and are not invoiced. The press law includes an article that al-
lows piiblic figures to sue for defamation without distinguishing between their pri-
vate and public persons and leads the journalists to practice some degree of self-
censorship. In cases where suits have been filed against journalists ana media or-
gans, the plaintiffs almost always lose.
The Government does not restrict foreign publications. However, foreign publica-
tions do not circulate widely since they are very expensive by local standards. Rus-
sian newspapers are available, however, and some publish a special Moldovan week-
ly supplement. Moldova receives television and radio broadcasts from Romania and
Russia. Cable subscribers receive Cable News Network , Euro-News, British Broad-
casting System Prime, National Broadcasting Company Super Channel, Pro-TV (Ro-
mania) and a number of other news and entertainment networks, but there are only
approximately 600 customers.
Of the two m
major newspapers in Transnistria, one is controlled by the regional au-
thorities and the other by the Tiraspol city government. There is also an independ-
ent newspaper in the northern Transnistrian city of Ribnitsa. The latter two criti-
cize the regime from time to time. Other print media in Transnistria do not have
laive circulations and appear only on a weekly or monthly basis. Nonetheless, some
of tnem also criticize local authorities. Among them is a new newspaper that is re-
portedly financed and largely written by the local "Ministry of State Security." The
one independent television station is trying to enlarge its broadcast radius. Resist-
ance to this move comes from the local official Transnistrian television, which up
until now has enjoyed a virtual monopoly of advertising revenues. Most Moldovan
newspapers do not circulate in Transnistria. Circulation of all print media in
Transnistria is hampered by the closed nature of society and the local economic cri-
sis, which is more severe than in the rest of Moldova.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for the right
to peaceful assembly, and authorities respect this right in practice. The mayor's of-
fice issues permits for demonstrations; it may consult the national Government if
the demonstration is likely to be extremely lai^e.
The Constitution states that citizens are free to form parties and other social and
political organizations. Private organizations, including political parties, are re-
quired to register, but applications are approved routinely. The Constitution de-
clares unconstitutional parties that "militate against the sovereignty, independence,
and territorial integrity of Moldova."
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Government generally permits the free practice of
religion. However, a 1992 law on religion that codifies religious freedoms, contains
restrictions that could inhibit the activities of some religious groups. To date these
restrictions have not been enforced. The law provides for freedom of religious prac-
tice, including the right to profess one's religion in any form. It also provides for
alternative military service for conscientious objectors, protects the confidentiality of
the confessional, allows denominations to establish associations and foundations,
and states that the Government may not interfere in the religious activities of de-
nominations. The law prohibits proselytizing. However, the law also requires that
religious groups register with the Government in order to hire noncitizens.
Some Protestant denominations are concerned that the prohibition on proselytiz-
ing could inhibit their activities. To date the authorities have not taken legal action
against individuals for proselytizing. The Salvation Army, however, was unable to
register in 1996 as a religious denomination because it did not meet the require-
ment of having a Moldovan citizen as the organization's legal head. Similarly, on
technical grounds Jehovah's Witnesses were unable to register in Tiraspol.
Although Eastern Orthodoxy is not designated in the law on religion as the offi-
cial religion, it continued to be a strong religious force and exerted significant influ-
ence. In 1992 a number of priests broke away from the Moldovan Ortnodox Church,
which is subordinate to the Moscow Patriarchy, in order to form the Bessarabian
Orthodox Church. The Bessarabian Orthodox Church, which sees itself as the legal
and canonical successor to the pre-World War II Romanian Orthodox Church in Bes-
sarabia (the part of Moldova between the Dniester and Prut rivers), subordinated
itself to the Bucharest patriarchy of the Romanian Orthodox Church. The Govern-
ment has consistently refused to register the Bessarabian Church, citing unresolved
property claims as the principal reason. The issue has political overtones as well,
since it raises the question whether the Orthodox Church should be united and ori-
ented toward Moscow or divided with a branch oriented toward Bucharest. A ruling
by the Court of the First Instance in 1996 that the Bessarabian Church had a right
1197
to be registered was upheld by the Higher Appeals Court on August 19.. The Gov-
ernment appealed the case to the Supreme Court which overturned it on a tech-
nicality on December 9. In a meeting with the Patriarchs of Constantinople, Mos-
cow, and Tblisi in Odessa at the end of September, President Lucinschi urged that
the dispute be settled within the Orthodox Church in order to prevent further
politicization of the issue. There were ongoing discussions on the problem between
the Patriarchs of Moscow and Budapest.
The authorities in Transnistria rescinded the registration of two houses of wor-
ship of Jehovah's Witnesses in the region; 13 congregations still meet in private
homes.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government does not restrict travel within the country, and there
are no closed areas. Citizens generally are able to travel freely; however, there are
some restrictions on emigration. Close relatives with a claim to support from the
applicant must give their concurrence. The Government may also deny permission
to emigrate if tne applicant had access to state secrets. Such cases, however, are
very rare, and none were reported in 1997.
Travel between Transnistria and the rest of the country is not prevented. There
are regularly scheduled buses and trains, however, the separatist "authorities" often
stop and search incoming and outgoing vehicles.
Moldova is not a party to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. The issue of providing first asylum has
never arisen formally. The Government has no processing procedures for potential
refugees resident in the country. The UNHCR opened an oflice in August and held
discussions with the Government. There were no reports of the forced return of per-
sons to a country where they feared prosecution. The Government finally decided
not to renew the 3-month visa of an Iraqi Kurd and his family, who were seeking
refugee status in Moldova earlier in the year. The person in question has since filed
for refugee status with the United Nations High Commission for Refugees in Turkey
after a stay in Bulgaria.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens voted in the first multiparty parliamentary elections in 1994, and in the
country's second presidential election in 1996. Former parliamentary speaker Petru
Lucinschi, who had run as an independent, was inaugurated on January 15. Inter-
national observers considered the elections to have been free and fair. The peaceful
transition of presidential power represents further progress in the transition to de-
mocracy.
The Constitution adopted in 1994 provides for the division of power among the
popularly elected President, the Cabinet, the Parliament, and the judiciary. The
President, as Head of State, in consultation with the Parliament, appoints the Cabi-
net and PVime Minister, who functions as the Head of Government. However, a min-
ister can only be dismissed with the assent of the Prime Minister. Some observers
believe that the Constitution does not adequately define how executive powers are
to be shared between the President and the Prime Minister.
The political fragmentation and realignment that began before the presidential
elections in 1996 continued throughout the year in anticipation of the parliamentary
elections to be held on March 22, 1998.
The Constitution states that citizens are free to form parties and other socio-polit-
ical organizations. A controversial article states, however, that those organizations
that "are engaged in fighting against political pluralism," the "principles of the rule
of law," or "the sovereignty and independence or territorial integrity of the Republic
of Moldova," are "unconstitutional." Opposition parties, some of which favor rapid
or eventual reunification with neighboring Romania, have charged that this provi-
sion is intended to impede their political activities.
On a local level, authorities of the Gagauz autonomous region refused to allow the
winner of a local mayoral election to take his seat. The matter is now under adju-
dication.
In 1991 separatist elements, assisted by uniformed Russian military forces in the
area and led by supporters of the 1991 coup attempt in Moscow, declared a
"Dniester Republic" in the area of Moldova that is locate between the Dniester River
and Ukraine. Fighting flared briefiy in 1992, but ended after Russian forces stepped
in, and a truce has held since. Russian, Ukrainian, and OSCE mediators have at-
tempted to encourage the two sides to reach a settlement that preserves Moldovan
sovereignty and independence while granting a measure of autonomy to
Transnistria. On May 8, the Transnistrians signed a Memorandum of Understand-
ing with the Government that encompasses these objectives. Since then, however.
1198
further negotiations were inconclusive and there was no further progress towards
a settlement by year's end.
There are no restrictions in law or practice barring the participation of women
or minorities in political life. However, women are generally underrepresented in
leading positions of political parties. Women hold only 4 of 104 parliamentary seats.
The Association of Moldovan Women, a socio-political organization, competed in the
1994 elections, but was unable to gain parliamentary representation. Russian,
Ukrainian, Bulgarian, and Gagauz minorities are represented in Parliament, with
deputies elected from nationwide party lists rather than local districts. Debate takes
place in either the Romanian/Moldovan or Russian language, with translation pro-
vided.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Several local human rights groups exist. The local Helsinki Watch organization
maintains contacts with international human rights organizations, as does the Hel-
sinki Citizens Assembly, whose President until December was the Chairman of the
Parliamentary Human Rights Commission. Human rights groups operate without
government interference.
In July Moldova ratified the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of
Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. According to the Constitution, inter-
national treaties and conventions ratified by Moldova have precedence over
Moldovan law. Citizens may now appeal to the European Court in Strasbourg if
they think that their rights have been violated or if Moldovan laws are not in ac-
cordance with the convention. Most citizens, however, are unaware of the convention
as well as their rights to legal remedies in general.
The Government has cooperated with the ICRC in the past, permitting visits to
prisoners from the 1992 conflict (since released). The Transnistrian separatist au-
thorities have not allowed the ICRC access to the four members of the original
"Ilascu Six" who have remained in prison since 1993 (see Section I.e.). The four
were visited by a team of Moldovan and Transnistrian doctors in December.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that persons are equal before the law regardless of race,
sex, disability, religion, or social origin. There are remedies for violations, such as
orders for redress of grievances, but these are not always enforced.
Women. — Women abused by their husbands have the right to press charges; hus-
bands convicted of such abuse may receive prison sentences (typically up to 6
months). Public awareness of the problem of violence in families is not very high
and no special government programs exist to combat spousal abuse. According to
knowledgeable sources, women do not generally app)eal to police or the courts for
protection against abusive spouses because they are embarrassed to do so and are
not convinced that the authorities will react positively, as the police generally do
not consider spousal abuse a serious crime. Through September the Ministry of In-
ternal Affairs recorded 176 cases of rape or attempted rape, down 13.3 percent from
the previous year when there were 276 cases reported in the first 9 months of the
year. Women's groups believe that the numbers of rapes and incidents of spousal
abuse are underreported.
The law provides that women shall be equal to men. However, according to statis-
tics, women have been disproportionately aflected by growing unemployment. By
law women are paid the same as men for the same work. Although still victimized
by societal discrimination, anecdotal evidence suggests that women are more em-
ployable than men (being seen as more flexible, better workers), and are working
because of economic necessity. There are a significant number of female managers
in the public sector and in banking; the president of Moldova's largest bank is a
woman.
Children. — There is extensive legislation designed to protect children, including
extended paid maternity leave and government supplementary payments for fami-
lies with many children. Ten years of basic education are compulsory, followed by
either technical school or further study leading to higher education. The health sys-
tem devotes extensive resources to child care. Although child abuse does occasion-
ally occur, no special problems came to light in 1997. There are no statistics on child
abuse. Child support programs suffered from inadequate funding along with other
government programs.
An estimated 1,000 children are living in the streets in Chisinau and other large
urban areas.
1199
People With Disabilities. — ^There is no legal discrimination against people with dis-
abilities. However, there are no laws providing for accessibility to buildings, and
there are few government resources devoted to training people with disabilities. The
Government provides tax advantages to charitable groups that assist the disabled.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The population is about 4.3 million, of which
65 percent are ethic Moldovans. Ukrainians (14 percent) and Russians (13 p)ercent)
are the two largest minorities. A Christian Turkic minority, the Gagauz, lives pri-
marily in the southern regions of the country. They are largely Russian-sj)eaking
and represent about 3.5 percent of the population.
The 1990 Citizenship Law offered an equal opportunity to all persons resident in
Moldova at the time oi independence to adopt Moldovan citizenship. The OSCE's Of-
fice of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights described the law as being very
liberal. The law permits dual citizenship on the basis of a bilateral agreement, but
no such agreements are in effect.
In 1994 the Parliament voted to delay until 1997 the implementation of the lan-
guage testing called for in the Language Law of 1989, which was due to begin in
1994. According to the law, a citizen should be able to choose which language to
use in dealing with a government official or a commercial entity. Ofiicials are there-
fore obligated to know Russian and Romanian/Moldovan "to the degree necessary
to fulfill their professional obligations." Since many Russian speakers do not speak
Romanian/Moldovan (while educated Moldovans speak both languages), they argued
for a delay in the implementation of the law in order to permit more time to learn
the language. The law was not put into force because Parliament has postponed im-
plementation plans indefinitely. Addressing a minority concern, the Constitution
Provides parents with the right to choose the language of instruction for their chil-
ren.
In the separatist region, however, discrimination against Romanian/Moldovan
speakers continued. Schools are required to use the Cyrillic alphabet when teaching
Romanian. Many teachers, parents, and students objected to the use of the Cyrillic
script to teach Romanian. They believe that it disadvantages pupils in pursuing
higher education opportunities in the rest of Moldova or Romania. (Cyrillic script
was used to write the Romanian language in Moldova until 1989, since "Moldovan,"
as it was then called, was officially decreed during the Soviet era to be a different
language from Romanian, which is written in the Latin alphabet. The 1989 Lan-
guage Law reinstituted the use of the Latin script.) As a result of an agreement be-
tween the Government of Moldova and the separatist authorities, 8 schools in the
separatist region obtained permission to use the Latin alphabet, with salaries and
textbooks to be supplied by the Moldovan Ministry of Education. These schools are
considered private schools by the local authorities. They must pay rent for their fa-
cilities and meet local curriculum requirements, building codes, and safety stand-
ards. The Government has no budget allotted for the high rent asked for these facili-
ties. As a result, classes were held in local homes or run in shifts in the few avail-
able buildings.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1990 Soviet Law on Trade Unions, which was
enacted by Moldova's then-Supreme Soviet and is still in effect, provides for inde-
pendent trade unions. Laws passed in 1989 and 1991, which give citizens the right
to form all kinds of social organizations, also provide a legal basis for the formation
of independent unions. The 1994 Constitution further declares that any employee
may found a union or join a union that defends workers' interests. However, there
have been no known attempts to establish alternate trade union structures inde-
pendent of the successor to the previously existing ofiicial organizations that were
part of the Soviet trade union system.
The successor organization is the (General Federation of Trade Unions (GFTU).
The GFTU's continuing role in managing the state insurance system and its reten-
tion of previously existing official union headquarters and vacation facilities provide
an inherent advantage over any newcomers wno might wish to form a union outside
its structure. However, its industrial or branch unions are becoming more independ-
ent entities; they maintain that their membership in the GFTU is voluntary and
that they can withdraw if they wish. Virtually all employed adults are members of
a union.
Government workers do not have the ri^t to strike, nor do those in essential
services such as health care and energy. Other unions may strike if two-thirds of
the members vote for a strike in a secret ballot. There were several labor actions
for payment of wage arrears, including a number of strikes by teachers and health
workers in various parts of the country.
1200
Unions may afliliate and maintain contacts with international organizations. In
December the GFTU was accepted as a member of the International Confederation
of Trade Unions (ICTU).
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law, which is based on
former Soviet legislation, provides for collective baivaining rights. However, wages
are set through a tripartite negotiation process involving government, management,
and unions. On the national level, the three parties meet and negotiate national
minimum wages for all categories of workers. Tnen, each branch union representing
a particular mdustry negotiates with management and the government ministries
responsible for that industry. They may set wages higher than the minimum set on
the national level and often do, especially if the industry in question is more profit-
able than average. Finally, on the enterprise level, union and management rep-
resentatives negotiate directly on wages. Again, they may set wages higher than ne-
gotiators on the industry level.
There were no reports of actions taken against union members for union activi-
ties. The 1990 Soviet Law on Trade Unions provides that union leaders may not be
fired from their Jobs while in leadership positions or for a period after they leave
those positions. This law has not been tested in Moldova.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
and compulsory labor, and it is not known to occur. The Government specifically
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and there were no reports that it oc-
curred.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for unrestricted employment is 18 years. Employment of those ages 16 to
18 is permitted under special conditions, mcluding shorter workdays, no night
shifts, and longer vacations. The Ministry of Labor and social protection is primarily
responsible for enforcing these restrictions, and the Ministry of Health also has a
role. Child labor is not used in industry, although children living in rural areas
sometimes assist in the agricultural sector. The Government specifically prohibits
forced and bonded labor by children, and there were no reports tnat it occurred (see
Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is a legal minimum monthly wage of
$3.92 (18 Moldovan lei) but this is used primarily as a basis for calculating fines.
The average monthly wage of (approximately $42 (193 Moldovan lei) does not pro-
vide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. Lowest wages are in the
agricultural sector, where the monthly average is $24. 62 (113 Moldovan lei). Due
to severe budgetary constraints, the (jrovemment and enterprises often do not meet
payrolls for employees. However, this situation has improved over the past year.
The Constitution sets the maximum workweek at 40 hours, and the Labor Code pro-
vides for at least 1 day off per week.
The State is required to set and check safety standards in the workplace. The
unions within the GFTU also have inspection personnel who have a rignt to stop
work in the factory or fine the enterprise if safety standards are not met. Further,
workers have the right to refuse to work but may continue to draw their salaries
if working conditions represent a serious threat to their health. In practice, how-
ever, the depressed economic situation has led enterprises to economize on safety
equipment and generally to show less concern for worker safety issues. Workers
often do not know their rights in this area.
MONACO
Monaco is a constitutional monarchy in which the sovereign Prince plays a lead-
ing role in governing the country. The Prince appoints the four-member Govern-
ment, headed by a Minister of State chosen by the Prince from a list of candidates
proposed by France. The other three members are Counselors for the Interior (who
18 usually French), for Public Works and Social Affairs, and for Finance and the
Economy. Each is responsible to the Prince. Legislative power is shared between the
Prince and the popularly elected 18-member National Council. There are in addition
three consultative bodies, whose members are appointed by the Prince: The 7-mem-
ber Crown Council; the 12-member Council of State; and the 30-member Economic
Council, which includes representatives of employers and trade unions.
In addition to the national police force, the "(Jarabiniers du Prince" carry out se-
curity functions. Both forces are controlled by government officials.
The principal economic activities are services and banking, light manufacturing,
and tourism.
1201
Individual human rights are provided for in the Constitution and respected in
practice. The Constitution distinguishes between those rights that are provided for
all residents and those that apply only to the approximately 5,000 who hold
Monegasque nationality. The latter enjoy free education, financial assistance in case
of unemployment or illness, and the right to vote and hold elective office. Women
traditionally have played a less active role than men in public life, but this is chang-
ing; women currently hold both elective and appointive offices.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, and the authorities respect this prohibi-
tion. There were no reports of violations.
Prison conditions meet or exceed minimum international standards, and the Gov-
ernment permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution bars arbitrary arrest.
Arrest warrants are required, except when a suspect is arrested while committing
an offense. The police must bring detainees before a judge within 24 hours to be
informed of the charges against them and of their rights under the law. Most de-
tainees are released without bail, but the investigating magistrate may order deten-
tion on grounds that the suspect might either flee or interfere with the investigation
of the case. The magistrate may extend the initial 2-month detention for additional
2-month periods indefinitely. Detainees have the right to counsel, at public expense
if necessary. The magistrate may permit family members to see detainees.
The Government does not forcibly exile its own nationals. However, it does some-
times expel non-Monegasque nationals who are in violation of residency laws or who
have committed minor offenses, such as disorderly conduct.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^Under the 1962 Constitution, the Prince delegated
his judicial powers to an independent judiciary. The law provides for a fair, public
trial, and the authorities respect these provisions. The defendant has the ri^t to
be present and the right to counsel, at public expense if necessary. As under French
law, a three-judge tribunal considers the evidence collected by the investigating
magistrate and hears the arguments made by the prosecuting and defense attor-
neys. The defendant enjoys a presumption of innocence and the right of appeal.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the individual's right of privacy in personal and family life,
at home, and in correspondence, and the Grovemment respects these rights in prac-
tice.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including;
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Freedom of expression is provided for by the
Constitution, and the authorities respect this ri^t in practice. The Monegasque
Penal Code, however, prohibits public denunciations of the ruling family, a regula-
tion the media respect in practice. Several periodicals are published. Foreign news-
papers and magazines circulate freely, including French journals that specifically
cover news in the Principality. Foreign radio and television are received without re-
striction. Stations that broadcast from the Principality operate in accordance with
French and Italian regulations.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides citi-
zens with the rights of peaceful assembly and association. Outdoor meetings require
police authorization, which is not withheld for political or arbitrary reasons. Formal
associations must be registered and authorized oy the Government.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Roman Catholicism is the state religion. The law pro-
vides for the free practice of all religions, and the Government respects this right
in practice.
a. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Residents move freely within the country and across its open borders
with France. Monegasque nationals enjoy the rights of emigration and repatriation.
They can be deprived of their nationality only for specified acts, incluaing natu-
ralization in a foreign state. Only the Prince can grant or restore Monegasque na-
tionality, but he is ooliged by the Constitution to consult the Crown Council on each
case before deciding.
1202
The Government implements the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees. In light of its bilateral arrangements with France, the Govern-
ment does not grant political asylum or refugee status unless the request also meets
French criteria for such cases. The number of cases is very small. There were no
reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Authority to change the Government and to initiate laws rests with the Prince.
The 1962 Constitution cannot be suspended, but it can be revised by common agree-
ment between the Prince and the elected National Council. The Prince plays an ac-
tive role in government. He names the Minister of State (in effect, the Prune Min-
ister) from a list of names proposed by the French Government. He names as well
the three Counselors of Government (of whom the one responsible for the interior
is usually a French national). Together the four constitute the government. Each is
responsible to the Prince.
Only the Prince may initiate legislation, but the 18-member National Council may
propose legislation to the government. All lemslation and the adoption of the budget
require the Council's assent. Elections for National Council members, which are
held every 5 years, are based on universal adult suffrage and secret balloting. Both
political parties are currently represented on the Council. There is one independent
member.
The Constitution provides for three consultative bodies. The seven-member Crown
CouncU (composed exclusively of Monegasque nationals) must be consulted by the
Prince on certain questions of national importance. He may choose to consult it on
other matters as well. The 12-member Council of State advises the Prince on pro-
posed legislation and regulations. The 30-member Economic Council advises the gov-
ernment on social, financial, and economic questions. One-third of its members come
from the trade union movement, and one-third from the employers' federation.
Women are active in public service. The Mayor of Monaco, one member of the
Crown Council, a member of the National Council, and three members of the Eco-
nomic Council are women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
While the (Jrovemment imposes no impediments to the establishment or operation
of local groups devoted to monitoring human rights, there is none. There have been
no requests from outside groups to investigate human rights conditions.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides that aU Monegasque nationals are equal before the law.
It differentiates between rights that are accorded nationals (including preference in
employment, free education, and assistance to the ill or unemployed) and those ac-
corded all residents (e.g., freedom of religion, inviolability of the home).
Women. — Reported instances of violence against women are rare. Marital violence
is strictly prohibited, and any woman who is a victim of it may bring criminal
charges against her husband. Women are fairly well represented in the professions.
Women are less well represented in the business world. The law governing trans-
mission of citizenship provides for equality of treatment between men and women
who are Monegasque by birth. However, women who acquire Monegasque citizen-
ship by naturalization cannot transmit it to their children, whereas naturalized
male citizens can.
Children. — The Government is fully committed to the protection of children's
rights and welfare and has well-funded public education and health care programs.
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — The Government has mandated that public buildings
provide access for the disabled, and this has been largely accomplished.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers are free to form unions, but fewer than 10
percent of workers are unionized, and relatively few of these reside in the Principal-
ity. Unions are independent of both the government and the Monegasque political
fiarties. The Monegasque Confederation of Unions is not affiliated with any larger
abor organization but is free to join international bodies.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike in conformity with relevant legis-
lation. Government workers, however, may not strike. Strikes are rare. The first
strike in several years occurred in 1996, when the Monegasque Confederation of
1203
Unions organized a 1-day work stoppage by bank, transportation, and factory em-
ployees.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for the free
exercise of union activity. Agreements on working conditions are negotiated between
organizations representing employers in a given sector of the economy and the re-
spective union. Antiunion discrimination is prohibited. Union representatives can be
fired only with the agreement of a commission that includes two members from the
employers' association and two from the labor movement. Allegations that an em-
ployee has been fired for union activity may be brought before the Labor Court,
which can order redress, such as the payment of damages with interest.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Such practices, involving either
adults or children, are prohibited by the Constitution, and they are not known to
occur among adults or children.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for employment is 16 years; those employing children under that age can
be punished under criminal law. Special restrictions apply to the hiring, worktimes,
and other conditions of workers 16 to 18 years old. The Constitution prohibits forced
and bonded child labor, and the Government enforces this prohibition effectively
(see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The legal minimum wage for full-time work is
the French minimum wage plus 5 percent, i.e., currently approximately $7.00 (Fr
41.80) per hour. The 5 percent adjustment is intended to compensate for the travel
costs of the three-quarters of the workforce who commute daily from France into the
Principality. The minimum wage is adequate to provide a decent living for a worker
and family. Most workers receive more than the minimum. The legal workweek is
39 hours. Health and safety standards are fixed by law and government decree.
These standards are enforced by health and safety committees in the woricplace and
by the government Labor Inspector.
THE NETHERLANDS
The Netherlands is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary legislative
system and an independent judiciary. Executive authority is exercised by the Prime
Minister and Cabinet representing the governing political parties (traditionally a co-
alition of at least two major parties). The bicameral Parliament is elected through
free and fair elections.
Regional police forces are primarily responsible for maintaining internal security.
The police, the royal constabulary, and investigative organizations concerned with
internal and external security are effectively under civilian authority.
The market-based economy is export oriented and features a mixture of industry,
services, and agriculture. Key industries include chemicals, oil refining, natural gas,
machinery, and electronics. The agricultural sector produces fruit, vegetables, flow-
ers, meat, and dairy products. Living standards and the level of social benefits are
high. Unemployment is 5.7 percent; however, long-term unemployment, in particu-
lar among ethnic minorities, is still a problem.
The (jrovemment generally respects the rights of its citizens, and the law and judi-
ciary provide effective means of dealing with individual instances of abuse. The Gov-
ernment is taking serious steps to address violence and discrimination against
women. The Government has also taken steps to address societal discrimination
against minorities.
Aruba and the Netherlands Antilles, which are two autonomous regions of the
kingdom, also feature parliamentary systems and full constitutional protection of
human rights. In practice, government respect for human rights in these islands
generally is little different from that in the European Netherlands. The two Carib-
bean Governments have taken measures to address past reports of police brutality,
but the islands' prison conditions remain substandard.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
1204
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, ana there were no reports that officials
employed them.
A Dutch government-funded police professionalization program, as well as the es-
tablishment of a grievance committee, have contributed significantly to countering
incidents of police brutality in both the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba. No new in-
cidents were reported, nor has there been any allegation of torture.
Prison conditions in the Netherlands meet minimum international standards, and
the Government pemaits visits by human rights monitors.
The publication of two reports of the Committee for the Prevention of Torture of
the Council of Europe encouraged the Governments of the Netherlands, the Nether-
lands Antilles, and Aruba to consider the improvement of the "inhuman" conditions
in Curacao's prison and in cell blocks at the police stations in the islands of St.
Maarten, Bonaire, and Aruba. Complaints ranged from overcrowding and deplorable
sanitary conditions to poor food and insufficient ventilation. On Curacao prisoners
violently protested poor prison conditions, taking control of Koraal Specht prison in
August. A local commission inquiry into prison conditions after the riots reported
32 claims of mistreatment by prison guanfs through October, the majority occurring
after the prison takeover, and termed the overall situation in Koraal Specht "com-
pletely unacceptable."
The Dutch trovemment has ofi'ered substantial financial and logistic assistance.
The authorities plan to ease overcrowding at Curacao's prison by the construction
of a maximum security facility and a new wing for young offenders, as well as
through bilateral agreements with neighboring countries on the transfer of sen-
tenced persons, since most prisoners are from these countries. However, little
progress was made towards the realization of these plans.
iTie Governments of the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba allow access by non-
governmental organizations to prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the Government observes this prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides
citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
The judicial system is based on the Napoleonic Code. A national pyramidal system
of cantonal, district, and appellate courts handles both criminal and civil cases. The
Supreme Court acts as the highest appellate court and guarantees uniform interpre-
tation of the law. In criminal trials, the law provides for a presumption of innocence
and the ridht to public trial, to counsel (virtually free for low income persons), and
to appeal. The law provides for the right to a fau* trial, and the independent judici-
ary vigorously enforces this right.
In April the European Court for Human Rights in Strasbourg ruled that the
Netherlands violated Article 6 of the European human rights convention in a court
ruling in which a conviction was based "to a decisive extent" on anonymous testi-
mony. Accordingly, it ruled that there had been no "fair" trial. In response to this
decision, the Government is reviewing its policy on the issue in order to avoid re-
newed violations.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
prohibits such practices, government authorities generally respect these prohibi-
tions, and violations are suoject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of speech and of
the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An independent
press, an efiective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combine
to ensure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Govern-
ment respects this right in practice. State subsidies are provided to religious organi-
zations tnat maintain educational facilities.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. There were no re-
ports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to refugee status. The Gov-
ernment does not provide first asylum as such, but most asylum seekers (87 percent
1205
in 1996), except those who obviously came from a "safe country of origin" or stayed
for some time in a "safe third country," are permitted to apply for resident status.
A sizable number (about 40 percent in 1996) of those whose applications are eventu-
ally denied are nonetheless permitted to stay temporarily on Humanitarian grounds
or as long as their country oi origin is considered unsafe.
In recent years, new legislation has aimed to protect genuine refugees while ex-
cluding economic refugees and illegal immigrants. More stringent criteria for grant-
ing asylum resulted in a significant decrease in the number of new asylum seekers,
from 52,576 in 1994 to 29,258 in 1995, and 22,857 in 1996 (latest available statis-
tics). The focus has recently shifted to advancing the return of rejected asylum seek-
ers through financial incentives and assistance to reintegration projects in their
countries of origin. To this end, the Government concluded bilateral agreements
with countries such as Ethiopia and Somalia.
The Government has an active policy against alien smuggling, the penalties for
which were raised considerably.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
There are no restrictions in law or in practice on the participation of women and
minorities in government and politics. About one-third of Members of Parliament
are women, as are 4 of the 13 cabinet ministers.
Although a minority, women also hold positions in the parliaments and cabinets
of the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights groups operate without government restriction, investigating and
publishing their findings. Government officials are very cooperative and responsive
to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law bans discrimination on the basis of any of these factors or on sexual ori-
entation or political preference. The Government generally is effective in enforcing
these provisions. Under a new Equal Treatment Act, complainants may take offend-
ers to court under civil law.
Women. — The Government supports programs to reduce and prevent violence
against women. Battered women find refuge in a network of 48 government-sub-
sidized women's shelters offering the services of social workers and psychologists.
In addition, battered women who leave their domestic partners become eligible for
social benefits, which include an adequate basic subsidy as well as an allowance for
dependent children. Nongovernmental organizations also advise and assist women
who have been victims of sexual assault. Since 1991 marital rape has been a crime
and carries the same penalty as nonmarital rape. Spousal abuse carries a one-third
higher penalty than ordinary battery. However, since the judicial system does not
compile statistics distinguishing spousal abuse from battery, it is difficult to docu-
ment the extent of the problem. The most recent study, by the Ministry of Welfare,
Health, and Culture in 1989, showed that over 20 percent of women in heterosexual
relationships were victims of violence during their lifetimes. Slightly over half of
these suffered repeated severe violence.
In addition to helping victims of sexual abuse, the Government has pursued an
active prevention campaign through commercials and awareness training of edu-
cators. A recent evaluation of the results of the first 5 years of this campaign dem-
onstrated greater awareness of the problem, particularly among the target group of
men between the ages of 15 and 35, out little change in their attitudes.
Hi^h-priority government measures to combat trafficking in women for prostitu-
tion include a more aggressive prosecution policy as v/ell as closer international oo-
ojjeration. A number oi police forces have established special units to deal with the
problem. The Dutch Foundation Against Trafficking in Women estimates that each
year around 1,000 women are brought into the Netherlands for the purpose of pros-
titution, not only from Central and Eastern Europe, but also from the Far East and
West Africa. Women who are forced to work illegally as prostitutes and who are ap-
{)rehended have special exemptions in immigration law and receive counseling and
egal assistance.
Women are increasingly entering the job market, but traditional cultural factors
and inadequate child care facilities can discourage women — especially those with
1206
young children — from working. The number of women in the labor market is rising
steadily. In 1983 only some 38 percent of women aged between 15 and 64 held paid
jobs, compared with almost 50 jjercent at present. However, unemployment among
women is still high: 7.1 percent of the working-age population, compared with 4.8
percent of male workers. About 67 percent of working women work part time, com-
pared with 17 percent of the male working population. The Government established
favorable conditions for part-time employment by adopting a law that prohibits em-
ployers from treating part-time workers differently from those in full-time jobs.
According to the Education Ministry, women have fully made up the arrears thev
had experienced in education. At present, girls form the majority in higher second-
ary education where they also score better, and in 1996, for the first time, as many
women as men entered college and university.
Women are often underemployed and have less chance of promotion than their
male colleagues. They often hold lower level positions than men, mostly because of
their part-time jobs. Despite this, some women are making steady progress by mov-
ing into professional and high-visibility jobs.
In 1988 the Government started affirmative action programs for women. Collec-
tive labor agreements usually include one or more schemes to strengthen the posi-
tion of women. Legislation mandates equal pay for equal work, prohibits dismissal
because of marriage, pregnancy, or motherhood, and provides the basis for equality
in other employment-related areas. A legislatively mandated Equal Treatment Com-
mission actively pursues complaints of discrimination in these areas as well as alle-
gations of pay differences.
The social welfare and national health systems provide considerable assistance to
working women with families. Women are eligible for 16 weeks of matemitv leave
with full pay. The Parental Leave Law, which allows new mothers and fathers to
work only 20 hours a week over a 6-month period, was made more flexible in July.
The new law allows parents to take (unpaid) full-time leave during 3 months or to
extend the leave over a period longer than 6 months. People working fewer than
20 hours per week will also be entitled to parental leave. In addition, the child's
age limit at which parental leave may be taken has been extended from 4 to 8
years. The Netherlands Antilles and Aruba allow 60 days of paid maternity leave
at up to 80 percent of full salary.
Women have full legal and judicial ri^ts and enter marriage with the option of
choosing community property or separate regimes for their assets.
Women's groups dedicated to such problems as equal rights in social security, the
legal position of women, sexual abuse, taxation, education, work, and prostitution
operate freely. The law requires employers to take measures to protect workers
against sexual harassment; research showed that one in three working women has
experienced sexual harassment in the workplace. The Government ftinds an ongoing
publicity campaign to increase awareness of the problem. As the biggest employer
in the country, it has taken measures to counter Harassment among civil servants,
for example, in the police force.
Children. — The Government works to ensure the well-being of children through
numerous well-funded health, education, and public information programs. The
Council for the Protection of Children, operated tnrough the Ministry of Justice, en-
forces child support orders, investigates cases of child abuse, and recommends rem-
edies ranging from counseling to withdrawal of parental rights. In addition, the
Government lias set up a popular hot line for children and a network of pediatri-
cians who track suspected cases of child abuse on a confidential basis. There is no
societal pattern of abuse of children.
International sex tourism involving abuse of minor children is prosecutable under
the law. Since 1996 three Dutchmen have been tried and convicted for abuse of mi-
nors in the Philippines and Thailand respectively. The maximum penalty for child
pornography was raised from 3 months' to 4 years' imprisonment, 6 years in the
event of financial gain, and the maximum fine was more than tripled. New legisla-
tion allows for provisional arrest, house searches, and criminal financial investiga-
tions. Moreover, the authorities no longer must prove that a pereon possesses child
pornography for the purpose of distribution or public display. The possession of pic-
tures of sexual behavior with minors itself will be sufficient cause for prosecution.
The age of consent is 16. Prosecution of adults for sex with minors between the ages
of 12 and 16 only occurs upon the filing of a complaint by an interested party.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. Local govern-
ments are increasingly mandating access to public buildings for the disabled.
National / Racial /Ethnic Minorities. — The integration of racial and ethnic minori-
ties into the social and cultural mainstream remains a difficult problem.
1207
The Government pursues an active campaign aimed at increasing public aware-
ness of racism and oiscrimination. The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the
basis of race and nationality and allows those who claim that they have been dis-
criminated against to take offenders to court under civil law. In 1997 the prosecu-
tion norms for discrimination were tightened: Penalties were raised for discrimina-
tion by jwlitical parties, companies, and institutions, because it was considered more
dangerous when this is done by such organizations than by individuals. The police
were recruired to report any complaint of discrimination meticulously. Any police-
man guilty of discrimination now risks disciplinary measures as well as criminal
legal proceedings. The latest statistics show that in 1996, 86 persons or organiza-
tions were brought to trial on discrimination charges. In 8 cases, the charge was
incitement to hatred, discrimination or violence; 11 cases concerned distribution of
racist pamphlets; and 3 cases concerned discrimination in the exercise of a profes-
sion.
Over a thousand racially motivated incidents occurred, ranging from racist pam-
phlets and painted slogans to bomb threats, harassment, physical abuse, and de-
struction of property. However, no officially recorded incidents of a life-threatening
nature were directed against ethnic minorities. Research by the Ministry of Justice
established that most of the antiforeigner violence is committed by thrill-seeking
youths for nonpolitical reasons. Such youths often feel threatened by ethnic minori-
ties in their immediate living space. The Criminal Investigation Service believes
that the number of rightwing activists has dwindled to a hardcore group of 50 to
60 individuals out of a total population of 15.5 million.
Immigrant groups face some discrimination in housing and employment. These
groups, concentrated in the larger cities, suffer from a high rate oi unemployment.
The Government has been working for several years with employers' groups and
unions to reduce minority unemployment levels to the national average. As a result
of these efforts, in recent years the rate of job creation among ethnic minorities has
been higher than among the general population.
The 1994 law requiring employers with a woricforce of over 35 people to register
their non-Dutch employees has been simplified, in consultation with employers and
workers organizations. Employers must strive for a woritforce composition that re-
flects the regional working population. They are required to submit their social ac-
tion plans, including recruitment targets, to the regional labor bureaus. The Labor
Inspectorate controls implementation of the law.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Membership in labor unions is open to aU workers
including military, police, and civil service employees. Workers are entitled to form
or join unions of their own choosing without previous government authorization, and
unions are free to affiliate with national traae union federations. This right is freely
exercised.
Unions are entirely free of control by the Government and political parties. Union
members may and do participate in political activities.
All workers have the right to strike, except for most civil servants who have other
institutionalized means of protection and redress. Industrial relations are very har-
monious, and the number of strikes each year is very low. In 1996 some 10 labor
days per 1,000 workers were lost, mostly over disputes about a 36-hour workweek.
There is no retribution against striking workers.
About 25 percent of the work force is unionized, but union-negotiated collective
bargaining agreements are usually extended to cover about three-quarters of the
work force. The white-collar unions' membership is the fastest growing.
The four union federations are active internationally, without restriction.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right to organize and
bargain collectively is recognized and well establishea. Discrimination against work-
ers because of union membership is illegal and does not occur.
Collective bargaining agreements are negotiated in the framework of the "Social
Partnership" developed between trade unions and private employers. Representa-
tives of the main union federations, employers' organizations, and the Government
meet each autumn to discuss labor issues, including wage levels and their relation
to the state of the economy and to international competition. The discussions lead
to a central accord with social as well as economic goals for the coming year. Under
this umbrella agreement, unions and employers in various sectors negotiate sectoral
agreements, which the Government usually extends to all companies in the respec-
tive sector.
Antiunion discrimination is prohibited. Union federations and employers' organi-
zations are represented, along with independent experts, on the Social and Eco-
nomic Council. The Council is the major advisory board to the Government on its
1208
policies and legislation regarding national and international social and economic
matters.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor, in-
cluding that performed by children, is prohibited by the Constitution and does not
occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and this prohibition is enforced effec-
tively. The minimum a^e for employment is 16 years, and for full-time work it is
conditioned on completion of the mandatory 10 years of schooling. Those still in
school at the age oi 16 may not work more than 8 hours per week. People under
the age of 18 are prohibited by law from working at ni^t, overtime, or in areas
dangerous to their physiced or mental well-being. The laws are effectively enforced
by the tripartite Labor Commission, which monitors hiring practices and conducts
inspections.
The Government takes a leading role in an international campaign against child
labor in developing countries. The main Dutch labor federation, together with the
United Nations Children's Fund and several nongovernmental organizations, also
sttirted a campaign against the sale of products suspected of being made through
chUd labor, and for a ' trademark" for clotning made without child labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage for adults is established
by law and can be adjusted every 6 months to changes in the cost-of-living index.
Over the last few years, the link between statutory minimum wages and the aver-
age wage increase in collective labor contracts (approximately 2.5 percent in 1997)
has been maintained. The gross minimum wage is about $1,120 (f. 2,244) per
month. For workers earning the minimum wage, employers currently pay $3,750 a
year (f. 6,000) in premiums for social security benefits, which includes medical in-
surance. Only 3 percent of workers earn the minimum wage because collective bar-
gaining agreements, which are normally extended across a sector, usually set a min-
imum wage well above the legislated minimum. The Government, unions, and em-
Sloyers have taken measures to increase the number of minimum wage jobs and to
ecrease employers' social payments in order to lower the cost of hiring new workers
and to create more jobs, especially for the long-term unemployed.
A reduced minimum wage applies to young people under the age of 23 — one of
the demographic groups with tne highest rate of unemployment — intended to pro-
vide incentives for their employment. This wage ranges from 34.5 percent of the
adult minimum wage for workers 16 years of age to 85 percent for those 22 years
of age. The legislated minimum wage and social benefits available to all minimum
wage earners provide an adequate standard of living for workers and their families.
Although a 40-hour workweek is established by law, the average workweek for
full time jobs now stands at 37V'2 hours. This is the result of agreements reached
in collective labor agreements on shorter working weeks, often in combination with
more flexible working hours. This combination makes it possible to gear shorter
working hours to the specific situation in a particular business or branch of indus-
try.
Working conditions, including comprehensive occupational safety and health
standards set by law and regulations, are actively monitored by the tripartite Labor
Commission. Enforcement is effective. Workers may refuse to continue working at
a hazardous work site. The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs also monitors
standards through its Labor Inspectorate.
NORWAY
Norway is a parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy with King
Harald V as the Head of State. It is governed by a prime minister, cabinet, and a
165-seat Storting (parliament) that is elected every 4 years and cannot be dissolved.
The judiciary is independent.
The national police have primary responsibility for internal security, but in times
of crisis, such as internal disorder or natural catastrophe, the police may call on the
military forces for assistance. In such circumstances, the military forces are always
under police authority. The civilian authorities maintain effective control of the se-
curity forces.
Norway is an advanced industrial state with a mixed economy combining private
and public ownership that provides a high standard of living for residents. The key
industries are oil and gas, metals, engineering, shipbuilding, fishing, and manufac-
turing (including fish processing equipment). The leading exports are oil and gas.
1209
manufactured goods, fish, and metals. This year 72 percent of the labor force was
in the service sector (including public service), and 15 percent was in the manufac-
turing sector.
The Government generally respects the rights of its citizens, and the law and judi-
ciary provide effective means of dealing with instances of individual abuse.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that officials
employed them.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile, and the Government observes this pronibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The court system consists of the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court Appellate
Court (committee), superior courts, county courts for criminal cases, magistrate
courts for ciN^il cases, and claims courts. Special courts are the Impeachment Court
(made up of parliamentarians), the Labor Court, Trusteeship Courts, Fishery
Courts, and land ownership severance courts. There are no religious, political, or se-
curity courts. All courts, which date to laws passed in the 11th century, meet inter-
nationally accepted standards for fair trials, mcluding providing counsel to the indi-
gent. The law provides for the ri^t to a fair trial, and an independent judiciary
vigorously enforces this right.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Both
the Constitution and law prohibit such practices, government authorities generally
respect these prohibitions, and violations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of the
press, and the (jovemment respects this right in practice. An independent press, an
effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system, combine to ensure
freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
The state church is the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Norway, which is finan-
cially siipported by the State, and to which 93 percent of the population nominally
belong. There is a constitutional requirement that the King ana one-half of the Cab-
inet belong to this church. The Workers' Protection and Working Environment Act
permits prospective employers to ask job applicants in private or religious schools,
or in day care centers, whether they respect Christian beliefs and principles.
Other denominations operate freely. A religious community is required to register
with the Government only if it desires state support, which is provided to all reg-
istered denominations on a proportional basis in accordance with membership. Al-
though the state religion is taught in all public schools, children of other faiths are
allowed to be absent from such classes upon parental request. Workers belonging
to minority denominations are allowed leave for their religious holidays.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. The (government provides first asylum and provided it to six applicants in
1996. Norway also has agreed to resettle a quota of 1,0(X) persons identified by the
UNHCR. Norway granted asylum to 788 refugees in this category in 1996. In addi-
tion it provided residence permits on humanitarian grounds to asylum seekers in
the first instance to 610 persons in 1996. Norway granted residence to 255 addi-
tional individuals who had appealed their cases to the Ministry of Justice. In 1996
the (Jovemment announced that all of the approximately 12,()00 Bosnian refugees
1210
already in the country would be granted permiasion to stay. During the first half
of the year, the Government granted political asylum to 10 persons and provided
residence permits to 679 persons. There were no reports of forced expulsion of those
having a valid claim to refugee status or of persons forcibly returned to countries
where they feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The law provides citizens with the right to change their Government peacefully,
and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections
held on the basis of universal suffrage.
There are no restrictions, in law or practice, on the participation of women in gov-
ernment or in the political arena generally. Norway had a female prime minister
who served for 9 of 10 years between 1986 and 1996. The current prime minister
has appointed women to lead 9 of the 18 ministries. Women hold 60 out of the 165
seats in parliament (36.4 percent), chair 4 of 12 standing committees, and lead 3
of the 6 main political parties.
In addition to participating freely in the national political process in 1997, Nor-
wegian Sami (formerly known as Lapps) elected their own constituent assembly, the
Sameting, for the third time. Under the law establishing the 39-seat body, it is a
consultative group which meets regularly to deal with all matters which in [its]
opinion are oi special importance to the Sami people." In practice the Sameting has
been most interested in protecting the group's language and cultural rights and in
influencing decisions on resources and lands where Sami are a majority.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing tneir findings on human rights cases. Government officials
are very cooperative and responsive to their views.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, religion, disability,
language, or social status, and the Government enforces this prohibition in practice.
Women. — In 1995 there were 16,314 contacts by women with crisis action centers
and 2,380 overnight stays by women at shelters. Police authorities believe that in-
creases in reported rapes and wife beatings in recent years have been laiyely due
to greater willingness among women to report these crimes. The police vigorously
investigate and prosecute such crimes. They have also instituted special programs
to prevent rape and domestic violence and to counsel victims. Public and private or-
ganizations run several shelters which give battered wives an alternative to retum-
ingto a violent domestic situation.
The rights of women are protected under the Equal Rights Law of 1978 and other
regulations. According to that law, "women and men engaged in the same activity
shall have equal wages for work of equal value." An Equal Rights Council monitors
enforcement of the law, and an Equal Rights Ombudsman processes complaints of
sexual discrimination. There were 89 written complaints in 1996 and 284 by tele-
phone. Of all complaints handled by the ombudsman, 43.5 percent were filed by
women, 21 percent by men, and 27.5 percent by organizations; in the latter cases,
it is not clear whether the organizations represented men or women (8 percent of
the complaints were made anonymously.)
In 1995 the Parliament adopted a harassment amendment to the Working Envi-
ronment Act, which states that "employees shall not be subjected to harassment or
other unseemly behavior."
Children. — The (jovemment demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems of education and medical care.
The Government provides education for chiloren through the post-secondary level.
There is no difference in the treatment of girls and boys in education or health care
services. An independent Children's Ombudsman Office, within the Ministry of Chil-
dren and Families, assures protection of children in law and in practice. There is
no societal pattern of abuse against children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. The law man-
dates access to buildings for people with disabilities, and the Grovemment enforces
these provisions in practice.
Indigenous People. — Apart from a tiny Finnish population in the northeast, the
Sami constituted the only significant minority group until the influx of immigrants
during the 1970's. In recent years, the Government nas taken steps to protect Sami
1211
cultural rights by providing Sami language instruction at schools in their areas,
radio and television programs broadcast or subtitled in Sami, and subsidies for
newspapers and books oriented toward the Sami. In a rare political statement in
October at the opening of the third Sami Parliament, King Harald V publicly apolo-
gized to the Sami people for repression under Norwegian rule. In 1996 the Govern-
ment appointed a state secretary in the Ministry of Local Government and Regional
Affairs to deal specifically with Sami issues.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law provides workers with the right to associate
freely and to strike. The Government changed its wage negotiating process for 1996,
shifting negotiations from the national to the local and company level. This change
resulted in a substantially higher number of strikes. There were 18 strikes in 1996
at the national, regional, local, and company levels, involving 53,257 workers. Al-
most aU strikes were settled through negotiations.
The Government has the right, with the approval of the Storting, to invoke com-
pulsory arbitration under certain circumstances. The Government came under in-
creasing criticism in 1995 for resorting to compulsory arbitration too quickly during
strikes. In addition this procedure, which was also invoked several times in the
1980's, particularly in the oil industry, was criticized repeatedly by the Committee
of Experts of the International Labor Organization, which argued that the situations
were not a sufficient threat to public health and safety to justify invoking compul-
sory arbitration. The Supreme Court is reviewing a case that will allow it to rule
on whether the national process in this regard violates the country's international
commitments.
With membership totaling about 60 percent of the work force, unions play an im-
portant role in political and economic life and are consulted by the Government on
important economic and social problems. Although the largest trade union federa-
tion is associated with the Labor Party, all unions and labor federations are free
of party and government control. Unions are free to form federations and to affiliate
internationally. They maintain strong ties with such international bodies as the
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — All workers, including govern-
ment employees and military personnel, exercise the right to organize and bargain
collectively. Collective bargaining is widespread, with most wage earners covered by
negotiated settlements, either directly or through understandings which extend the
contract terms to workers outside of the main labor federation and the employers'
bargaining group. Any complaint of antiunion discrimination would be dealt with by
the Labor Court, but there have been none in i^ecent years.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government prohibits forced
and bonded labor by children, and there were no iieports that it occurred. Compul-
sory labor is prohibited by law and does not exist. The Directorate of Labor Inspec-
tions ensures compliance. Domestics, children, or foreign workers are not required
to remain in situations amounting to coerced or bonded labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Gov-
ernment prohibits foi^ced and bonded labor by children, and there were no reports
that it occurred (see Section 6.c.). Children 13 to 18 years of age may be employed
part-time in light y/oik that will not adversely affect their health, development, or
schooling. Minimum age rules are observed in practice and enforced by the Direc-
torate of Labor Inspections. Education is compulsory for 9 years. Children are nor-
mally in school until the age of 16.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Normal working hours are mandated by law
and limited to 37^2 hours per week. The law also provides for 25 working days of
paid leave per year (31 days for those over age 60). A 28-hour rest period is legally
mandated on weekends and holidays. There is no specified minimum wage, but
wages normally fall within a national scale negotiated by labor, employers, and the
Government. Average income, not including extensive social benefits, is adequate to
provide a worker and family a decent living.
Under the Workers' Protection and Working Environment Act of 1977, all em-
ployed persons are assured safe and physically acceptable working conditions. Spe-
cific standards are set by the Directorate of Liabor Inspections in consultation with
nongoverTimental experts. According to the Act, working environment committees
composed of management, workers, and health p>ersonnel must be established in all
enterprises with 50 or more workers, and safety delegates must be elected in all or-
ganizations. Workers have the right to remove themselves from situations which en-
danger their health. The Directorate of Labor Inspections ensures effective compli-
ance with labor legislation and standards.
1212
POLAND
Poland is a parliamentary democracy based on a multiparty political system and
free and fair elections. The President shares power with the Prime Minister, the
Council of Ministers, and the bicameral Parliament (Senate and Sejm). Poland has
held two presidential and three parliamentary elections in the 8 years since the end
of communism. For much of the year, the governing coalition, composed of the
Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), a successor to the former Communist Party, and
the Polish Peasant Party (PSL), a successor to the Peasant Party of the Communist
era, had a nearly two-thirds majority in both houses of Parliament. In parliamen-
tary elections held on September 21, Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS) — a broad co-
alition of rightist, center-right, and Christian-national parties anchored by the Soli-
darity trade union — gained 33.9 percent of the vote. The new Government is a two-
party coalition composed of AWS and its junior partner, the centrist Freedom Union
(UW). The judiciary is independent.
The internal security forces and armed forces are subject to effective civilian con-
trol by the Government. Since 1996 the civilian Minister of Defense has clear com-
mand and control authority over the military chief of the general staff as well as
oversight of military intelligence. The Government continues actively to reform the
military to prepare for full membership in NATO.
Poland has made a successful transition to a free market economy. A large and
growing private sector and increasing exports to Western Europe have helped fuel
a 6.1 percent rate of growth in 1996 and an estimated 6.3 percent rate oi growth
in 1997. Inflation at the end of the year (at 13.3 percent) and unemployment (at
10.6 percent) remained high but were declining. Since 1989 most small- and me-
dium-sized, state-owned enterprises have been privatized. The new Government has
pledged to speed the long-delayed privatization of many of the largest enterprises
(e.g., the telephone company, power plants, the national airline). (Jenerous social
and retirement programs place an enormous strain on the budget and impede eco-
nomic growth. The (jovemment intends to implement pension reform in 1999. The
fiscal and monetary authorities are pursuing more restrictive policies to deal with
a growing current account deficit that, if left unchecked, could create the risk of a
financial crisis.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, but there
were some problems. Prison conditions are poor. Lack of public confidence as well
as a cumbersome legal process and an inadequate budget plague the court system.
Court decisions are frequently not implemented, particularly those of the adminis-
trative courts, and simple civil cases can take as long as 2 or 3 years. Many poorly
paid prosecutors and judges left public service for more lucrative employment. The
threat of organized crime has provoked legislative responses that could pose a
threat to the right to privacy. Freedom of speech and the press were subject to some
minor limitations. Women continue to experience serious discrimination in the labor
market and are subject to various legal inequities as a consequence of paternalistic
laws. Trafficking in women is a growing problem, as is spousal abuse, and there is
some societal discrimination against ethnic minorities. The President and the (jov-
emment have worked constructively toward resolving issues of concern to the Jew-
ish community. Although the right to organize unions and bargain collectively was
laively observed, some employers violated worker rights provided by law, particu-
larly in the growing private sector.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
However, in March an off duty police officer in Brodno, a suburb of Warsaw, was
arrested in connection with the snooting deaths of two unarmed civilians and the
wounding of another in unclear circumstances. The officer was suspended from the
police force and was forced to undergo psychiatric evaluation to determine his abil-
ity to stand trial. He was indicted on murder and reckless endangerment charges
in December. A trial date had not been set by year's end. In May the regional pros-
ecutor in Biala Podlaska opened an investigation into the possible murder of a 19-
year-old man who was shot during police questioning. In November a provincial
court in Lublin indicted the Lomazy police chief in the case. Three additional
Lomazy police officers were indicted for assault, false arrest, and failure to follow
proper police procedure in connection with the detention and beating of the 19-year-
old 8 companion.
1213
In November a Wroclaw court sentenced two police officers, one to 7 years in pris-
on and the other to 4 years, in connection witn the 1995 murder of a 17-year-old
boy and the attempted murder of another man. Both were shot when the two off-
duty officers, intoxicated and angry after being rejected by a prostitute, began firing
their service revolvers.
In March two police officers accused in the 1983 beating death of high school stu-
dent Grzegorz Przemyk were convicted and sentenced to 10 years in prison. The po-
lice were accused of covering up the death and blaming it on the ambulance drivers
who took Przemyk to the hospital. Both men appealed their convictions. A third po-
lice officer, accused of obstructing the investigation by hiding documents, was sen-
tenced to 3 years in prison.
Trials relating to extrajudicial killings during the Communist period, including
the deaths of striking shipyard workers in December 1970 and the deaths and
jailing of activists after the 1981 declaration of martial law, continued. During the
IV2 years of martial law, approximately 25 citizens died in clashes between stnking
workers and riot police, and the government jailed without trial more than 13,000
Seople. In July a Gdansk court ruled that martial law architect General Wojciech
aruzelski, for health reasons, would not have to stand trial. In November, after a
trial that lasted nearly 4 years, a provincial court in Katowice acquitted 22 riot po-
lice of murder charges stemming from the same incident, citing a lack of evidence
of the officers* direct involvement in the miners' deaths. Public reaction was gen-
erally muted. A few days later, the Warsaw Court of Appeals set aside the July
1996 acquittal of former Interior Minister General Czeslaw Kiszczak for his role in
the Wujek mine's pacification. Kiszczak's case was returned to the regional court for
retrial. The trial of five former senior army and police officers charged in connection
with the deaths of 44 demonstrators during the December 1970 riots again was
postponed. Although proceedings in that case were instituted in 1995, the trial has
not yet begun formally, as defendants continue to produce medical statements cer-
tifying their inability to appear in court. The trial was scheduled to resume in Janu-
ary 1998.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Criminal Code prohibits torture, and there were no reported incidents of it.
Several investigations into incidents of police brutality or misconduct are ongoing.
In March three police officers in Bbytom were arrested and charged with the rape
of seven underage detainees, ranging in age from 11 to 17 years. The men were dis-
charged from the police force and put in prison pending trial. In October two of the
seven victims appeared in a Katowice provincial court to testify. Progress in the
case has been slowed, however, due to the other girls' reluctance to testify. At year's
end the trial was continuing.
In November disciplinary proceedings were started against 18 riot police for their
participation in the October beating of soccer fans attending a match in the town
of Gdynia. By year's end, three of the officers received a verbal reprimand, two were
declared unfit for service and placed on probation, one resigned, and one was exon-
erated. The remaining 11 cases were still pending. The officers' activities, which
took place before, during, and after the match, both at the stadium and at a nearby
bar, were captured on videotajie. The Gdansk prosecutor launched an official inves-
tigation that was ongoing at year's end.
In May the Independent Union of Students (NZS) and the Federation of Fighting
Youth (FMW) filed a complaint with the regional prosecutor's office against Leszek
Miller, Minister of Internal Affairs and Administration, in connection with violence
that broke out during a rally organized by the All-Poland Trade Union Alliance
(OPZZ). The authors of the complaint contend that Miller, who addressed the rally,
"must have seen and heard" participants attack two young people and journalists,
but did nothing to stop the assault. The students also claim that the police "did not
intervene and failed to disperse the gathering." An investigation is pending.
In December an Olsztyn court granted the appeal of two Szczytno police officers
found guilty of beating two men detained for questioning in September 1996. The
case was returned to the Szczytno regional court for retrial. Four policemen in
Legnica province were acquitted of 1995 charges that they beat underage minors.
In July the Supreme Court ruled that the law did not permit the extradition to
China of Mr. and Mrs. Mandugeqi, a Chinese couple accused of embezzling approxi-
mately $1 million. The Supreme Court's decision overturned the March verdict of
the Warsaw court of appeal, which had stated that the extradition was legal. The
Mandugeqis were apprehended in Warsaw's Okecie airport on the basis of an inter-
national warrant on August 10, 1995. The first court tnat ruled on the case denied
the extradition case filed by Chinese authorities, arguing that if extradited, the cou-
1214
pie might be subject to torture and other inhuman treatment forbidden under inter-
national conventions protecting human rights «md basic civil liberties.
In May Adam Humer filed an appeal with the Warsaw district appellate court
against his March 1996 conviction and 9-year sentence for the torture of prisoners
when he was a security service interrogator in the 1950's.
Prison conditions, although rapidly approaching minimum international stand-
ards, are still generally poor, according to reports by nongovernmental organiza-
tions. Some facilities are old and in disrepair, and many experience overcrowding.
In a May letter to the Prime Minister, the Ombudsman for Human Rights charged
that the condition of many detention facilities and prisons was poor and rec-
ommended that several dozen be closed in whole or in part for renovation. The Om-
budsman also recommended that actions be taken to reduce the prison population,
including the decriminalization of certain offenses, such as failure to pay alimony.
He pointed out that Poland had a very poor ratio of prisoners to rehabilitation offi-
cers and complained about the safety of prisons, noting that inmates were often the
victims of violence from other prisoners. In September 1996, for example, an 18-
year-old mentally retarded boy was beaten and sodomized by fellow inmates. Those
found guilty of the rape were convicted and sentenced to 10 additional years in pris-
on. A civil trial against the prison administration for wrongful neglect was pending.
Attorneys for the boy asked for approximately $30,000 (100,000 PLN) in damages.
The Government permits human rights monitors to visit civilian prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention, and the Government observes this prohibition. Courts rather
than prosecutors issue arrest warrants. The law allows a 48-hour detention period
before authorities are required to bring a defendant before a court, during which
access to a lawyer is normally denied. Once a prosecutor presents the legal basis
for a formal investigation, the law provides for access to counsel. Detainees may be
held under "temporary" arrest for up to 3 months and may challenge the legality
of an arrest through appeal to the district court. A court may extend this pretrial
confinement period every 3 months until the trial date. Bail is available, and human
rights organizations report that most detainees are released on bail pending trial.
In June the Sejm adopted a new Criminal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure.
The new codes, which go into effect on September 1, 1998, are the culmination of
an 8-year effort to restructure the criminal justice system. The new law parallels
provisions of the new Constitution that extend the 48-hour 'Initial arrest" phase
permitted under current law to 72 hours and provide detainees with a limited right
to counsel. In this regard, arrestees currently may meet with their attorneys only
in the presence of arresting authorities. Under the new Constitution, the right to
counsel is provided for at all stages of a criminal proceeding. In the event arrestees
are ordered by the court to be detained pending completion of an investigation, pros-
ecutors may monitor all contacts between detainees and their counsel during the
first 14 days of detention.
In December the editor-in-chief, deputy editor-in-chief, and publisher of the week-
ly news magazine Wprost were taken from their homes by separate police teams
and questioned for several hours in connection with embezzlement charges. They
were then ordered not to leave the country, deprived of their passports, and released
on approximately $7,500 (25,000 PLN) bail pending trial. The Polish Press Freedom
monitoring Center criticized the journalists' treatment as a threat to press freedom.
The three men denied the charges and described the detention as a scandal and an
instance of "Stalinist prosecutorial methods." The next day, the Poznan regional
court ruled that the orders to detain the men were groundless and lifted the orders,
forcing the return of their passports and bail money. The prosecutor was suspended.
The embezzlement charges, initiated by Wprost's former business partner, are pend-
ing. The Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights promised to monitor the prosecu-
tors future actions in the case.
The Government does not employ forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
A three-tier court system consists of regional and provincial courts and a Siipreme
Court, which is divided into five divisions: military, civil, criminal, labor, and family.
Judges are nominated by the National Judicial Council and appointed by the Presi-
dent. Judges are appointed for life and can be reassigned but not dismissed, except
by a court decision. The Constitutional Tribunal rules on the constitutionality of leg-
islation, but its decisions may be overruled by a two-thirds majority in the Sejm.
The new Constitution, approved by the Sejm in April, ratified in a national referen-
dum in May, and in force as of October 16, renders Constitutional Tribunal deci-
sions final and binding, effective after a 2-year interim period.
1215
The courts generally provide fair trials, and there is no evidence of significant cor-
ruption. However, the court system continues to be plagued by a cumbersome legal
process, poor administration, and an inadequate budget, all of which contribute to
a lack or public confidence. Man^ effective judges and prosecutors have left public
service for the more lucrative pnvate sector. Court decisions are frequently not im-
plemented, particularly those of administrative courts. Bailiffs normally ensure the
execution of civil verdicts such as damage payments and evictions. According to
some observers, however, they are underpaid, subject to intimidation and bribery,
and have a mixed record of implementing court decisions. Civil and administrative
rulings against public institutions such as hospitals often cannot be enforced due
to a lack of ftintfe. Simple civil cases can take as long as 2 to 3 years before resolu-
tion, and the pretrial waiting time in criminal cases can be several months. In 1996,
the latest year for which figures are available, in the Warsaw district alone, 4,000
cases (approximately 15 percent of the total caseload) were pending for over a year
without even an initial hearing. The backlog and the costs of legal action seem to
deter many citizens from using the justice system at all, particularly in civil matters
such as divorce. The long wait for routine court decisions in commercial matters is
an incentive for bribery and corruption.
In August the European Court of Human Rights took up the first complaint
lodged by a Polish citizen regarding protracted court proceedings. The plaintiff, a
70-year-old woman from Stalowa Wola, was assaulted oy her neighbor in 1988. In
1990 a court found him guilty. The woman subsequently filed a civil suit in connec-
tion with the attack. A verdict was issued in 1996, and the interest accrued from
1988 was awarded, 6 years after the complaint was filed. The plaintiff claimed that
the 6-year wait for the verdict violated the European human rights convention
signed by Poland in 1991, which assures citizens the right to a just and public con-
sideration of their case in "reasonable time." The European Court ruled against the
plaintiff on December 16 on the grounds that the plaintiff herself was partly to
blame for the procrastination.
All defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty. At the end of a trial
the court renders its decision orally and then has 7 days to prepare a written deci-
sion. A defendant has the right to appeal within 14 days of the written decision.
Appeals may be made on the basis of new evidence or procedural irregularities.
Criminal cases are tried in regional and provincial courts by a panel consisting
of a professional judge and two lay assessors. The seriousness of the offense deter-
mines which is the court of first instance. Once formal charges are filed, the defend-
ant is allowed to study the charges and consult with an attorney, who is provided
at public expense if necessary. Once the defendant is prepared, a trial date is set.
Defendants are required to be present during trial and may present evidence and
confront witnesses in their own defense. Since 1995 prosecutors have had the au-
thority to grant witnesses anonymity at trial if they express fear of retribution from
the defendant. This law, designed to help combat organized crime, seriously impairs
defendants' right to confront their accusers. In 1996 reforms were made that provide
for a two-level appeal process in most civil and criminal matters; previously, citizens
enjoyed access only to a one-step appeal process.
Trials are normally public. Tne courts, however, reserve the right to close a trial
to the public in some circumstances, such as divorce cases, trials in which state se-
crets may be disclosed, or cases whose content might offend "public morality." The
courts rarely invoke this prerogative.
In 1996 the Sejm accepted a select committee report concluding that the intel-
ligence services may have acted illegally in gathering evidence in the investigation
of former premier Jozef Oleksy. The report recommended that these findings be
passed to the prosecutor's office, which would decide whether to investigate the in-
telligence officers involved in the case. Although the office of the Speaker of the
Sejm ofiicially passed the findings to the Warsaw prosecutor in January, the pros-
ecutor decided not to pursue criminal investigations against the officers involved.
Sejm deputies also collected the number of signatures necessary to eventually
launch state tribunal proceedings against former interior minister Andrzej
Milczanowski for his role in the case. The signatures were passed to the Sejm com-
mittee for constitutional responsibility for further action; however, no additional ac-
tion occurred by year's end.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy. Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the right to privacy of correspondence. There is no legisla-
tion that provides for the general right to privacy. In response to the growing threat
of organized crime and money laundering. Parliament has permitted the police and
intelligence services to monitor private correspondence and to use wiretaps and elec-
tronic monitoring devices in cases involving a serious crime, narcotics, money laun-
1216
dering, or illegal arms sales. The Minister of Justice and the Minister of Interior,
both political appointees, must authorize these investigative methods. In emergency
cases, the police may initiate an investigation that utuizes wiretaps or the opening
of private correspondence at the same time that they seek permission from the min-
isters.
Parliamentarians and human rights groups have expressed concern about the lack
of control over this type of surveillance. There is no mdependent Judicial review of
surveillance activities, nor is there any control over how the information derived
from these investigations is used. A growing number of agencies have access to
wiretap information, and a recent law allows electronic surveillance to be used for
the prevention of crime as well as for investigative purposes. In the first half of
1996, the latest period for which statistics are available, tne Justice Minister agreed
to the surveillance of 727 individuals. Also in 1996, the Minister of Interior con-
firmed that Office of State Protection (UOP) intelligence employees pose as post and
telecommunications employees.
In September the special Sejm Committee on Security Services announced that
the UOP "may have" acted illegallv against rightwing politicians in 1993, adding
that only an independent court could rule if the law was violated at that time. The
Committee made the announcement after examining documents submitted by UOP
head Andrzej Kapkowski. Investigations were launched when Minister for Special
Services Zbigniew Siemiatkowski alleged that the UOP carried out illegal activities
in the spring of 1993, including the forging of documents, in order to discredit right-
wing parliamentaiy candidates. Siemiatkowski also alleged that these activities
were conducted with the knowledge of then Internal Affairs Minister Andrezej
Milczanowski and then UOP head Je'rzy Konieczny. Both Milczanowski and
Konieczny have denied the accusations. Siemiatkowski then turned the case over to
the prosecutor's office for further investigation. The Warsaw prosecutor's office offi-
cially opened proceedings against five UOP officers in October.
The law fonbids arbitrary forced entry into homes. Search warrants issued by a
prosecutor are required in order to enter private residences. In emergency cases,
when a prosecutor is not immediately available, police may enter a residence with
the approval of the local police commander. In the most urgent cases, in which there
is no time to consult with the police commander, police may enter a private resi-
dence after showing their official identification. There were no reports that police
abused search warrant procedures.
The Ombudsman for Human Rk;hts advocates reform of the rules governing how
citizens are registered in their ofiicial places of residence. Current law requires aU
adults to be officially registered at a given address and allows them access to public
services established in that locality. However, the law also permits property owners
to "unregister" tenants from rented residences, effectively cutting citizens off from
public services if they cannot immediately find another landlord willing to let them
register.
A new law compelling political leaders to reveal past collaboration with Com-
munist era secret police — the so-called "lustrada" or vetting/lustration law — took ef-
fect in August. The law requires candidates for hidi government ofiice, including
those for President, the Sejm, the Senate, Prime Minister, or other ofiice that re-
quires nomination by the President or Prime Minister, to sign a declaration stating
whether or not they cooperated with Poland's secret services at any time between
1944 and 1990. Although the law does not provide for the punishment of those who
admit to having collaborated, any Sejm or Senate candidate found to have lied in
his or her declaration is to be removed from office. Any other government official
found to have made false statements is to be excluded from public office for 10
years. The attempt to establish the special vetting court called for in the legislation
leiiled, however, when only 20 candidates could oe found for the 21 seats on the
court. The vetting/lustration law is expected to be amended.
In December the Sejm passed a draft law requiring similar vetting/lustration of
i'udges. The law envisages the possible removal from service of judges proven to
lave violated judicial independence by issuing unjust verdicts between 1944 and
1989 at the request of the Communist authorities. Disciplinary proceedings against
the judges in question could be initiated by the Minister of Justice, the presidents
of the appellate or regional courts, the National Judiciary Council, or individuals
who feel wronged by court verdicts. The draft law awaits Senate consideration.
Men are not permitted to marry until the age of 21, whereas women may marry
at the age of 18 (see Section 5).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government generally respects this right. The press is lively
1217
and independent. However, there are some marginal restrictions in law and prac-
tice.
The print media are uncensored and independent, although they may be subject
to prosecution under the provisions of the Penal Code.
"file Penal Code states that acts that "publicly insult, ridicule, and deride the Pol-
ish nation, the Polish Republic, its political system, or its principal organs are pun-
ishable by between 6 months and 8 years of imprisonment." The code calls for a
prison term of up to 10 years for a person who commits any of the prohibited acts
in print or through the mass media. In 1995 presidential candidate Leszek Bubel
was charged with violating this law, and his ctise remains before a judge. Bubel
claimed on a radio program that when he served as deputy prosecutor general, a
former head of the presidential Chancellery protected a group of criminals. The
Gdansk prosecutor announced an investigation into 1996 remarks by talk show host
Wojciech Cejrowski, who is alleged to have publicly insulted president Kwasniewski.
The case is still pending before a judge. In September President Kwasniewski filed
a private lawsuit against the Zycie and Dziennik Baltycki newspapers, which ac-
cused him of contacts with Russian spy Vladimir Alganov during ms 1994 vacations.
Although Kwasniewski withdrew the suit against Dziennik Baltycki when its editor-
in-chief retracted the newspaper's charges, the suit against Zycie is still pending.
Kwasniewski claims that Zycie's articles violated his good name and demands that
the newspaper apologize to him and pay approximately $76,000 (2.5 million PLN)
for flood victims. Zycie denies that the law nas been violated and maintains that
its journalists acted in the public interest.
In November the Torun regional prosecutor issued an order for controversial
Catholic radio priest Father Tadeusz Rydzyk to be brought to the office by force.
Rydzyk, the prosecutor charged, ignored five sets of summonses to appear for ques-
tioning for offending supreme state bodies. The prosecutor's office carried out an in-
vestigation of Rydzyk at the request of a group of Parliamentarians who voted for
the liberalization of the abortion law. The parliamentarians were offended when
they were compared on the air to criminals who collaborated with the Nazis during
World War 11. Father Rydzyk eventually presented himself at the prosecutor's office
on his own initiative. An investigation of Rydzyk, who currently faces the lesser
charge of insulting public functionaries, was ongoing at year's end.
The Penal Code provides for punishment of anyone who uses print or other mass
media to "advocate discord" on national, ethnic, racial, or religious grounds. The In-
vestigation continues in the case of Mikolaj Siwicki, a Warsaw pensioner. In 1996
the Warsaw prosecutor's office brou^t charges against Siwicki lor publication of a
hate-mongering book, which, the prosecutor charged, "could seriously damage the
interests of the Polish Republic in international affairs." The book allegedly con-
dones crimes committed by Poles during the World War II, makes historically dubi-
ous claims about Polish crimes against the Ukrainian nation, and calls for lands in
southeastern Poland to be given to Ukraine.
The Penal Code also stipulates that offending religious sentiment through public
speech is punishable by a fine or a 2-year prison term. In 1995 a provincial court
charged presidential candidate Leszek Bubel with violating this article by publish-
ing a pamphlet containing anti-Semitic humor. A verdict was pending at year's end.
In July Ryszard Bender filed a complaint against Jerzy Urban, editor-in-chief of the
leftist tabloid Nie, for insulting the Pope during his visit. The complaint stemmed
from a Nie article entitled "We welcome Brezhnev of the Holy See." Bender claimed
that associating the Pope with Leonid Brezhnev was offensive. The prosecutor even-
tually decided not to pursue the case. Catholic organizations also have used the pro-
vision. In December Tadeusz Rydzyk and All-Polish Youth director Roman Giertych,
both acting on behalf of the Council for the Coordination of the Defense of the Dig-
nity of Poland and Poles, filed charges against the leftist daily Trybuna for insulting
the Pope in one of its November articles. Rydzyk and Giertych were particularly of-
fended by the characterization of the Pope as a "boorish vicar," by the reference to
one of his statements as "dirty and mumbling," and by the suggestion that he used
his position to make slanderous statements. According to one press report, the news-
paper's editor-in-chief already apologized for the article twice. The Ministry of Jus-
tice is conducting an investigation.
The State Secrets Act allows for prosecution of private citizens who have pub-
lished or otherwise betrayed state secrets. Human rights groups have criticized this
law, since it restricts the right of free speech of private citizens who have not sworn
freely to uphold state secrets.
In 1995 the Supreme Court ruled that a prosecutor or a judge, in the context of
a criminal trial, may order a journalist to divulge the name of a source. The penalty
for noncompliance is a fine of approximately $2,000 (5,000 PLN) and 1 month in
jail. In January a case was brought against Gazeta Wyborcza journalist Jerzy
1218
Jachowicz for refusing to reveal a source who had given him secret court informa-
tion regarding the Oleksy affair. Similar charges were brought against Aleksander
Checko and Karol Malcuzynski — then editors of the Zycie Warszawy — in March.
Their case has since been dismissed. A new Criminal Code scheduled to take effect
on September 1, 1998, however, regulates the protection of journalistic sources. The
new code grants news sources absolute protection, except in cases involving national
security, murder, and terrorist acts. Pursuant to the law, statutory provisions are
applied, retroactively if their terms are beneficial to the accused. Journalists who re-
fused to divulge sources prior to the new code's enactment can avoid sanctions by
invoking "journalistic privilege" after the new code's entry into force.
TTiere is no restriction on the establishment of private newspapers or distribution
of journals; private newspapers and magazines flourish. While RUCH, tlie national
network of newspaper kiosks, remains in state hands, there is no evidence that the
Government has used its control over distribution to suppress any publications.
Progress on government plans to privatize the company in 1996 slowed when the
bidmng process was reopened after having reached near completion. A civil suit ini-
tiated by the original winner of the bidding process was pending at year's end.
The National Kadio and Television Broadcasting Council (KKRiTV) has broad in-
terpretive powers in monitoring and regulating pro^amming on public radio and
television, allocating broadcasting frequencies and licenses, and apportioning sub-
scription revenues. In order to encourage the KRRiTV'S apolitical character, the
nine KRRiTV members are legally obliged to suspend any membership in political
parties or public associations. They are, however, chosen for their political alle-
giances and nominated by the Sejm, the Senate, and the President following politi-
cal bargaining, raising serious questions about the independence of broadcasting
oversight from political influence. In April, for example, SLD party member Adam
Halber was elected to the council. Five of the KRRiTV'S nine members now have
political ties to either the SLD or the PSL.
The broadcasting law stipulates that programs should not promote activities that
are illegal or against state policy, morality, or the common good. The law also re-
quires that all broadcasts "respect the religious feelings of the audiences and in par-
ticular respect the Christian system of values." The law, however, does not fully de-
fine the term "Christian values." The Constitutional Tribunal has confirmed the
constitutionality of this provision. Since the KRRiTV has the ultimate responsibility
for supervising the content of programs, these restrictions could be used as a means
of censorship if enforced, but they were not in 1997. The penalty for violating this
provision of the law is a fine of up to 50 percent of the annual fee for the trans-
mission frequency or suspension of the broadcaster's license.
Private television broadcasters operate on frequencies selected by the Ministry of
Communications and auctioned by the KRRiTV. The first auction in 1994 gave
Polsat Corporation and some smaller local and religious stations licenses to broad-
cast. In February additional licenses were m-antea to TVN and Nasza Telewizja.
TVN began broadcasting in October while Nasza Telewizja is expected to begin
transmissions in January 1998. Private radio flourishes on the local, regional, and
national levels alongside public radio. A new radio station, Radio Trefl, began broad-
casting in September.
The Government owns the two largest television channels and many local sta-
tions, as well as five national radio networks. PAP, the national wire service, was
partially privatized in December. Former Reuters journalist Robert Bogdanski heads
a five-member supervisory board that has 2 years in which to prepare the service
for full privatization. Although public television remains the largest source of news
and information, satellite television and private cable services (domestic and for-
eign) are widely available. Cable services carry the main public channels, Polsat,
local and regional stations, and a variety of foreign stations.
The law on radio and television requires public television to provide direct media
access to the main state organs, including the presidency, "to make presentations
or explanations of public policy." The Government sometimes complains of a lack of
attention to its point of view, particularly that of the President and Prime Minister,
but there is a history of charge and counter-charge. Both public and private radio
and television provide coverage of all ranges of political opinion. Nevertheless, politi-
cal patronage in filling key positions continues to threaten the professional credibil-
ity of public television, still the most influential broadcast media.
Government or partisan efforts to exert influence in public television were gen-
erally more indirect: it is unclear what the effect, if any, has been on programming.
In March, for example, Jacek Bochenek, then Television Information Agency (TAI)
programming chair, transferred under pressure to a correspondent position in Brus-
sels. The head of the main television news program also acquiesced to a lateral
move, although his replacement is regarded as a neutral professional. The
1219
KRRiTVS August 7 election of new supervisory boards for public radio (PR) and
public television (TVP), intermediary booies between the KRRiTV and the respective
managing boards, was clearly political. Seven of the nine positions on both boards
are now occupied by persons from either the SLD or the PSL. The remaining two
members of tne TVP supervisory board, Marek Zdrojewski of the Solidarity Elec-
toral Action (AWS) and Woiciech Marczewski of the Freedom Union (UW), resigned
their positions in protest. They were replaced in November by Lech Jaworski, sup-
portea by the right, and Marcin Krzyzanowski, supported by the Freedom Union
(UW). The final composition of the new boards led KRRiTV chairman Boleslaw
Sulik to declare August 7 a "black day" for the public media in Poland.
Evidence of overt political tampering in public broadcasting remains scarce, and
watchdog organizations are alert to expose quickly any such tampering. There was
one incident in which the CJovemment sought to influence media reporting. In
March government press spokeswoman Aleksandra Jakubowska accused public tele-
vision's news desk of manipulating its coverage of a protest by Solidarity members
that had occurred at the Treasury Ministry building days before. The incident was
filmed by the police, but public television cameramen were not allowed to enter the
building. The day after the event, the government press office supplied a 6-minute
videocassette with police footage to both public television and a private station. Pub-
lic television broadcast the tape, but edited out several minutes from its broadcast.
Jakubowska complained of "deliberate misinformation of the public by showing a
distorted picture of the developments." Jacek Snopkiewicz, the recently appointed
head of TvP news, countered that the 6-minute tape itself presented a distorted
view of the events and accused Jakubowska of attempting to exert pressure on pub-
lic media.
Books expressing a wide range of political and social viewpoints are widely avail-
able, as are foreign periodicals and other publications from abroad.
In August billboards that carried the message "Stay cool. It's O.K. Condoms pre-
vent AIDS" were taken down in several towns and small cities throughout the coun-
try under public pressure. The billboards, which were intended as a public service
campaign against AIDS, pictured a black and white drawing of a man's hand in tiie
"thumbs up position. The man's up-stretched thumb sported a bright pink condom.
Those objecting to the advertisements purported to do so on scientific grounds,
claiming that the advertisement suggested that condoms were a sure way to prevent
AIDS when studies have shown that they are not 100 percent reliable. In March
complaints were filed with both the Warsaw prosecutor's and the Krakow prosecu-
tor's offices in connection with a billboard advertising the American film "The Peo-
ple vs. Larry Flynt." The complaints argued that the billboards offended religious
sentiment. The advertisement pictured a drawing of a man, his arms and legs out-
stretched in a crucifixion position, superimposed on a larger drawing of a woman's
lower half. The Krakow prosecutor is pursuing an investigation.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for freedom
of assembly, and the (jovemment generally respects this right in practice. Permits
are not necessary for public meetings but are required for public demonstrations;
demonstration oi^anizers must obtain these permits from local authorities if the
demonstration might block a public road. For large demonstrations, organizers are
also reqpiired to inform the local police of the time and place of their activities and
their planned route. Every gathering must have a chairman who is required to open
the demonstration, preside over it, and close it.
In March city authorities for the first time in years denied the Solidarity trade
union permission to demonstrate along a central thoroughfare traditionally used for
labor protests. Marchers determined to proceed along their usual demonstration
route then clashed with police cordons that blocked the way.
The law provides for freedom of association, and the Government generally re-
spects this right in practice. Private associations need governmental approval to or-
ganize and must register with their district court. Tlie procedure essentially re-
quires the organization to sign a declaration to abide by tne law. In practice, how-
ever, the procedure itself is complicated and may be subject to the discretion of the
judge in charge.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
(jrovemment respects this right in practice. Citizens enjoy the freedom to practice
any faith they choose. Religious groups may organize, select and train personnel, so-
licit and receive contributions, publisn, and engage in consultations without govern-
ment interference. There are no government restrictions on establishing and main-
taining places of worship. More than 95 percent of Poles are Roman (Jatholic, but
Eastern Orthodox, Greek Catholic, and much smaller Protestant, Jewish, and Mus-
lim congregations meet freely. Although the Constitution provides for the separation
1220
of church and state, state-run radio broadcasts Catholic mass on Sundays. The
Catholic Church is authorized to relicense radio and television stations to operate
on frequencies assigned to the Church, the only body outside the KRRiTV allowed
to do so.
The Ombudsman continued his investigation into the human ri^ts implications
of the "Soldier's Prayer Book," a 1995 book authored by General Kazimierz
Tomaszewski, chief of the Warsaw Military District. The book states that members
of a special honor guard who do not take part in military mass are considered to
be disobeying orders. While this publication does not constitute law, it bears the
same weight.
Although the new Constitution gives parents the right to bring up their children
in compliance with their own religious and philosophical beliefs, religious education
classes continue to be taught in the public schools at public expense. While children
are supposed to have the choice between religious instruction and ethics, the Om-
budsman's oflice states that in most schools ethics courses are not offered due to
financial constraints. Although Catholic Church representatives teach the vast ma-
jority of religious classes in the schools, parents can request religious classes in any
of the religions legally registered, including Protestant, Orthodox, and Jewish reli-
gious instruction. Such non-Catholic religious instruction exists in practice, and the
instructors are paid by the Ministry of Education. The joint State-Episcopate Com-
mission announced in 1996 that priests would receive salaries from the state budget
for teaching religion in public schools; payment of such salaries began in September.
Church representatives are included on a commission that determines whether
books qualify for school use.
A government-proposed resolution on ratification of the Concordat, a treaty regu-
lating relations between the Government and the Vatican signed in 1993, as well
as a number of Concordat-related bills, remained under consideration in the Sejm
at year's end. Critics of the Concordat have called for legislation requiring the
Church to register all church marriages with civil authorities and forbidding the
church from denying burial to non-Catholics in cemeteries that it controls.
In August the Senate rejected an amendment to the Law on Education that
banned grades in religion from appearing on school report cards. Proponents of the
amendment argued that knowledge of a student's attendance or lack of attendance
in religion courses could be cause for discrimination when a graduate applied to a
university or undertakes employment. The bill, which also limited religious instruc-
tion in kindergartens, was returned to the Sejm for further action.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^Although the Constitution does not address freedom of movement, the
Government does not restrict internal or foreign travel. Citizens who leave Poland
have no trouble returning. There are no restrictions on emigration.
The Government generally cooperates with the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. There are no reports of forced repatriation of those having a valid claim to
refugee status. Foreigners recognized as refugees under the 1951 U.N. Convention
Relating to the Status of Refugees are granted full refugee status and permission
to remain permanently. According to UNHCR figures, approximately 2,900 individ-
uals applied for refugee status during the first three quarters of 1997. Of the 4,000
applications awaiting decision (including the 1,100 applications carried over from
1996), 121 were approved and 404 were denied, while 2,349 were discontinued due
to the applicant's failure to appear for a hearing. The remaining cases are pending.
In September the President signed a new law on immigration, which human
rights organizations generally view as a positive development. Initiated 2 years ago,
the new law gives all prospective refugees access to a procedure for adjudicating ref-
ugee status and establishes an independent council to which prospective refugees
can appeal negative status decisions by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The law
does not recognize the concept of first asylum or any other form of temporary protec-
tion.
Although some observers have criticized the authorities for using deportation cen-
ters in lieu of refugee centers (when the latter are full), as well as for long delays
in the initial review of refugee status applications, the Government cites a lack of
resources as a major cause of the problems. Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs
Katarzyna Piekarska admitted in April that the time taken to review refugee status
applications was too long. She noted, however, that only nine people were reviewing
several thousand applications.
1221
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right and ability to change their government peacefully. This
right is provided for in the Constitution and exists in practice. Poland is a
multiparty democracy in which all citizens 18 years of age and older have the right
to vote and to cast secret ballots.
Executive power is divided between the President and a government chosen by
the Sejm, or lower house of Parliament. There is also an upper house (the Senate).
The Constitution provides for parliamentary elections at least every 4 years. The
President, elected for 5 years, has the right to dissolve Parliament following a vote
of no confidence or when Parliament fails to pass a budget within 3 months after
the government submits it. Parliament may impeach the President. The electoral
law exempts ethnic minority parties from the requirement to win 5 percent of the
vote nationwide in order to qualify for seats in individual districts.
A permanent, democratic Constitution was passed by the Sejm in April and ap-
proved in a nationwide referendum on May 25. The new document came into force
on October 16. The interim Constitution consisted of the "Small Constitution" of
1992, governing the structure of government, and several sections of the 1952 Com-
munist-era Constitution, including a Bill of Rights. The latter includes so-called eco-
nomic rights.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. Only 13 percent of par-
liamentarians are women while only 3 of the 23 cabinet ministers are women. The
Speaker of the Senate is the only female parliamentary leader, while none of the
leaders of the nation's largest political parties are women. Prime Minister
Wlodzimierz Cimoszewicz chose a team of 40 advisers early in 1996, which included
only 2 women.
Two members of the German Minority Party are members of Parliament.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing tneir findings on human rights cases. Government officials
are generally cooperative and responsive to their views.
The Helsinki Committee, a major nongovernmental organization (NGO), con-
ducted human rights investigations without government interference. Members of
the Committee report that the Government displays a generally positive and helpful
attitude towards human rights investigations. Some local NGO s, however, believe
that a hostile regulatory climate is developing in parts of the government bureauc-
racy.
the Office of the Commissioner for Civil Rights Protection (the Ombudsman), es-
tablished in 1987, is the Government's watchdog for human rights. The Ombuds-
man's office is an independent body with broad authority to investigate alleged vio-
lations of civil rights and liberties. The Ombudsman registers each r^orted case
and files grievances, where appropriate, with the relevant government office. He has
no legislative authority and is sworn to act apolitically.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race. Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The interim Constitution calls for equal rights "irrespective of sex, birth, edu-
cation, profession, nationality, race, religion, social status and origin." Other clauses
provide equal ri^ts to women and religious minorities. The new Constitution states
only that "no one shall be discriminated against in political, social or economic life
for any reason whatsoever."
Women. — Violence against women continues to be a problem, with occasional re-
ports in the press of wife beating and spousal rape. According to statistics released
by the Public Research Center in January, 9 percent of women polled admitted to
being repeatedly beaten by their husbands and another 8 percent admitted to being
sporadically beaten. Women's organizations warn, however, that the number oT
those suffering from domestic abuse is probably much higher. They explain that,
commonly, battered women refuse to admit abuse even to themselves. Government
and police statistics do not differentiate between male and female victims of vio-
lence. In addition the Government has not provided public information on the prob-
lem. Police do intervene in cases of domestic violence, and husbands can be con-
victed for beating their wives, but statistics provided by the Women's Rights Center
suggest that a large majority of convictions result in suspended sentences. In No-
vember, for example, a provincial court in Opole sentenced a man to only 2 years
in prison and a fine of $1,(X)0 (3,500 PLN) for the brutal beating death of^his wife.
1222
The court ruled that the man had not planned to kill his wife and that her death
was an unintended result of the beating.
The law has no provision for restraining orders to protect battered women against
potential abuse. Women's advocacy groups have complained about the small number
of state-supported shelters for battered women.
Trafficking in women is illegal, and two specific provisions in the Criminal Code
address this problem. Those convicted of trafficking in women or children may be
sentenced to prison for 3 to 10 years. Incidents of trafficking, however, are on the
rise. According to a recent report published by La Strada's First Central and East
European Program on Prevention of Traffic in Women, 70 cases of trafficking in
women were reported during the first 4 months of 1996. The La Strada report
noted, however, that available data on trafficking in women is only "the tip of the
iceberg." Most victims do not want to speak about their experiences out of fear or
shame, and the real scale of the crime is estimated to be at least twice the number
of reported cases. The bulk of these cases involve women induced to work as pros-
titutes in Western Europe after being promised work as domestic workers, nurses,
nannies, or teachers. The perpetrators are most oft^n the acquaintances of family
or friends, but have been known to include job agencies, talent scouts, and match-
making services. Poland also serves more and more frequently as a transit country
for the trafficking in women from other countries, particularly the former Soviet
Union. Women from this area are often forced into prostitution in Poland, then sent
on to countries within the European Union as well as Switzerland and Israel.
The problem of sexual harassment is a relatively new one, but women are increas-
ingly talking about it and speaking out against it. While laws specifically addressing
sexual harassment do not exist, social awareness is increasing, as are mechanisms
with the potential to deal with the problem. The new Criminal Code, for example,
states that whoever takes advantage of a position of power in a relationship to gain
sexual gratification may be sentenced to prison for 6 months to 5 years. According
to a Supreme Court advisory opinion, such a relationship can occur between employ-
ers and employees, between supervisors and subordinates, or between teachers and
students. This provision can only be used, however, when sexual harassment occurs
between a supervisor and an individual in a subordinate position. It may not be
used when the harassment occurs between persons of equal rank.
The Constitution provides for equal rignts regardless of sex and grants women
equal rights with men in all fields of family, political, social, and economic life, in-
cluding equal compensation for woric of similar value. In practice, however, women
are frequently paid less for equivalent work, mainly hold lower level positions, are
discharged more quickly, and are less likely to be promoted than men. Ministry of
Labor statistics indicate that 57 percent oi the unemployed were women and that
despite a generally higher level of education, women earn on average 25 percent less
than men.
Women are employed in a broad variety of professions and occupations, and a
number of women occupy high positions in Government and in the private sector.
However, legal barriers, such as clauses in social insurance law limiting child sick
care benefits to women only and mandating earlier retirement for women, encourage
discrimination in hiring. The law does not address equality in hiring practices (there
are no legal penalties for discriminatory behavior in this area), and advertisements
for jobs frequently indicate a gender preference. Although women have access to a
number of previously forbidden careers since the Labor Code was modified in 1996,
they are still prevented from working underground or in jobs that require heavy lift-
The Ombudsman for Human Rights monitors the rights of women within the
broader context of human rights. Observers note that the broad scope of the office's
mandate dilutes its ability to function as an effective advocate of women's issues.
Within the Cabinet, the ''Government Plenipotentiary for Women and the Family"
is responsible for providing relevant information to the Government as it formulates
policy. Several women's rights NGO's exist. Among the most notable are the Polish
Foundation for Women and Family Planning and the Women's Ri^ts Center. These
groups are active advocates of gender equality and advance their goals through re-
search, monitoring, and publication. Several church-sponsored women's advocacy or-
ganizations also exist, but their cooperation with other women's NGO's is limited.
No progress occurred during the year in amending the 1962 Citizenship Law,
which discriminates against women by refusing them the same right as men to
transmit citizenship to their foreign-bom spouses. In 1994 the average life span for
women was 76.8 years; it has been dropping ever since.
Children. — The Constitution extends some state protection to the family and chil-
dren and provides for the appointment of an Ombudsman for children's ri^ts. The
Ombudsman had not been appointed by year's end. Education is now mandatory
1223
until the age of 18, and public schools are free of charge. The Government sponsors
some health programs targeted specifically at children, including a vaccination pro-
Sam and periodic checkups conducted through the schools. However, budget short-
lls prevent complete implementation of these programs. The school system does
not provide health education classes for children. Some NGO's have tried to fiU this
gap: the Batory foundation set up a program to provide health education for chil-
dren by providing training and instructional materials to a group of teachers, but
a spokesperson has acknowledged that the scope of the problem far outstrips this
small program.
There are no procedures in schools to protect children from abuse by teachers; in
fact, the teachers' work code provides legal immunity from prosecution for the use
of corporal punishment in classrooms.
Prostitution among 12- and 13-year-olds is increasing, and unemployment, alco-
holism, and housing shortages have affected the quality of life of chilaren. Moreover,
there are no laws explicitly addressing violence against children or corporal punish-
ment. Abuse is rarely reported, and convictions for child abuse are even rarer. There
is no societal pattern of abuse of children. Parents have the right to make all deci-
sions concerning their children's medical treatment and education.
There is unequal treatment of young men and women in terms of the age of ma-
jority. Youths reach majority at the age of 18 under the Civil Code. However, a
young woman can reach majority at the age of 16 if she has entered into marriage
with the consent of her parents and the guardianship court. In addition, men are
not permitted to marry without parental consent until the age of 21, whereas
women may do so at the age of 18. Lawmakers' rationale for this difference in treat-
ment is the assumption that it is better that men entering compulsory military serv-
ice not be encumbered with families.
People With Disabilities. — There are approximately 4.5 million disabled persons,
and the number is expected to reach 6 million by the year 2010. In 1995 the Central
Bureau of Statistics (GUS) reported that 17 percent of disabled persons able to work
are unemployed. Advocacy groups claim that the percentage is much higher. The
latest GUS data indicate that 57.3 percent of the disabled have ho more than an
elementary education, compared witn 30 percent of those without disabilities and
that only 3.5 percent have a university education, compared with 7.7 percent of the
nondisabled.
The Constitution provides for aid to disabled persons "to ensure their subsistence,
professional training, and social communication," and a number of laws protect the
rights of people with disabilities. Implementation, however, falls short of rights set
forth in the legislation. Public buildings and transportation are generally not acces-
sible to people with disabilities; the law provides only that such buildings "should
be accessible." The National Museum in Warsaw became the first museum to be
adapted to the needs of disabled visitors during the year.
The law creates a state fund for the rehabilitation of the disabled that derives its
assets from a tax on employers of over 50 persons, unless 6 percent of the employ-
er's work force are disabled persons. While the fund has adequate resources, its
management has been fraught with difficulties, including frequent changes in lead-
ership. According to press reports, the fund has 4,000 grant applications pending.
In addition, the mnd oy law cannot be used to assist disabled children, that is, per-
sons under 16 years of age.
A 1996 law that took effect in September allows individuals from certain disability
groups to take up gainful employment without the risk of losing their disability ben-
efits. Previously, disabled individuals from those groups lost their benefits once they
began to work.
Religious Minorities. — Current law places Protestant, Catholic, Orthodox, and
Jewish religions on the same legal footing.
The Sejm on February 20 passed a law on Jewish communal property restitution
to allow the local Jewish community to submit claims for property owned prior to
World War II. Possible communal property claims include synagogues, cemeteries,
and Jewish community headquarters, as well as buildings that were used for other
religious, educational, or charitable activities. However, the law does not address
the private property of any group or Jewish communal properties to which third
parties now nave title, leaving several controversial and complicated issues unre-
solved.
In February an arsonist set fire to the vestibule of the Nozyk synagogue in War-
saw by throwing an incendiary device through the window over the former main en-
trance. Both the vestibule and the door leading to the synagogue's main hall were
gutted. One person who had been sleeping in a nearby apartment was treated for
smoke inhalation, but there were no otner injuries. Ofiicials quickly condemned Uie
attack as "an act of barbarism." In a statement issued that day, President
45-909 98 - 40
1224
Aleksander Kwasniewski emphasized that %he Polish people and state authorities
condemn aU acts of racism, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia." A memorial service
held in the Warsaw synagogue that evening was well attended by individuals of sev-
eral faiths. No arrests have oeen made.
In March vandals broke some windows at a Jewish cultural center in Zary, and
in May vandals defaced a memorial at a Jewish cemetery in Staszow with swastikas
and the German phrase "Juden Raus" (Jews out). The memorial had been unveiled
just a week earlier. Although the police were initially unable to identify the per-
petrators, increased international pressure ultimately led to the arrest of two youths
who are members of "The Historical Society," a local skinhead group. The press
early in the year reported tombstone defacings in the Jewish cemeteries of Legnica
and Proszowice, as well as similar defacings in three Catholic cemeteries and one
Catholic church during the same time period.
In January the Gdansk prosecutor reinstated charges against controversial priest
Henryk Jankowski for an allegedly anti-Semitic sermon that he gave in June 1995.
The charges had previously been dropped twice. Responding to the latest indict-
ment, Jankowski commented that the Jewish minority was ruling the country and
complained that he should have the right to express himself freely. "I have nothing
against Jews," he said, "but when it comes to those who are involved in this, one
should not tolerate such a situation." Under an arrangement with the prosecutor,
Jankowski was sentenced to 2 years' probation and fined approximately $300 (1,000
PLN) in connection with these charges in March.
In November Father Jankowski made headlines again when Gdansk Archbishop
Tadeusz Goclowski suspended him from his position as pastor of St. Brigittes
church for 1 year as punishment for using his pulpit to make political remarks. The
suspension followed oirectly a sermon Jankowski delivered during which he warned
against the presence of Jews in the (jovemment. Jankowski was allowed, however,
to live in his parish house and to serve as assistant chaplain. In separate interviews
given shortly after his suspension, both Goclowski ana Cardinal Jozef Glemp em-
Shasized that Jankowski was punished for expressing political views that should not
e expressed in church, while denying charges that Jankowski was an anti-Semite.
Approximately a week after Jankowski's October sermon, a 14-year-old Jewish
boy was beaten up and kicked into the street in Gdansk by a 17-year-old skinhead.
The assault was widely believed to be motivated by anti-Semitism. While the
attacker was released after questioning, indictments in the case are expected in
1998. The prosecutor's investigation is pending. The victim's father, a Gdansk rabbi,
is convinced that Jankowski contributed to the attack through his sermon.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The law provides for the educational rights
of ethnic minorities, including the right to be taught in their own language. Poland's
bilateral treaties with Germany and Belarus contain provisions relating to the
rights of those national minorities, and human rights groups have described these
provisions as "close to ideal." A program was initiated during the 1996-97 school
year to teach Lithuanian to pupils of Lithuanian descent in 12 schools in north-
eastern Poland. Some 4,0(X) students began learning Belanisian in the Bialystok re-
gion in 1996.
In 1996 a Greek Catholic cupola was torn down in Przemysl, reportedly for safety
reasons but without the consent of the city's Ukrainian Greek Catholic minority.
The event fueled ongoing tension between the Roman Catholic majority and the
Ukrainian minority there. In June Ukrainian community leaders in Przemysl com-
plained that authorities there unnecessarily delayed permission to use a city sta-
dium for a Ukrainian cultural festival. The city eventually granted permission 10
days before the event, and the festival took place without incident.
The Romani community, numbering around 40,000, faced disproportionately high
unemployment and was harder hit oy economic changes and restructuring than
were ethnic Poles, according to its leaders. The national (jovemment does not overt-
ly discriminate against Roma; however, some local officials have been known to dis-
criminate by not providing services in a timely manner or at all. Some schools have
experimented witn separate special classes for Romani children, stating that be-
cause of economic disadvantage, language barriers, and parental illiteracy, Romani
chil<^n are behind their non-Romani counterparts when starting school. One teach-
er in the province of Nowy Sacz referred to Komani students in her classroom as
"retarded" when speaking to a group of Romani advocates.
Individuals of African, Asian, or Arab descent continue to experience occasional
verbal abuse or other types of aggression.
In September the registry department of the Katowice provincial court began its
consideration of the Silesian registration issue. A small number of Silesians in this
area have sought to register themselves as a national minority. The Katowice pro-
vincial office has opposed their registration on the grounds that Silesians do not
1225
constitute a separate nation. Official registration would allow representatives of the
Association of the Population of Silesian Nationality, as the group calls itself, to run
for Parliament under the preferences accorded national minorities under electoral
law.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law provides that aU civilian workers, as well
as military employees, police, and frontier guards, have the right to establish and
join trade unions of their own choosing. Unions also have the right to join labor fed-
erations and confederations and to amliate with international labor organizations.
Independent labor leaders reported that these rights were largely observed in prac-
tice.
The law sets minimum size requirements for establishing a trade union: 10 per-
sons may form a local union, and 30 may establish a national union. Unions, includ-
ing interbranch national unions and national interb ranch federations, must be reg-
istered with the courts. A court decision refusing registration may be appealed to
a hi^er court. In 1997 the number of registered national-level unions rose to 350
from 318. No precise data exists on work force unionization, but some estimates put
membership at some 40 percent of state/public sector employees, with the figure at
about 5 percent in the private sector. As a rule, newly established small- and me-
dium-sized firms were nonunion, while union activity in most cases carried over into
erivatized (former state-owned) enterprises. The Independent Self-governing Trade
^nion (NSZZ) Solidarity has a verified, regular dues-paying membership of about
1.4 million. Small spin-offs from mainstream Solidarity include the rival factions
Solidarity '80, August '80 and Christian Trade Union Solidarity (Popieluszko). There
are no reliable estimates of their membership.
The other principal national unions are those affiliated with the All-Poland Trade
Union Alliance (OPZZ), the Communist-inspired confederation established in 1984
as the sole legal alternative to then-repressed NSZZ Solidarity, and its teachers' af-
filiate, the Polish Union of Teachers (ZNP). The OPZZ reports that its membership
has dropped by more than 50 percent in recent years to about 3 million, but this
figure is unverified, and independent sociological surveys suggest that its regular
dues-paying membership may be similar to or less than Solidarity's.
The law on collective bargaining, in force since 1994, does not require union mem-
bership figures to be verified or based on dues-paying members in order for unions
to be considered "representative" negotiating partners for management and govern-
ment. Solidarity protested some unions' (largely OPZZ affiliates) participation in ne-
gotiations with the Government on the grounds that their memoership figures re-
main unproven.
In 1997 there was some movement in the long-running dispute between the OPZZ
and Solidarity over Communist-era trade union property administered by the OPZZ.
In June the Ministry of Labor divided 12 properties between Solidarity and the
OPZZ. These had belonged to the Communist-era trade union organization Associa-
tion of Trade Unions/Central Council of Trade Unions (ZZZ/CRZZ) until 1984, aRer
which the OPZZ administered them. Solidarity charged that the OPZZ received the
choicest properties, including the former headquarters building located in downtown
Warsaw. In July President Kwasniewski signed a bill that transferred as many as
400 properties (the exact number is still unknown) in the nationwide 'TWP' holiday
home system (workers' vacation houses/hotels) to a new limited liability company
controlled entirely by the OPZZ. Solidarity announced that it would challenge this
law in the Constitutional Tribunal. The ownership and future of scores of other
trade union assets belonging to branch unions remain under dispute. The continuing
dispute over assets remains a major reason behind International Confederation oT
Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and European Trade Union confederation (ETUC) un-
willingness to affiliate the OPZZ.
Most trade unions were active in politics at all levels. Scores of union activists
were parliamentarians and several became senior government officials. During the
1993-97 Sejm term that ended in September, more than two-thirds of the 169 depu-
ties of the governing SLD were or had been OPZZ members. Of these OPZZ formally
sponsored 63 as "trade union deputies," but many left the OPZZ during the term
and ran on the Social Democracy of the Republic oi Poland (SdRP) ticket m the Sep-
tember elections. The number of OPZZ deputies fell to 42 after the elections, about
one-quarter of the 164-member SLD caucus.
Solidarity had a 13-member caucus in the Senate during the 1993-1997 term and
became even more involved in politics following the union s decision to enter the fall
1997 parliamentary elections via Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS), a union-bro-
kered coalition of some 35 center-ri^t political groups. On the AWS ticket 216 Soli-
darity activists ran for Parliament (representing about 28 percent of all AWS can-
1226
didates), and 62 were elected (representing almost one-third of the 200 AWS seats).
The trade union Kontra, the labor wing oi the Confederation of Independent Poland
(KPN), was represented in the 1993-1997 Parliament, and several oi its leaders ran
again on the AWS ticket but failed to win any seats.
Unions have the right to strike except in "essential services." However, labor lead-
ers charge that the 1991 Act on Collective Dispute Resolution prescribes an overly
lengthy process before a strike may be called. Employers consider the law too le-
nient, since it allows only one-quarter of the work lorce to vote to call a strike. As
a result, as many as 60 to 90 percent of strikes called in recent years have been
technically "illegal" because one or both of the sides did not follow each step exactly
as required by Taw. Labor courts act slowly on deciding the legality of strikes while
sanctions against unions for calling illegal strikes, or against employers for provok-
ing them, are minimal. Arbitration is not obligatory and depends on the will of dis-
puting parties. Unions charge that laws prohibiting retribution against strikers tire
not consistently enforced and that fines imposed as punishment are so minimal that
they are ineffective deterrents to illegal activity. Workers who strike in accordance
witn the law retain their right to social insurance but not pay. If a court rules a
strike "illegal," however, workers may lose social benefits, and organizers are liable
for damages and may face civil charges and fines.
The number of strikes continued to fall (30 as of September, down from a high
of several thousand per year in the early 1990's). The social peirtners (unions, em-
ployers, and the Government) continued to work out ambiguities in dispute resolu-
tion mechanisms in the new Labor Code, which went into effect on June 1, 1996,
and which represent a major overhaul of Communist-era labor regulations.
Solidarity is a full member of the ICFTU, the World Confederation of Labor, and
the ETUC.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^The 1991 Law on Trade
Unions sought to create a favorable environment for trade union activity.
Labor leaders, however, report that the 1991 law has not prevented employers
from discriminating against workers who attempt to organize or join unions, par-
ticularly in the growing private sector. The law also has not prevented employer
harassment of union memoers for their labor activity.
The 1991 law provides for parties to take disputes first to labor courts, then to
the prosecutor general, and, in the last resort, to the Supreme Court. In a typical
year. Solidarity takes several thousand cases to labor courts, several hundred to the
prosecutor general, and dozens to the Supreme Court for resolution. In an over-
whelming majority of these cases, the courts ordered employers to correct practices
or reinstate dismissed workers or unions to reimburse employers for activity found
to be illegal. Penalties, however, are minimal and are not an effective deterrent.
Enterprise-level collective bargaining over wages and woricing conditions increas-
ingly characterized the labor relations system. Labor and management are adapting
their relationship to the demands of a market economy, but experience in modem
labor relations is still in its early stages. Many enterprises rolled over agreements
concluded in early years.
Since its formation in early 1994, the Tripartite Commission (unions, employers.
Government), chaired by Labor Minister Longin Komolowski, has become the main
forum that determines national-level wage and benefit increases in such politically
sensitive areas as the so-called budget sector (health, education, and public employ-
ees), while rendering opinions on pension indexation, energy pricing, and other im-
portant aspects of social policy. Tne Commission serves as an important forum by
which the social partners air differences, discuss grievances, and often negotiate
agreements before problems erupt into social conflict.
Many disputes arose because of the weakness of the employer side of the union/
employer/(5ovemment triangle. Key state sector employers (largely in heavy indus-
try and the budget sector) still were unable to negotiate independently with orga-
nized labor without the extensive involvement of central government ministries to
which they are subordinate, although the Grovernment repeatedly stated its inten-
tion not to be drawn into labor disputes. This complicatea and politicized the Gov-
ernment's new labor relations paradigm.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Compulsory labor does not exist,
except for prisoners convicted of criminal offenses, and is otherwise prohibited by
law, including by children. There were no reports of forced or compulsory labor by
children.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
contains strict legal prescriptions about the conditions in which children may work.
The Labor Code forbids the employment of persons under the age of 15. Those be-
tween the ages of 15 and 18 may be employed only if they have completed primary
1227
school and if the proposed employment constitutes vocational training and is not
harmful to their health. The age floor rises to 18 if a particular job might pose a
health danger.
Child labor is not a problem, although the state Labor Inspectorate reported that
increasing numbers oi minors now work and that many employers violate labor
rules in employing them (by underpaying workers, paying them late, etc.). Inspec-
tors found violations on stud farms, in restaurants, and, in some instances, in small
private sector businesses and factories.
The law prohibits forced and bonded child labor, and the Government enforces
this prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Ministry of Labor, the unions, and employ-
ers' organizations negotiate a revised national minimum wage every 3 months. The
minimum monthly wage for employees in state-owned enterprises is approximately
$150 (450 PLN). While this represented a real increase over 1996, it was insufficient
to provide a worker and family with a decent standard of living in view of rapidly
rising prices. A large percentage of construction workers and seasonal agricultural
laborers from the former Soviet Union earn less than the minimum wage. The large
size of the informal economy and the small number of state labor inspectors make
enforcement of the minimum wage very difficult. As long as unemployment remains
high, workers often agree to inferior working conditions and lower pay in order to
obtain or keep their jobs.
The standard legal workweek is 42 hours, which allows 6 or 7 hour days, includ-
ing at least one 24-hour rest period. The law requires overtime payment for hours
in excess of the standard workweek. The new Labor Code defines minimum condi-
tions for the protection of workers' health and safety. Provisions are strict and ex-
tensive, and trade unions have the right to stop production or extract a worker from
dangerous woricing conditions without jeopardy to continued employment (there
were reports that such fears prompt some tc stay). Enforcement, however, is a major
problem, because the state Labor Inspectorate is unable to monitor the state sector
sufficiently, or the private sector, wnsre a growing percentage of accidents take
place. In addition, there is a lack of clarity concerning which govenmient or legisla-
tive body has responsibility for enforcing the law.
Of the 117,119 work -related accidents reported during 1996, 647 involved deaths,
slightly more than in 1995. This represents roughly 10 accidents per 1,000 workers,
slightly more than in 1995. GUS reported that most accidents were in the public
sector, while most serious accidents were in the private sector, where proportionally
more deaths also occurred. Solidarity contends that the problem lies not in the law,
which establishes safe standards, but in enforcement, as employer sanctions for ille-
gal behavior are minimal. Standards for exposure to chemicals, dust, and noise are
routinely exceeded.
PORTUGAL
The Portupaese Republic is a constitutional democracy with a President, an inde-
pendent judiciary, a Prime Minister, and a Legislative Assembly freely elected by
secret ballot in multiparty elections. ^
Internal security is primarily the responsibility of the Ministries of Justice and
Internal Administration. Security forces are controlled by, and responsive to, the
Government.
Portugal has a market-based economy and is a member of the European Union.
An increasing proportion of the labor force is employed in services, whUe employ-
ment in agriculture continues to decline and has been static or declining slightly in
the industrial sector.
Citizens enjoy a broad range of civil and other human rights, which the Govern-
ment generally respects. Civil rights are outlined in the Constitution with specific
reference to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The principal human
rights problem is the occasional beating of detainees or prisoners by police or prison
personnel. Credible although infrequent repwrts of this problem continued, as did re-
ports of f)oor conditions in prisons. Violence against women, child labor, and dis-
crimination against Roma are problems.
^A separate report on Macau, recognized by both China and Portugal as Chinese territory
under Portuguese administration, follows this report.
1228
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
A Public Security Police officer in the city of Evora was detained in December
1996 after fatally snooting a suspected burglar at the time of arrest. The police offi-
cer's apprehension and his subsequent beating at the hands of inmates were pro-
tested tv police across the country. These events led to the dismissal of the head
of the FHiblic Security Police for failing to maintain discipline and to the appoint-
ment in January of the first nonmilitary chief of that oi^anization. The inspector
general of the Interior Ministry is investigating the suspicious deaths of two other
detainees in late 1996.
The trial of a National Republican Guard (GNR) officer, Fernando Alexio dos
Santos, who confessed to the highly publicized 1996 killing and decapitation of a de-
tainee, resulted in a sentence in December of 17 years in prison. Another GNR
member who was present at the killing was sentenced to 6 years in prison, and a
third soldier received a 5-year suspended sentence. Four other accused GNR mem-
bers were found innocent.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution forbids torture, inhuman or de^prading treatment or punishment,
and the use of evidence obtained under torture in criminal proceedings. An inde-
pendent Ombudsman, chosen by the Legislative Assembly (parliament), investigates
complaints of mistreatment by police and prison authorities. The police inspector
general conducts internal investigations in cases of alleged mistreatment.
In December 1996, delegates from Amnesty International (AI) met with the F'resi-
dent 8md with senior government ministers to discuss continuing mistreatment of
detainees by the police. AI and the Council of Europe's Committee for the Preven-
tion of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment cite kicking,
punching, and beating with truncheons or other blunt objects as the most common
forms of mistreatment. Both organizations were critical of the slow pace of inves-
tigations into allegations of mistreatment. According to civil rights groups, the vic-
tims of abuse are often African immigrants and other non -Europeans.
However, the inspector general of the Interior Ministry released a report in No-
vember citing improvements in the treatment of detainees by the police. In 200 sur-
prise visits to jails and prisons by inspectors, no recent cases of police violence were
uncovered. The report added that "this is the opposite of 1996, one of the worst
years for police brutality. . . ." Police officers receive training in human rights and
proper investigative procedure.
Trie 1996 case of a magistrate who claimed to be mistreated by the GNR ended
with the magistrate's dismissal from his position and his conviction on charges of
drunk driving and assault of a police officer, for which he was fined.
TTie case of Paulo Portugal of Almada, who brought charges against six GNR offi-
cers for alleged brutality in 1991, was finally resolved in 1996, when the iudge ruled
in May that all charges — including counterenarges by the GNR officers — be otopped.
Rison conditions are poor. The Council of Europe Committee and the national di-
rector of prisons identified overcrowding as the main problem, which the Govern-
ment plans to remedy through a combination of new prisons and the increased use
of noncustodial penalties. A 1996 report by the independent Ombudsman identified
sanitary conditions, medical care, security, and food quality as problem areas. Pris-
oners complain of insufficient heating during the cool, wet winters.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors. Human rights
organizations report no difficulties in gaining access to inmates at detention facili-
ties.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Under the law, an investigating judge de-
termines whether an arrested person should be detained, released on bail, or re-
leased outright. Persons may not be held more than 48 hours without appearing be-
fore an investigating judge. Investigative detention is limited to a maximum of 6
months for each suspected crime. If a formal charge has not been filed within that
period, the detainee must be released. In cases of serious crimes, for example, mur-
der or armed robbery, or of more than one suspect, investigative detention may last
for up to 2 years and may be extended by a judge to 3 years in extraordinary cir-
cumstances. A suspect in investigative detention must be brought to trial within 18
months of being formally charged. If a suspect is not in detention, there is no speci-
fied period for going to trial. A detainee has access to lawyers; the State assumes
the cost if necessary.
Exile is illegal and is not practiced.
1229
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The judiciary is independent and impartial. The
court system, laid out in the Constitution, consists of a Constitutional Court, a Su-
preme Court of Justice, and judicial courts of first and second instance. There is also
a supreme court of administration, which deals with administrative and tax dis-
putes, and which is supported by lower administrative courts. An audit court is in
the Ministry of Finance.
All trials are public except those which may offend the dignity of the victim, such
as in cases of sexual abuse of children. The accused is presumed innocent. In trials
for serious crimes, a panel of three judges presides. For lesser crimes, a single judge
presides. At the request of the accused, a jury may be used in trials for major
crimes; in practice, requests for jury trials are extremely rare.
The judicial system provides citizens with a fair legal process. It has been much
criticized, however, for a large backlog of pending trials resulting from inefficient
functioning of the courts.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution forbids such practices, and the Government respects these provisions
in practice. Violations are subject to effective legal sanctions.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Freedom of speech and the press is provided
for in the Constitution, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An
independent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political sys-
tem combine to ensure freedom of speech and the press, including academic free-
dom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the authorities generally respect these provisions.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects these rights in practice. Although the overwhelming majority
of citizens are Roman Catholic, the President underscored the importance of reli-
gious tolerance and diversity through such gestures as attending in March the open-
ing of an Ismailite center in Lisbon.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution and laws provide for these rights, and the Govern-
ment respects them in practice.
The Government cooperates with the United Nations High Commissioner for Ref-
ugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. Persons who
qualify as refugees are entitled to residence permits. The issue of first asylum did
not arise in 1997. There were no reports of forced expulsions of persons having a
valid claim to refugee status.
However, the Government almost never rules that an asylum seeker has a "valid"
claim. During 1997, 220 {>9rsons filed for asylum, most of them from Zaire, Liberia,
and Sierra Leone, and none were found to have valid claims. Persons arriving at
the airport were returned either to their country of origin or to the country from
which their flints originated. Persons already in the country were given 15 days
to depart voluntarily. Of these, most remained in the country clandestinely.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Poitugal is a multiparty, parliamentary democracy. The Constitution provides
citizens with the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercise
this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections on the basis of univer-
sal suffrage.
Women and minorities have full political rights. Women head 2 of 17 ministries:
Health and Environment. Women are represented in all major political parties but
constitute only 13 percent of the deputies in the legislature, where 3 of the 15 com-
mittees are chaired by women. Race is rarely an issue in politics. Persons of minor-
ity origin have achieved prominence in politics.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of local and international groups operate freely, investigating and pub-
lishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials are generally co-
operative, although most groups complain of slow investigations or remedial actions.
1230
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution forbids discrimination based on ancestry, sex, race, language, or-
igin, religion, political or ideological convictions, education, economic situation, or
social condition, and the Government enforces these prohibitions.
Women. — Domestic and other violence against women is reportedly a common but
hidden problem for which few seek legal recourse. The Portuguese Association for
the Support of Victims received 400 calls for assistance during 1996. With greater
f)ublicity and a new toll-free telephone line, over 700 women sou^t help or shelter
rom the Association in 1997. The law provides for criminal penalties in cases of vio-
lence by a spouse. However, traditional societal attitudes discourage many battered
women from recourse to the judicial system.
In March the Government enacted the "Global Plan for Equal Opportunity," which
is aimed at improving social, political, and workplace conditions for women. The
new law also addresses violence against women and provides funds for new women's
shelters, a hot line for battered women, and training for police officials. The Govern-
ment's high commissioner for the promotion of equality and of the family conducted
an awareness campaign to raise the profile of domestic abuse. A subsidiary organi-
zation, the Commission on Equality and the Rights of Women, initiated a program
in Lisbon to provide free legal advice to victims of abuse. The judicial system snows
no apparent reluctance to prosecute suspects accused of abusing women.
In March a special parliamentary session was held to discuss the problem of traf-
ficking in women. Speakers noted that trafficking involves both Portuguese women
being taken abroad, usually to Spain, and foreign women being brourfit into Por-
tugal. Press reports indicate that about half of the women in organizedprostitution
rings are foreign nationals, usually from Latin America or central Ehirope. The
deaths of eight women in an arson attack on a nightclub by a rival nightclub owner
focused public attention on the problem. Prostitution is closely linked to other types
of organized crime, especially international narcotics trafficking. Specific legislation
prohibits forced prostitution and trafficking in human beings. 'The Nest, a non-
governmental organization, operates economic and social recovery programs for
prostitutes.
The Civil Code provides for full legal equality for women. Sexual harassment, an
issue gaining public attention, is covered in the Penal Code as a sex crime, but only
if perpetrated by a superior and in the workplace. As in the case of violence, socially
ingrained attitudes discourage many women from taking advantage of their legal
protection.
The Commission on Equality in the Workplace and in Employment, made up of
representatives of the Government, employers' organizations, and labor unions, is
empowered to examine complaints of sexual harassment but receives few. It does
review numerous complaints of discrimination by employers against pregnant work-
ers and new mothers, who are protected by law.
Women are increasingly represented in universities, business, science, and the
professions. Traditional attitudes of male dominance persist but are changing gradu-
ally.
Children. — ^Nine years of education are compulsory. A study by the European
Commission indicated that only 50 percent of children receive preschool education,
compared with at least 75 percent m most European Union countries. To counter
this problem, the Ministry of Education instituted a pilot project on early childhood
education in the Algarve region. The Ministry plans to expand the program to the
national level, if it proves successful during the 1997 school year. The Government's
goal is to provide preschool education for ^ to 70 percent of 3- and 4-year-olds and
90 percent of 5-year-olds by the year 2000.
The National Children's Rights Commission was inaugurated in January with the
mission of iniplementing the principles of the International Convention on the
Rights of the Child. The Commission operates under the ae^s of the High Commis-
sioner for the Promotion of Equality and of the Family and includes representatives
from the Ministries of Justice, Health, Education, and Solidarity, as well as from
leading nongovernmental organizations. The quasi-independent Institute for the
Support of Cnildren organized a network of 48 nongovernmental organizations dedi-
cated to helping at-risk youth. The University of Minho's Institute for the Study of
Children is a research center dedicated solely to the study of children's issues.
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children, although child labor remains a
problem (see Section 6.d.). A pedophile ring was uncovered in Madeira in the fall
involving Madeiran children and Madeiran, Belgian, and Dutch adults.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or the provision of other state services. Their access to pub-
1231
lie facilities is mandated by legislation, which is generally complied with. However,
no such legislation covers private businesses or other facilities.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The principal minority groups are inami-
grants, legal and illegal, from Portugal's former African colonies. There is also a
resident Komani population. Fifteen skinheads were convicted in June for the 1995
beating death of a Cape Verdean immigrant; they received jail sentences ranging
from 2 to 18 years. The law permits victims and antiracism associations to partici-
pate in race-related criminal trials by lodging criminal complaints, retaining their
own lawyers, and calling witnesses.
A Romani family forced to move in 1996 in the face of local hostility was evicted
by another municipal government following complaints by local residents that al-
leged Romani involvement in criminal activity. In April all adult members of this
family were jailed on drug charges, although one package of alleged narcotics was
later revealed to be flour. The family patriarch accused the police of unfairly
targeting him because a family member had earlier implicated 13 National Repub-
lican Guard members in narcotics trafficking. F^ress coverage of the incident focused
on the fact that the Government's High Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic
Minorities submitted a report to the Prime Minister that called on the central Gov-
ernment to act against popular militias, which are groups of citizens who engage
in intimidation of Komani communities with the aim of forcing them to abandon set-
tlements.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Woricers in both the private and public sectors have
the ri^ht to associate freely and to establish committees in the workplace to defend
their interests. The Constitution provides for the right to establish unions by profes-
sion or industry. Trade union associations have the right to participate in the prepa-
ration of labor legislation. Strikes are constitutionally permitted lor any reason, in-
cluding political causes; they are common and generally are resolved through direct
negotiations. The authorities respect all provisions of the law on labor's rights.
Two principal labor federations exist. There are no restrictions on the formation
of additional labor federations. Unions function without hindrance by the Govern-
ment and are closely associated with political parties. There are no restrictions on
the ability of unions to join federations or on federations affiliating with inter-
national labor bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Unions are free to organize
without interference oy the Government or by employers. Collective bargaining is
provided for in the Constitution and is practiced extensively in the public and pri-
vate sectors.
Collective bargaining disputes rarely lead to prolonged strikes. Should a long
strike occur in an essential sector such as healtn, energy, or transportation, the
Government may order the workers back to work for a specific period. This did not
occur in 1997. The Government has rarely invoked this power, in part because most
strikes are limited to 1 to 3 days. The law requires a "minimum level of service"
to be provided during strikes in essential sectors, but this reqruirement has been in-
frequently applied. When it has, minimum levels of service nave been established
by agreement between the Government and the striking unions, although unions
have complained, including to the International Labor Organization, that the mini-
mum levels have been set too high. When collective bargaining fails, the Govern-
ment may appoint a mediator, at the request of either management or labor.
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination, and the authorities enforce this prohi-
bition in practice. Complaints are promptly examined by the General Directorate of
Labor.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor, including by chil-
dren, is prohibited and does not occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — On Janu-
ary 1, the minimum working age was raised from 15 to 16 years. The Government
Srohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition effectively (see
ection 6.c.).
The two main labor federations and observers from other European countries have
charged that a number of companies in the footwear, textile, construction, and hotel
industries exploit child labor. The Ministry of Employment's Inspectorate General
of Labor (IGT) reports that hundreds of children under age 16 are employed ille-
gally, mainly in the northern cities of Porto and Braga, but that the number is de-
clining. Union observers agree that the number of illegally employed children is fall-
ing but believe that the Government should allocate more resources to combat the
problem.
1232
The Government created the National Commission to Combat Child Labor
(CNCTI) in 1996 with the aim of eradicating child labor. The Commission coordi-
nates the efforts of the four ministries with primary responsibility for combating
chUd labor Employment, Education, Social Security, and Justice. It has stiffened
sanctions against companies caught violating the minimum working age law, devel-
oped alternative curriculums for schools to retain students, and targeted subsidies
for poor families vulnerable to the temptation to permit their underage children to
work. The "medium-term social pact" signed by Dusiness, labor, and government
representatives in 1996 contains a specific commitment to support CNCTI's oper-
ations.
In 1997 the CNCTI, the Ministry of Employment, and the General Union of Work-
ers (UGT) undertook a public education campaign targeted at high-risk communities
to convince parents to Keep their children m school. The Ministry of Employment
published a blacklist" of companies caught illegally employing children and denied
those c»mpanies access to European Union funding or beneuts.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — ^Minimum wage legislation covers full-time
workers as well as rural workers and domestic employees ages 18 years and over.
For 1997 the monthly minimum wage was about $315 (Esc 56,700) and was gen-
erally enforced. Along with widespread rent controls, basic food and utility sub-
sidies, and phased implementation of a minimum guaranteed income, the minimum
wage affords a basic standard of living for a worker and family. Average monthly
earnings range from about $460 (Esc 83,469) for skilled and low-level personnel to
about $1,580 (Esc 284,263) for higher management personnel.
Employees generally receive 14 months' pay for 11 months' work: 1 month's pay
for a Christmas bonus, 1 for a vacation subsidy, and 1 for 22 days of annual leave.
The maximum legal workday is 8 hours and the maximum workweek is 40 hours.
For public sector employees, the maximum workweek is 39 hours, with a reduction
to 35 hours to be phased in by 1999. There is a maximum of 2 hours of paid over-
time per day and 2(X) hours of overtime per year, with a minimum of 12 nours be-
tween workdays. The Ministry of Employment and Social Security monitors compli-
ance through its regional inspectors.
Employers are legally responsible for accidents at work and are required by law
to carry accident insurance. An existing body of legislation regulates safety and
health, but labor unions continue to argue for stiffer laws. The (General Directorate
of Hygiene and Labor Security develops safety standards, and the General Labor
Inspectorate is responsible for their enforcement, but the Inspectorate lacks suffi-
cient funds £md inspectors to combat the problem of work accidents effectively. A
relatively large proportion of accidents is in the construction industry. Poor environ-
mental controls in textile production also cause considerable concern. While the abil-
ity of workers to remove themselves from situations where these hazards exist is
limited, it is difficult to fire workers for any reason. Workers injured on the job rare-
ly initiate lawsuits.
MACAU
Macau, a 13-square-mile enclave on the south China coast, is recognized by both
China and Portugal as Chinese territory under Portuguese administration. The "Or-
ganic Statute" of 1976, which serves as the constitution, grants it considerable ad-
ministrative, financial, and legislative autonomy. Both the (Jovemor and the Legis-
lative Assembly excercise legislative power. The Governor, appointed by the Por-
tuguese President, holds extensive jwwers under the Organic Statute.
Under the 1987 Sino-Portuguese joint declaration, Macau will become a Special
Administration Region of China on December 20, 1999, and operate under the prin-
ciple of "one country, two systems," to remain unchanged for 50 years. The future
constitution, the "Basic Law," was promulgated by China's National People's Con-
gress on March 31, 1993.
Portuguese metropolitan law serves as the basis for the legal system, which fea-
tures a judiciary and public trials. The police force maintains public order and is
under civilian control.
The mariiet-based economy is fueled by textile and garment exports, along with
tourism and gambling. A depressed real estate maricet and stagnant exports have
limited economic growth in recent years, a trend that continued in 1997. Despite
the economic downturn, most citizens still enjoy a high standard of living.
Although the people of Macau enjoy a wide range of rights and freedoms as resi-
dents of a Portuguese-administered territory, they have limited ability to change
their government. Voters directly elect only one-third of the legislators, and the ter-
1233
ritory's future path has been set by the Gfovemments of Portugal and China. Legis-
lation, effective in November 1995 provided greater equality in the work force for
women. Although China, through the Basic Law, agreed to continue the application
of international covenants on civil and political rights and on economic, social, and
cultural rights after 1999, human rights activists remain concerned that China
made no obligation to submit regular reports in these areas. There are credible re-
ports that media self-censorship continues on issues considered to be sensitive to
China.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politicallv motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Such abuses are prohibited by law, and the authorities respect this in practice. Pris-
on conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government permits
visits by human rights monitors. Human rights groups have expressed concern that
there has been no agreement within the Sino-Portuguese Joint Liaison Group on the
application to Macau of the Covenant against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman
or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, although both Portugal and China have
ratified the covenant.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Legal prohibitions against arbitrary ar-
rest exist, and the authorities respect them in practice. The examining judge, who
conducts a pretrial inquiry in criminal cases, has a wide range of powers to collect
evidence, order or dismiss indictments, validate and maintain the detention of sus-
pects, and determine whether to release detained persons. Police must present per-
sons remanded in custody to an examining judge within 48 hours of detention. The
accused's counsel may examine the evidence. If the judge is not convinced that the
evidence is adequate, he may dismiss the detainee.
Forced exile is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Changes to the judicial system in 1993 designed
to render the system autonomous from the Portuguese system — required to bring
the system into conformity with the structure for the judicial system specified in the
Basic Law — raised some concerns among human rights observers and journalists.
Prior to the reorganization, the judiciary nad only subordinate (first instance) courts
located in the territory. In the first stage of the reforms, new courts, most notably
a Superior Court of Justice, were established to allow appeals to be heard locally.
The Superior Court consists of six magistrates divided into two panels, one of
which hears only administrative, fiscal, and customs duties cases; the other oversees
all other cases. An additional jud^e serves as President of the Court. Cases before
the Superior Court are heard initially by the relevant panel of three judges. In in-
stances in which a judgment has been rendered by sucn a panel and subsequently
appealed, the case is then heard by all six judges, with the F*resident voting onlv
in case of a tie. This structure results in a situation in which three of the individ-
uals hearing an appeal have already rendered an opinion in the initial judgment.
Critics charge that this calls into question the objectivity of the subsequent ruling.
Until full autonomy of the courts is achieved, however, some special appeal cases
may still be either presented directly to courts in Portugal or sent to them through
a local court.
Journalists and human rights activists have also voiced concerns that, as a result
of the 1993 reforms, judges and public prosecutors are now appointed by the Gov-
ernor based on proposals made by two administrative boards of the judiciary. The
Supreme Council oi Justice, recommends judges for appointment to the Macau Su-
Serior Court as well as the local attorney general, and the Judiciary Council of
lacau, which recommends judges for the common courts and delegates to the public
f)ro8ecutor's office. In particular, critics charge that the strong ties members of the
atter group have to the executive branch and to China raise questions about the
independence of the judiciary, particularly as judges and public prosecutors rely on
the Judiciary Council to win renewal of their 3-year assignments. The 3-year ap-
pointment 01 judges differs from the practice in Portugal, where appointments are
generally for life.
The law provides for a fair trial, and this is generally observed. The Constitution
provides for the right of access to law and the courts, and the authorities respect
this right in practice. The Criminal Procedure Code expressly provides for, among
other tnings, the accused's right to be present during proceedings, to be heard by
a judge, and to choose an attorney or request that one be provided.
1234
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Laws
provide for the inviolability of the home and of communication, the right of owner-
ship of private property and enterprises, and the freedom to marry ana raise a fam-
ily. The Government respects these rights in practice.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^The law provides for these rights, and the Gov-
ernment respects them in practice. However, some journalists and human rights ac-
tivists believe that the practice of media self-censorship is increasing as reversion
approaches. Critics charge that the leading newspapers are pro-China publications
that do not give equal attention to liberal and prodemocracy voices. Local journalists
continue to oppose a government proposal to establish a press council to monitor the
press and advise the Government of press issues.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice. Under local law, individuals
and groups intending to hold peaceful meetings or demonstrations in public places
are required to notify the President of the relevant municipal council m writing at
least 3 days but no more than 2 weeks in advance of the event; no prior authoriza-
tion is necessary for the event to take place, however.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^Portuguese law as extended to Macau provides for free-
dom of religion, and the Government respects this right in practice. Human rights
groups have expressed concern, however, that the Legislative Assembly thus far nas
failed to establish these rights in local law.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government has assisted in the resettlement of Vietnamese boat people. Only
seven Vietnamese refugees remain in Macau. All other boat people have emigrated
to host countries.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have a limited ability to change their government. The 23-member Legis-
lative Assembly is composed oi 8 members elected in direct elections; 8 indirectly
elected by local community interests; and 7 appointed by the Governor. The Consult-
ative Council, an advisory group to the Governor composed of elected and appointed
members, also provides some measure of popular representation. By tradition the
Government also consults informally on a regular basis with local business and cul-
tural leaders. Although the Legislative Assembly can enact laws on all matters ex-
cept those reserved for bodies in Portugal or the Governor, in reality the Governor
imtiates the vast majority of legislation, either directly through "decree-laws" or in
the form of bills that require that he receive the permission of the Legislative As-
sembly prior to issuing legislation. In 1996 The Governor issued 71 percent of all
legislation and the Legislative Assembly generated 29 percent; a similar breakdown
is likely for the 1997 legislative year. While the Legislative Assembly has the legal
Sower to refuse to ratify laws issued by the Governor, in practice this is seldom
one.
Although women traditionally have played a minor role in local political life, they
increasingly hold senior positions throughout the administration. The Legislative
Assembly currently has tnree female members including the President of the As-
sembly, the second most senior position. According to Government statistics, women
now hold 38 percent of senior government positions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Human rights groups operate without government restriction, investigating and
publishing findings on human rights cases.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
While the Constitution does not explicitly proscribe discrimination based on race,
sex, religion, disability, language, or social status, it does incorporate the principle
of nondiscrimination. Separate Taws provide for many of these rights. Access to edu-
cation, for example, is stipulated for all residents regardless of race, religious belief,
or political or ideological convictions under the law that establishes the general
framework for the educational system.
Women. — Violence against women is not common. For cases that are reported, the
authorities enforce criminal statutes prohibiting domestic violence ana prosecute
1235
violators. Police and doctors report abuses to the Social Welfare Department, which
investigates them. K hospital treatment is required, a medical socifil worker coun-
sels the victim and informs her about social welfare services. Until their complaints
are resolved, battered women may be provided public housing, but no facilities are
reserved expressly for them. The United Nations Human Rights Committee, in re-
sponding to the Government's submission on the application of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Ri^ts in April, expressed some concern over traf-
ficking in women for the purposes of prostitution m Macau. The Government re-
sponded that it had taken measures to end such exploitation of women by organized
crime.
Women are becoming more active and visible in business and government, and
some enjoy considerable influence and responsibility in these areas. The Govern-
ment estimates that women account for 43 percent of the work force. Equal oppor-
tunity legislation enacted in 1995, applicable to all public and private organizations,
manaates that women receive equal pay for equal work, states that discrimination
based on sex or physical ability is not permitted, and establishes penalties for em-
ployers who violate these guidelines.
Children. — ^The Government has not promulgated any statutes specifically to pro-
tect the rights of children, relying on the general framework of civil and political
rights legislation to protect all citizens. However, the Government seeks to protect
the health and well-being of children, who represent a growing share of the popu-
lation. The Social Welfare Institute is charged with implementing programs de-
signed to provide services for children. A government-sponsored panel, set up to
study the proxasion of social services to Chinese families, recommended in 1995 that
greater effort be expended to address the need for additional educational and other
services for children. School attendance is not compulsory; however, social services
officials report that the vast majority of residents' minor children attend school.
Basic education is provided in government-run schools and subsidized private
schools, and covers the preprimary year, primary education, and general secondary
school education. The Education Department provides assistance to families of those
children who cannot pay school fees. The children of illegal immigrants are excluded
from the educational system (see Section 6.d.).
Child abuse and exploitation are not widespread problems.
People With Disabilities. — The extent to which physically disabled persons experi-
ence discrimination in employment, education, and the provision of state services is
not fiilly known. In the past, the Government provided Rttle funding for special pro-
grams aimed at helping the physically and mentally disabled gain better access to
employment, education, and public facilities, and has not mandated accessibility for
the disabled, legislatively or otherwise. The Government's lack of attention to this
problem was highlighted in an April report of the U.N. Human Rights Committee
in response to the Government's submission on the application of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in Macau. According to the Government,
these shortcomings are being addressed through newly implemented programs. The
Social Welfare Department provides funds to private organizations to help disabled
persons. Since 1992 it has instituted four day care centers for children and adults
with mental disabilities, providing buildings and technical support while the private
groups administer the facilities. A residential halfway house for mentally ill patients
after release from institutionalization has also been established.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Althou^ the governmental and legal sys-
tems place a premium on knowledge of the Portuguese language, which is spoken
by less than 4 percent of the population, the Chinese language received official sta-
tus in 1993, and the use of Chinese in the civil service is gfrowing. According to Gov-
ernment statistics, bv the end of 1996, 64 percent of senior government positions
were filled by individuals born in Macau or in the People's Republic of China. Con-
siderable public pressure remains on the Government to speed up the process of
making the civil service more representative of the population.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Portuguese Constitution reco^izes the right
and freedom of all workers to form and join trade unions and pf private sector
unions to strike, and these rights are extended to Macau. The Government neither
impedes the formation of trade unions nor discriminates against union members.
Human rights groups are concerned that no similar ri^ts and protections have
been incorporated into local law. ]
People's Republic of China interests heavily influence local trade union activities,
including the selection of union leadership, and stress the importance of stability
and minimum disruption of the work force. Nearly all of the private sector union
members belong to a pro-China labor confederation. Many local observers claim that
1236
this organization is more interested in furthering the Chinese political agenda than
in addressing trade union issues such as wages, benefits, and working conditions.
A few private sector unions and two of the four jjublic sector unions are outside Chi-
nese control. Although the Portuguese Constitution provides woricers with the right
to strike, labor leaders complain that there is no enective protection from retribu-
tion should they exercise this right. The Government, for its part, argues that provi-
sions in the labor law requiring an employer to have "justified cause" to dismiss an
employee protects striking employees from retaliation.
Unions may freely form federations and affiliate with international bodies. Three
civil services unions — representing Portuguese, Macanese, and Chinese employees —
are affiliated with the major non-Communist Portuguese union confederation.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Chinese unions tend to re-
semble local traditional neighborhood associations, promoting social and cultural ac-
tivities rather than issues relating to the workplace. Local customs, moreover, nor-
mally favor employment without tne benefit of written labor contracts except in the
case of labor from China and the Philippines. Chinese unions traditionally nave not
attempted to engage in collective bargaining. Portuguese laws protecting collective
bargaming apply, and the Government does not impede or discourage such activity.
Adthou^ tne law prohibits antiunion discrimination, and it does not appear to be
widespread, representatives from some civil service unions have raised concerns
during the year over government practices that they feel disadvantage them.
There are no export processing zones; Macau is a free port.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Compulsory labor is prohibited by
law, and no cases were reported during the year. Children are covered under the
existing legislation prohibiting forced or bonded labor, although they are not speci-
fied in the legislation.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^Forced
and bonded labor is prohibited by law; although child labor is not specified in the
law, it is covered by tne law's provisions and there were no reports of such practices
(see Section 6.c.). The law prohibits minors under the age of^ 16 from woncing, al-
though there is a provision stating that minors between the ages of 14 and 16 can
be authorized to work on an "exceptional basis." The Labor Department enforces
this law through periodic and targeted inspections, and refers oftending employers
to the judicial autnorities for prosecution. The incidence of child labor has declined
radicafly since effective enforcement began in 1985, and there are only a few cases
reportea each year. While local laws do not establish specific regulations governing
the number of*^ hours children can work. International Labor Organization conven-
tions are applied.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — ^While local labor laws establish the general
Principle of fair wages — including the definition and calculation of wages — and man-
ate compliance with wage agreements, no legislated minimum wage exists. In the
absence of any statutory minimum wage or publicly administered social security
programs, some large companies have provided private welfare and security pack-
ages. Labor activists charge that the absence of a government-backed social security
fund leaves many workers vulnerable.
Labor legislation provides for a 48-hour workweek, an 8-hour workday, overtime,
annual leave, medical and maternity care, and employee compensation insurance.
Although the law provides a 24-hour rest period for every 7 days of work, worker
representatives report that workers frequently agree to work overtime to com-
pensate for low wages. The Department of Labor provides assistance and legal ad-
vice to workers on request, but government enforcement of labor laws is lax because
of limited resources.
A significant amount of the total work force (approximately 16 percent) is com-
posed of laborers from China and other countries who fill both blue- and white-collar
positions. These workers often work for less than half the wages paid to a Macau
citizen p>erforming the same job, live in controlled dormitories, work 10 to 12 hours
a day, and owe large sums of money to the labor-importing company for the pur-
chase of their job. Tne U.N. Human Rights Committee, in responding to the Govern-
ment's submission on the application of the International Covenant on Civil and Po-
litical Rights, noted the lack of protective measures for working conditions and the
absence of social security programs for nonresident workers as an area of concern.
Labor interests claim that the high percentage of imported labor erodes the bargain-
ingpower of local residents to improve working conditions and increase wages.
The Department of Labor enforces occupational safety and health. Failure to cor-
rect infractions can lead to government prosecution. Although the law includes a re-
quirement that employers provide a safe working environment, no explicit provi-
sions exist to protect employees' right to continued employment if they refuse to
work under dangerous conditions.
ROMANIA
Romania is a constitutional democracy with a multiparty, bicameral parliamen-
tary system, a head of government (prime minister), a directly elected head of state
(president), and a separate judiciary. Despite a recent reorganization of the judicial
system, the executive branch exercises influence over the judiciary.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs supervises the police. The national police have
Erimary responsibility for security, but the Government may call on the army and
order guard to assist the police to maintain internal order. The Romanian Intel-
ligence Service (SRI) carries out internal intelligence functions. Elected civilian au-
thorities exercise full control over the security forces, many of whose senior officials
were replaced by the Gk)vernment in 1997. Some poUce oflicers conmiitted serious
human rights abuses.
Romania is a middle-income developing country in transition from a centrally
planned to a market economy. In 1996 the private sector accounted for about 52 per-
cent of gross domestic product (GDP) and employed 53.5 percent of the work force,
primarily in agriculture and services. Although privatization is under way, heavy
industry still consists largely of state-owned enterprises. The economy is expected
to contract by 2 to 3 percent in 1997. The GDP for 1997 is projected to be about
$1,500 per capita. Exports rose over 56 percent from 1993 to 1996 but were expected
to show minimal growth this year. Inflation was down to 56.9 percent in 1996 but
rose to about 130 percent by year's end as the marketplace rather than the (jovem-
ment began to determine the price of goods.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however,
several serious problems remained. Police continued to beat detainees. The Govern-
ment investigated police officers suspected of abuse and indicted oflicers accused of
criminal activities in military courts. However, investigations of police abuses are
generally lengthy and indeterminate, and rarely result in prosecutions or punish-
ment. Poor prison conditions led to hunger strikes and violent protests in February.
The judiciary remains subject to executive branch influence, altnough it was reorga-
nized and is increasingly independent. Discrimination and violence against women
remained serious problems. A large number of impoverished and apparently home-
less children continued to roam the streets of large cities. Government and societal
harassment of religious minorities was a problem. Discrimination and violence
against Roma continued.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
In Meirch Amnesty International issued a report questioning the use of firearms
by police against unarmed petty criminal suspects in 11 incidents between 1995 and
1997. Three fatalities resulted, and only two police officers have been indicted.
In 1996 Gabriel Carabulea died after 3 days in police custody, during which he
reportedly was severely beaten. After initially ruling that there were no grounds for
an indictment of the police, the military prosecutor's office reopened its investiga-
tion, which is ongoing.
According to the Government, the chief of police in Valcele was indicted in June
for the illegal use of his weapon in the 1996 killing of Mircea-Muresul Mosor, a Rom
from Comani who was shot and killed while in police custody. A trial was pending
at year's end. The Military Prosecutor's Office during the year reopened the inves-
tigation into the case of Istvan Kiss, an ethnic Hungarian allegedly beaten to death
by police in 1995.
In several earlier cases of deaths in custody or deaths reportedly due to police
brutality, investigations and trials are still dragging on, years later.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and inhuman or degrading punishment or treat-
ment, and these prohibitions were generally respected in practice. Nevertheless,
there were credible reports that police continued to beat detainees.
In Piatra Neamt in February police reportedly beat Ion Bursuc. In Berceni police
arrested and allegedly beat loana Enuta in May. These cases remain under inves-
tigation.
In January the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture and other Cruel,
Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment reported that he had received al-
legations of torture and mistreatment during detention, usually at police stations.
Police officers allegedly often used force during interrogations to obtain confessions.
1238
Adrian Sarbu and Mihai Alexandrescu complained that they were beaten by a
group of nine policemen on December 11, 1996, after a verbal dispute. Two police-
men were identified and arrest warrants were sworn out against them. The 1996
beatings of engineer Apostolescu and his nephew, Mihai Damian, and Constantin
Balasa are also under investigation but have not yet been resolved.
Judicial cases involving military personnel and the police are tried in military
courts. Local and international human rights groups criticize this system, claiming
that the military prosecutor's investigations are unnecessarily lengthy and often
purposefully inconclusive and that the military courts sometime block proper inves-
tigation of alleged police abuses.
Prison conditions are poor, facilities are overcrowded and unhealthy, and medical
assistance is meager. Human rights organizations continued to report abuse of pris-
oners by other prisoners and prison authorities. Prisons continued to use the "cell
boss" system, in which some prisoners are designated to be in semiofficial charge
of other prisoners. In February, following hunger strikes and other — sometimes vio-
lent— protest actions started by inmates in nine cities to publicize their pli^t, both
private and public television stations covered the state of prison conditions: over-
crowding, lice, and bedbugs, visible particulate matter in the drinking water (at
Jilava pTison), and inadequate shower and toilet facilities. In another instance, pris-
oners became ill after eating food that had been contaminated with rat feces. The
single penitentiary hospital suffers from overcrowding and too few doctors. The Gov-
ernment responded to the hunger strikes and protests by granting early parole to
elderly, pregnant, juvenile, and first-time or minor offenders and accelerating con-
struction of new prisons to relieve overcrowding.
The Grovemment permits visits by human rights monitors, and several nongovern-
mental organizations (NGO's) made such visits.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law forbids the detention of anyone
for more than 24 hours without an arrest order from a prosecutor, who may order
detention for up to 30 days. Authorities generally respected this provision in prac-
tice. Detainees have the right to apply for bail and may ask for a hearing before
a judge. Such a request must be granted within 24 hours. In the absence of a re-
quest, however, the authorities may hold a person for up to 65 days without a court
order.
Police often do not inform citizens of their rights. The law requires the authorities
to inform arrestees of the charges against them and of their right to an attorney
at all stages of the legal process. Police must notify defendants of this right in a
language they understand before obtaining a statement. However, the prosecutor's
office may delay action on a request for a lawyer for up to 5 days from the date
of arrest.
Under the law, minors detained by police and placed under guard in a Center for
the Protection of Minors are not consiaered by judicial authorities to be in detention
or under arrest. Since the Penal Code does not apply to minors in these centers
until their cases are referred to a prosecutor, police are permitted to question them
without restrictions and may hold those suspected of criminal offenses in such cen-
ters for up to 30 days. This law appears to be in conflict with the Constitution, and
both Amnesty International and local human ri^ts groups have called on the Gov-
ernment to change it.
There were no political detainees in 1997, although a number of officials associ-
ated with the former government who were investigated on charces of corruption
publicly complained that they had been targeted on political grounds.
Exile was not used as a means of punishment.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Under the terms of a 1992 law, the judicial branch
is independent of other government branches. A 1997 revision of this law provides
that members of the Superior Council of the Magistrature, which controls the selec-
tion, promotion, transfer, and sanctioning of judges, be appointed by the justice min-
ister.
The 1992 law reestablished a four-tier legal system, including appellate courts,
which had ceased to exist under Communist rule. Defendants have final recourse
to the Supreme Court or, for constitutional matters, to the Constitutional Court es-
tablished in 1992. A new law reorganizing the judicial system has divided the Pros-
ecutor General's OfTice into 16 local offices paralleling the appeals court structure
and established one office at the Supreme Court; the law also curtailed certain pow-
ers of the prosecutor general, including the right to overturn court decisions and
move cases over intervening appeals courts to the Supreme Court.
The law provides for fair public trial and a presumption of innocence. The Penal
Code requires that an attorney be appointed for a defendant who cannot afford legal
representation or is otherwise unable to select counsel. In practice, the local bar as-
sociation provides attorneys to indigents and is compensated by the Ministry of Jus-
1239
tice. Either a plaintiff or defendant may appeal. These provisions of the law are re-
spected in practice. The law provides that confessions extracted as a result of police
brutality may be withdrawn by the accused when brought before the court.
With the aim of protecting citizens against abuses or capricious acts of public ofli-
cials, a law establishing an Ombudsman's Office was promulgated in March.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for protection agamst the search of a residence without a war-
rant, but this protection is subordinate to "national security or public order." The
1992 National Security Law defines national security very broadly and lists as
threats not only crimes such as terrorism, treason, espionage, assassination, and
armed insurrection, but also totalitarian, racist, and anti-Semitic actions, or at-
tempts to change the existing national borders. Security officials may enter resi-
dences without proper authorization from a prosecutor if they deem a threat to na-
tional security to be "imminent."
The Constitution states that the privaw of legal means of communication is invio-
lable; thus, the Romanian Intelligence Service is legally prohibited from engaging
in political acts (for example, wiretapping on behalf of the government for politicd
reasons). However, the law allows security services to engage in such monitoring on
national security grounds ater obtaining authorization.
Similarly, although the law requires the SRI to obtain a warrant from a prosecu-
tor to carry out intelligence activities involving "threats to national security, it may
engage in a wide variety of operations, including "technical operations," to deter-
mine if a situation meets the legal definition of a threat to national security.
In 1997 there were no confirmed instances of interference with individual citizens'
right to privacy by the authorities. Mail continued to be opened, but the authorities
place the blame for this on postal workers and freight handlers looking for money
or other valuables. Protestant church groups also continued to complain of opened
correspondence, although there were no reports of telephone tapping.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^Although the Constitution provides for freedom
of expression and prohibits censorship, it limits the bounds of free expression by
prohioiting "defamation of the country." The Government respected the constitu
tional provisions in practice. An updated Penal Code passed by Parliament in 1996
rectified many of the shortcomings of the former Communist-era code. However, the
new version has been criticizea by human rights organizations and professional
journalists for retaining jail terms for those convicted of libel or slander, including
journalists.
In March an appeals court overturned a lower court's conviction of journalists
Tana Ardeleanu and Sorin Rosea Stanescu for seditious libel. The two were con-
victed in 1996 for alleging in the daily Ziua that former President Ion Iliescu had
ties to the Soviet KGB intelligence service. Several lesser-known cases involving
journalists and penal code provisions for libel were also tried.
The independent media continued to grow. Several hundred daily and weekly
newspapers are published. Several private television stations broadcast nationwide,
with the largest reaching approximately 20 percent of the rural and 80 percent of
the urban market. As of September, 59 private television stations and 140 private
radio stations were broadcasting. A sizable number of households are wired for
cable, giving significant portions of the population access to both orivate and foreign
broadcasts. While Romanian State Television (RTV) and Radio Romania remained
the only national broadcasters capable of reaching the bulk of the rural population,
independent stations continued to enlarge their coverage throughout the country by
over-the-air transmission, cable, and satellite.
The 1994 law establishing a parliamentary-appointed board of directors for RTV
had not been implemented oy year's end, and RTV continued to be run by an in-
terim director. Opposition politicians charged that the Government has illegally ap-
pointed senior RTV ofTicials sympathetic to government views, ignoring regulations
that did not permit such nominations to take place without parliamentary consent.
Foreign news publications may be imported and distributed freely, but high costs
limit their circulation.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, and the Government respected this right in practice. The law
on public assembly provides for the right of citizens to assemble peacefully while
unarmed but states that meetings must not interfere with other economic or social
activities and may not be held near locations such as hospitals, airports, or military
installations. Organizers of demonstrations must inform local authorities and police
1240
before the event. Authorities may forbid a public gathering by notifying the organiz-
ers in writing within 48 hours of receipt of the request. Tne law prohibits the orga-
nization of, or participation in, a counterdemonstration held at the same time as a
scheduled public gathering.
The law forbids public gatherings to espouse Communist, racist, or Fascist
ideologies, or to commit actions contrary to public order or national security. It pun-
ishes unauthorized demonstrations or other violations by imprisonment and fines.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government re-
spects this right in practice. Political parties obtain legal status if they have at least
10,000 members. (The minimum membership required was increased in 1996 in
order to reduce the number of small parties.) Associations may obtain legal status
with proof of only 251 members.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for religious freedom, and the
Government generally does not impede the obsei'vance of religious belief. However,
several Protestant denominations, Jehovah's Witnesses the most prominent among
them, continued to make credible allegations that low-level government officials and
Romanian Orthodox clergy harassed them and impeded their efforts at proselytizing
and worship.
Under the provisions of 1948 and 1989 decrees, the Government recognizes 15 re-
ligions; only the clergy of these recognized religions are eligible to receive state fi-
nancial support. The State Secretariat for Religious Affairs has licensed 385 other
faiths, organizations, and foundations as religious associations under two 1924 laws
on juridical entities, thereby entitling them to juridical status as well as to exemp-
tions from income and customs taxes. However, religious associations may not build
churches or other buildings designated as houses of worship and are not permitted
to perform rites of baptism, marriage or burial. The Romanian Orthodox Church,
to which approximately 86 percent of the population nominally adheres, predomi-
nates. The official registration of religious associations is extremely slow because of
bureaucratic delays; in this regard, the State Secretariat for Religious Affairs has
been criticized by smaller religious groups for its obstructionist tactics in favor of
the Romanian Orthodox Church.
The Catholic Church of the Byzantine Rite, or Greek Catholic Church, also en-
countered difficulties with the Romanian Orthodox Church and the State Secretar-
iat for Religious Affairs. The Greek Catholic Church was illegally disbanded by the
Communists in 1948 and forced to merge with the Romanian Orthodox Church. The
latter received most of the former's properties, including over 2,000 churches and
other facilities. In 1997 Greek Catholics continued their struggle to regain their
former projierties, but a bill passed in the Senate that would have restored some
Greek Catholic churches to their original owners was defeated in the Chamber of
Deputies due to strong opposition from the Orthodox Church. The Secretary of State
for Religious Affairs spoke on behalf of the Orthodox Church before the Senate, de-
spite the nonpartisan government position he occupies.
In May tlie Government restored to the Jewish community six properties that had
been seized under the Communist regime.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government places no restrictions on travel within the country, ex-
cept in the case of certain small areas reserved for military purposes. Citizens who
wish to change their place of work or residence do not face any official barriers. The
law stipulates that citizens have the right to travel abroad freely, to emigrate, and
to return. In practice, citizens freely exercise these rights.
In 1991 Romania signed the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refu-
gees and its 1967 Protocol, and in 1996 a refugee law was passed, providing imple-
menting legislation. The new law established a Refugee Office in the Interior Min-
istry to receive, process, and house asylum seekers.
TTie Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees but was pro-'
viding temporary accommodations to only seven asylum seekers as of June 30. The
issue of first asylum did not arise in 1997.
As of August 31, a total of 900 refugees and asylum seekers depended on the
UNHCR for their subsistence, including food, accommodations, clothing, medical as-
sistance, and language or vocational training.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
through periodic and free elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
1241
The Government respected legislation passed in 1996 that prohibited government-
appointed prefects from dismissing elected mayors and local council members for al-
leged abuses of authority prior to a binding legal ruling on the charges.
In the wake of the democratic general elections of November 1996, the govern-
ment coalition formed by the Romanian Democratic Convention (CDR) and the
Union of Social Democrats (USD) joined forces with the Hungarian Democratic
Union of Romania(UDMR). These parties, along with a number of smaller constitu-
ent parties make up the governing coalition.
There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women in government or
politics, but societal attitudes are a signiflcant impediment. Women hold only 5.9
percent of the seats in Parliament and no ministeri^ positions.
The Constitution and electoral legislation grant each recognized ethnic minority
one representative in the Chamber of Deputies, provided that the minority's politi-
cal organization obtains at least 5 percent of the average number of valid votes
needed to elect a deputy outri^t (1,784 votes in the 1996 elections). Organizations
representing 15 minority groups elected deputies under this provision in 1996. Eth-
nic Hungarians, represented by the UDMK, obtained parliamentary representation
through the normal electoral process. Roma are underrepresented in Parliament be-
cause of low Roma voter turnout and internal divisions that worked against the con-
solidation of votes for one candidate, organization, or party. They have not increased
their parliamentary representation beyond the one seat provided through the Con-
stitution and electoral legislation.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Domestic human rights monitoring groups include the Romanian Helsinki Com-
mittee (APADOR-CH), the independent Romanian Society for Human Rights
(SIRDO), the League for the Defense of Human Rights (LADCJ), the Romanian Insti-
tute For Human Rights, and several issue-specific groups such as the Young Gen-
eration of Roma and the Center for Crisis Intervention and Study, also a Romani
NGO. Other groups, such as political parties and trade unions, continued to main-
tain sections monitoring the observance of human rights.
These groups, as well as international human rights organizations, functioned
freely without government interference. However, local NGO s have experienced un-
even cooperation from the General Inspectorate of Police, which is responsible for
investigating police abuses.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution forbids discrimination based on race, nationality, ethnic origin,
language, religion, sex, opinion and political allegiance, wealth, or social back-
ground. In practice, however, the Government does not effectively enforce these pro-
visions, ana women, Roma, and other minorities are subject to various forms oi ex-
tralegal discrimination. Homosexuals are repwrtedly the victims of widespread police
brutality.
Women. — Violence against women, including rape, continued to be a serious prob-
lem. Both human rights groups and women's rights organizations credibly reported
that domestic violence is common. There are no support facilities for victims, and
media coverage is virtually nonexistent. According to government statistics, 1,372
rapes were reported during the year (613 were reported for the first 6 months of
1996). Prosecution of rape is difficult because it recjuires both a medical certificate
and a witness, and a rapist will not be punished if he marries the victim. There
is no specific legislation aealing with spousal abuse or rape, and successful prosecu-
tion of spousal rape is almost impossible. Police are often reluctant to intervene in
instances of domestic violence.
Both the Constitution and international conventions signed by Romania grant
women and men equal rights. In practice, however, the Government does not ade-
quately enforce these provisions, nor do the authorities focus attention or resources
on women's issues.
Few resources are available for women experiencing economic discrimination. De-
spite existing laws and educational equality, women have a higher rate of unem-
f)ioyment than men, occupy few influential positions in the private sector, and earn
ower average wages. In 1996 the (government created a department in the Ministry
of Labor and Social Protection to advance women's concerns and family policies.
This department organizes programs for women, proposes new laws, monitors legis-
lation for sexual bias, and targets resources to train women for skilled professions —
especially in rural areas — ana to address problems of single mothers. However, the
Department has had little impact to date.
1242
Children. — ^The Government administers health care and public education pro-
grams for children, despite scarce domestic resources. International agencies and
NGO's supplement government programs in these areas.
There was no perceptible pattern of abuse against children. Nevertheless, lai^e
numbers of impoverished and apparently homeless, but not necessarily orphaned,
children roamed the streets of the larger cities. The Government does not have sta-
tistics defining the scope of the problem. NGO's working with children remained
particularly concerned about the number of minors detained in jail and prison.
These NGO's continued to seek alternative solutions, such as parole for juveniles.
Because time served while awaiting trial counts as part of the prison sentence but
does not count towards time to be served in a juvenile detention center, some mi-
nors actually requested prison sentences.
The sexual exploitation of children continued to attract press attention, and the
police staged a few high-publicity arrests of foreign pedophiles, but other issues,
such as adequate legislation to protect children, received less attention. The law
does not expressly outlaw pedophilia; instead, pedophiles are charged with rape, cor-
poral harm, and sexual corruption.
People With Disabilities. — Difficult economic conditions and serious budgetary con-
straints contributed to very difficult living conditions for those with physical or men-
tal disabilities. Many disabled people cannot make use of government-provided
transportation discounts because public transport does not have facilitated access.
Accessibility for the disabled to buildings and public transportation is not mandated
by law.
Religious Minorities. — Most mainstream politicians have publicly condenmed anti-
Semitism, racism, and xenophobia. However, the fringe press continued to publish
anti-Semitic harangues.
The Romanian Orthodox Church has attacked the "aggressive proselytism" of
Protestant and neo-Protestant groups and harassed members of such religious mi-
norities. Ten Baptists were beaten on March 9 by a crowd led by Romanian Ortho-
dox priests in the village of Ruginoasa. The Romanian Orthodox Church expressed
its disapproval of the Orthodox priests' violent behavior and the Baptists' pros-
elytism, but took no serious disciplinary action against its priests. Local police did
not intervene.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — ^The Government created a Consultative
Council for National Minorities in 1993 to monitor specific problems of persons be-
longing to ethnic minorities, to establish contacts with minority groups, to submit
f>roposal3 for draft legislation and administrative measures, to maintain permanent
inks with local authorities, and to investigate complaints. This Council was up-
graded to a government department with ministerial status after the November
1996 general elections and renamed the Department for the Protection of National
Minorities (DPNM). The new minister is an ethnic Hungarian parliamentarian from
the UDMR.
Ethnic Hungarians, numbering more than 1.6 million, constitute the largest and
most vocal minority, and the UDMR holds 36 seats in the Parliament. There was
no violence in 1997 associated with ethnic Hungarian issues, despite the vitriolic re-
sponse of nationalist politicians to the opening of a Hungarian consulate in the
Transylvanian city of Cluj in July. Many of the issues addressed in the Romanian-
Hungarian Treaty of 1996 were implemented. There has also been progress on eco-
nomic issues, the mutual acceptance of degrees, the scheduling of high-level visits,
and infrastructure improvements such as border crossings.
In June the Government issued an ordinance modifying the 1995 Education Law.
Students may now take all university entry exams in the language in which they
were taught at school and may pursue vocational studies through the post-hi^
school level in their maternal language. In July the Government amended the 1995
education law with a decree that expanded minority-language education in a num-
ber of areas. The amendment met with strong opposition from within parties in the
governing coalition, as well as from opposition nationalist parties. The Senate voted
in December to curtail the provisions of the decree, but the Chamber of Deputies
did not act on the change by year's end.
The Romani population, estimated at approximately 2 million persons, continues
to be subject to societal discrimination, harassment, beatings, and violence. In Janu-
ary following a dispute in a bar in the village of Tanganu, villagers ransacked the
houses of several Romani families. In January 3 men suspected: of leading a mob
that murdered 3 Roma men and destroyed 17 Romani homes in September 1993
were arrested. This case and others involving Romani deaths and destruction of
Romani property were still under investigation by prosecutors or review by the
courts at the end of August.
1243
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^All workers except public employees have the right
to associate freely, engage in collective bargaining, and form and join labor unions
without previous authorization. Limitations on the right to strike apply only to in-
dustries that the Government considers critical to the public interest. No workers
may be forced to join or withdraw from a union, and union officials who resign from
elected positions and return to the regular work force are protected against em-
ployer retaliation. 'Hie majority of wonters are members of about 18 nationwide
trade union confederations and smaller independent trade unions.
Union members complain that unions must submit grievances to government-
sponsored conciliation before initiating a strike and are Trustrated with the courts'
propensity to declare illegal the majority of strikes on which they have been asked
to rule. Past studies have indicated that the labor legislation adopted in 1991 falls
short of International Labor Organization (ILO) standards in several areas, includ-
ing free election of union representatives, binding arbitration, and financial liability
of strike organizers. Although the 1991 legislation is supportive of collective bar-
gaining as an institution, the contracts that result are not always enforceable in a
consistent manner.
Unions representing divergent sectors of the economy carried out strikes in 1997.
The new Government has not followed up on a 1995 ILO recommendation to the
previous government to rescind all measures taken against suspended union leaders
involved in a 1993 strike by railway locomotive engineers. Only 2 of 10 engineers
fired in 1993 were offered their jobs back; most of the others were offered retirement
pensions. The union leaders, who defied a Supreme Court ruling to suspend the
strike for 170 days, were fired by the national railway company when tne strike
ended.
The 1991 legislation stipulates that labor unions should be free from government
or political party control, a provision that the Government has honored in practice.
Umons are free to engage in political activity and have done so.
In the spring, the Government issued a decree providing stipends for those laid
ofi" as a result of economic restructuring. In August Prime Minister Ciorbea ordered
the closure of a number of loss-making, state-owned enterprises, which employed
roughly 30,000 workers. At the same time, the Government increased benefits under
the decree, providing for payments worth up to 20 months' salary, depending upon
a worker's seniority and what he proposed to do with the payment. It also provided
for the retraining of laid-off workers.
Labor unions may freely form or join federations and affiliate with international
bodies. The National Confederation of Trade Unions-Fratia and the National Union
Bloc are affiliated with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and
the European Trade Union Confederation. The Confederation of Democratic Trade
Unions of Romania is affiliated with the World Labor Confederation. Representa-
tives of foreign and international organizations freely visit and advise Romanian
trade unionists.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — ^Workers have the right to
bargain collectively under the 1991 legislation, but collective bargaining efforts are
complicated by continued state control of most industrial enterprises and the ab-
sence of independent management representatives. Basic wage scales for employees
of state-owned enterprises are established through collective bargaining with the
State (see Section 6.e. below).
Labor legislation is applied uniformly throughout the country, including in the
four free trade zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, including that performed by children. The Ministry of Labor
and Social Protection generally enforces this prohibition.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Con-
stitution prohibits forced and bonded child labor, and the Government generally en-
forces this provision (see Section 6.c.). The minimum age for employment is 15
years, but children as young as age 14 may work with the consent of their parents
or guardians, although only "according to tneir physical development, aptitude, and
knowledge." Working children under tne age of 16 have the right to continue their
education, and the law obliges employers to assist in this regard. The Ministry of
Labor and Social Protection has the authority to impose fines and close sections of
factories to ensure compliance with the law, which it enforces effectively.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Most wage rates are established throu^ col-
lective bargaining at the enterprise level. However, they are based on minimum
wages for given economic sectors and categories of workers that the government sets
after negotiations with industry representatives and the labor confeaerations. Mini-
mum wage rates are generally observed and enforced. In 1997 the minimum month-
1244
ly wage of $30.00 (250,000 Lei) did not keep pace with inflation and did not provide
a decent standard of living for a woriter and family. Prices for utility services were
fuUy liberalized in February, leading to dramatic increases in the cost of water and
heating. However, lists of basic foodstuffs and pharmaceuticals are still subject to
price ceilings. Housing is no longer subsidized.
The Labor Code provides for a standard woritweek of 40 hours or 5 days, with
overtime to be paid for weekend or holiday work or worii in excess of 40 hours. It
also includes a requirement for a 24-hour rest period in the workweek, although
most workers receive 2 days off. Paid holidays range from 18 to 24 days annual^,
depending on the employee's length of service. The law recjuires employers to pay
additional benefits and allowances to workers engaged in particularly dangerous or
difficult occupations.
Some labor organizations press for healthier, safer working conditions on behalf
of their members. The Ministry of Labor and Social Protection has established safe-
ty standards for most industries and is responsible for enforcing them. However, it
lacks sufficient trained personnel for inspection and enforcement, and employers
often ignore its recommendations. Although they have the right to refuse dangerous
work assignments, workers seldom invoke it in practice, appearing to value in-
creased pay over a safe work environment. Neither the Government nor industry,
which is still mostly state owned, has the resources necessary to improve signifi-
cantly health and safety conditions in the workplace.
RUSSIA
Politically, economically, and socially, Russia continues to be a state in transition.
Vfhile constitutional structures are well-defined and democratic in conception, de-
mocratization continues to be slow. The 1993 Constitution establishes a tripartite
government with checks and balances. The executive branch consists of an elected
f)resident and a government headed by a prime minister. There is a bicameral legis-
ature (Federal Assembly), consisting of the State Duma and the Federation Coun-
cil, and a judicial branch. Both the President and the legislature were selected in
competitive elections judged to be largely free and fair, with a broad range of politi-
cal parties and movements contesting offices. The judiciary, still the weakest of the
three branches, showed signs of limited independence.
President Boris Yeltsin and Chechen President Asian Maskhadov signed a peace
agreement on May 12 in which both sides agreed to settle their dispute bv peaceful
means. In an earlier agreement, the two sides agreed to resolve Chechnya s political
status prior to 2001, out fundamental differences remain on that question with
Chechnya asserting that it has earned the right to full independence and Russia in-
sisting that Chechnya will remain a part of the Federation.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD), the Federal Security Service (FSB), the
Procuracy, and the Federal Tax Police are responsible for law enforcement at all lev-
els of government throughout the Russian Federation. The MVD oversees most of
the prison system, though most functions have been ordered transferred to the Min-
istry of Justice. The FSB has broad law enforcement functions, including fighting
crime and corruption, in addition to its core responsibilities of security, counterintel-
ligence, and counterterrorism. The FSB operates with only limited oversight by the
Procuracy' and the courts. The military's primary mission is national defense, but
it is occasionally employed for riot-control missions. Many members of the security
forces, particularly within the internal affairs apparatus, continued to commit
human rights abuses.
The economy stabilized during 1997, although estimated real gross national prod-
uct remained almost 28 percent below 1992 levels. Inflation has dropped from 198
¥ercent in 1995 to 11 percent in 1997. The per capita income was $152 per month,
he ruble exchange rate stabilized and net outflow of capital ceased in 1997. Pro-
duction increased slightly, but the level of capital investment remained low. The
trade balance remains positive. Around 900,000 small businesses are registered.
Crime and corruption significantly retard economic growth. According to official esti-
mates, the informal and shadow economy accounts for 26 percent of gross domestic
product. Unemployment reached a high of 9.6 percent in April. Moreover, an esti-
mated 6.4 million people, of a work force of 72 million were considered under-
employed. Wage and pension arrears continued to be a problem, with accumulated
wage arrears reaching $9.5 billion by October. Wages and incomes showed a slight
real increase by midyear. Approximately 21 percent of the population had incomes
below the poverty level, up from 19 percent in 1996.
1245
The arrears in payment of public-sector wages and transfer payments were a
symptom of a fiscal crisis that has plagued the Grovemment for the past several
years. Fulfilling a pledge to the public, the Yeltsin administration paid off aU of its
arrears as of December 31. The Government has been unable to formulate and im-
plement an effective tax policy, resulting in widespread nonpayment and evasion of
taxes. Federal tax revenues totaled approximately 9 percent of GDP. The con-
sequent strain on the state budget has caused prolonged delays in pajnment of public
servants and forced the Government to defer needed reforms and investments in
areas regarded as low priorities by top officials. Delays in expanding and moderniz-
ing the prison system, introducing jury trials to more regions, training the judiciary
and investing in the infrastructure of the court system and ensuring military reform
contributed to human rights violations.
The Government's human rights record was uneven in 1997. There were credible
reports that law enforcement and correctional officials tortured and severely beat
detainees and inmates. FVison conditions worsened and are extremely harsh. Ac-
cording to human rights groups, between 10,000 and 20,000 detainees and prison
inmates may die in penitentiary facilities annually, some from beatings, but most
as a result of overcrowding, inferior sanitary conditions, disease, and lack of medical
care. The Government has made little progress in combating abuses committed by
soldiers, including "dedovshchina" (violent hazing of new recruits). Military justice
systems consistent with democratic practices remain largely underdeveloped. There
were credible reports of deaths or suicides as a result oi abuse, with sharply diver-
gent statistics offered by the Ministry of Defense and human rights groups. Arbi-
trary arrest and detention remained problems. Police and other security forces in
various parts of Russia continued their practice of targeting citizens from the
Caucasus and darker-skinned persons in general for arbitrary searches and deten-
tion on the pretext of fighting crime and enforcing residential registration require-
ments. However, in a positive development, the President overturned two prior de-
crees (one presidential, the other from the mayor of Moscow) permitting officials to
detain certain individuals for up to 30 days without access to a lawyer and in some
cases to expel them from Moscow. Lengthy pretrial detention remained a serious
problem. The Government made little progress in the implementation of constitu-
tional provisions for due process, fair and timely trial, and humane punishment. In
addition, the judiciary was often subject to manipulation by political authorities and
was plagued by large case backlogs and trial delays. Authorities infringed on citi-
zens' privacy rights.
The case of Aleksandr Nikitin, a retired naval captain who had been researching
the environmental dangers of nuclear waste from tne Northern Fleet, continued to
be fraught with serious violations of due process, suggesting that the FSB's case
against nim was politically motivated.
Institutions such as the Ministry of Internal Affairs remain largely unreformed
and have not yet adopted practices consistent with law enforcement in a democratic
society. While the President and the Government have supported human rights and
democratic practice in their statements and policy initiatives, they have not institu-
tionalized the the rule of law required to protect them. While most abuses occur at
lower levels and not by central direction, Government officials do not investigate the
majority of cases of abuse and do not dismiss or discipline the perpetrators.
m the face of a variety of obstacles, the media continued to represent a wide
range of opinion. The major print media oi^anizations functioned relatively
unhindered by governmental pressure at the national level, although respect for
freedom of the press varies in the regions. The principal obstacle to independent
{"oumalism was the concentration of ownership of news media by major banks and
msinesses, which sought to ensure that reporting was in line with their interests.
Such pressure caused journalists to practice self-censorship. The practice of accept-
ing money for printing articles remains widespread. Foreign and Russian journalists
were frequent victims of kidnapings for ransom by criminals in Chechnya and
throughout the north Caucasus.
In October the Government enacted a restrictive and potentially discriminatory
law on religion which raised questions about Russia's commitment to international
agreements honoring freedom of religion. The implications of the law, which will not
be fully implemented until the end of 1999, remain unclear though it contains provi-
sions that could result in significant restrictions on the activities of minority reli-
gious communities, including foreign missionaries. By year's end, there had been
numerous instances of harassment of religious groups by local authorities, citing the
new law. In addition, 22 regional governments have passed laws and decrees since
1994 restricting the activities of mmority religious px)ups, some of which have been
subjected to harassment as a result. The constitutionality of the new national law
1246
has not been formally challenged, nor has the Federal Government challenged the
constitutionality of the local laws.
Despite constitutional protections for citizens' freedom of movement, regional gov-
ernments (especially the city of Moscow) have imposed restrictions on movement
through residence registration mechanisms. These restrictions, though successfully
challenged in court, remain largely in force and are tolerated by the Federal Gov-
ernment. The presence of these restrictions demonstrated the continued obstacles to
the enforcement of judicial rulings.
Although the Duma passed a law providing for a human rights ombudsman, it
failed to select a candidate within the period allowed under the law. The post re-
mained vacant at year's end. The Human Rights Commission examined human
rights issues such as prison conditions, war crunes in Chechnya, and a draft law
on religion. Similarly, the human rights chamber of the FVesident's Political Con-
sultative Council held a number of sessions and offered opinions on human rights
issues. Governmental human rights commissions have been formed in 66 regions.
With few exceptions, human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) docu-
mented and reported on human rights violations without governmental interference
or sanctions. However, some local officials harassed human rights monitors and in
some cases arrested them. The Prosecutor General's response to these incidents was
criticized. Some groups in Moscow have demonstrated their expertise on particular
issues and regularly participate in Duma legislative working groups, as well as in
the human rights chamber of the President's Political Consultative Council.
Violence against women and abuse of children remain problems, as do discrimina-
tion against women and religious and ethnic minorities.
In the breakaway Republic of Chechnya, kidnapings orchestrated by uncontrolled
armed formations and bandits, some of which may nave links to the former insur-
gent forces, have become frequent. The usual motivation for kidnapings is ransom,
but some cases have political overtones. Both journalists and humanitarian assist-
ance workers have been targets. Despite the strong opposition of federal authorities,
Chechen authorities used Snari'a courts in some cases and carried out death sen-
tences without respect for due process. The Shari'a law is still not codified.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — ^There were no confirmed political
killings by agents of the Government. However, an undetermined number, up to
several thousand, detainees and prison inmates died after beatings by security offi-
cials or due to harsh conditions in detention (see Section I.e.). A number of govern-
ment officials, Duma aides, and other public figures were murdered, although fewer
than in recent years. Few of these crimes appear to be politically motivated; the ma-
jority were linked to private financial or commercial dealings. Internal Affairs Min-
ister General Anatoliy Kulikov acknowledged that police solved only about 10 per-
cent of the approximately 600 contract murders in 1996.
Mikhail Manevich, deputy mayor and chairman of the City Property Committee
for St. Petersburg, was killed on August 18 while on his way to work. Media reports
suggested that Manevich was killed by individuals whose financial interests may
have been threatened by his conduct of privatization in the city. A joint FSB-MVD
investigation, ordered by the President, is underway. FSB officers claim to have
interviewed over 1,000 witnesses and collected over 40 expert opinions and were
working with their law enforcement and sf)ecial services colleagues in the region.
However, there were no reports of progress in the case at year's end.
Vladimir Frantskevich, Mikhail Shilov, Vyacheslav Usov, Gennadiy Dzen, and
Stanislav Amirov, at least nominally aides to Duma deputies in Vladimir
Zhirinovskiy^s Liberal Democratic Party of Russian (LDPR), were murdered in 1997.
The victims had prior criminal records or links with criminal activity and were vic-
tims of contract-style killings. No link between the crimes and the LDPR was estab-
lished.
Procurator (}eneral Yuriy Skuratov reported that investigations continued in the
unsolved murders of orthodox priest Aleksandr Men (1990), journalists Dmitriy
Kholodov (1994), and Vladimir Listyev (1995).
There were no developments in the 1996 murder of U.S. businessman Paul
Tatum.
Following 2 years of investigation, the Moscow procurator's office reported that it
was ready to bring charges in the February 1995 murder of LDPR Duma Deputy
Sergey Skorochkin. Investigators have dismissed any political motives and are fo-
cusing on Skorochkin's business dealings. They also indicated that Skorochkin may
have committed a double murder shortly before his death.
1247
In the procurator's office charged chairman of the Afghan War Veterans Associa-
tion Valeriy Radchikov, along with five others, in the November 1996 bombing in
the Kotlyakovskiy cemetery which killed 14 persons and injured 50 others. Authori-
ties believe that internal disputes over the organization's lucrative tobacco and liq-
uor duty-free-import privileges provided the motive for the bombing.
Unknown persons in the Republic of Northern Ossetiya-Alaniya killed several eth-
nic Ingush refugees returning to places of former residence in the contested
Prigorodnyy rayon (located between the Republic of Northern Ossetiya-Alaniya and
Ingushetiya).
Ethnic unrest in the North Caucasus re^ons of North Ossetia and Ingushetia
claimed the lives of 11 people in several incidents. The tension in the region arises
from a territorial dispute wnich has displaced a number of ethnic Ingush.
On June 10, Mullah Khasanbek Yakhayev of the Groznyy Mosque was shot at
point-blank range by an unknown man who was himself then lynched by Yakhayev's
relatives. Motives are unclear, although reports from witnesses claim that the killer
told Yakhayev that he would not permit him to insult Wahhabism, conservative
form of Islam that has recently been in conflict with Sufism, the form of Islam that
is more widely practiced in the Caucasus.
No formal charges have been filed in the investigation into the December 1996
attack on the ICRC compound in Novyy Atagi, Chechnya, during which six ICRC
workers were killed and one was wounded. Minister of Internal Affairs Kulikov
claims to have detained suspects outside Chechnya, but indicated that he is not par-
ticipating in the main investigation inside Chechnya.
On Jvuy 30, a bomb attack in Groznyy against the headquarters of Salman
Raduyev, a militant former Chechen military commemder, killed three persons.
President Maskhadov of Chechnya told the press that he planned to execute pub-
licly those guilty of kidnaping. At least four persons were executed in Chechnya dur-
ing the year as a result of sentences handed down by Shari'a courts (see Section
I.e.). The Federal Government termed the executions 'T)arbaric'' and the trials ille-
gal under Russian law.
Commander Salman Raduyev claimed responsibility for two terrorist attacks on
Russian railway lines in early April, one in Armavir and another in Pyatigorsk,
each of which killed two persons and resulted in more than a dozen injuries.
Unknown elements in Chechnya fired on border patrols in nearby Dagestan and
killed Dagestani law enforcement personnel.
In the ongoing conflict between the republics of Ingushetiya and northern
Ossetiya-Alaniya, there were reports that unknown persons fired on refugees at-
tempting to return to their places of former residence.
For example, on July 17, unknown forces fired a rocket-propelled grenade at two
buses carrying returning Ingush refugees as they passed a state automobUe
inspectorate checkpoint. Two persons were killed and 10 injured seriously. On July
29, a mob attacked an Ingush refugee camp near the Prigorodnyy town of
Tverskoye, burning two trailers and causing one death and six injuries, according
to press reports.
In February Russia approved an amnesty for Russian soldiers and Chechen rebels
who committed illegal acts in connection with the war in Chechnya between Decem-
ber 9, 1994, and ^ptember 1, 1996. The pardon excludes crimes such as murder,
rape, and hostage- taking, and orders the establishment of a commission to review
appeals for amnesty. Although many Chechen rebels, including Deputy Prime Min-
ister Shamil Basayev, are under indictment in Russia for commission of serious
crimes during the war, there has been no demonstrated attempt by Russian law-
enforcement organs to bring such persons to justice. In effect, this selective amnesty
is being applied as a blanket amnesty. In Chechnya there also is no attempt to pros-
ecute persons accused of serious offenses during the conflict.
The Chechen Government passed an amnesty designed to cover persons guilty of
war crimes similar to felonies (that is, premeditated murder, rape, assault and rob-
bery, terrorism and banditry, and kidnaping and hostage-taking). The goal of the
amnesty was to facilitate the most rapid possible prisoner exchange. In this, it was
supported by the Soldiers' Mothers Committee, among others, but was opposed by
human rights groups who sought the fullest possible accountability of those who
were involved in violations of humanitarian law during the armed conflict. However,
disputes over the types of prisoners covered under the amnesty, particularly with
regard to Chechens held in Russian detention facilities for crimes rather than acts
of combat, have mitigated against effective implementation. Other reports indicate
that the Russian side has returned Chechen criminals but continued to detain sus-
pected insurgents. The Glasnost Public Fund has alleged that the authorities who
physically hold those potentially eligible for the amnesty also maintain the power
to decide who actually receives amnesty.
1248
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of ^vemment involvement in cases of
politically motivated disappearances. Kidnaping is frequently committed by criminal
croups in the North Caucasus, some of which may nave links to elements of the
former insurgent forces. The main motivation seems to be ransom, although some
cases have political overtones. A number of journalists were seized and held for ran-
som during the year, as were several humanitarian aid workers. For example, on
September 20, two Russian employees of the International Orthodox Christian
Charities, Dmitriy Petrov and Dmitriy Pyankovskiy, were abducted while on a hu-
manitarian relief mission to Chechnya.
According to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), at
year's end 71 hostages remained in captivity, including (15 foreigners, of whom 5
are journalists and 10 are NGO representatives). There were no reports of dis-
appearance as a precursor to an execution or other political killing, althou^ a num-
ber of persons remain missing at year's end.
The Chechen authorities have frequently claimed that they are actively fighting
kidnapers. On July 6, Chechen
Procurator General Khalash Serbiyev estimated that 32 persons were held on sus-
picion of kidnaping. New Chechen laws call for jail terms or public executions of kid-
napers. However, there have been reports that Chechen authorities including Vice
President Vakha Arsanov have been involved.
There were no further developments in the case of American relief expert Fred
Cuny, who disappeared in Chechnya in April 1995 and is believed to have been
killed. No trace nas been found of American photojoumalist Andrew Shumack, who
disappeared in July 1995 after reportedly entering Chechnya.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture, violence, and other brutal or humiliating treat-
ment or punishment. However, there are credible reports that law enforcement per-
sonnel use torture to coerce confessions from suspects and that the Government
does not hold most of them accountable for these actions. Prisoner's rights groups
have documented numerous cases in which law enforcement and correctional offi-
cials tortured and beat detainees and suspects.
In a 1997 report. Amnesty International described five methods used by law en-
forcement officials either to gain confessions or simply to control or abuse prisoners.
The "elephant" involves placing a gas mask over the head of the victim and then
restricting or cutting off the flow of oxygen. Sometimes tear gas is introduced as
well to induce vomiting. The "swallow" involves binding the victim's hands behind
his back above the level of his head, forcing painful arching in the back. This meth-
od is used in conjunction with the elephant or separately, with the victim suspended
from the wall or ceiling so that he can be beaten. The "envelope" involves securing
the victim's legs near his head. The "press-camera" is a system whereby violent pris-
oners are coopted by guards and used to control or punish other prisoners. The co-
opted prisoners are permitted to torture prisoners (sometimes to gain confessions)
or deal with "difficult" prisoners. The "crucifixion of Christ" involves the victim
being secured spread-eagled to either a metal cot or prison bars, to which powerfial
electric shocks are applied. These allegations have been corroborated by other credi-
ble sources.
In a February 1996 report, the Presidential Human Rights Commission noted that
existing legal norms and administrative instructions failed to provide specific, clear
regulation of the application of physical force and that this allowed "the use of im-
permissible physical coercion directed against prisoners virtually without restraint."
Various abuses against military servicemen, including but not limited to the prac-
tice of "dedovshchina" (the violent hazing of new military recruits, MVD, and border
guards), continued unabated, and may nave increased during the past year. Press
reports indicate that this mistreatment often includes extortion of money or mate-
rial goods in the face of the threat of increased hazing or actual beatings. Soldiers
usuaaly do not report hazing to officers due to fear of reprisals, since officers in some
cases reportedly tolerate or even encourage such hazing as a means of controlling
their units. There are also reports that officers uae beatings to discipline soldiers
whom they find to be "inattentive to their duties." In one incident, a Pacific fleet
sailor died when an officer punished him by placing him in a missile tube. The case
is reportedly still under investigation.
According to a June General Staff briefing, during 1996 there were 2,000 deaths
of servicemen, 526 of which were suicides. For 1997 military physicians reportedly
estimate the army's suicide rate at 14 per 100,000, about 200 per year. The Mothers'
Rights Foundation, however, cites a figure of 5,000 noncombat deaths linked to vio-
lence per year. The Mothers' Rights Foundation and the Soldiers' Mothers' Commit-
tee believe that many of those who reportedly committed suicide were driven to do
80 by violent hazing or abuse.
1249
The Ministry of Defense's main military procurator noted an increase in 1997 of
the incidence of "barracks hooliganism," reporting 378 incidents. Statistics for the
first 6 months of 1997 show over 3,000 crimes against servicemen, with 900 persons
injured and over 160 killed. Prosecutors attributed the military service's inability
to crack down on hazing in part to the reluctance of inexperienced, low-ranking offi-
cers to report hazing incidents.
Senior Ministry of Defense officials acknowledge that hazing is a problem, but in-
sist that the deteriorating quality of incoming conscripts makes it difficult to eradi-
cate. Official reports on the spring conscription campaign state that 6 percent of
those inducted had criminal convictions and 8 percent had arrest records. Military
officers and spokesmen insist that they make every effort to punish soldiers and offi-
cers who either take part in or tolerate hazing. In some units, officers reportedly
have been ordered to sleep in their unit barracks until the situation improves. The
Soldiers' Mothers Committee confirm the military authorities' claim that hazers are
punished, although they argue that action is not taken in enou^ cases.
The Soldiers' Mothers Committee believes that the vast majority of hazing inci-
dents are never reported. In incidents brought to the attention of the military or
civilian authorities, the Soldiers' Mothers Committee reported that in 60% oi the
cases there was an official finding that abuse had taken place, and that some dis-
ciplinary eiction was taken as a result.
Despite the admitted seriousness of the problem, the military leadership has not
made any effort to implement large-scale changes in training or education programs
to combat abuse, at least in part due to lack of funding for new training materials.
At a November international conference in Moscow on human rights in the armed
forces, sponsored in part by the Russian Federation Presidential Commission on
Human Rights, the military services came under harsh attack for systematic and
widespread human rights violations, including hazing, beatings, and torture. The re-
port caUed on the President and the Duma to undertake a series of reforms, includ-
ing creation of a civilian post of human rights ombudsman with the power to make
unannounced inspections at military bases; creation of a military police system
charged with investigating human and civil rights, among other crimes; uncondi-
tional implementation of the presidential decree for an all-volunteer force by 2000;
and, in the interim, observance of the constitutional right to alternative civilian
service to the draft in a nonpunitive program.
The systematic abuse of psychiatry as a form of punishment during the Soviet-
era has ended. However, human rights groups charge that psychiatric hospitals con-
tinue to conceal their archives and their practices. Further, Moscow police commit-
ted some sane followers of the Orthodox Society of True Believers to a psychiatric
hospital for treatment (see Section 2.c.). Moreover, authorities apparently still abuse
the practice of psychiatry for other purposes. The Independent Psychiatric Associa-
tion of Russia has criticized the use of psychiatry in "deprogramming" "victims" of
"totalitarian sects." In such cases, authorities use pseudo-psychological and spiritual
techniques to "treat" persons who had been memoers of new religious groups (see
Section 2.c.).
Conditions for detainees and prisoners in government facilities were extremely
harsh, particularly in pretrial detention facilities ("SIZO's"), where overcrowding is
rainpant, and the authorities frequently employ physical abuse and torture to coerce
confessions. Most detainees face extremely harsh and even life-threatening condi-
tions. Yuriy Kalinin, head of the MVD's main Directorate of Internal Affairs, stated
in 1995 that "the conditions in our pretrial detention centers can be classified as
torture under international standards. That is, the deprivation of sleep, air, and
space." These conditions have not improved.
According to the 1995 law "On the Detention of Those Suspected or Accused of
Committing Crimes," inmates must be provided with adequate space, food, and med-
ical attention. Although most of the law's provisions were due to come into effect
by the end of 1996, the authorities were not able to ensure compliance, due in part
to lack of funds and the absence of a bail system.
Prisons are extremely overcrowded. The State Department of the Execution of
Sentences (GUIN) figures for July 1 show 273,367 persons occupying prisons and
pretrial detention facilities designed to hold 182,358, a total that is 149.9 percent
of the designed capacity. The Moscow Center for Prison Reform (MCPR) reported
in that one average medium-sized SIZO (investigative isolation ward) designed for
1,5(X) prisoners held 2,300. These inmates have only 1.4 square feet per person. The
law mandates 9 square feet of space per detainee. In another case, a SIZO in the
Urals holds 8,000 persons in facilities designed for 3,500. In "Kresty," St. Peters-
burg's largest SIZ(J, 5 to 15 prisoners are neld in cells that were buUt 100 years
ago to hold 1 prisoner.
1250
Under such conditions, prisoners sleep in shifts, and there is little, if any, room
to move within the cell. In most pretrial detention centers and prisons, there is no
ventilation system. Cells are stiflingly hot in summer (up to 40 degrees centigrade,
according to the MCPR) and dangerously cold in winter. Reports indicate that
matches can not be lit in many SIZO cells during the summer Because of a lack of
oxygen.
Health, nutrition, and sanitation standards in penal facilities remain low due to
a lack of funding. MCPR estimated that the MVD was able to provide only 20 to
30 percent of needed supplies and medications, leaving some faalities without any
medicine at all. Head lice, scabies, and various skin diseases are prevalent. The
MCPR estimates that MVD penitentiary facilities were able to provide only 60 to
70 percent of the daily food rations they envisioned providing. Prisoners and detain-
ees typically rely on families to provide them with ejrtra food.
Detention facilities have infection rates of tuberculosis at far higher rates than
the population at large. The MCPR reports that as of the summer 70,000 persons
in corrective labor co&nies and 10,000 in SIZO's were infected with tuberculosis. In
1996 the MCPR asserted that the rate of tuberculosis is 40 times higher in the pris-
on system than in the general population, and that the mortality rates was 17 tmies
higher. HIV/AIDS infection rates are also a source of concern. The MCPR reported
1,000 cases (which it believes to be a low figure)in a total prison population of^about
1 million. The highest rate of infection is in Kaliningrad, where the MCPR reports
between 207 and 225 cases, one-eighth of the prison population.
Statistics on the number of detainees and prisoners who were killed or died and
on the number of law enforcement and prison personnel disciplined for use of exces-
sive force are not released publicly. While reliable figures are extremely difficult to
establish Russian human rights groups have in the past estimated that between
10,(X)0 and 20,(X)0 detainees and prison inmates die each year in penitentiary facili-
ties, some due to beatings, but most as a result of overcrowding, poor sanitary condi-
tions, or lack of medical care. The Ministry of Internal Affairs does not break down
its statistics to specify how many of the 21,000 personnel dismissed were punished
for abusing detainees or convicte. The new Duma Committee on Penitentiary Re-
form has heard 35 complaints of abuse since 1995. Its predecessor, a Duma commis-
sion, investigated 1,200 cases of abuse.
The penitentiary system is centrally administered from Moscow. The MVD, the
Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Defense, and the Ministry of Education all main-
tain penitentiary facilities. The MVD oversees about 85 percent of the prison popu-
lation. According to GUEN statistics, the total prison population was 1,017,848 as
of July 1. At year's end there were reportedly 275,567 detainees in centers built for
a maximum of 182,358, according to Human nights Watch.
Violence among inmates, including beatings and rape, is common, as elaborate in-
mate-enforced caste systems in which informers, homosexuals, rapists, rape victims,
chUd molesters, and others are to be "untouchable" and treated very harshly, with
little or no protection from the prison authorities.
There are five basic forms of detention in the MVD correctional system. Prison
conditions in police station detention centers vary considerably, but are as a rule
harsh. In most cases, detainees are not fed and have no bedding, sleeping place,
running water, or toilet.
Suspects awaiting completion of criminal investigation, trial, sentencing, or appeal
are confined in pretrial detention centers (SIZO's). GUIN has 178 SIZO s. Convicts
are on occasion imprisoned in SIZO's because there is no transport to take them
elsewhere. Conditions in SIZO's are extremely harsh. Cells are overcrowded and
prisoners must sleep in shifts due to insufficient numbers of beds.
Correctional labor colonies (ITK's) are penal institutions, which handle the bulk
of the convicts. The GUIN reported on July 1 that 723,540 persons were detained
in 742 facilities. According to the MCPR, conditions in ITK's are better than those
in SIZO's and prisons only to the extent that there is fresh air. In the 122 timber
correctional colonies, where hardened criminals serve their time, beatings, torture,
and rape by guards are common.
'Prisons are penitentiary institutions for those who repeatedly violate the rel-
atively lax rules in effect in ITK's. The GUIN has 13 prisons with 273,367 inmates.
Conditions in many prisons are extremely harsh. Although they are not as crowded
as SIZO's, guards reportedly severely discipline prisoners to break down resistance.
Prisoners are sometimes humiliated, beaten, and starved.
Educational labor colonies for juveniles ("VTK's ") are prisons for juveniles 14 to
20 years of age. The GUIN reported on July 1 that there were 20,941 inmates being
held at 61 VTK's. Conditions in VTK's are significantly better than in ITK's, but
juveniles in VTK's and juvenile SIZO cells suffer from beatings, torture, and rape.
The MCPR reports that such facilities have a poor psychological atmosphere and
1251
lack educational and vocational training opportunities. Many of the iuveniles are
from orphanages, have no outside support, and are unaware of their rights.
In October President Yeltsin signed an edict providing for the transfer of the
GUIN from the MVD to the Ministry of Justice, in accordance with a recommenda-
tion of the Ministerial Committee of the Council of Europe. The MVD is resisting
the transfer and had prevented it from taking place by year's end.
In January 1996, President Yeltsin approved the MVD's project to reorganize
criminal procedures and the penal system in order to bring the penal system into
line with international standards. Tne President's Commission for Prison Reform
monitors prison conditions and has prepared recommendations and legislation for
reform. None of these efforts have led to any demonstrable progress.
In recognition of the inhuman conditions present in detention facilities, on Decem-
ber 24 the Duma passed the Yeltsin administration proposal for an amnesty for
prisoners held for minor crimes and for first-time offenders, specifically veterans of
military service in defense of the Motherland, pregnant women or women with chil-
dren, invalids, tuberculosis-infected prisoners, minors and senior citizens. The meas-
ure will potentially release 445,000 persons, including 35,000 who would be released
from prisons and 60,000 whose terms of detention would be reduced. While noting
that tne measure will alleviate some of the problems of overcrowding, human rights
NGO's argue that the plan does not fuUv resolve the ongoing crisis.
Moscow human rights groups make frequent visits to the prisons in the Moscow
area, but they have neither the resources nor a national network to investigate con-
ditions in all 89 regions. According to the MCPR, conditions in penal facilities vary
among the regions. Some regions offer assistance in the form oi food, clothing and
medicine. Saratov oblast, concerned over the tuberculosis crisis in facilities located
there, fully funded the tuberculosis-related medicinal needs of prisoners, according
to the MCPR. Other support is offered by NGO's and religious groups.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Arbitrary arrest and detention remain
problems. The Constitution provides that the arrest, taking into custody, and deten-
tion of persons suspected of crimes are permitted only by judicial decision. However,
the Constitution's transitional provisions specify that these provisions do not take
effect until a new Criminal Procedure Code is adopted. The new. code had its first
reading in and was not expected to go into effect until 1998. The new Criminal Code
that was passed in 1995 went into effect at the beginning of 1997. Under the new
code the maximum sentence increased from 15 years to 30 years.
There are credible reports from throughout the country that police detain people
without observing manaated procedures and fail to issue proper protocols of arrest
or for confiscated property. Cfredible reports exist of physical abuse being used by
officers in these arrests. Moscow city law enforcement authorities frequently detain
persons unlawfully for alleged violations of registration requirements (see Section
2.d.).
In the absence of measures to implement the procedural safeguards contained in
the Constitution, suspects were often subjected to uneven and arbitrary treatment
by officials acting under the present Criminal Procedure Code and "temporary" pres-
idential decrees. The code gives procurators authority to issue an order of detention
without a judge's authorization and, if police believe that the suspect has conxmitted
a crime or is a danger to others, he can be detained for up to 48 hours without a
warrant. The Constitution and the Criminal Procedure Code provide that detainees
are entitled to have a lawyer present from the time of detention, during questioning
following detention, and throughout investigation up to and including the formal fil-
ing of charges. This generally is followed in practice. The Moscow Center for the
Promotion of Criminal Justice Reform reports that detainees are given the oppor-
tunity to have access to a lawyer in accordance with their ri^ts. However, the Cen-
ter notes that the high cost of legal fees and the poor quality of court-appointed pub-
lic defenders for those lacking the funds to engage counsel effectively deny the ma-
jority of suspects competent legal representation. As a result, many prisoners do not
exercise this right because they believe it useless.
A 1994 presidential decree on combating organized crime allowed law enforcement
authorities to detain persons suspected of ties to organized crime for up to 30 days
without explanation of the reasons for detention and without access to a lawyer. A
July 1996 decree on combating crime in Moscow went even further, allowing officials
to hold unregistered residents suspected of crimes for up to 30 days and in certain
cases to expel them from Moscow. These two decrees were overturned by a June 14
presidential decree that allows detention for up to 10 days without bringing charges.
The June decree instructed the Government to submit to the Duma a draft federal
law on preventing vagrancy and social rehabilitation of the homeless.
The Criminal Procedure Code specifies that only 2 months should elapse between
the date an investigation is initiated and the date the file is transferred to the proc-
1252
urator so that he can file formal charges against the suspect in court. However, in-
vestigations are seldom completed that quickly. Some suspects spend 18 months or
longer in detention under harsh conditions in a SIZO while the criminal investiga-
tion is conducted. The Moscow Center for Prison Reform (MCPR) reports terms of
pretrial detention extending up to 3 years, with the average ranging from 7 to 10
months. In some extreme cases, however, the MCPR reports detention periods of 5
years due to financial difficulties and poor investigative and court work. The code
provides that the regional procurator may extend the period of criminal investiga-
tion to 6 months in ' complex" cases. If more time is required in "exceptional" cases,
the Procurator General can personally extend the period up to 18 months. Exten-
sions of the investigation period are often issued without explanation to the de-
tainee. Until the investigation is completed, the suspect is under the jurisdiction of
the procurator's office and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. There is no procedure
for a suspect to plead guilty during the investigative period, although if a suspect
informs the investigator that he is guilty, the period of the investigation is usually
shorter than if he maintains his innocence. Suspects frequently fear exercising their
rights to request judicial review of their detention out of fear of angering the inves-
tigating officer.
There were also credible reports that persons have been detained far in excess of
the permissible periods for administrative offenses, in some cases so that police offi-
cials could extort money from friends or relatives. The situation has improved some-
what since a Yeltsin decree issued in the summer that annulled a previous Yeltsin
decree that had allowed for 30-day detentions. However, the practice of detaining
individuals in excess of permissible periods is still not uncommon, and this is often
done for the purpose of extorting money.
The use oibail is extremely rare, even if suspects are not flight risks or have not
been charged with violent crimes. This aggravates overcrowding in pretrial deten-
tion and, due to delays in bringing cases to trial, results in many suspects remain-
ing in pretrial detention for longer than the maximum penalty they might face if
convicted.
Delays also plague the trial stage. Although the Criminal Procedure Code requires
court consideration to begin no more than 14 days after the judge issues the order
designating the location of the trial, congestion in the court system frequently leads
to long postponements. Some suspects actually serve the length of their sentences
while awaiting trial. Judges often do not dismiss cases involving improper investiga-
tions or indictments, particularly if the procurator's case has political support or tne
case is controversial. Instead, such cases are often retumea to the procurator for
additional investigation.
Some authorities have taken advantage of the system's procedural weaknesses to
arrest people on false pretexts for expressing views critical of the Government.
Human rights advocates in the regions have been charged with libel, contempt of
court, or interference injudicial procedures in cases with distinct political overtones.
Others have been charged with other offenses and held either in excess of normal
periods of detention or lor offenses that do not require detention at all.
The case of Aleksandr Nikitin, a retired Russian naval captain who was detained
for much of 1996 continued to be characterized by serious violations of due process,
suggesting that his detention was politically motivated. The FSB detained Nikitin
in St. Petersburg in February 1996 on suspicion of espionage and revealing state
secrets. Nikitin nad been working with a Norwegian environmental foundation,
Bellona, to publish information on the dangers posed by the nuclear waste gen-
erated by the northern fleet, in which Nikitin had served.
In December 1996, the federal Deputy Procurator General ordered the FSB to re-
lease Nikitin on his own recognizance. Nikitin remains at liberty but was restricted
to the St. Petersburg city limits, although he was permitted to visit Moscow in No-
vember
On June 17, the FSB announced its most recent charges against Nikitin, "state
treason" and "revealing state secrets," crimes punishable by up to 20 years in pris-
on. The FSB was subsequently granted several 3-month extensions to their inves-
tigation, the reasons for which are unclear. The FSB concluded its investigation in
September, but the defense team protested that key documents were removed from
the case file. The court upheld the challenge, and the FSB restored the file and
closed its investigation in November.
The indictments reportedly cite classified decrees that have never been made
available to Nikitin's defense team and were unknown to Nikitin when he was writ-
ing the Bellona report. Two of them were issued in 1993 (after Nikitin's retirement
in 1992) and one was issued in 1996, after Nikitin's arrest. A third was not sched-
uled to take effect until January 1, 1998. The prosecution also has not made avail-
able the findings of its expert review (conducted solely by Defense Ministry officers)
1253
and has refused the defense team's right to an independent expert review of the ma-
terial grounds for the indictment.
The defense team demonstrated that all the information used in Nikitin's report
is freely available in open sources. It also has challenged the FSB's use of classified
decrees as the basis for indictment on the grounds that the Constitution specifies
that "any normative legal enactments affecting human and civil rights, freedoms,
and duties cannot be applied unless they have been officially published for universal
information." Finally, the defense team has cited constitutional provisions giving
"each person . . . the right to a decent environment [and] reliable information about
the state of the environment" as a reason that none of the information can legally
be classified.
Grigoriy Pasko, an active-duty ofiicer in the Pacific Fleet, was arrested on sus-
picion of treason in November. His attorney questioned the legality of the arrest and
claimed that Pasko is being persecuted for his environmental activism.
Murmansk human rights activist Oleg Pazyura was arrested on May 26. The spe-
cific charges under which he would be tried were not known at year's end. It is oe-
lieved that the charges have to do with libeling, insulting, and possibly threatening
public ofTicials. His defenders allege that Pazyura was taken to St. Petersburg some
time toward the end of the year for court-mandated psychiatric testing, allegedly to
remove him from the purview of a team from the general procurator's office, which
had arrived in Murmansk from Moscow to review his case. He was returned to Mur-
mansk in late December, after the team had returned to Moscow. Pazyura's trial
was scheduled for January 19, 1998.
Vasiliy Chaykin, an activist with the Krasnodar FVovincial Association for the
Protection of Human Rights, was arrested on April 17 on charges of statutory rape.
Chaykin denies the charges and claims that they stem from his vocal criticism of
law enforcement authorities. Chaykin was denied access to a lawyer of his choice
for a month after his arrest.
Larisa Kharchenko, a housing advisor to former St. Petersburg Mayor Anatoliy
Sobchak, was detained in July in connection with a corruption case involving the
former Mayor. She was held incommunicado for 17 days and then charged with
bribery and abuse of office. Her lawyer contended that the authorities do not have
a case against her and that she was kept in jail and deprived of medical care in
order to force her to testify against Sobchak. She was released in mid-December,
but must stay in St. Petersburg pending further developments in her case. No trial
date has been set.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; the development of an independent judiciary continued and there are signs
of limited independence. However, the judiciary does not yet act as an effective
counterweight to other branches of government. A 1996 law separated the courts
from the Ministry of Justice and placed them within a separate part of the Judicial
Department. In the 1998 budget, this department is funded independent of the Min-
istry. Judges remain subject to some influence from the executive, military, and se-
curity forces, especially in high profile or political cases. The judiciary also lacks re-
sources and is subject to corruption.
Low salaries and scant prestige make it difficult to attract talented new judges
and contribute to the vulnerability of existing judges to bribery and corruption. On
July 29, President Yeltsin ordered a 65 percent pay raise (from an average salary
of $333 (rr 2 million) to $533 (rr 3.2 million per month) in an attempt to attract
new judges to fill approximately 1,500 vacancies in the judiciary.
The Criminal Code provides for the court to appoint a lawyer if the suspect cannot
afford one. The Society for the Guardianship oi Penitentiary Institutions is often
called upon by judges to provide legal assistance for suspects facing charges and
trial without any representation. This society operates primarily in Moscow, al-
though it uses its connections throughout Russia to appeal to legal professionals to
represent the indigent. However, in many cases the indigent receive little legal as-
sistance, because lunds are lacking to pay for trial attorneys for them and public
defenders are poorly trained.
Because the right to a lawyer during pretrial questioning is often not exercised
(see Section l.d.), many defendants recant testimony given in pretrial questioning,
stating that they were denied access to a lawyer or that they were coerced into giv-
ing false confessions or statements. Nevertheless, human rights monitors have docu-
mented cases in which convictions were obtained on the basis of testimony that the
defendant recanted in court, even in the absence of other proof of guilt.
In the 80 regions where adversarial jury trials have not yet been introduced,
criminal procedures are heavily weighted in favor of the procurator. The judge or
panel of judges conduct the trial by asking questions based on their prior review
1254
of the evidence. Reports indicate that in practice the constitutionally-mandated pre-
sumption of innocence is often disregarded. Judges are known to return poorly de-
veloped cases to the prosecution for additional investigation rather than risk con-
frontation with powerful prosecutors. This greatly increases the time that defend-
ants spend in SIZO's (see Section I.e.).
Adversarial jury trials, at the option of the accused in cases where there is a risk
of a death penalty, were introduced in 1993 and 1994 in nine areas, comprising 23
percent of the population. The Department of Judicial Reform of the State Legal Ad-
ministration of the President, which is charged with reintroducing jury trials,
planned in early 1996 to expand jury trials to 12 new. regions, but failed to do so
due to lack of mnds. Such an expansion would extend access to jury trials to ap-
proximately half of the population.
The Moscow Center for the Promotion of Criminal Justice Reform reports that 336
cases, involving 618 persons, were tried by jury in 1996. Of these, 80 resulted in
acquittals (19.1 percent) and around one quarter were returned for further inves-
tigation. According to the Center's figures, the acquittal rate for nonjury trials is
approximately 2 percent.
In April Amnesty International reported on efforts by the Government of the
breakaway Republic of Chechnya to establish a new criminal code based on the Is-
lamic Shari'a code. Although the code has not been formally enacted, elements of
Shari'a law have already been cited in court decisions. Four Chechens were found
guilty by Shari'a courts and executed publicly by firing squad in August and Sep-
tember.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution states that officials can enter a private residence only in cases pre-
scribed by federal law or on the basis of a judicial decision. It permits the (jovem-
ment to monitor correspondence, telephone conversations, and other means of com-
munication only with judicial permission. It prohibits the collection, storage, utiliza-
tion, and dissemination of information about a person's private life without his con-
sent. However, the implementing legislation necessary to bring these provisions into
effect has not yet been passed. In 1995 legislation was passed that gave broad au-
thority for the FSB to utilize domestic surveillance and to conduct searches of pri-
vate residences, with only limited oversight by the courts and the procuracy. These
measures remain in force. There were reports of electronic surveillance by govern-
ment officials and others. Moscow police entered residences without warrants during
checks for illegal residents of the city (see Section 2.d.).
Officers in the special services, including authorities at the highest levels of the
Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) and Federal Security Service (FSB), have been
accused of using their services' power to gather "kompromat" (compromising mate-
rials) on political and public figures as political insurance and to remove rivals.
Similarly, persons in these agencies, both active and retired, have been accused of
working with commercial or criminal organizations for the same purpose. For exam-
f>le, there were reports that a criminal organization was responsible for taping or
eaking a videotape showing Justice Minister Valentin Kovalev disporting himself
with young women in a bathnouse.
There are credible reports that regional branches of the FSB continue to exert
pressure on citizens employed by western firms and organizations, often with the
goal of coercing them into becoming informants.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of the
press and mass iniormation and the "right of each person to seek, pass on, produce,
and disseminate information freely by any legal method." The (jovemment generally
respects these provisions; however, tne law contains provisions regarding secrecy of
information that federal, regional, and local authorities have on occasion chosen to
interpret broadly in order to limit access to information and to prosecute journalists
and media organizations that publish critical information.
Because Russian media generally are not financially self- sufficient, they are sub-
ject to manipulation by the Government and by companies that are their majority
shareholders. These financial entities manipulate the media at times to further
their own political and financial goals. Journalists and editors admit that the politi-
cal and business interests of major shareholders are paramount, causing journalists
to practice self-censorship. Prominent Russian human rights activist Sergey Kovelov
has stated that, in these circumstances, "The Russian media are free but not inde-
pendent."
Despite this, the major print media organizations represent Russia's broad politi-
cal spectrum and provide readers with a variety of information. Independent and
1255
semi-independent television stations continue to develop, and the number of small
private radio stations, mostly in the big cities, continues to increase. Nevertheless,
reports of government pressure on the media continue, particularly when coverage
deals with corruption or criticism of the authorities.
Private companies began investing heavily in the media market in 1997, even
though the media generally are not yet profitable. The most powerful companies,
such as Lukoil, Gazprom, and a number of banks, fought for influence on the Mos-
cow media maritet and began to invest in media in the provinces.
Federal, regional, and local governments continued to exert pressure on ioumal-
ists by depriving them of access to information, using accreditation procedures to
limit access, removing them from their jobs, and bringing libel suits against them.
The Glasnost Defense Fund's (GDF) mid-year report noted that such actions against
journalists increased from 126 cases in the first naif of 1996 to 202 in the first half
of 1997. By year's end the GDF's updated figures for 1997 included 420 cases in
which the rights of journalists and press freedom were violated. Further, the GDF
reported that there were 353 incidents in which journalists and media sources were
accused by the authorities of abuse of their journalistic privileges (defined as "incite-
ment to societal animosity," violations related to advertising activity, campaign ac-
tivities, publication of state secrets, and libel).
Accreoitation rules often violate the constitutional right of journalists to access to
information. For example, at the beginning of the year, the public relations depart-
ment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs revised its accreditation procedure and re-
quired journalists to submit their articles for the previous 6 months in order to be
considered for accreditation. The Internal Affairs Ministry withdrew this policy only
afler the GDF insisted that such a requirement violated federal law.
In March the State duma withdrew accreditation from ORT (Russian public tele-
vision) journalists on the grounds that their coverage of a duma debate was not ob-
jective. For 3 weeks these journalists were refused access to duma piioceedings; the
Supreme Court ruled the duma's action illegal.
In the provinces, the use of accreditation to limit journalists' access was even
more common because every regional duma, court, or city administration devises its
own accreditation procedures. In July the Bryansk duma refused to renew the ac-
creditation of Yevgeniy Yegorov, a journalist from the local daily Dobriy Den, be-
cause he wrote an article criticizing the deputies' excessive expenditures on business
trips and gifts. In May the Novosibirsk mayor denied accreditation to journalists
from Komok newspaper on the grounds that he needed "to see how they do for a
month or two" and that he had a feeling that the newspaper might be "shut down."
The number of court cases against journalists increased 2.5 times over 1996. In
the majority of these cases, a government body or individual official accused journal-
ists and their newspapers oi "causing damage to reputation." According to the
GDF's mid-year report, libel and criminal proceedings against journalists often do
not have a sound legal foundation. Nonetheless, judges rule against the media in
the majority of these cases because the law is vague and judges are reluctant to
challenge powerful local ofTicials. Such rulings reinforce the tendency towards self-
censorship.
Journalists publishing critical information about local governments and influen-
tial businesses, as well as investigative journalists writing about crime and other
sensitive issues, were subjected to threats, beatings, and even murder. In a 1997
report on violations of the rights of journalists, the GDF found numerous instances
of harassment, including financial pressure, physical assaults, and threats against
journalists' families.
In a widely publicized incident, Duma member and leader of the Liberal Demo-
cratic Party Vladimir Zhirinovskiy physically attacked Moscow Television Channel
(MTK) journalist Yulia Olshanskaya and a cameraman from the 2x2 television
channel, Valeriy Ivanov. Zhirinovskiy attacked the journalists because they tried to
film him as he attempted to cross the militia cordon at the annual May 9 World
War II victory celebration. Zhirinovskiy dragged Olshanskaya to a nearby car,
forced her in, and locked her inside. Then he and his bodyguards proceeded to beat
up Ivanov, repeatedly slamming a car door on his head. Tne Committee to Protect
Journalists sent a letter to President Boris Yeltsin expressing concern over the in-
difference of law- enforcement officers towards these attacks on journalists.
Olshanskaya filed criminal charges against her attacker. Zhirinovskiy was not de-
tained (Duma members enjoy immunity from criminal prosecution), and the case
against the bodyguards is still pending.
In the regions outside the major media markets of Moscow and St. Petersburg,
the pressure against the media is even more pronounced. Local authorities and
criminal groups often feel that they have absolute power in "their" regions. Many
authorities continued to use their ownership of meaia premises, printing facilities,
45-909 98-41
1256
government subsidies, and charges of libel to pressure the media. In May two men
severely beat "Komsomolskaya Pravda" correspondent Irina Chemova in the center
of Volgograd. Chemova alleged that the attack was connected to one of the two in-
vestigations that she was working on at the time. One involved suspicious dealings
between the local Hermes- Povolzhve Bank and a local drilling technology factory.
The other involved the Volgograd Region police, against which she brou^t harass-
ment charges shortly before the incident.
In February two journalists of Irkutsk's Zemlya newspaper, Robert Sheptalin and
Aleksandr Shakhmatov, were arrested and imprisoned on bribery charges. Their col-
leagues alleged that the two men were imprisoned as a result of their unfavorable
reporting on prominent city oflicials. They were still in prison months after their
arrest, and the investigation was not proceeding.
Several journalists were killed throughout the country. However, at year's end, it
was not yet known whether they were killed in circumstances connected to their
work. For example, on March 20, a radio correspondent of Kabardino-Balkariya
radio, Vladimir Alivev, was found with a cracked skull 60 kilometers from the re-
gion's capital, Nalcnik, and died from the injury a few davs later. Even though the
attack was classified as a theft because his documents ana money were missing, the
journalist's colleagues are convinced it was murder. They claim Aliyev received nu-
merous death threats before the attack. The local procuracy, which seems to be
treating it as a routine homicide, states that the case has been closed because the
alleged perpetrator has since died.
Komsomolskaya Pravda special corresjjondent Valeriy Krivosheyev was killed in
Lipetsk on September 6. According to a report from the Committee to Protect Jour-
nalists, Krivosheyev had told colleagues the day before that he was pursuing a story
that he termed 'a bombshell of national proportions." Krivosheyev had previously
pursued controversial stories as an investigative journalist for the Lipetsk daily De
Fakto.
The Government's information policy remained restrictive. Facts, documents, and
statistical data are still frequently kept from the press. The secrecy of information,
and the resistance of senior officials to its release, were typically cited as pretexts
for refusing to provide information to journalists.
In response to the kidnapings of iournalists in Chechnya in March, the Chechen
Internal Affairs Ministry announced that all journalists wishing to visit Chechnya
must register with the Ministry, travel to the Republic only by air, stay in the gov-
ernment compound at the airport, and hire armed government bodyguards. Russian
and foreign correspondents generally refused to comply.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — ^The Constitution provides citi-
zens with the right to assemble freely, and the Government respects this right in
practice. Organizations must obtain permits in order to hold public meetings. The
application process must begin between 5 and 10 days before the scheduled event.
Citizens freely and actively protested government decisions and actions. Permits to
demonstrate were readily granted to both opponents and supporters of the Govern-
ment.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, and the Government re-
spects this right in practice. Public organizations must register their bylaws and the
names of their leaders with the Ministry of Justice. In 1995 a registration law was
passed specifying that organizations had until 1999 to reregister.
In addition to submitting their bylaws and the names of their leaders, political
parties must present 5,000 signatures and pay a fee to register. The Constitution
and the law on elections ban the participation in elections of organizations that pro-
fess anticonstitutional themes or activities.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. The Constitution also provides for the
equality of all religions before the law and the separation of church and state. How-
ever, in practice the Government does not always respect the provision for equality
of religions. In December 1990, the Soviet Government adopted a law on religious
freedom designed to put all religions on an equal basis. (After the breakup of the
Soviet Union, this law became part of the Russian Federation's legal code.) The law
forbade government interference in religion and established simple registration pro-
cedures for religious groups. Registration of religious groups was not required, and
some evangelical and other religious groups have continued to operate while choos-
ing not to register officially with the Government. By registering, however, groups
obtained a number of advantages; for example, the ability to establish official places
of worship or benefit from tax exemptions. The Government does not designate reli-
gion on passports or national identity documents.
Over the past several years the sharp increase in the activities of well-financed
foreign missionaries has disturbed many sectors of society, particularly nationalists
1257
and those in the Russian Orthodox Church, some of whom advocated limiting the
activities of what they termed "nontraditional" reUgious groups and what were
sometimes termed "totalitarian sects."
In October the Government enacted a new, restrictive, and potentially discrimina-
tory law on religion, which raised questions about the Grovemment's commitment
to international agreements honoring freedom of religion. Passage of the law
prompted concern in the international community because, for the first time since
the break-up of the Soviet Union, Russia had adopted legislation that could abridge
fundamental human rights. This law replaced the progressive 1990 religion law that
had helped facilitate a revival of religious activity.
The new law was ostensibly targeted at so-called "totalitarian sects" or dangerous
religious cults. However, the intent of some of the law's sponsors appears to have
been to discriminate against members of less well-established religions by making
it difficult for them to manifest their beliefs through organized religious institutions.
The law is very complex, with many ambiguous and contradictory provisions. Sup-
porters and critics of the law differ as to its potential impact; each side can cite lan-
guage in the law to support its interpretation. The law's most controversial provi-
sions center on the creation of various categories of religious communities witn dif-
fering levels of legal status and privileges. The law draws distinctions between reli-
gious "groups" and "organizations" and creates two categories of organization: "re-
gional" and "centralized." A religious group is a congregation of worshipers that does
not have the status of a juridical person, meaning it cannot open a bank account,
own property, issue invitations to foreign guests or publish literature, among other
things. Individual members of groups will presumably retain these rights. For ex-
ample, a member of a religious group could buy property for the group's use, and
invite personal guests to engage m religious instruction, and import religious mate-
rial. In this case, however, the group would not enjoy tax benents and other privi-
leges extended to religious organizations.
Groups that have been in existence for 15 years have the right to obtain the sta-
tus of local religious organizations." Similarly, congregations that existed for 15
years when the new law was enacted will also be eligible for registration as an orga-
nization. Organizations, both local and centralized, are juridical persons, enjoy tax
exemptions, and are permitted to establish religious schools and to host foreign reli-
gious workers. Acentralized religious organizations can be founded by a confession
that has three functioning "local organizations" in different regions. A centralized
organization apparently has the right to establish affiliated local organizations with-
out adhering to the 15-year rule.
Under the new law, representatives of foreign religious organizations are required
to register with state authorities, and are barred from conducting liturgical and
other religious activity unless they have acquired the status of a group or organiza-
tion.
Critics of the law have claimed that it violates the Constitution's provision of
equality before the law of all confessions. In particular, many religious groups criti-
cized the law's requirement that religious groups be in existence for 15 years before
they can qualify for "organization' status. Also, many groups feared the con-
sequences of the law's provisions limiting the actions of foreign religious mission-
aries. Representatives of some religions, such as the Mormon Church and some Pen-
tecostal and Charismatic Christian groups, have said that their activities in Russia
could be halted under the law. Critics of the law have also expressed concern that
local authorities could abuse the new law by interpreting and implementing it more
strictly than intended by the Federal Government.
President Yeltsin ana high-ranking officials have consistently stated that the law
would be applied in a liberal, tolerant manner, thereby preserving religious freedom
and the equality of confessions. No mainstream religion already operating in Russia,
they insist, would see its activities curtailed as a result of the new law. Though for-
mally in force at year's end, the full effects of the law were not yet apparent as im-
plementing regulations had not been promulgated. The full effect of the law may
not be clear until the end of 1999, the time before which organizations registered
under the old law are required to obtain new registration. Since its adoption, in fact,
no religious group has completely ceased operations in Russia as a result of the law.
However, tnere were numerous instances of obstruction of religious groups' activi-
ties by local authorities who cited the new law, and more significantly, two reported
instances of punishment for religious belief or activity. For example, on Octooer 2,
police in Moscow detained followers of the Orthodox Society of True Believers and
committed them to a psychiatric hospital for treatment (see Section I.e.). The police-
men attributed their actions to the new law. In October a mayor in Yamalo-
Nenetskiy autonomous okrug wrote a letter informing a local judge that the latter
1258
could no longer carry out his official duties because he was a member of a "sect"
(the Pentecostal Church).
In another case, local authorities citing the new law canceled the registration of
the Evangelical Lutheran mission in the town of Touim in the autonomous Republic
of Khakasiya. The registration was reinstated, reportedly after intervention by the
authorities in Moscow. However, in November the chief procurator of Khakasiya in-
formed the mission of his intention to seek judicial approval of his efforts to cancel
the mission's registration. Similarly, the pastor of an independent Pentecostal con-
gregation in the town of Semnadtsat, about 25 miles west of Moscow, said that local
authorities had cited the new law to him when informing him in August that his
group would no longer be able to rent a classroom for Sunday worship. On October
12, the head of the Moscow oblast regional administration refused to reissue an au-
thorization to a Pentecostal group to rent a community center for religious services.
Many towns in Russia have virtually no facilities available for worship services that
are not government-owned.
Furthermore, since 1994, 22 out of 89 regional governments have passed restric-
tive laws and decrees intended to restrict the activities of religious groups. The Fed-
eral Government has not sought to challenge the constitutionality of these restric-
tions. Enforcement is uneven, but there are reports that some local governments
prevented religious groups from using venues, such as cinemas, suitable for large
gatherings. As a result, in some instances denominations that do not have their own
property effectively have been denied the opportunity to practice their faith in large
groups. In Kursk, for example, authorities declined to renew agreements with the
Catholic community granting it access to the Church of the Assumption (a Catholic
church confiscated by the Bolsheviks and converted into a House of Culture); the
congregation has reportedly resorted to meeting in the street outside. Similarly,
Belgorod authorities refused to register the Catholic community there on the
grounds that Catholicism is a "foreign" religious organization, and refused to return
the Catholic Church of Saints Peter and Paul to the Catholic community. Instead,
city authorities reportedly plan to turn the building into an Orthodox museum. A
Catholic priest was reportedly told that he could not conduct mass, even in a private
apartment.
These and other actions in certain regions have given rise to concern, but there
are positive notes as well: the governor of St. Petersburg vetoed restrictive legisla-
tion on the grounds that its principles were unconstitutional and that the strictures
imposed on religious groups were not within the power of the city's government to
establish. While the local legislature passed, and the governor of Sverdlovsk oblast
signed, a restrictive religion law in October 1996, executive branch officials have re-
fused to enforce the law, citing fear of lawsuits by minority faiths, vagueness in the
law's provisions, and the belief by officials that some of the provisions of the law
were unconstitutional. The Supreme Court of the Republic of Udmurtiya struck
down a 1996 republic law restricting freedom of religion.
Despite constitutional provisions for equality of religions, in many areas of the
country it appeared that the Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) and,
in some regions, Islam, had privileged positions, particularly in the pace of return
of previously nationalized religious properties and in the allocation of public funds
for restoration and construction of church properties.
Property disputes are some of the most frequent complaints cited by religious
groups. For the most part, synagogues, churches, and mosques have been returned
to communities to be used for religious services. In certain cases churches have not
yet been returned. Moreover, the Moscow Patriarchate has claimed and taken pos-
session of properties owned by other branches of orthodoxy. On October 9, local offi-
cials filed a petition in Penza oblast court to evict the Russian Orthodox Free
Church from a church building that it had been using for several years. The Moscow
Patriarchate openly supported this action and the property was returned to them.
Similarly, at the request of the Russian Orthodox Archbishop of Vladimir and
Suzdal, the Ministry of Culture and the State Property Committee ordered the Rus-
sian Orthodox Free Church community in Vladimir oblast in mid-October to relin-
quish its church to the Moscow Patriarchate. In some property disputes, religious
buildings have been "privatized," and local authorities often refuse to get involved
in property disputes, which they contend are between private organizations. Even
where state or municipal authorities still have undisputed control of properties, a
number of religious communities continue to meet significant obstacles when they
request the return of religious buildings, or when they seek to acquire land and nec-
essary building permits for new religious structures. Some Protestant faiths have
suggested that the Russian Orthodox Church influences the Government regarding
land allocated for churches of other sects.
1259
Although Jews and Muslims continue to encounter prejudice and societal discrimi-
nation, they have not been inhibited by the Government in the free practice of their
religion. In some areas of the country, other religions, including Buddhism, various
minority Christian faiths, and Shamanism are practiced in accord with local tradi-
tions.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides citizens with the right to choose their place
of residence freely. However, regional governments continue to restrict this right
through residential registration rules that closely resemble the Soviet-era "propiska"
(pass) regulations. Altnough the rules, which came into effect at the beginning of
1996, were touted as a notification device rather than a control system, their appli-
cation has produced many of the same results as the propiska system.
Although citizens are free to travel within Russia, the Government also imposes
registration requirements on domestic travel. All adults are issued internal pass-
ports, which they must carry while traveling and use to register with local autnori-
ties for visits oi more than 3 days (in Moscow it is 24 hours). However, travelers
not staying in hotels usually ignore this requirement.
Citizens must register to live and work in a specific area within 7 days of moving
there. Russian citizens changing residence in Russia, as well as citizens of former
Soviet republics who decide to move to Russia, often face enormous difficulties or
are simply not permitted to register in some cities. The United Nations High Com-
missioner for Refugees (UNH(I/R) and refugee rights NGO's have cited Stavropol,
Krasnodar, Moscow, and St. Petersburg as being the least open to migrants. The
cost of registration is often prohibitive, far beyond the means of most migrants or
refugees, who usually do not register. On July 2, the Constitutional Court struck
down a Moscow oblast registration law on the grounds that the fees collected con-
stituted a tax that is not in the power of a regional government to levy. However,
since such decisions do not have universality of application, the ruling does not af-
fect registration requirements in other oblasts and cities. In October 1996, the city
of Moscow had set registration fees at 500 times the legal minimum wage, or about
$7,500 (40 million ruoles). In April 1996, the Constitutional Court struck down a
Moscow citv law that gave local officials the right to collect high fees for registra-
tion, but the Court did not outlaw charging fees or specify how much could be
charged legally. The mayor's office protested the decision and has not lowered the
fees
While federal law provides for education for all children in the Russian federation,
regional authorities frequently deny access to schools to the children of unregistered
persons, asylum- seekers, and migrants because they lack residential registration.
Similarly, while the Moscow procurator's office has upheld the right of migrants to
receive publicly available medical care, unregistered persons, migrants, and asylum-
seekers are frequently denied these services.
The government and residents of Moscow and other large cities defend registra-
tion as necessary in order to control crime, to keep crowded urban areas from at-
tracting even more inhabitants, and to gain revenue.
The city of Moscow is frequently cited for violating the rights of nonresidents and
ethnic minorities as well as the rights of those legitimately seeking asylum. The
weekly Obshchaya Gazeta reported on May 21 that Mayor Yuriy Luzhkov, in prepa-
ration for the 850th anniversary of the city, had ordered the city's Migration Service
to "cleanse" the city of all "illegal migrants." Mayor Luzhkov has been quoted in the
past as calling for the expulsion of Chechens and other Caucasians from Moscow.
Moscow police, particularly special-duty OMON units, conduct frequent document
checks, particularly of persons who appear to be from the Caucasus or are otherwise
dark-skinned. Sucn checks have on many occasions involved police entering resi-
dences without warrants. There are credible reports that police have fined persons
without registration documents in excess of legal requirements and have not pro-
vided proper documentation of the fine.
Mayor Luzhkov signed a resolution in August 1996 ordering the deportation of all
unregistered people living in Moscow back to the place where they were last reg-
istered to live. At the end of September 1996, the press reported that 4,051 unregis-
tered people had "voluntarily" departed from Moscow and that 812 were deported
under armed guard. The resolution was still in effect at year's end, and the practice,
often reporteoly aimed at extorting money, continued.
The Constitution provides all citizens with the right to emigrate. The (jovemment
does not impose more than nominal emigration taxes, fees, or duties. On average
it takes 3 months to process a passport application, although it can take much
longer if documentation is needed from elsewhere in the former Soviet Union.
Some liberal principles regarding emigration procedures were formally codified in
the August 1996 law Concerning Order in Exit From the Russian Federation and
1260
Entry Into the Russian Federation. This law abolished the old Soviet requirement
that, in order to emigrate, citizens must receive a stamp permitting "permanent res-
idence abroad" ("PMZH ") — essentially a propiska for those living outside Russia.
The law required the Ministry of Internal Affairs, through its Omce of Visas and
Registration (OVIR), to establish regulations for eliminatmg this practice within 6
months of the passage of the law. However, no regulations have been published and
the requirement remains effectively in force. OVIR offices throughout Russia con-
tinue to issue the stamp and border guards continue to refuse to allow emigrants
to depart who have not received the stamp.
Another feature of the law is the codification of the legal grounds for denying for-
eign travel documents to citizens who had access to state secrets. Under the new
law, access to such classified material can only occur with the consent of the citizen,
established in the form of a written contract that states that the signatory under-
stands that he has been given access to state secrets and that his ability to travel
abroad may be restricted. However, the law envisions a maximum period of delay
under normal circumstances of 5 years, and it grants the interagency Commission
on Secrecy the right to add an additional 5-year term to the period of delay if the
Commission finds that a person had access to particularly sensitive materials. This
latter provision has raised serious concerns among human rights advocates con-
cerned about arbitrary and excessive powers on the part of the Government to re-
strict foreign travel.
If a citizen had access to classified material, police and FSB clearances are nec-
essary to receive an external passport. Persons denied travel documents on secrecy
grounds can appeal the decision to an interagency commission chaired by First Dep-
uty Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov. The Ivanov Commission cannot rule on whether
the material should or should not be classified, but can rule on the legality of travel
restrictions imposed, and on whether or not the traveler actually haa access to ma-
terials requiring a travel restriction. Since it was established m 1994, the Ivanov
Commission has granted travel permission to approximately 95 percent of appel-
lants.
Other grounds for denial of the right to travel abroad are military conscription
or assignment to civilian alternative service, being under investigation for or serving
a sentence for a crime, evasion of a court-ordered obligation, or providing false infor-
mation on a passport application. The requirement that citizens satisfy obligations
to immediate relatives, such as material support for parents, have been eliminated
except for court-ordered obligations, such as alimony payments.
Emigrants who have permanently resettled abroad, including in Israel, Germany,
or the United States have been able to visit or repatriate without hindrance. How-
ever, emigrants who departed without first obtaining a "PMZH" stamp have been
stopped at the border and prevented from departing Russia (though they may enter
witnout difficulty), as they could present neither a nonimmigrant visa to another
country nor evidence of permission to legally reside abroad.
Since 1993 Russia has been a party to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relat-
ing to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. On July 28, President Yeltsin
signed the federal law, Concerning Making Changes and Additions to the Law of
the Russian Federation, Concerning Refugees. This law offers substantially fewer
benefits to refugees than the original 1993 law it replaces. The earlier law s fairly
generous commitments of resettlement support for refugees have been cited by some
observers as discouraging the Federal Migration Service (FMS), which has few re-
sources to meet this obligation, from adjudicating the cases of asylum seekers. With
the passage of the new law, the FMS is expected to expedite its procedures for adju-
dicating asylum claims.
The Government cooperates to a limited extent with the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migra-
tion. Both organizations assist the Government in devloping a humane migration
management system; this includes effective and fair refugee status determination
procedures. The UNHCR recognizes some 30,000 asylum seekers who originate from
outside the territories of the former Soviet Union.
Since 1994 the FMS gave refugee status to only 80 persons originating outside
the Commonwealth of Independent States(CIS). In comparison, the Government pro-
vided refugee status to 130,000 former citizens (mainly ethnic Russians) of the
former Soviet Union. The Government acts more expeditiously for the latter group
and applies a more lenient standard.
Despite some progress in adjudicating nonformer Soviet Union asylum claims by
the regional branches of the FMS , there are still major concerns about the ability
and willingness of the Moscow office to process non-CIS asylum seekers. Human
rights organizations claim that this is part of intentional efforts by the authorities
to rid the city of foreign asylum seekers. Local legislation in Moscow, St. Petersburg,
1261
Rostov, and other major population centers prohibits the settlement of refugees
within these cities.
A large number of workers and students from Africa and Asia, who came to work
or study in accordance with treaties between their countries and the former Soviet
Union, remain in Russia. The Government has not deported them but encourages
their return home.
The UNHCR and Amnesty International are working with the FMS and border
ofiicials to ensure that interviews of potential refugees are conducted in a timely
fashion, that the UNHCR is allowed access to potential refugees in airport transit
lounges, and that deportations of potential refugees are delayed until cases are adju-
dicated. Despite these efforts, it appears that the Government is more concerned
with creating a disincentive for future nonformer Soviet Union asylum seekers than
with meeting its international obligations.
The case of Sheremetyevo 2 airport is one example. The physical layout of the air-
port contains an individual from exercising his right to claim asylum. The FMS es-
tablished a Point of Immigration (PIC) at Sheremetyevo 2 in 1996. PIC officials are
responsible for processing requests for refugee status. The PIC office is located out-
side the transit zone. No PIC or UNHCR phone number is listed in the transit zone,
nor is any other information provided that would assist an asylum seeker. Undocu-
mented travelers are not allowed to leave the transit zone and are often returned
to Aeroflot (the carrier on which most migrants enter the Russian Federation). Le-
gally bound to provide food and emergency medical care for undocumented travelers,
Aeroflot returns them to their point of departure as quickly as possible. Human
rights organizations allege that Aeroflot deports hundreds of asylum seekers. In
cases where asylum seekers from Sheremetyevo 2 have accessed the PIC, FMS offi-
cials reportedly never have granted an individual refugee status. Deportations of
those waiting for a decision on their cases have been documented.
In the past, the UNHCR has had limited access to the transit areas of Moscow's
airports. Access to the Sheremetyevo 2 transit lounge eased somewhat in October,
but remains sporadic.
Armenians evacuated from Baku in the wake of late 1980's ethnic violence are
recognized as refugees, although their credentials require annual renewal. The vast
majority of those evacuated have either emigrated from Russia or found some way
to live in Russia. However, a group of about 1,400-2,000 are still housed in the
"temporary quarters" assigned after the evacuation, usually in Moscow hotels or
workers' dormitories in the greater Moscow area. They are unable to return to Azer-
baijan and are not accepted by Armenia. Since they lack residency permits for Mos-
cow, they cannot legally apply for work and are effectively denied the ability to reg-
ister their children Tor public schooling. They have declined offers of Russian citizen-
ship on the grounds that they would lose even the meager benefits they presently
receive (although such a step would allow them to estaolish legal residence, seek
work, and apply for benefits such as foreign travel passports). They have also re-
jected offers of relocation to other regions of Russia because thev allege that the al-
ternative residences they are ofTered frequently are not habitable, are still occupied
by others, or simply do not exist. Their situation is becoming increasingly precarious
as the formerly state-owned hotels in which many reside are privatizea, and the
new owners exert financial and other pressure on them to depart. A number of or-
ders have already been served in such cases. The courts are legally required to ap-
point a new residence, but have been uneven in meeting this requirement.
The Constitution states that the Russian Federation does not permit the extra-
dition to other states of persons persecuted for their political beliefs or their actions
(or inactions) that are not consiaered a crime in the Russian Federation. However,
instances have occurred in the past in which opposition figures were deported to
countries of the former Soviet Union to face charges that were political in nature.
Under the 1993 Commonwealth of Independent States Convention on Legal Assist-
ance in Civil, Family, and Criminal Affairs, persons with outstanding warrants can
be detained for periods of up to 1 month while the Procurator General investigates
the nature of outstanding cnarges against the detainee. This system is informally
but effectively reinforced oy collegial links among senior law enforcement and secu-
rity officials in the various republics of the former Soviet Union. Human rights
groups allege that this network is employed to detain opposition figures from the
other former Soviet republics without actual legal grounds.
On February 21, journalist Albert Musin, an ethnic Uzbek citizen of Kazakhstan,
was detained by Moscow police during a documents check (the Moscow police also
reported that Musin was drunk and disorderly). During processing at the police sta-
tion, authorities found outstanding warrants for Musin's arrest in Uzbekistan on
chaises of slandering President Karimov and "illegally" gathering and disseminat-
ing information. Despite calls for his release from human rights activists, such as
1262
Human Rights Watch and the Union of Councils, Musin was held in custody until
March 7, on the grounds that the police needed official confirmation from the Uzbek
Government as to the nature of tne charges and the continued status of the war-
rant. The Uzbek Government indicated that it was no longer pursuing the case and
Musin was released. While technically legal under the Convention, the case raised
clear concerns about Russia's willingness to forcibly return opponents of friendly re-
gimes in the Commonwealth of Independent States to a country where they feared
persecution.
In another case, a member of the opposition in Tajikistan, former Deputy Chair-
man of the Supreme Soviet Akmadzhon Sayidov, was extradited to Tajikistan due
to outstanding criminal warrants. While the warrants were for criminal rather than
political offenses. Human Rights Watch believes that Sayidov is at risk of persecu-
tion for opposition activities. The Russian Government made extradition contingent
on a promise by the Tajik Government not to pursue charges of "anti-State activi-
ties" against Sayidov.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the ri^t to change their government, and
citizens exercise this right in practice.
The Federal Assembly comprises two chambers. The lower chamber, the State
Duma, consists of 450 deputies, half elected in single mandate constituencies, half
by party lists. In the December 1995 parliamentary elections, 43 political blocs ap-
peared on the ballot. The upper chamber, the Federation Council, has 178 mem-
bers— the 89 chief executives of regional administrations and the 89 chairpersons
of regional legislatures, all of whom are popularly elected. The Constitution provides
the President and the Prime Minister witn substantial powers, which they used in
the absence of effective opposition from the Parliament and the courts.
A democratic election for the President of the Russian Federation took place in
July 1996 for the first time in the history of Russia as an independent state. Presi-
dent Yeltsin was reelected in a generally free and fair election.
In 1997 gubernatorial elections were held in 13 federation regions. Some of these
elections were complicated by extensive residence requirements, age requirements,
or local language requirements in federal republics, which the Central Electoral
Commission (CEC) has ruled to be illegal.
The (OSCE) monitored the January 27 elections in the breakaway Republic of
Chechnya and found them to reflect the will of the voters. The Russian Government
recognized the election of Asian Maskhadov as Republic President.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. In the December 1995
elections, 46 female deputies were elected to the 450-member Duma, a decrease
from the 58 female deputies in the Duma elected in 1993.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Many domestic and international human rights groups operate freely. Most
groups investigated and publicly commented on human rights issues, generally
doing so without government interference or restrictions. However, some local ofii-
cials harassed human rights monitors, going so far as to arrest them. Human Rights
Watch criticized the Prosecutor General's response to these incidents. Several
NGO's are headquartered in Moscow and have branches throughout the country.
Some of the more prominent human rights organizations are the Moscow Center for
Prison Reform, the Society for the Guardianship of Penitentiary Institutions, the
Glasnost Ptiblic and Defense Funds, Memorial, the Moscow Research Center for
Human Rights, the Soldiers' Mothers' Committee, the Mothers' Rights Foundation,
and the Moscow Helsinki Group. Several of these groups are recognized by govern-
ment and legislative officials for their expertise in certain fields, and such groups
participate (with varying degrees of success) in the process of drafting legislation
and decrees.
Various types of regionally based human rights groups are being established. So-
cial-economic rights groups are the most numerous and monitor issues such as un-
paid wages and benefits. There are fewer civil-political rights groups, but according
to Memorial, these are growing in number. These groups include "generalist" organi-
zations that cover the range of human rights issues and "specialist" organizations
that cover only one issue. Public legal centers have been formed, due to the critical
lack of legal advice that is available to the general public. These centers are usually
run on a part-time basis by lawyers who, while they cannot afford to offer trial
counsel or actual legal work, offer advice at no cost on legal rights and recourse
under the law.
1263
Regional groups, which generally do not benefit from any international support
or attention, reported that local authorities have obstructed their work and that law
enforcement officers have begun criminal investigations based on fabricated charges
against certain regional human rights groups' leaders (see Section l.d.). Criticism
of the Federal Government and regional authorities is usually permitted without
hindrance. The threshold appears to be criticism of a specific political leader in the
region (usually the governor or a senior law enforcement official). Regional human
rights advocates have been charged with such offenses as libel, contempt of court,
and interference in judicial proceedings, along with other crimes, in cases with dis-
tinct political overtones (see Section l.d.). Local human rights groups have far fewer
opportunities to interact with legislators in developing legislation than their Moscow
counterparts; some are excluded from the process entirely by local authorities.
The import of copies of the NGO report "Russia's Northern Fleet: Sources of Ra-
dioactive Contamination," authored in part by former Naval Captain Aleksandr
Nikitin, is still blocked by the FSB. Copies of the report in English and Norwegian
are available over the Internet through Russian providers, but the Russian version
is blocked out. Bellona Foundation employees continue to experience difficulties
when applying for visas to the Russian Federation, a situation that the Russian
Government has declined to fully explain.
Nongovernmental organizations have entirely withdrawn from Chechnya since the
murder of six International Committee of the Red Cross personnel in December
1996 because of the risk of kidnaping and other criminal attacks (see Section l.b.).
Chechen authorities have generally discouraged NGO's from returning to Chechnya,
although the motive for such discouragement appears to be based more on security
concerns than unwillingness to submit to nongovernmental human rights monitor-
ing.
The Government's human rights institutions lack independence. The President's
Human Rights Commission is composed primarily of people from the Government
(unlike the 1993-1996 Commission under Sergey Kovalev which had large represen-
tation by human rights activists). Some human rights groups complained that the
Commission's focus has changed from advocacy oi human rights to defending the
Government's policy. Commission Chair Vladimir Kartashkin indicated to the press
that his role is mainly consultative and investigatory, without powers of enforce-
ment. The Commission examined and was often critical of the Government on issues
such as prison conditions, human rights violations and amnesties in Chechnya, and
human rights in the military, and is involved in the planning of "Human Rights
Year" for 1998.
The Constitutional law establishing the position of a human rights ombudsman
was passed by the Federal Assembly on February 12. It was signed by President
Yeltsin on February 26 and it entered into force on March 4. The law establishes
a two-stage election process in selecting a human rights ombudsman. To be on the
slate of candidates, a nominee must receive support from two-thirds of the Duma.
Deputies can vote for multiple candidates. The ombudsman is then selected from the
candidates by a simple majority. Despite language in the law requiring an ombuds-
man to be elected by the Duma within 30 days after the law's promulgation, the
Duma failed to nominate any candidates in voting held on April 4. The post re-
mained vacant at year's end.
In June 1996, President Yeltsin signed a decree entitled "On Certain Measures
of State Support for the Human Rights Movement in the Russian Federation,"
which called for a high degree of coordination between federal structures and the
human rights community. Specific measures laid out in the decree included the cre-
ation of three entities: An interregional human rights center to coordinate human
rights activities; a human rights training center; and a center to publish human
rights literature. Regional administrations were instructed to establisn bodies analo-
gous to the federal Human Rights Commission. Progress on establishing the bodies
has been slow. Sixty-six regions have established commissions. Of these, 12 commis-
sions are working effectively according to the Moscow Helsinki Group.
In July 1996, President Yeltsin established by decree a Political Consultative
Council (PCC) to assist in the creation of a legal framework for economic and politi-
cal reforms with 12 standing chambers, including a human rights chamber, headed
by Duma Deputy Valeriy Borshchev, and a legal chamber, headed by Boris
Zolotukhin, a former Duma Deputy. The PCC meets monthly. The Human Rights
Chamber includes representatives of the various Duma factions as well as 10 mem-
bers of the NGO human rights community. The Chamber has held hearings on is-
sues such as the proposed union with Belarus, the situation of refugees in Russia,
and freedom of conscience. The effect of the Human Rights Chamber on the legisla-
tive process remained unclear at year's end.
1264
On April 9, President Yeltsin simed a decree declaring that, in recognition of the
50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1998 was to be the
Year of Human Rights in the Russian federation. A committee was established to
make preparations for the year under the chairmanship of Human Rights Commis-
sioner Kartashkin. The committee's membership is broadly representative of the
human rights conununity. One stated goal is to establish programs in human rights
education. However, the committee has yet to receive a budget.
In 1996, the Glasnost Fund established an "International Intergovernmental Tri-
bunal on Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes in Chechnya," to conduct in-
vestigations and forward its findings to the Russian Procurator General, the Council
of Europe, and the European Court of Human Rights. The Tribunal's members in-
clude prominent human rights activists from throughout the world. Results of its
deliberations have not been publicly released.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, sex, religion, language,
social status, or other circumstances. However, both official and societal discrimina-
tion still exist.
Women. — Domestic violence remains a major problem, as victims rarely have re-
course to protection from the authorities. Police are frequently reluctant or even un-
willing to involve themselves in what they see as purely domestic disputes. Many
women are deterred from reporting such crimes because of this and because the
housing system makes it difficult either to find housing outside the family dwelling
or to expel an abusive spouse, even after a final divorce action.
According to a December Human Rights Watch report, the Government reported
that almost 11,000 women reported rape or attempted rape in 1996. Human Rights
Watch further reported that Yekaterina Lakhova, President Yeltsin's advisor on
women's issues, has estimated that 14,000 women are killed by husbands or family
members each year. Human Rights Watch notes, however, that these statistics un-
derestimate the extent of the problem, due to the underreporting of these crimes by
victims. In 1996 the MVD estimated that 80 percent of violent crime occurred in
the home.
Hospitals and members of the medical profession provide assistance to women
who have been assaulted. However, some doctors are reluctant to ascertain the de-
tails of a sexual assault, fearing that they will be required to spend long periods
in court. While noting that the Government has begun to address the seriousness
of the problem of violence against women, the Human Rights Watch report criticized
the (Jovemment for "failing to afford victims of violence the protection of the law
. . . ," and Russian law enforcement officials for not effectively ensuring that inci-
dents of violence against women are investigated and prosecuted, and for sometimes
obstructing their investigation and prosecution. The report further stated that "This
discrepancy between the law as written and the law as applied demonstrates Rus-
sia's failure to fulfill its international human rights obligations." Human Rights
Watch also criticized the State Duma for its "seriously flawed" drafting of a law on
family violence. It noted that many women's groups have faced considerable dif-
ficulty in gaining access to and commenting on drafts of the law.
There is credible evidence that women encounter considerable discrimination in
employment. At a Duma-sponsored roundtable held on March 5, 1996, representa-
tives of 53 women's associations appealed to the Duma to improve the legal status
of women by creating a council to assess all draft legislation to ensure that it pro-
vides for equal opportunities for women and men. In their appeal to the Duma, the
women's associations' representatives raised their concerns that women form a dis-
proportionately high percentage (62 percent) of the officially registered unemployed,
that women are discriminated against in hiring and firing, that the differences be-
tween the salaries of men and women have increased sharply, and that few women
attain senior positions.
Human Rights Watch in 1996 accused the Government of participating in dis-
criminatory actions against women, contending that the Government seldom en-
forces employment laws concerning women. Employers prefer to hire men, thereby
saving on maternity and child care costs, and avoiding the perceived unreliability
that accompanies the hiring of women with small children. In July 1996, a change
in the Labor Code prohibited women between the ages of 15 and 49 from being
hired for jobs that are considered to be harmful to their health, including working
on the night shift. Many of these jobs pay more, allow early retirement, or both.
Women continue to report cases in which they are paid less for the same work that
their male colleagues perform. Moreover, women have reported sexual harassment
in the workplace, with employers frequently requesting female employees "without
1265
complexes," meaning that they should be receptive to liberties taken by their em-
ployers.
Job advertisements often specify sex and age groups, and sometimes physical ap-
pearance as well. The Government does not collect statistics on wages or income by
sex; one informal estimate is that women's average incomes are about 50 to 55 per-
cent of the average male incomes. Professions dominated by women tend to be lower
paid than those dominated by men. Moscow human resources managers privately
admit that discrimination against women in hiring is common. Unemployment, at
9.3 percent of the work force as of August, also disproportionately afiects women.
Children. — The Constitution assigns the Government some responsibility for safe-
guarding the rights of children. The State endeavors to provide, within its reduced
means, for the welfare of children.
A new family code regulating children's ri^ts and marriage and divorce issues
came into effect on March 1, 1996. Althoudi the President has stated that govern-
ment policies to improve the situation of children were a top priority, the Govern-
ment had not begun any significant programs in this area by year's end. Many Mos-
cow charitable organizations have established productive relations with the city gov-
ernment to address the needs of disabled cnildren, as well as other distressed
groups.
The position of many children has deteriorated since the collapse of communism
because of falling living standards, an increase in the number of broken homes, and
domestic violence. According to press reports, 40 percent of all children live below
the poverty Hne. In November 1995, Duma Deputy Mariya Gaydash stated that 2
million children under 14 years of age suffer from physical or mental abuse, with
as many as 200,000 dying each year from injuries received at home, usually from
garental abuse or neglect. About 50,000 children run away from home each year,
aydash asserted, and 2,000 commit suicide. Children on the street often become
dependent on illegal narcotics. To combat the growing number of children being ab-
ducted, police organizations, like the Nizhny-Tagil Police Academy in Sverdlovsk ob-
last, are forming programs to protect children.
The most vulnerable groups of children in society are orphans and the mentally
disabled, who are often given up by their parents to state-run institutions. Human
rights activists allege that children in state institutions are poorly provided for
(often because funds are lacking) and in some cases are physically abused by staff.
Some children are improperly diagnosed and evaluated as being either mentally ill
or retarded. Facilities to which such children are remanded frequently use
unprescribed narcotics to keep children under control. The Moscow Human Rights
Research Center's "Rights of the Child" project has called for the establishment of
an ombudsman for the rights of children with the power to enter and inspect chil-
dren's' facilities at any time of day or night without advance notification.
There were no reports of children working in violation of labor laws.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution does not directly address the issue of
discrimination against disabled persons. Althourfi laws exist that prohibit discrimi-
nation, the Government has not enforced them. The meager resources that the Gov-
ernment can devote to assisting disabled persons are provided to veterans of World
War II and other military conflicts. Special institutions exist for children with var-
ious disabilities. The Government does not mandate special access to buildings for
the disabled. The Society for the Defense of Invalids is working to broaden public
awareness and understanding of issues concerning people with disabilities.
A November 1995 law established a requirement that firms with over 30 employ-
ees either reserve 3 percent of their positions for persons with disabilities or contrib-
ute to a government fund to create job opportunities for the disabled. The law also
removed language defining an "invalid" as a person unable to work. However, the
Government has not implemented this law. Some persons with disabilities have
found work within factories run by the All-Russian Society for the Disabled, but the
majority are unable to find work and are frequently discouraged from working rath-
er than subsisting on social benefits.
Indigenous People. — The State Committee for the Development of the North,
based in Moscow, is charged with representing and advocating the interests of indig-
enous people. With only a small staff, its influence is limited. Local communities
have organized in some areas to study and make recommendations regarding the
preservation of the culture of indigenous people. People such as the Buryats in Sibe-
ria; the Tatar and Bashkiri in the Urals; the people of the North, including the
Enver, Tafarli, and Chukchi; and others have worked actively to preserve and de-
fend their cultures, as well as the economic resources of their regions. In this con-
text, some groups in the far eastern part of the country have criticized the Federal
Government for not developing an overall concept for the development of indigenous
people. Most believe that they are treated equally with ethnic Russians within the
1266
Russian Federation, although some groups believe that they are unrepresented in
regionial governments. The principal problems for indigenous people center on dis-
tribution of necessary supplies and services, particularly in the winter months for
those Svho live in northern climes.
Religious Minorities. — Muslims, who comprise approximately 10 percent of Rus-
sia's papulation, continue to encounter societal discrimination and antagonism.
Theife are between 600,000 and 700,000 Jews in Russia (0.5 percent of the total
population). Jews continue to encounter societal discrimination, and government au-
thorities have been criticized for insufficient action to counter it. There were no re-
ported incidents of major crimes or acts of intimidation linked to anti- Semitic
groups or motives in 1997. No progress was reported in investigations of several in-
cidents that occurred in 1996. However, anti-Semitic themes continued to fi^re
prominently in hundreds of extremist publications, and some Russian politicians
made ajnti-Semitic remarks. These public statements contributed to a general atmos-
phere of anti-Semitism. Members of Russian National Unity, an anti-Semitic oi^gani-
zation that uses a modified swastika as its symbol, continued to patrol two Moscow
parks, i«portedly at the reauest of local officials.
In September Jehovah's Witnesses missionaries in the St. Petersburg region were
victims of severe beatings and their meeting hall was vandalized, apparently by ex-
treme nationalists. The police have not identified any suspects in the incidents.
Members of religious movements, including some Protestant movements, Jeho-
vah's Witnesses and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons)
faced discrimination in their ability, despite legal registration, to rent premises and
conduct group activities (see Section 2.b.).
National/ Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — Ethnic Roma from the Caucasus and
Central Asia face widespread societal discrimination, which is often reflected in offi-
cial attitudes and actions. In addition, since 1993 discrimination against people from
the Caucasus and Central Asia increased concurrently with new measures at both
the federal and local levels to combat crime. Law enforcement authorities targeted
people with dark complexions for harassment, arrest, and deportation from urban
centers (see Section 2.d.). In Moscow such persons are subjected to far more fre-
quent document checks than lighter-skinned persons, and are frequently detained
or fined in excess of permissible penalties, often without formal documents of the
infraction being drawn up and presented by police. Reports also suggest a pattern,
at least tacitly supported by city authorities, of extortion and beatings by law en-
forcement officials.
In Stavropol kray, the local branch of Aleksandr Barkashov's neo- Nazi "Russian
National Unity" (RNE) and a parallel organization called Russian Knight claim sup-
port from local leaders, members of the armed services, and law enforcement offi-
cials. The stated goal of the organization is to develop Russian youth to establish
"Russian order," a vision of a great Russia with orthodox values, a goal for which
they claim to be ready to shed blood. The group runs kindergartens in Stavropol
and trains Russian youths of various ages. The group reportedly has several hun-
dred followers.
No cases involving charges of inciting racial hatred (a crime defined in the Crimi-
nal Code) were successfully completed in 1997, and there were no statistics avail-
able on how many such cases (if any) were filed.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The law provides workers with the right to form and
join trade unions, and roughly 55 percent of the work force are nominally organized.
Oblast authorities in Sverdlovsk, however, refused to issue registration certificates
to four new unions in the spring, despite general instructions from the Ministry of
Justice that registration of unions be automatic upon presentation of the protocol
of the founding meeting.
The Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia (FNPR), the successor or-
ganization to the Communist trade unions, largely dominates the trade union move-
ment and, thus, still provides a practical constraint on the right to freedom of asso-
ciation. FNPR unions frequently include management as part of the bargaining
unit. The FNPR has inherited the bulk of the property of its predecessors, including
office and recreational property. The majority of its income comes from sources other
than dues, such as rental income and member services.
The FNPR and other trade union federations act independently on a national po-
litical level, although on local levels, FNPR unions are sometimes closely affiliated
with local political structures.
Benefits vary depending on union affiliation, and generally discourage the forma-
tion of new unions. For example despite a trade union law that stipulates that all
unions enjoy equal rights, a court upheld the Ministry of Railroads claim that it
1267
could give free tickets only to "its" union members. At the enterprise level, FNPR
unions often still control access to the Government's social fund, from which benefits
such as the child subsidy and vacations are paid.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is pro-
tected under the law. Most strikes, however, are considered technically illegal smce
often the labor dispute at issue was not first reviewed by an arbitration court. The
court has the right to order the confiscation of union property to settle damages and
losses to an employer if a strike is found to be illegal. An increasing number of
strikes are therefore organized by strike committees, rather than unions.
Unions have complained that arbitration court findings favor management. Trans-
portation unions in particular have complained that, because transportation can be
considered an essential service that must be provided under law, their right to
strike has been denied. This law was successfully challenged in 1995 by air trans-
port workers, with the Constitutional Court finding that banning industry-wide
strikes is unconstitutional and that each needs to be considered on a case-by-case
basis. However, a subsequent 1995 federal law on collective labor dispute resolution
banned railway strikes.
Various employers, such as St. Petersburg's Channel Five, have refused to nego-
tiate collective bargaining agreements, particularly for unions not affiliated with the
FNPR. Despite a legal requirement to do so, management also frequently refuses
to provide the financial information demanded by trade unions. In Vladivostok, a
local transport company attempted to stop payment of benefits for workers involved
in organizing. In another case, the management of the Beriozovskiy hot water pipe
production facility sought to prevent a union from organizing by producing a ficti-
tious collective bargaining agreement that later was successfully challenged in
court.
There were incidents of reprisals for organizing, protesting and strike activity. In
Krasnodar kray, teachers active in omamzing January strikes were called into the
procurator's office and threatened. In Yakutiya air traffic controllers who refused to
work as cashiers were fired. The general director of the mine "Sokolovskoye" threat-
ened to fire striking miners who were demanding 5 months' back pay, but was pre-
vented from doing so by the local administration. Ambulance drivers who partici-
pated in a warning strike in Nizhniy Tagil did not receive bonuses to which they
were entitled. In other instances, organizers and union leaders have been placed on
administrative leave or transferred to lower-paying iobs, even though such reprisals
are illegal. Local prosecutors have threatenea strikers with criminal proceedings,
but generally have not followed through, since public support for strikes, particu-
larly given the high level of wage arrears, is strong.
Activist union leader Sergey Belyayev, head of the Yekaterinburg Comradeship of
Free Trade Unions, lost a lawsuit filed against him by Mayor Anatoliy Chemetskiy
of Yekaterinburg. After two city newspapers accused Belyayev of espionage, he filed
a libel case against the Mayor. Mayor Chemetskiy filed a countersuit, arguing that
the fact that a libel case had been filed against him was in itself a libel. Belyayev
lost his cases in June 1996 and paid an unusually heavy fine. Damages included
a 50 million ruble fine against the Comradeship, which owned no property. To sat-
isfy this debt, court authorities seized property that belonged to a separate organiza-
tion with which Belyayev was also associated.
There are no export processing zones. Worker rights in the special economic
zones/free trade zones are fully covered by the Labor Code.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Labor Code prohibits forced
or compulsory labor by adults and children. Soldiers are regularly sent to work on
farms to gather food for their units. There are documented cases of soldiers being
sent by their superior officers to perform work for private citizens or organizations.
Such labor may violate military regulations and, if performed by conscripts, would
be an apparent violation of ILO convention 29 on forced labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The
Labor Code prohibits regular employment for children under the age of 16 and also
regulates the working conditions of children under the age of 18, including banning
dangerous, nighttime and overtime work. Children may, under certain specific con-
ditions, work in apprenticeship or internship programs at the ages of 14 and 15.
WhUe in some instances children can be found selling consumer goods on street cor-
ners, accepted social prohibitions against the employment of children and the avail-
ability of adult workers at low wage rates combine to prevent widespread abuse of
child labor legislation. The Government prohibits forced and bonded!^ labor by chil-
dren, and there were no reports that it occurred (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The monthly minimum wage in 1997 was
roughly $14 (83,490 rubles). While this amount does not constitute a living wage
un<fer prevailing conditions, most people receive several times the official minimum.
1268
At the same time, much 'of the population continues to reside in low-rent or sub-
sidized housing and receive various social services from enterprises or municipali-
ties. The official minimum wage is primarily a benchmark figure for calculating uni-
versity stipends, old age pensions, civil service wages, and many other social oene-
fits.
The Labor Code provides for a standard workweek of 40 hours, with at least one
24-hour rest period. The law requires premium pay for overtime work or work on
holidays. Woncers have complained of being forced to woric well beyond the normal
week, that is, 10 to 12-hour days, of abrogations of negotiated labor agreements, and
of forced transfers of workers.
The nonpayment of wages continues to be the most widespread abuse of the Labor
Code. As oT December, omcial government statistics showed that workers were owed
roughly $9.5 billion (55.3 trillion rubles) in accumulated wage arrears. Wage arrears
affect workers in many fields, especially education, medicine, industry, and the en-
ergy/coal sector. Arrears generally range between 3 and 9 months.
m 1997 the Government concentrated primarily on paying off government pension
arrears and wage arrears to servicemen. Its goal was to clear aliwage arrears owed
to government workers by year's end.
About 80 percent of all arrears are due to failure by enterprises to pay salaries.
Anecdotal evidence indicates that many enterprises are forcing employees to take
wages in barter, sometimes in goods with limited appeal. A ball bearing factory in
the Urals paid its workers in vodka and cognac in May. Rosugol, the government
coal parastatal, announced at the Presidential Advisory Council that it could take
3 years to repay all back wages to miners.
Although a small but increasing percentage (perhaps 6 percent) of workers owed
back wages sought relief through the court system, this has proved to be a lengthy
process. Courts are often willing to rule in favor of employees, but the collection of
Dack wages is difficult. Courts often insist that cases be filed individually, in con-
tradiction to the law on trade unions, thereby undercutting union attempts to in-
clude the entire membership in one case. This insistence also makes the process
lengthier and more difficult for the affected workers, and exposes them to possible
retaliation.
The problem of wage arrears is aggravated by limitations on labor mobility. Work-
ers find it difficult to exchange or sell their apartments. A system of residency per-
mits and notifications also can make it both difficult and expensive to move to areas
of low unemployment (see Section 2.d.). The knowledge that workers cannot easily
move across regions and find employment made managers in some one-factory
towns reluctant to lay off workers.
Enterprises also placed workers on involuntary leave. According to official statis-
tics for July, approximately 4 million workers were considered to be underemployed.
Many of these were on involuntary leave or were forced to work substantially cur-
tailed hours.
The law establishes minimum conditions of workplace safety and worker health,
but these standards are not effectively enforced. Workers wear little protective
equipment in factories, enterprises store hazardous materials in open areas, and
smoKing is permitted near containers of flammable substances. The Labor Code does
establish workers' right to remove themselves from hazardous or life-threatening
work situations without endangering their continued employment.
Workers were at high levels of risk of industrial accidents or death. In 1996 work-
related deaths and injuries increased over 1995, to 6.1 injuries per 1,000, up from
5.5. Death rates per 1,000 stood at 0.155 deaths, up from 0.138 in 1995. Workers
in agriculture suffered the highest injury rates, with 12.4 accidents per 1,000 work-
ers. Construction workers had the highest fatality rates, at 0.262 deaths per 1,000.
These data do not include deaths and disabilities resulting from occupational dis-
eases, for example, black lung disease. Official statistics from early 1996 indicate
that 13 percent of all workers in industry worked at sites where air quality was in-
adequate or polluted; for workers in metallurgy, the total was 24 percent.
SAN MARINO
San Marino is a democratic, multiparty republic. The popularly elected Par-
liament (the Great and General Council — GGC) selects two of its members to serve
as the Captains Regent (co-Heads of State). They preside over meetings of the GGC
and of the Cabinet (Congress of State), which has 10 other members, also selected
by the GGC. Assisting the Captains Regent are three Secretaries of State (Foreign
Affairs, Internal Affairs, and Finance) and several additional secretaries. The Sec-
1269
retary of State for Foreign Affairs has come to assume many of the prerogatives of
a prime minister.
Elected officials effectively control the centralized police organization (the Civil
Police) and the two military corps (the (jendarmerie and the Guardie di Rocca).
The principal economic activities are tourism, farming, light manufacturing, and
banking. In addition to revenue from taxes and customs, the Government drives
much of its revenue from the sale of coins and postage stamps to collectors through-
out the world and from an annual budget subsidy provided by the Italian Govern-
ment under the terms of the Basic Treaty with Italy.
The Legal Code extensively provides for human rights, and the authorities respect
its provisions. Although the Parliament and the Government have demonstrated
strong commitment to the protection of human rights, some laws discriminate
against women, particularly with regard to the transmission of citizenship.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, and there were no reports that officials employed
them.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile, and the Government observes these prohibitions.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The law provides for an independent judiciary,
and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judicial system dele-
gates some of its authority to Italian magistrates, both in criminal and in civil cases.
Cases of minor importance are handled by a local conciliation judge. Appeals go, in
the first instance, to an Italian judge residing in Italy. The final court of review is
San Marino's Council of Twelve, a group of judges chosen for 6-year terms (four re-
placed every 2 years) from among the members of the GGC.
The judiciary provides citizens with a fair and efficient process.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
f)rohibit8 such practices. Government authorities respect these prohibitions, and vio-
ations are subject to effective legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of speech and of
the press, and the (jovernment respects these rights in practice. An independent
press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system combine
to ensure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for these
rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Govern-
ment respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice.
The Government cooperates with the Office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees ana other humanitarian organizations. Although it does not for-
mally offer asylum to refugees, it has given a few individuals de facto asylum by
permitting them to reside and work in San Marino. Refugees and other foreigners
are eligible to apply for citizenship only after 30 years of residence. The issue of the
provision of first asylum did not arise during the year; nor were there any reports
of forced repatriation of refugees.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the ri^t to peacefully change their gov-
ernment, and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair
elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.
There are no impediments to women participating in government or politics. In
1974 the first female member was elected to the GGC. Since then, women have
served on the Council as Secretary of State for Internal Affairs and as Captain Re-
gent. All women's branches of the political parties have been integrated into the
1270
mainstream party organizations, and women hold important positions in the various
parties.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no domestic human rights organizations, although the Government does
not impede the formation of such organizations. The Government has declared itself
open to outsiders' investigations of alleged abuses. There have been no known re-
quests of such a nature.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination based on race, religion, disability, language, or
social status, and the authorities respect these provisions. The law also prohiliits
some forms of discrimination based on sex, but vestiges of legal as well as societal
discrimination against women remain.
Women. — The law provides for the protection of women from violence, and occur-
rences of such violence, including spousal abuse, are unusual.
Several laws provide specifically for the equality of women in the workplace and
elsewhere. In practice there is no discrimination in pay or working conditions. All
careers are open to women, including careers in the military and police as well as
the highest public offices.
However, one law discriminates against women by stipulating that a woman who
marries a foreigner cannot transmit citizenship to her husband or children, but that
a man who marries a foreigner can do so to both his spouse and their children.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its commitment to children's rights and
welfare through its well-funded systems of public education and medical care. There
is no difference in the treatment of girls and boys in educational or health care, nor
is there any societal pattern of abuse directed against children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no discrimination against disabled persons in
employment, education, or in the provision of other state services. A 1992 law estab-
lished guidelines for easier access to public buildings, but its implementation is in-
complete.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — By law, all workers (except the military, but includ-
ing police) are free to form and join unions. A 1961 law sets the conditions for estab-
lisnment of a union. The unions may freely form domestic federations or join inter-
national labor federations.
Union members constitute about half of the country's work force (which numbers
about 10,000 San Marinese plus 2,000 Italians, from the country's total population
of about 25,000).
Trade unions are independent of the Government and the political parties, but
they have close informal ties with the parties, which exercise strong influence on
them.
Workers in all nonmilitary occupations have the right to strike. No strikes have
occurred in at least the last 7 years.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law gives collective bar-
gaining agreements the force of law and prohibits antiunion discrimination by em-
ployers. Effective mechanisms exist to resolve complaints. Negotiations are freely
conducted, often in the presence of government officials (usually from the Labor and
Industry Departments) oy invitation from both the unions and the employers' asso-
ciation. For the last several years, all complaints have been resolved amicably by
a "conciliatory committee" composed of judges and government officials.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced and bond-
ed labor, including by children, and the Government enforces this prohibition effec-
tively.
d. Status of Child Ixibor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The law
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, and tne Government enforces this
prohibition. The minimum working age and compulsory education age is 16 years.
The Ministry of Labor and Cooperation permits no exceptions. Most students con-
tinue in school until the age of 18.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Since January 1, the legal minimum wage has
been approximately $1,200 (2.06 million Lit) per month. This affords a decent living
for a worker and family. Wages are generally nigher than the minimum.
The law sets the workweek at 36 hours in public administration and 37V2 hours
in industry and private business, with 24 hours of rest per week for workers in ei-
ther category.
1271
The law stipulates safety and health standards, and the judicial system monitors
them. Most workplaces implement the standards effectively, but there are some ex-
ceptions, notably in the construction industry.
SERBIA-MONTENEGRO
Serbia-Montenegro, a constitutional republic, is dominated by Slobodan Milosevic
who, after two terms as President of Serbia, became Federal ft^sident in July.
President Milosevic continues to control the country through his role as President
of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) — a dual role arrangement proscribed by the
federal Constitution — and his domination of other formal and informal institutions.
Although the SPS lacks majorities in both the Federal and Serbian Parliaments, it
controls governing coalitions and holds the key administrative positions. Serbia
abolished the political autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina in 1990, and all signifi-
cant decisionmaking since that time has been centralized under Milosevic in Bel-
grade. The Milosevic regime effectively controls the judiciary and has used this
power to manipulate the election process, most notably to reverse opposition vic-
tories in Serbian municipal elections over the winter of 1996-97 — an effbrt that the
regime abandoned in February after sustained domestic and international pressure.
During 1997 the international community continued to work intensively with the
Milosevic regime to implement the Dayton Accords, a step-by-step process designed
to end the war in Bosnia and secure the peace. United Nations (U.N.) sanctions
against the 'Tederal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) were formally lifted in 1996. The
FKY is still not permitted to participate in the United Nations (U.N.), the Organiza-
tion for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or other international organizations
and financial organizations. The United States and the international community do
not recognize Serbia-Montenegro as the successor state to the former Yugoslavia.
As a key element of his hold on power. President Milosevic effectively controls the
Serbian police, a heavily armed force of over 100,(X)0 that is responsible for internal
security. After his move to the Federal presidency, Milosevic precipitated a crisis
when he tried to wrest control of the Montenegrin police from Montenegrin Prime
Minister Milo Djukanovic. Serbian police committed extensive and systematic
human rights abuses.
Despite the suspension of U.N. sanctions, economic performance has been anemic.
Unemployment and underemployment remained hi^h as the Government was un-
able or unwilling to introduce necessary restructuring measures. The (government
has not implemented sweeping economic reforms, including privatization, which
could undermine the regime s crony system. Largely as a result of the central bank's
tight monetary policy and the partial selloff of the state telecommunications entity,
inflationary pressures were kept relatively in check.
The (jovemment's human rights record continued to be poor. The police commit-
ted numerous, serious abuses including extrajudicial killings, torture, brutal beat-
ings, and arbitrary arrests. Police repression continued to be directed against ethnic
minorities, and police committed the most widespread and worst abuses against
Kosovo's 9<)-percent ethnic Albanian population. Police repression was also directed
against the Muslims of Sandzak and detainees and citizens who protested against
the Government. While under the Constitution citizens have a right to stage peace-
ful demonstrations, the police seriously beat scores of protesters throu^out the
country, sending many to hospitals. The (jovemment used its continued domination
of Parliament and the media to enact legislation to manipulate the electoralprocess.
In practice citizens cannot exercise the right to change their government. Tne judi-
cial system is not independent of the (Jovemment and does not ensure fair trials.
The authorities infringe on citizens' right to privacy. The Government used police
and economic pressure against the independent press and media and restricted free-
dom of assembly and association. The (jovemment infringed on freedom to worship
by minority religions and on freedom of movement. The Government continues to
hinder international and local human rights groups and reject their findings. Dis-
crimination and violence against women remained serious problems. Discrimination
against ethnic Albanian, Muslim, and Romani minorities continues. The regime lim-
its unions not affiliated with the Government in their attempts to advance worker
rights.
Montenegro was the only relatively bright spot, although Milosevic's influence
threatens to complicate the republic's as yet unproven efforts at democratization. In
July Montenegro's increasingly reformist Prime Minister, Milo Diukanovic, success-
fully fought off an attempt by Milosevic to change the Federal Constitution and
boost the powers of the Federal presidency. Djukanovic appears to be resisting at-
1272
tempts by Milosevic to consolidate Montenegro's security apparatus — with its rel-
atively clean human rights record since 1995 — under the Belgrade regime. The re-
sults of the October presidential election, in which Milo Djukanovic defeated the in-
cumbent, Momir Bulatovic, were questioned by the central authorities despite being
endorsed as free and fair by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Eu-
rope (OSCE).
As a signatory of the Dayton Accords, Serbia-Montenegro is obliged to cooperate
fully with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia by turning
over to the Tribunal the five persons on its territory who were indicted for war
crimes. The Government has so far been uncooperative. According to credible re-
gorts, some of those indicted live in Serbia, and others freely travel in and out of
erbia. Over the summer, suspected war criminal Ratko Mladic vacationed in
Montenegro and earlier, according to press reports, attended his son's well-pub-
licized wedding ceremony in Belgrade.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom. From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Political violence, including killings
by police, resulted mostly from efforts by Serbian authorities to suppress and intimi-
date ethnic minority groups. Xhafer Hajdari of Mitrovica died in January, appar-
ently from injuries sustained during police torture several weeks earlier. The victim
had committed no crime, but police alleged that his son had killed a Serbian hunter
in 1992.
On June 20, along the FRY border with the Republika Srpska at Priboj, the police
killed one Muslim Bosniak and seriously mistreated another. Serbian security forces
shot and killed several ethnic Albanians, identified by police as terrorists, including
Adrian Krasniqi, a 21-year-old ethnic Albanian shot and killed by Serbian police on
October 14.
At least two ethnic Albanians died while in jail awaiting trials. On February 23,
Serbian police revealed that Besnik Restelica, an engineer from Podujevo, was killed
while in police custody. Police claim that Restelica committed suicide, but according
to reports of the Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms, a monitor-
ing organization based in Pristina, Kosovo, he had bruises on his legs, hands, and
fingers and showed signs of having been strangled. He was abducted by police in
late January. On October 17, another ethnic Albanian, Junus Zeneli, died while in
police custody in Belgrade under suspicious circumstances. In both cases, legal re-
quirements that family and legal counsel of the detainee contacted immediately
were ignored.
Several violent clashes in Kosovo in late November between the police and
Kosovar ethnic Albanians apparently resulted in fatalities on both sides.
Crimes against citizens of ethnic minority groups appear to have been rarely in-
vestigated, nor were police generally held accountaole for their excesses.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
An ethnic Albanian, Nait Hasani, of Pristina was seized by police on January 28,
brutally beaten, and then disappeared for 32 days before police acknowledged that
he was in their custody and charged him with terrorist-related activities.
The trial of Dusan Ranisavljevic began in April; he is an admitted participant in
the 1993 Strpci incident, in wnich 19 Muslims and 1 Croat were taken off a train
as it passed through Bosnian territory and disappeared (see Section 4). The fate of
the men remains a mystery, and the Government is clearly reluctant to investigate
fully the incident, as well as other disappearances. The trial started in April but
was interrupted for procedural reasons when Montenegrin authorities sought to
move the venue to a Serbian court in Jagodina, the defendant's hometown.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Torture and other cruel forms of punishment, which are prohibited by law, continue
to be a problem, particularly in Kosovo directed against ethnic Albanians. Police
routinely beat people severely when holding them in detention. There were several
police roundups in Kosovo during the early part of the year of ethnic Albanians
charged with supporting a separatist agenda and terrorist-related activities. Police
beat and tortured many of over 60 male and female suspects held in custody. It is
during the 3 to 4 day period of incommunicado detention allowed by law that the
worst police brutality takes place. These excesses are now primarily concentrated
in Kosovo, and to a lesser extent in Sandzak. Serbian police inflicted some abuse
on prodemocracy demonstrators early in the year and again in the fall (see Section
2.b.).
Ethnic Albanians continue to suffer at the hands of security forces conducting
searches for weapons and explosives. The police, without following proper legal pro-
1273
cedures, frequently extract "confessions" during interrogations that routinely include
the beating of suspects' feet, hands, genital areas, and sometimes heads. TTie police
use their lists, nightsticks, and occasionally electric shocks. Apparently confident
that there would be no reprisals, and, in an attempt to intimidate the wider commu-
nity, police often beat persons in front of their families. According to various
sources, ethnic Albanians are frequently too terrified to ask police to follow proper
legal procedures — such as having the police provide written notification of witness
interrogation.
According to Human Rights Watch, police beat at least 24 journalists during
Srodemocracy demonstrations over the wmter of 1996-97 in Belgrade alone. Human
ights Watch cited an incident in which police using truncheons brutally beat the
head of a 21-year-old student journalist, Rastko Kostic. The police stopped only
when another passerby became involved, and they started beating him. In February
the Humanitarian Law Center filed criminal charges on behalf oi 21 journalists who
had been beaten, but no action had been taken oy the state prosecutor by year's
end.
Police also used threats and violence against family members of suspects and
have held them as hostages. According to Albanian and foreign observers, the worst
abuses against ethnic Albanians took place not in big towns but in rural enclaves.
Continuing a longstanding practice, the military conducted exercises using live am-
munition next to an inhabited village in Sandzak during the summer on the Pester
Slain. No one was killed, but the practice showed insensitivity and served to intimi-
ate the local Muslim population and encourage residents to leave.
FMson conditions meet minimum international standards. There were no con-
firmed reports of the abuse of prisoners, once they were sentenced and serving time.
The Government generally permits prison visits by human rights monitors. An
important exception was the case of the ethnic Albanians arrested in a police sweep
over the winter. The International Committee for the Red Cross was, except for one
visit, denied access to the prisoners prior to the beginning of their trials in May.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Police use of arbitrary arrest and deten-
tion was concentrated primarily in Kosovo and, to a lesser degree, in Sandzak. Po-
lice often apply certain laws only against ethnic minorities, using force with relative
impunity. During Belgrade student protests in late September and early October,
ponce arbitrarily arrested dozens of citizens, including some who were not even par-
ticipating in the protests. Police also beat several journalists, photographers, and
television camera people. Laws regarding conspiracy, threats to the integrity of the
government, and state secrets are so vague as to allow easy abuse by tne regime.
Federal statutes permit police to detain criminal suspects without a warrant and
hold them incommunicado for up to 3 days without charging them or granting them
access to an attorney. Serbian law separately provides for a 24-hour detention pe-
riod. Police often combine the two for a total 4-day detention period. After this pe-
riod, police must turn a suspect over to an investigative judge, who may order a
30-day extension and, under certain legal procedures, subsequent extensions of in-
vestigative detention up to 6 months. In Kosovo police often beat people without
ever officially charging them and routinely hold suspects well beyond the 3-day stat-
utory period. However, observers report that the problem is not as pronounced in
the rest of Serbia-Montenegro as in the past.
Defense lawyers and human rights workers complained of excessive delays in fil-
ing formal charges and opening investigations. The ability of defense attorneys to
challenge the legal basis of their clients' detention often was further hampered by
difficulties in gaining access to detainees or acauiring copies of official indictment^
and decisions to remand defendants into custody. In some cases, judges prevented
defense attorneys from reading the court file, tne investigative judges often dele-
gated responsibility to the police or state security service and rarely questioned
their accounts of the investigation even when it was obvious that confessions were
coerced. According to human rights observers, many of these problems were in evi-
dence with respect to the ethnic Albanians arrested over the winter and convicted
in the late spring in Pristina.
In a country where many if not most of the adult males in the Serbian population
are armed, the police, according to some members of minorities, selectively enforced
the laws regulating the possession and registration of firearms so as to harass and
intimidate ethnic minorities, particularly Albanian Kosovars and Bosniak Muslims.
The most frequent justification given for searches of homes and arrests was illegal
possession of weapons. Observers allege that in Kosovo the police are known to use
the pretext of searching for weapons when in fact they are also searching for hard
currency. Local police authorities more easily approve the registration of legal weap-
ons for Kosovo Serbs and frequently turn a blind eye to Serbs' possession of illegal
weapons.
1274
Exile is not legally permitted, and no instances of its use are known to have oc-
curred. However, the practical efTect of police repression in Kosovo and Sandzak has
been to accentuate political instability, which in turn has limited economic oppor-
tunity. As a result, many ethnic Albanians and Bosniak Muslims go abroad to es-
cape persecution, although only in a few cases could direct links to police actions
be identified.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but in practice the courts are largely controlled by the Government and rarely
challenge the will of the state security apparatus. While judges are elected for fixed
terms, they may be subjected to governmental pressure. The authorities frequently
deny fair public trial to non-Serbs and to persons they believe oppose the regime.
The fraud that followed the November 1996 municipal elections was perpetrated
mainly through the regime's misuse of the judicial system.
The court system comprises local, district, and supreme courts at the republic
level, as well as a Federal Court and Federal Constitutional Court to which republic
supreme court decisions, depending on the subject, may be appealed. There is also
a military court system. According to the Federal Constitution, the Federal Con-
stitutional Court rules on the constitutionality of laws and regulations, relying on
republic authorities to enforce its rulings.
The Federal Criminal Code of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
still remains in force. Considerable confusion and room for abuse remain in the legal
system because the 1990 Constitution of Serbia has not yet been brought into con-
formity with the 1992 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Under
Federal law, defendants have the right to be present at their trial and to have an
attorney, at public expense if needed. The courts must also provide interpreters. The
presiding judge decides what is read into the record of the proceedings. Either the
defendant or the prosecutor may appeal the verdict.
Although generally respected in form, defense lawyers in Kosovo and Sandzak
have filed numerous complaints about flagrant breaches of standard procedure
which they believed undermined their clients' rights. Even when individual judges
have admitted that the lawyers are correct, courts have ignored or dismissed the
complaints.
The Government continues to pursue cases brought previously against targeted
minority groups under the Yugoslav Criminal Code for jeopardizing the territorial
integrity of the country and for conspiring or forming a group with intent to commit
subversive activities — that is, undermining the "constitutional order."
Three questionable trials took place in Pristina over the summer and fall involv-
ing 60 ethnic Albanians. In the first trial, 20 individuals, including one woman,
were charged mainly with preparing to conspire to participate in activities endan-
gering the territorial integrity of the FRY. The evidence was inadequate and the de-
fendants were largely denied timely access to their attorneys. U.N. Special
Rapporteur Rehn noted that several defendants met their defense attorneys for the
first time only after the investigative judge had already concluded the crucial stage
of investigation, while other defendants had defense counsel assigned after they en-
tered the courtroom.
Much evidence appeared to have been obtained by authorities throu^ forced con-
fessions of defendants under duress. Other evidence was kept from defense attor-
neys until right before the trial. Similar problems prevailed during the second and
third trials, in which suspects were either accused of forming a terrorist organiza-
tion with the aim of endangering the constitutional order or of killing police officers.
A total of 52 defendants received prison sentences of up to 20 years.
Another aspect of the FRY's ineffective judicial system is the impunity that exists
for certain criminal behavior. For example, the bodyguard for Vojislav Seselj, the
Serbian radical party leader and candidate for Serbian president, beat up a re-
spected human rights lawyer, Nikola Barovic, after a television interview debate in
which Seselj and Barovic disagreed vehemently. Barovic received serious injuries to
the face, which Seselj dismissed glibly as being the result of the human rights law-
yer having "slipped on a banana peel. ' The courts ignored the case for several weeks
until after Serbian elections. When the case did go to trial, the judge accepted a ba-
nana peel into evidence. The case was suspended. In a case that oemonstrated rel-
ative impunity, on October 13 the first municipal court of Belgrade found Zivko
Sandic guilty only of criminal negligence for pulling out a gun and shooting a
prodemocracy demonstrator in the head during a December 1996 protest. Sandic
was sentenced to only 2 years in prison, close to the legal minimum. In one case
with a rare just ending, Zlatibor Jovanovic, an ethnic Serb from Kosovo, was sen-
tenced to 11 years in prison for murdering an ethnic Albanian student in 1996.
The Government continues to hold some ethnic Albanians as political prisoners.
1275
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^Federal
law gives republic ministries of the interior sole control over the decision to monitor
potential criminal activities, a power that is routinely abused. It is widely believed
that authorities monitor opposition and dissident activity, eavesdrop on conversa-
tions, read mail, and wiretap telephones. Although illegal under provisions of Fed-
eral and Serbian law, the Federal post office registers all mail from abroad, osten-
sibly to protect mail carriers from charges of theft.
Although the law includes restrictions on searches, officials often ignored them.
In Kosovo and Sandzak, police have systematically subiected ethnic Albanians and
Bosniak Muslims to random searches of their homes, vehicles, shops, and offices, as-
serting that they were searching for weapons. According to the Council for the De-
fense of Human Rights and Freedoms, the police carried out scores of raids on
homes. Police also used threats and violence against family members of suspects
and have held them as hostages (see Section I.e.).
Ultranationalist local officials in Zemun encouraged the illegal eviction of ethnic
Croats from their apartments, after which they were replaced oy ethnic Serb refu-
gees (see Section 5).
The Government's law requiring universal military service is enforced only spo-
radically. It was not vigorously enforced in 1997. The informal practice of the mili-
tary has been not to call up ethnic Albanians. Of approximately 100,0(K) draft evad-
ers living abroad to avoid punishment, 40 percent were estimated to be ethnic Alba-
nian. This number in part reflects the large number of conscription-age men in the
FRVs Albanian community. The climate appears to be moderating, due to the ces-
sation of hostilities in Bosnia. Nevertheless, leaders of Kosovas Albanian and
Sandzak's Muslim communities have maintained that forced compliance of these
ethnic groups with universal military service was an attempt to induce young men
to flee the country. According to an amnesty bill passed in 1996, young men for
whom criminal prosecution for draft evasion had already started were granted am-
nesty.
In a related development, under a 1996 agreement with Germany, ethnic Alba-
nian refugees repatriated to the FRY were not supposed to be prosecuted for fleeing
the draft. According to the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC), however, many re-
turning ethnic Albanians have faced irregular procedures on returning to the FRY.
The HLC reported many violations by authorities against returned asylum seekers,
including physical abuse, threats of imprisonment, deportation, confiscation of ID
cards, and obliging persons to report to their local police stations on a daily basis.
Returning ethnic Albanians and Sandzak Muslims are routinely detained on their
arrival at local airports. In many cases FRY officials have refused to issue proper
travel documents to children born to asylum seekers.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and the Press. — Federal law provides for freedom of sf>eech
and of the press, but in practice the Government strongly influences much of the
media. In July several weeks before the Serbian elections, the Milosevic regime tem-
porarily closed scores of private radio and television stations throughout Serbia. The
FRY Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications, which controls broadcast fre-
quencies, worked in concert with the criminal and financial police to pressure inde-
pendent media outlets that had not been able to regularize their legal status. Many
broadcasters applied for frequencies but were left in a state of^ limbo by the regime.
Serbia's broadcast laws remain murky, and licenses are not issued in any fashion
that can remotely be described as transparent.
While the regime harassed the independent media, an HLC study showed that the
Government violated the agreement on the presentation of political parties, signed
before the election season. During the campaign season in August, state-controlled
Radio and Television Serbia (RTS) openly campaigned for Mifosevic's ruling coali-
tion. According to HLC monitoring, all the other political parties received only one-
quarter of the broadcast time allocated for political parties, while the RTS regularly
opened the evening news broadcasts with campaign promotion pieces for the regime.
The regime lost one of its most important media outlets when it was forced to re-
verse the theft of the Belgrade municipal elections in February and consent to the
naming of Democratic Party Leader Zoran Djindic as the citys mayor. Control of
Belgrade's Studio B radio went from the regime to the opposition, and the manage-
ment immediately started broadcasting generally balanced news programming. The
regime, however, reversed the setback when the Zajedno coalition of the political op-
position fell apart. Studio B's independent management was dismissed a week after
the first round of Serbian elections on September 21, and the news board's commit-
ment to journalistic independence is suspect at best. In effect, Studio B is now under
SPG censorship.
1276
The most striking example of media bias came in reaction to the mass demonstra-
tions from November 1996 to February 1997 that followed widespread government
theft of the municipal elections. The government-controlled media downplayed the
size of crowds, sometimes ignoring demonstrations altogether — despite numbers of
demonstrators in the tens of thousands. When state-run television did cover dem-
onstrations, it was in an effort to label protesters as "hooligans" and "traitors" deter-
mined to destroy Serbia.
The same media tack was used when ethnic Albanian students staged a peaceful
protest march in Pristina on October 1 only to be accused by the state-controlled
media of instigating violence in a clash that saw police move in with truncheons,
tear gas, and water cannons. The state-controlled media, moreover, took advantage
of the protests to accuse the Belgrade opposition of being in league with "Albanian
separatists."
Economic pressure was the usual weapon of the regime against the free press. For
example, state-owned enterprises were dissuaded from advertising in independent
media. One of Serbia's leading opposition papers, Nasa Borba, had its bank accounts
blocked by the regime. Although no longer tne persistent problem it was during the
period of sanctions, the availability of newsprint continued to pose difficulties, espe-
cially for the independent media. Also, while the state-controlled press obtained
newsprint at subsidized prices, independent publications paid substantially hi^er
mari(et prices.
Academic freedom exists in a limited fashion. Many leading academicians are ac-
tive members of the political opposition and human rights groups, and the espousal
of antiregime positions would likelv limit their advancement. At the prestigious Uni-
versity 0? Belgrade, half the membership of the governing council that controls the
university is appointed by the regime and half by the various faculties.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Federal and republic-level
Constitutions provide for freedom of peaceful assembly and association; however,
the Government restricted this right. During the early part of 1997, citizens were
prevented from staging protest marches on numerous occasions before the regime
nnally restored the opposition's victories in several Serbian municipalities. In
Kosovo the regime cracKed down on peaceful demonstrators during their October 1
and late December protests, when police used tear gas and clubs, injuring several
passersby. The regime cited the student protesters' unwillingness to apply for a per-
mit from Serbian authorities. In SandzaK the Milosevic regime banned all outdoor
rallies, even for election campaigning.
The federal and republic level Constitutions provide for freedom of association,
but the Government restricted this right. Prior to the Serbian elections in the fall,
officials blocked the coalition Sandzak-Dr. Rasim Ljajic from forming an alliance
with the Kosovo-based Democratic Reform Party of Muslims, a move that protected
regime candidates from extra competition.
c. Freedom of Religion. — There is no state religion, but the Government gives pref-
erential treatment, including access to state-run television for major religious
events, to the Serbian Orthodox Church to which the majority of Serbs belong. The
regime has subjected religious communities in Kosovo to harassment. For example,
a Roman Catholic parish in Klina has the money, property, and permission (includ-
ing up to the Supreme Court of Serbia) to build a church for its 6,000 member par-
ish. However, the local chapter of Milosevic's Socialist Party of Serbia has continued
to block construction. Other Catholic and Muslim communities in the province had
similar experiences.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom of movement, and the Govern-
ment makes passports available to most citizens. However, many inhabitants of Ser-
bia-Montenegro who were born in other parts of the former Yugoslavia, as well as
large numbers of refugees, have not been able to establish their citizenship in the
FRY, leaving them in a stateless limbo.
According to a report by the Humanitarian Law Center, authorities on several dif-
ferent occasions barred FRY citizens from reentering the country. The regime also
continues to restrict the right of Albanian Kosovars and Sandzak Muslims to travel
by holding up issuance or renewal of passports for an unusually long period of time
and has reserved the option of prosecuting individuals charged previously with vio-
lating exit visa requirements.
FRY citizens reported difficulties at borders and occasional confiscation of their
passports. Ethnic Albanians, Sandzak Muslims, and Vojvodina Croats frequently
complained of harassment at border crossings. There were numerous reports that
border guards confiscated foreign currency or passports from travelers as well as oc-
casional complaints of physical mistreatment. The authorities generally allowed po-
litical opposition leaders to leave the country and return.
1277
The Government has been very slow to issue passports to refugees. Albanian
Kosovars also have problems with the issuance and renewal of passports and are
sometimes called in for interrogation by state security officers before passports are
issued. In January a new citizenship law entered into force, which, when fully im-
plemented, is expected to affect adversely the rights of many inhabitants, including
those bom in other parts of the former Yugoslavia, refugees, and citizens who had
migrated to other countries to work or seek asylum. The U.N. Special Rapporteur
for the former Yugoslavia noted that the new law would give the Ministry of Inte-
rior almost complete control over the granting of citizenship. The Government
served notice that it plans to limit severely the granting of citizenship to refugees
from the conflicts in Bosnia and Croatia. The Government also plans to revise the
eligibiUty status of a large number of people; refugees who have been granted citi-
zenship since 1992 may stand to lose their FRY citizenship if they have acquired
the citizenship of an ex-Yugoslav republic.
Observers in the Sandzak region also note that Muslim residents who were forced
to flee to Bosnia from Sandzak in 1992 and 1993 may not be permitted to return
to Serbia, particularly if they have obtained Bosnian passports in the interim. In
violation of the Davton Accords, Bosniak Muslims and Muslims from Sandzak fre-
quently have been harassed on attempting to reenter Serbia afler visits to Sarajevo
or the federation.
Government policy toward refugee and asylum seekers continued to be uneven.
Refugees, mostly ethnic Serbs who fled Bosnia and Croatia, are often treated as citi-
zens of Seri>ia-Montenegro for labor and military purposes but are denied other
rights such as employment and travel (see Section l.f.). Refugees were not allowed
to vote in the 1997 elections in Serbia, although they did vote m some previous elec-
tions. The Government has cooperated with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refu-
gees to provide help for the more than 500,000 refugees in Serbia-Montenegro.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The three constitutions — Federal, Serbian, and Montenegrin Republic — provide for
this right, but in practice citizens are prevented from exercising it by the Govern-
ment's domination of the mass media and manipulation of the electoral process.
Only Montenegro's electoral system has shown marked improvement, with the Gov-
ernment of Pnme Minister Djukanovic holding a roundtable with the political oppo-
sition, including ethnic minorities, in September and welcoming observers from the
OSCE well ahead of Milosevic's grudging invitation to outside monitors shortly be-
fore Serbian presidential and parliamentary elections in September.
Serbian elections were seriously flawed. In July the regime repeated its machina-
tions before 1996 Federal elections and gerrymandered electoral districts to smooth
the way for candidates in the ruling coalition, expanding the number of districts in
Serbia from 9 to 29. Most opposition politicians charged that changes in the election
law implemented since the last election, including the redrawing of districts, were
designed specifically to favor the ruling party. The redistricting was one factor that
compelled a number of opposition parties to boycott the elections.
Slobodan Milosevic dominates the country's political system and is attempting to
reconsolidate institutional power at the Federal level as a result of his move to the
Federal presidency. This precipitated a clash with authorities in Montenegro who
are intent on protecting tnat republic's autonomy. Manipulating power within the
federation based on the comparative size of the Serbian and Montenegrin popu-
lations and economies, Milosevic has been able to circumscribe the Montenegrin
Government's capacity for independent action. As a result of Serbia's political crisis
during the winter of 1996-97, Montenegro's then Prime Minister, Milo Djukanovic,
began to take a steadily more assertive, reformist course. His victory in October
presidential elections over incumbent Montenegrin president and Milosevic crony,
Momir Bulatovic, threatened Milosevic's complete control over institutions of power
and prompted a standoff as the internationally endorsed results were not validated.
No legal restrictions exist on women's participation in government and politics,
and women are active in political organizations. However, they are greatly under-
represented in party and government ofTices, holding less than 10 percent of min-
isterial-level positions in the Serbian and Federal governments. An exception is the
controversial Mira Markovic, wife of Serbian President Milosevic. She is the leading
force in the neo-Communist United Yugoslav Left Party, through which she exerts
considerable influence on policymakers.
No legal restrictions affect the role of minorities in government and politics, but
ethnic Serbs and Montenegrins dominate the country's political leadership. Few
members of other ethnic groups play any role at the top levels of government or the
state-run economy. Ethnic Albanians in Serbia's Kosovo province have refused to
1278
take part in the electoral process, including Serbian elections in the fall. They have
virtually no representation.
Ethnic Albanians' refusal to participate in FRY Federal and Serbian elections has
the practical effect of increasing the political influence of President Milosevic and
his supporters. Ultranationalist parties, which in the past were occasional Milosevic
allies, nave also taken advantage of the ethnic Albanian boycott to gamer represen-
tation beyond their numbers. Ethnic Albanians in Montenegro do participate in the
political process, and several towns in Montenegro have Albanian mayors.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Governments of Serbia and Montenegro formally maintain that they have no
objection to international organizations conducting human rights investigations on
their territories. It was the report of the OSCE on the fraud that characterized the
municipal elections that the regime cited in reversing the results and ultimately rec-
ognizing the final results in February, some 3 months after the vote. The Serbian
regime sporadically hindered activities and regularly rejected the findings of human
ri^ts groups. The Montenegrin Government's record toward outside investigations
was much better, with the Prime Minister taking the initiative to invite OSCE ob-
servers well in advance of the October presidential election in the Republic.
A number of independent human rignts organizations exist in Serbia-MonteneOT*o,
researching and gathering information on abuses, and publicizing such cases. The
Belgrade-based Humanitarian Law Center and Center for Antiwar Action re-
searches human rights abuses throughout Serbia-Montenegro and, on occasion, else-
where in the former Yugoslavia. The Belgrade-based Helsinki Committee publishes
studies on human rights issues and cooperates with the Pristina-based Helsinki
Committee in monitoring human rights abuses in Kosovo. In Kosovo the Council for
the Defense of Human Kights and Freedoms collects and collates data on human
rights abuses and publishes newsletters. In the Sandzak region, two similar commit-
tees monitor abuses against the local Muslim population and produce comprehen-
sive reports. Most of these organizations offer advice and help to victims of abuse.
Local human rights monitors (Serbs as well as members of ethnic minorities) and
nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) worked under difficult circumstances. Seiko
Alomerovic, chairman of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Sandzak, was
formally charged with libel by former FRY President Dobrica Cosic and his advisor
Vladimir Matovic. Alomerovic had publicly accused Cosic and Matovic of direct com-
plicity in the 1993 Strpci incident, in which some 20 men, including 19 Muslims,
disappeared (see Section l.f.). Alomerovic believes that the Government, and Cosic,
were responsible for their disappearance. The case continued at year's end.
Overall, however, most observers say that the situation improved in 1997, with
slightly less overt obstruction by the (jovemment of human rights NGO's. One prob-
lem continues to be government foot-dragging in issuing visas to people coming to
Yugoslavia on human rights matters. After past problems obtaining a visa, the U.N.
Special Rapporteur for the former Yugoslavia visited Serbia-Montenegro, including
Pristina, twice in 1997. During the year, the International Committee of the Red
Cross was allowed to conduct prison visits in Kosovo, but its work was seriously ob-
structed with respect to visiting the ethnic Albanians charged with terrorist-related
activities who went on trial beginning in the spring.
However, the authorities also refused numerous approaches by OSCE representa-
tives to allow the reintroduction of the OSCE long-duration missions into Kosovo,
Vojvodina, and Sandzak, maintaining that the FRY must first be "reinstated" in the
OSCE.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
While Federal and republic laws provide for equal rights for all citizens, regard-
less of ethnic group, religion, language, or social status, and prohibit discrimination
against women, in reality the legal system provides little protection to such groups.
Women. — The traditionally high level of domestic violence persisted. The few offi-
cial agencies dedicated to coping with family violence have inadequate resources and
are limited in their options by social pressure to keep families together at all costs.
Few victims of spousal abuse ever file complaints with authorities. The Center for
Autonomous Women's Rights offers a rape crisis and spousal abuse hot line, as well
as sponsoring a number of self-help groups. The Center also offered help to refugee
women, many of whom experiencea extreme abuse or rape during the conflict in the
former Yugoslavia.
Women do not enjoy status equal to men in the FRY, and relatively few women
obtain upper level management positions in commerce.
1279
Traditional patriarchal ideas of gender roles, which hold that women should be
subservient to the male members oi their family, have long subjected women to dis-
crimination. In some rural areas, particularly among minority communities, women
are little more than serfs without the ability to exercise their right to control prop-
erty and children. Women in the FRY, however, legally are entitled to equal pay
for equal work and are granted maternity leave for 1 year, with an additions 6
months available. Women are active in political and human rights organizations.
Women's rights groups continue to operate with little or no official acknowledgment.
Children. — The state attempts to meet the health and educational needs of chil-
dren. The educational system provides 8 years of mandatory schooling.
The current division of Kosovo into parallel administrative systems has resulted
in Serb and Albanian Kosovar elementary age children being taught in separate
areas of divided schools, or attending classes in shifts. Older Albanian Kosovar chil-
dren attend school in private homes. The quality of the education is thus uneven,
and the tension and division of society in general has been replicated to the det-
riment of the children.
An agreement negotiated under the auspices of the Rome-based Sant-Egidio com-
munity and signed in 1996 by President Milosevic and Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, the
leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo, seeks to resolve the division ofthe edu-
cational system and lend impetus to efforts to normalize the situation within
Kosovo. No progress was apparent on implementation of the accord over a year
later, however, prompting a student protest movement in Kosovo (see Section 2.b.).
Intransigence in implementing the agreement was detected on both sides.
Economic distress, due primarily to the Government's total mismanagement, has
spilled over into the health care system, adversely affecting children. In Kosovo the
health situation for children remained particularly poor. Humanitarian aid officials
blamed the high rate of infant and childhood mortality, as well as increasing
epidemics of preventable diseases, primarily on poverty that led to malnutrition and
poor hygiene and to the deterioration of public sanitation. Ethnic minorities in some
cases fear Serb state-run medical facilities, which results in a low rate of inmiuniza-
tion and a reluctance to seek timely medical attention. Significant cooperation be-
tween Serbian medical authorities and ethnic Albanian-run clinics in Kosovo on a
polio vaccination campaign represented a hopeful development. A similar drive took
place in Sandzak for Muslim cnildren.
There is no societal pattern of abuse against children.
People With Disabilities. — Facilities for people with disabilities are inadequate,
but the Government has made some effort to address the problem. The law prohibits
discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, education, or in the
provision of other state services. The law mandates access to new official buildings,
and the Government enforces these provisions in practice.
Religious Minorities. — Religion and ethnicity are so closely intertwined as to be
inseparable. Serious discrimination against, and harassment of, religious minorities
continued, especially in the Kosovo and Sandzak regions. Violence against the
Catholic minority in Vojvodina, largely made up of ethnic Hungarians and Croats,
has also been reported.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — There were credible reports that Muslims
and ethnic Albanians continued to be driven from their homes or fired from their
iobs on the basis of religion or ethnicity. Other ethnic minorities, including ethnic
Hungarians in Vojvodina, also allege discrimination. In Zemun the Belgrade Hel-
sinki Committee office identified at least three instances where the city government,
under ultranationalist mayor Vojislav Seselj, encouraged the illegal eviction of eth-
nic Croats from their apartments, after which they were replaced oy ethnic Serb ref-
ugees.
The Romani population is generally tolerated, and there is no official discrimina-
tion. Roma have the right to vote, and there are two small Romani parties. How-
ever, prejudice against Roma is widespread. Skinheads murdered a Roma boy in
Belgrade in October. Local authorities often ignore or condone societal intimidation
of the Roma community.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — All workers except military and police personnel
have the legal right to join or form unions. Unions are either official (government
affiliated) or independent. The total labor force is approximately 2.3 million. The
Government-controlled Alliance of Independent Labor Unions (Samostalnost) claims
1.8 million members but probably numbers closer to 1 million. The largest independ-
ent union is the United Branch Independent Labor Unions (Nezavisnost), which
numbers 157,000 members. Most other independent unions are sector-specific, for
example, the Independent Union of Bank Employees (12,000 members). Due to the
1280
poor state of the economy, over one-half of union woricers are on long-term manda-
tory leave from their firms pending increases in production. The independent
unions, while active in recruiting new members, have not yet reached the size need-
ed to enable countrywide strikes that would force employers to provide concessions
on workers' rights. The independent unions also claim that the Government has
managed to prevent effective recruiting through a number of tactics, including pre-
venting the busing of workers to strikes, threatening the job security of members,
and failing to grant visas to foreign visitors supporting independent unions. Some
foreign umon organizers managed to secure visas during the year after long delays.
The largely splintered approach of the independent unions left them little to show
in terms of increased wages or improved working conditions. The Nezavisnost union
gained new members as a result of its well-organized and tough bargaining posi-
tions during strikes of teachers and health workers in the spring. The Samostalnost
(official) union lost credibility with some of its members because it ultimately accom-
modated the Government position on these strikes.
The ability of unions to afllliate internationally remains constrained.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — While this right is provided
for under law, collective bargaining remains at a rudimentary level of development.
Individual unions tend to be very narrow and pragmatic in their aims, unable to
join with unions in other sectors to bargain for common purposes. The history of
trade unionism in the country has centered not on bargaining for the collective
needs of all workers but rather for the specific needs of a given group of workers.
Thus, coal workers, teachers, health workers, and electric power industry employees
have been ineffective in finding common denominators (e.g., job security guarantees,
minimum safety standards, universal workers' benefits, etc.) on which to negotiate.
The overall result is a highly fragmented labor structure composed of workers who
relate to the needs of their individual union but rarely to those of other workers.
Additionally, job security fears, which stem from the high rate of unemployment,
limited workers' militancy. The massive antigovemment demonstrations that fol-
lowed the November 1996 elections appear to have helped embolden workers to
stand lip to the Government in strike situations.
The Government is still seeking to develop free trade zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor, including that per-
formed by children, is prohibited by law and is not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The mini-
mum age for employment is 16 years, although in villages and farming communities
it is not unusual to find younger children at work assisting their families. With an
actual unemployment rate (registered unemployed plus redundant workers who
show up at the workplace but perform only minimal work) in excess of 60 percent,
real employment opportunities for children are nonexistent. Forced and bonded
labor by children is prohibited by law and is not known to occur (see Section 6.c).
Children can, however, be found in a variety of unofficial "retail" jobs, typically
washing car windows or selling small items such as cigarettes.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Large government enterprises, including all
the major banks, industrial, and trading companies generally observe minimum
wage standards. The current monthly minimum wage is approximately $42 to $84
(250 to 500 Din). This figure, however, is rou^ly comparable to unemployment ben-
efits and (at least theoretically) is paid to workers who have been placed in a man-
datory leave status. The actual minimum wage is at the low end of the range of
average net salaries, $92 to $108 (600 to 700 Din). The minimum wage is insuffi-
cient to meet basic needs. The cost of food and utilities alone for a family of four
is estimated to be $231 (1,500 Din) per month. Private enterprises use the minimum
wages as a guide but tend to pay somewhat higher average wages.
Rieports oi sweatshops operating in the country are rare, although some privately-
owned textile factories operate in very poor cond.itions. The official workweek, listed
as 40 hours, had little meaning in an economy with massive underemployment and
unemployment. Neither employers nor employees tended to give high priority to en-
forcement of established occupational safety and health reflations, focusing their
efforts instead on economic survival. In light of the competition for employment, and
the high degree of government control over the economy, workers are not free to
leave hazardous worK situations without risking loss of employment.
SLOVAK REPUBLIC
The Slovak Republic became an independent state in 1993, following the dissolu-
tion of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic (CSFR). Its Constitution provides for
1281
a multiparty, multiethnic parliamentary democracy, including separation of powers
and an independent judiciary. Slovakia chose to carry over the entire body of CSFR
domestic legislation and international treaty obligations, which gradually are being
renewed or updated. The Constitution provides lor an independent judiciary; how-
ever, some critics allege that the Ministry of Justice's logistical and personnel au-
thority allows it to exert some influence on the judicial system.
TTie national police, which fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Interior,
are the primary law enforcement agency. In addition to domestic law enforcement,
they also have responsibility for border security. The Slovak Information Service
(SIS), an independent organization reporting directly to the Prime Minister, is re-
sponsible for all civilian security and intelligence activities. A six-member par-
liamentary commission, which includes no meaningful opposition participation, over-
sees the SIS. Civilian authorities maintain effective control of the security forces.
Police have committed some human rights abuses.
Slovakia made continued progress in the difiicult transition from a command-
based to a market-based economy, with more than 85 percent of gross domestic
product (GDP) now generated by the private sector. GDP growth continued to be
strong at 6 percent, and inflation rose to just over 6 percent. Real GDP per capita
is approximately $2,800, providing most of the population with an adequate stand-
ard of living. Unemployment was nigh at 13 percent, with some areas of the country
reaching over 25 percent. A disproportionate number of unemployed are Roma, who
face exceptional difficulties in finding and holding jobs partly as a result of discrimi-
nation. Tne economy is industrially based, with only 7 percent of GDP derived from
agricultural production. Major exports are iron and steel, machinery and transport
equipment, audio and video equipment, plastic materials, chemicals and fuels,
paper, and paper products.
While the Government generally respected most of the human rights of its citi-
zens, disturbing trends away from democratic principles continued, reflecting an in-
tolerance for opposition views and a recentralization of state authority. Most nota-
bly, the Government, contrary to decisions of the Constitutional Court, refused to
permit a referendum question on the direct election of the President to be printed
on the ballot distributed to voters, and the Parliament refused to reinstate ousted
Deputy Frantisek Gaulieder. Human rights monitors continued to report incidents
of police brutality against Roma, although fewer than in 1996. There were credible
allegations that the SIS conducted surveillance of some political figures, journalists,
and their spouses.
There were also increasing credible allegations of politically motivated dismissals
of public officials, intimidation of opponents of government policy, and interference
witn the electronic media. An atmosphere of intimidation led some journalists to
practice self-censorship. The Government's failure to investigate seriously the 1995
abduction and assault of the president's son, the Gaulieder case, and referendum
fiasco undermine the Government's commitment to the rule of law. Discrimination
and violence against women remain serious problems. A new law on universities
threatened the independence of higher education. Roma faced societal discrimina-
tion, and the police often failed to provide adequate protection or follow-up against
attacks on Roma by skinheads. Some anti-Semitic incidents occurred, and there was
some discrimination against the Hungarian minority.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
However, press speculation that elements of the security services were involved
in the 1996 death of Robert Remias was widespread. Remias was a friend and
intermediary of Oskar Fegyveres (a former member of the SIS and a self-proclaimed
witness to the kidnaping of the President's son in August 1995 — see Section I.e.).
Remias died when his car exploded on April 29, 1996, in Bratislava. The investiga-
tion into his death has foundered for nearly 2 years and remained dormant at year's
end; no suspects have been identified.
Skinhead violence against Roma led to one death (see Section 5).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits such practices. However, security forces do not always
respect these prohibitions.
Human rights monitors reported cases of police brutality against Roma and some
African students. More oft^n the police are accused of tolerating violence against
Roma by not halting or investigating attacks against Roma. For example. Human
1282
rights monitors charge that police appear reluctant to take the testimony of wit-
nesses to skinhead attacks on Roma. Further, they reported that police used the de-
vice of countercharges to pressure Roma victims of police brutality to drop their
complaints, that medical doctors and investigators cooperated with police by refus-
ing to describe accurately the injuries involved, and that lawyers often were reluc-
tant to represent Roma in such situations, for fear this would nave a negative effect
on their practice. In 1996 the Banska Bystrica police chief, in reaction to a com-
plaint by a nongovernmental organization (NGO), admitted police errors in
Prievidza and promised disciplinary action against the officers involved. No known
action was taken in the case during the year.
The 1995 case of the violent abduction of the President's son Michael Kovac Jr.,
to Austria, during which he was tortured, remained unsolved. SIS personnel are al-
leged to be implicated. The SIS refused to permit its personnel to be questioned and
has accused police investigators of wrongdoing. One lead police investigator resigned
under pressure; another was removed from the case, as was their supervisor. The
Government did not vigorously investigate the kidnaping case during the year, and
the third investigator closed the case due to "insufficient evidence," noting that the
incident may have been staged to embarrass the Government.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention, and the Government observes this prohibition.
A person accused or suspected of a crime must be given a hearing within 24 hours
and either set free or returned to custody by a remand of the court. During this
time, the detainee has the right to an attorney. If remanded by a court, the accused
is entitled to a hearing within 24 hours at which the judge either sets the accused
free or issues a substantive written order placing the accused in custody. Investiga-
tive detention may last up to 2 months and may be extended. The total length of
pretrial detention may not exceed 1 year, unless the Supreme Court extends it, after
determining that the person constitutes a serious danger to society. Pretrial detain-
ees constituted roughly 25 percent of the total prison population, and the average
pretrial detention period was 7.2 months. The law allows family visits and provides
for a court-paid attorney if needed. A system of bail exists. Noncitizens may be de-
tained for up to 30 days for the purposes of identification.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and the Government observes this prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for courts that are inde-
pendent, impartial, and separate from the other branches of government. Some crit-
ics allege, however, that the dependence of judges upon the Ministry of Justice for
logistical support and other services undermines their independent status. The Min-
istry of Justice also can remove presidents and vice presidents of the courts for any
reason, although they remain judges; it has done so.
The court system consists of local and regional courts with the Supreme Court as
the hi^est court of appeal except for constitutional questions, which are considered
by a separate Constitutional Court. In addition, there is a separate military court
system, the decisions of which may be appealed to the Supreme Court and the Con-
stitutional Court. Under the Constitution, the President appoints and removes Con-
stitutional Court judges to 7-year terms based upon parliamentary nominations.
Parliament elects other judges, based on recommendations from the Ministry of Jus-
tice, and can remove them lor misconduct.
The Constitution provides that judicial candidates are initially appointed by the
ParHament for a 4-year term. At the end of that term, their names are to be submit-
ted to Parliament and, if candidates have successfully completed the terms of proba-
tion, they are appointed to the bench for life. When the Government submitted to
the Parliament the names of candidates for lifetime appointments, it omitted from
the list 12 candidates. Through some of their decisions, these 12 apparently had dis-
pleased the Government. This action led to severe public criticism. The media began
a petition drive, and a majority of sitting judges signed the petition. Giving in to
the pressure, the Government reversed its position and submitted the names of the
12 to Parliament. They were subjected to the usual review process and were duly
elected to lifetime terms.
Persons charged with criminal offenses are entitled to fair and open public trials.
They have the right to be informed of the charges against them and of their legal
rights, to retain and consult with counsel sufficiently in advance to prepare a de-
fense, and to confront witnesses. Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence and
have the right to refuse to testify against themselves. They may appeal any judg-
ment against them.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
1283
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Criminal Code requires police to obtain a judicial search warrant in order to enter
a home. The court may issue such a warrant only if there is a well-founded sus-
picion that important evidence or persons accused of criminal activity are present
inside or if there is some other important reason. Police must present the warrant
before conducting the house search or within 24 hours after the search.
The 1993 police law regulates wiretapping and mail surveillance for the purposes
of criminal investigation, which may be conducted, on the order of a judge or pros-
ecutor, only in cases of extraordinarily serious premeditated crimes or crimes involv-
ing international treaty obligations. It has never been determined who was respon-
sible for two highly publicized taped interceptions of ministerial-level phone con-
versations from 1996. Credible allegations emerged that the SIS conducted routine
surveillance of some political figures and their spouses. Radio Free Europe (RFE)
representatives alleged that SIS agents followed KFE reporters who were working
on sensitive stories. Other journalists also allege they are being surveilled and that
their telephones are tapped.
In 1995 police with a legal warrant searched the diocesean headquarters of Bish-
op Rudolf Balaz, chairman of the Conference of Bishops. The search occurred soon
after Balaz had led the conference in a statement of support for President Michal
Kovac, who has been the target of criticism by the government coalition. Police said
that Balaz was involved in the illegal sale of art works listed in the register of na-
tional treasures. Denying this, Balaz's office director stated that the Government
was intent on discrediting Balaz and that police had searched areas clearly incon-
sistent with their alleged mission. The charges were dropped in 1996 after a news-
{>aper alleged SIS involvement in the case. A senior church official said that the po-
ice had not returned either the artwork or the money that had been seized. There
were no developments in the case during the year.
There were reports that some public service employees were pressured to join gov-
ernment coalition parties; the workers feared loss of their jobs otherwise (see Sec-
tion 6. a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government generally respects this right in practice. How-
ever, the law and a climate of increasing intimiaation leads some journalists to
practice self-censorship.
Although the largest press distribution company is mainly state owned, private
distribution companies exist. The print media are free and uncensored, although
some journalists and media outlets report that they exercise self-censorship out of
fear for personal safety or economic repercussions. Newspapers and magazines regu-
larly publish a wide range of opinions and news articles. The poHticization of state-
owned broadcast media, however, remains a significant problem.
Individuals continued to report attempts at intimidation that make them reluc-
tant to criticize the Government openly without fear of some form of reprisal. Sev-
eral cases highlight this trend. On March 15 during an HZDS (ruling party) rally
in Bratislava the crowd attacked several journalists and damaged their equipment.
The attacks included pushes and shoves, verbal abuse, and destruction of equip-
ment.
In April the offices of the Center for Independent Journalism (CIJ), a private
foundation that supports the growth of independent media, were burglarized. In a
room full of computers, only one was taken. That one contained a sensitive list of
affiliated journalists and a year's worth of e-mail communications between the CIJ
and its New York headquarters. The stolen server was valued at $1,000 to $1,300
(Sk 30,000 to 40,000) while other, more expensive equipment was left untouched.
Police investigated, but had made no arrests by year's end.
On June 7, the ofTices of the private press agency SITA were burglarized. The
items taken included 29 of 32 personal computers and 3 notebook computers. SITA
was scheduled to begin official operations on June 15. While the agency's director
refused to speculate on a motive for the robbery, some observers suspected a politi-
cal motive. Investigators officially shelved the case for lack of evidence.
A series of threatened and actual defamation suits by politicians against journal-
ists continued. Since losing a case could cause financial difficulties lor most news-
papers, the threat of a lawsuit is one method to intimidate journalists. On October
22 the progovemment daily Slovenska Republika reported that a district court judge
had ordered the opposition daily SME to cease publishing articles linking SIS mem-
bers with criminal acts unless they were found guilty in court. The SIS had filed
suit seeking protection against alleged libel by SME resulting from a car bomb inci-
dent in which the SME reported tnat an SIS employee was killed while handling
1284
a bomb at his home. The SME concedes that it misreported the individual's first
name and age.
On September 19, SME assistant editor Peter Toth's car was torched in Bratislava
within 50 feet of his ground floor apartment where his family was sleeping. Toth
was traveling outside Slovakia at the time. A week later, a fire was set in a dump-
ster outside Toth's apartment. Toth has aggressively pursued and uncovered infor-
mation on the case of the 1995 kidnaping of President Kovac's son and the related
1996 car bomb murder of source Robert Kemias. On September 22, the SME offices
received a bomb threat, one of many such warnings. The building was evacuated
but police did not find an explosive device. On November 14, the police informed
Toth that the investigation of the arson attack was closed for lack of evidence.
October 13 the government-owned telecommunications company ST shut down for
25 hours the leased Bratislava transmitter of private opposition-oriented Radio
Twist, ostensibly for nonpayment of bills for the use of the transmitter in
Bratislava. The station owns its other transmitters elsewhere in the country. Twist
director Andrej Hryc acknowledged that his most recent payment of $5,000 was 13
days late but said that it had been paid before the shutdown, which came with no
warning. Two other private radio stations also were shut down. The two largest
debtors are state-controlled Slovak TV and Radio with debts of $7.6 million and $7
million respectively. In an October press conference, a radio and television broad-
casting council representative reported that a transmitter of Slovak Radio was once
temporarily shut down for late payment of debt. On November 27, the ST cut power
to Twist's central Slovakia transmitter, forcing the station to use a gasoline genera-
tor for 1 week. After Twist director Andrej Hryc persuaded the electric company to
switch his station's power back on, ST staff members physically cut the cable that
crossed ST property to the transmitter, forcing Twist to use the generator again. On
December 4, Hryc confirmed that the electric company had succeeded in rerouting
the power cable so that ST no longer had access to it, and full power was restored.
Investigative weekly Plus 7 Dni journalist Dasa Mateicikova reported harassment
since her decision to write an article about a wealthy HZDS member with alleged
underworld ties. Matejcikova's mother, living in the village of Orava, received a tele-
phone death threat. Shortly after she tried to interview the subject of her article,
Matejcikova said that his associates told her that if she went ahead with the article
they would start a media campaign against her, accusing her of attempting to bribe
person by asking him for $3,000 (Sk 100,000) to prevent publication of the article.
When she persisted, she said that she was offered a bribe not to continue, but de-
clined it. VTV Television (partly owned by the subject) called her editors and
claimed she had asked them for $3,000 (Sk 100,000). Her editors said that they do
not believe the charges and fully support Matejcikova. When trying to get police pro-
tection, she said that she was told that she could not receive protection unless she
were actually attacked and that protection would require Ministry of Interior ap-
proval, which would take a month. On September 25 the article was published. On
the same day Matejcikova was sued by the subject of her story for bribery. The pho-
tographer who accompanied her throughout her investigation reportedly told au-
thorities he remembers nothing about their meetings with the man s associates.
Citing low journalistic standards. Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar decided in De-
cember to abolish weekly government press conferences. The decision was made in
reaction to press questions regarding Meciar's new unofficial advisor Blazena
Martinkova and an alleged secret trip to Moscow. In a letter addressed to cabinet
members and other public officials, Meciar prohibited them from giving information
to certain media outlets. Hew rote that "Radio Twist, Markiza Television, and dai-
lies Novy Cas, SME, and PRACA have continuously published lies about the Slovak
Government and its members." The cabinet press office announced that it would
provide information only to government media, not the independent media.
A Radio Free Europe (RFE) manager reported government efforts to intimidate
and interfere with the station. SIS director Ivan Lexa, in his annual report to Par-
liament, called RFE an enemy of the Slovak state. RFE states that access to govern-
ment information and ofTicials is difficult for its representatives. During the year,
RFE detected three attempted break-ins of its premises, most recently in August.
Police were not called because regulations require that police may be called only
after "successful break-ins." RFE journalists reporting on politically sensitive cases,
such as the Gaulieder case, allege that their phones are tapped and that they are
followed.
The 1995 state language law bans the use of foreign languages in the media and
requires the use of SlovaJc in all official government business. Broadcasting in mi-
nority languages continues, but several radio stations canceled English-language
programimng in order to comply with the law in 1996. The law remains unchanged.
1285
Radio and television broadcasting are supervised by three boards appointed by
majority vote of Parliament. The Slovak Television Council and the Slovak Radio
Council establish broadcasting policy for state-owned television and radio. The Slo-
vak Radio and Television Council issues broadcast licenses and administers adver-
tising laws and some other regulations. The Radio and Television Council has made
signiiicant progress in fostering the spread of private broadcasting, for which it has
issued 26 radio and 980 television and cable television licenses. A private company,
Markiza Television, with a signal covering two-thirds of the country, is the most
watched station.
In 1996 Parliament passed a law to privatize the second channel of Slovak Tele-
vision (STV 2). On June 6, the Slovak Republic Council for Radio and Television
Broadcasting (RRTV) announced that the private Slovak television company Pro TV,
reportedly close to government circles, won the license to broadcast on the frequency
vacated by Slovak Television's second channel when it moved to satellite broadcast.
The RRTV claimed that it gave preference to offers with Slovak capital, but press
reports questioned the capital backing of Pro TV as well as its apparent ties to gov-
ernment supporters. An amendment halting the privatization was demanded by the
opposition Party of the Democratic Left (SDL). President Kovac returned the privat-
ization bill to Parliament in July, and on July 10 it voted to halt privatization. On
October 10, Parliament again rejected an attempt to privatize STV 2.
The state-owned electronic media continued to be highly politicized. Critics
charged that STV avoids controversial topics and provides almost no time for opposi-
tion views or reporting the activities of the President.
Money allocated to minority groups for the publication of minority-language news-
papers has in some cases been eliminated. At the same time, the Government re-
portedly has given the Salus Publishing Company, with owners tied to the HZDS,
$270,000 (Sk 9 million) to publish bimonthly minority-language supplements in the
progovemment dally newspaper Slovenska Republika. Of the total, less than
$120,000 (Sk 4 million) was reportedly used for this purpose.
The law provides for academic freedom, which is generally respected. However,
critics of the 1996 amendment to the law on universities claim that it restricts the
autonomy of the university by giving the Government increased control over the ad-
ministration and funding of institutions of higher learning. In 1997 the Government
established new universities in four cities where universities already existed, mean-
while cutting the budgets of the older universities. Critics believe that the Govern-
ment is trying to close universities that it considers are not progovemment by di-
verting budgetary funds to the new universities. For example, the yearly budget for
the existing university in Tmava is $1.35 million (Sk 45 million) while the new
"Christian" university in Trnava is to receive $1.8 million (Sk 60 million). Faculty
at Tmava believe that the government strategy is to attract teachers and students
to the new university thereby weakening the existing one.
b. Freedom, of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religious belief
and faith, and the Government respects this provision in practice. Under existing
law, only registered churches and religious organizations have the explicit right to
conduct public worship services and other activities, although no specific religious
or practices are banned or discouraged by the authorities. The State provides finan-
cial subsidies only to registered churches and religious organizations, of which there
are 15.
d. Freedom of Movement within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government re-
spects them in practice.
The Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The (jovem-
ment provides first asylum and provided it to 645 persons in 1997. Of these and
prior year cases, 8 were granted citizenship, 65 were accepted as refugees, 84 claims
were rejected, 539 persons terminated their cases, and the remainder (69) are pend-
ing. There were no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to refu-
gee status; however, some refugee claimants said that they had difficulty in gaining
access to initial processing.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the constitutional right to change their government throu^ the
periodic free election of their national representatives. Citizens over the age of 18
are eligible to vote, and voting is by secret ballot. The Constitution reserves certain
powers to the President as Chief of State (elected by the Parliament), but executive
1286
power rests with the Government. Legislative power is vested in the National Coun-
cil of the Slovak Republic (Parliament).
The last national elections were held in October 1994, with the then-opposition
party HZDS obtaining 35 percent of the vote and an invitation to form the Govern-
ment. The elections were deemed free and fair.
A number of actions consolidated the Government's power in a manner, which,
taken as a whole, gave rise to continued concern over the future course of pluralism,
the separation of powers, and democratic development overall. In December 1996,
in a virtual party line vote, deputies ousted M.P. Frantisek Gaulieder from Par-
liament against his will because he had earlier resigned his membership in the rul-
ing HZDS party. A bomb exploded at his residence 2 days later (see Section l.a.).
In July the Constitutional Court ruled that Gaulieder's ouster was unconstitutional
but left the formal remedy up to Parliament, saying that the Court could not change
a parliamentary resolution. Court judges said that if Parliament does not return
Gaulieder's mandate, it would remain in violation of the Constitution. In September,
in direct contradiction of the July Constitutional Court ruling, the Parliament, again
on a near party line vote, refused to reinstate Gaulieder.
In a May referendum. Interior Minister Gustav Krajci ordered removed from the
ballot a question regarding the direct election of the President. The question had
been proposed by an opposition-led citizen petition drive and combined by President
Kovac with three other parliament-approved referendum questions on NATO mem-
bership to save money and increase the percentage of participation in the referen-
dum. The Prime Minister was against the opposition-inspired question, calling it un-
constitutional. Shortly before the referendum, the Cabinet referred the question to
the Constitutional Court, which decided that the question was valid, but that the
draft legislation attached to it could not automatically become law. Nevertheless,
the Cabinet directed Krajci not to distribute the question and Krajci complied. In
the confusion over the conduct of the referendum, which was boycotted, less than
10 percent of the electorate voted, and the central referendum commission declared
the entire process void. In September Krajci was taken to court over his action, but
the supervisor of the prosecutor who brought the charges decided to stop the pros-
ecution and investigation for lack of evidence.
In the absence of a civil service law, the Government continued topressure or re-
place national and local government officials with its supporters. The 1996 Terri-
torial Administration Law that provided for the redistricting of regional and local
governments created additional layers of government. These controlled national edu-
cational and health purse strings and were accused of being used in a political fash-
ion to fiind infrastructure projects in cities with government coalition-afiiliated may-
ors. Further legislation expected to clarify the relationship between appointed heads
of the newly created regions and counties and elected mayors was not completed by
year's end. Ethnic Hungarian and other opposition politicians accused the (jovern-
ment of gerrymandering and excessive patronage, since the Government continued
to appoint coalition party members to positions associated with this law. In its han-
dling of the privatization of large state enterprises, the National Property Fund,
nominally independent of the CJovernment, appeared to favor primarily supporters
of the ruling coalition.
Women are underrepresented in Government. They hold 3 of 15 portfolios: labor/
social affairs and education. One of three Deputy Prime Ministers is a woman.
Women hold 21 seats in the 150-member Parliament.
The large ethnic Hungarian minority, whose coalition gained 17 seats in Par-
liament in the 1994 elections, is well represented in Parliament and in local govern-
ment but not in the central government. Roma are not represented in Parliament
and hold no senior government positions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of human rights groups operate without government restriction, inves-
tigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. A 1996 law requiring
NXjO's and foundations to reregister and, in the case of foundations, have certain
financial resources in order to operate has eliminated some foundations, primarily
dormant groups. No organization, however, had been denied registration nor faced
any other major problem in continuing to operate. The impact of another law setting
limits on allowable administrative expenses is not yet known. In May and July Par-
liament passed two laws governing the registration and operation of NGO's as an
alternative to registering under the foundations law. These are the laws on non-
investment funds and nonprofit public benefit organizations. Neither alternative
was widely used by NGO's to register by year's end.
1287
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race. Sex. Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and the law prohibit discrimination and provides for the equality
of all citizens. However, enforcement is uneven, with different minority groups re-
porting that their members often receive no government assistance with complaints
about discrimination. Health care, education, retirement benefits, and other social
services are provided regardless of race, sex, religion, disability, language, or social
status.
Women. — Violence, particularly sexual violence against women, remains a serious
and underreported problem. Experts say that in 1993, the latest year studied, there
were 47,000 reported acts of violence or intolerance against women (violence is de-
fined as physical, sexual, emotional, or economic). Physical and sexual violence ac-
count for almost half of all reported cases. These experts conclude that most of the
estimated 23,000 unreported cases involve sexual violence. They note that although
f>olice (in 1993) reported a 19 percent drop in officially reported cases of sexual vio-
ence, psychological counseling centers registered a 60 percent increase in such
cases. Police estimate that two-thirds of female rape victims fail to report their
cases. Police treat spousal abuse, child abuse, and other violence against women in
the same way as other criminal offenses: Sections in the Criminal Code specifically
address rape, sexual abuse, trade in women, and pandering.
As a result of amendments to the Criminal Code that took effect in 1994, prostitu-
tion is not illegal. The Code, however, prohibits activities related to prostitution,
such as renting apartments for conducting prostitution, spreading contagious dis-
eases, or trafficking in women for thepurpose of prostitution.
Women are equal under the law. They have the same property, inheritance, and
other legal rights as men. Women receive approximately 79 percent of men's wages
for the same work, according to the Government. A 1995 report prepared by the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that for the period 1988-93, "gross earnings of
men are 71 percent higher than those of women." The report concluded that "since
there is little difference in the level of education achieved by men and women, and
since a significantly greater number of women are graduates of technical univer-
sities as well as universities, the discrepancy in wages is caused by factors other
t. n 8.n cduc&tji on 8.1 9.C11 1 g vg nriG nt
The Democratic Union of Women of Slovakia (DUZS), chaired by a HZDS M.P.
and fiinded in part by the HZDS, identified the number one problem facing women
as insufficient resources to provide for everyday family needs. Other major problems
included women's health and the health of their family members. The DUZS contin-
ued to promote creation of a parliamentary committee on women and the family and
passage of a law on the family. The DUZS particularly was interested in legislation
that provided more day care and preschool programs. The DUZS also complained
about growing discrimination against middle-age and older women in employment.
After the 1995 U.N. Conference on Women in Berjing, the Government formed a
Coordinating Committee for Women's Affairs. The Committee meets periodically to
discuss the status of women's issues and any necessary followup from the Beijing
conference. The Committee includes government officials as well as NGO partici-
pants. Some NGO representatives have chosen not to participate, characterizing the
committee as ineffective.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its commitment to children's rights and
welfare through its system of public education and medical care. The Ministry of
Labor oversees implementation of the Ciovemment's programs for children. The
Constitution, the law on education, the Labor Code, ana the system of child welfare
payments to families with children each provide in part for children's rights. Edu-
cation is compulsory for 9 years, or until the age of 15.
While there is no evidence of a societal pattern of abuse of children, some prob-
lems remain. One NGO reported almost 400 cases of child beating and 500 cases
of sexual abuse although the number of unreported cases could be much higher.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution and implementing legislation provide
for health protection and special working conditions for mentally and physically dis-
abled persons, including special protection in employment relations ana special as-
sistance in training. A 1994 decree provides incentives to employers who create a
"sheltered" workplace (i.e., a certain percentage of jobs set aside for the disabled).
The law also pronibits discrimination against physically disabled individuals in em-
ployment, education, and the provision of other state services. Nevertheless, experts
report discrimination in accessibility of premises and access to education (especially
higher education). Although not specifically required by law, another 1994 govern-
ment decree mandates the provision of accessibility with regard to new building con-
struction. The decree proviaes for sanctions but lacks a mechanism to enforce them.
A spokeswoman for an NGO dealing with people with disabilities said that the Gov-
45-909 98-42
1288
eminent made some limited progress on accessibility issues and in supplying pros-
thetics.
Religious Minorities. — A controversial book entitled "The History of Slovakia and
the Slovaks" by Milan S. Durica was published in 1996 with Ministry of Education
support using European Union funds. It was distributed as recommended reading
for teachers and students in elementary and high schools. The book was widely criti-
cized by religious groups and the Slovak Academy of Sciences for gross inaccuracies
and distortions, particularly in its portrayal of wartime Slovakia and the deporta-
tion of Jews and Roma. The Slovak Jewish community and B'nai B'rith criticized
the book as anti-Semitic, and the Evangelical Church protested that the text was
highly prejudicial towards its members. The Prime Minister announced in July that
the Government would withdraw the book, but it remains available in schools. The
European Union planned to ask for a return of its funds.
Five Jewish cemeteries were vandalized during the year. In Nove Zamky three
juveniles were arrested and charged with vandalism. In Kosice the mayor promised
a full investigation as well as mnds to help restore the overturned gravestones.
Other incidents occurred in Lucenec (19 gravestones overturned) in May and in two
eastern towns (Falkusovace and Vranov Nad Toplou) in September. In each case
there were overturned gravestones, but in Nove Zamky a swastika was traced in
the dirt, and in Vranov Nad Toplou a grave was opened.
Despite protests by the Federation of Jewish Communities, Slovak National Party
members and the ofiicial Slovak cultural organization Matica Slovenska continued
their efforts to revise the history of the pro-Nazi wartime Slovak state. The Prime
Minister, however, has publicly distanced himself from the glorification of the Tiso
regime and has condemned fascism and anti-Semitism, stating that there was no
lime between the Slovak wartime state and the new Slovak repuolic.
In 1996 a center for Jewish studies at the Comenius University in Bratislava was
opened. Initially it proposes to offer a general cultural introduction to Judaica and,
later, studies in Hebrew and Yiddish languages.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Constitution provides for the right of
minorities to develop their own culture, receive information and education in their
mother tongue, and participate in decisionmaking in matters affecting them. The
Deputy Prime Minister heads the Council for National Minorities, an advisory body
to the Government on minority issues which also considers legislation concerning
minorities. The Government continued to provide funding for cultural, educational,
broadcasting, and publishing activities for the major ethnic minorities, but at great-
ly reduced levels. A 1996 bilateral treaty with Hungary, which called for bilateral
conunissions to deal with the treatment of ethnic minorities, remains unfulfilled.
TTie lai^est ethnic minority is Hungarian. It is concentrated primarily in southern
Slovakia, with a population registered at 570,000 (150,000 of whom are thought to
be Roma who speak Hungarian and choose to declare themselves as ethnic Hungar-
ian). Most ethnic Hungarians and ethnic Slovaks living in mixed areas continued
to coexist peacefully, but there were occasional outbreaks of anti-Hungarian feeling,
mostly in areas where the two do not coexist.
Hungarian ethnic leaders complained about large and disproportional cuts in gov-
ernment subsidies to Hungarian cultural organizations, with funding for some orga-
nizations eliminated. They noted as well a number of government initiatives, which
they said sought to reverse gains made in previous years. The Government took no
action in 1997 on the proposed education law that would expand the use of Slovak
in schools of the Hungarian minority and in particular require that history and lit-
erature be taught in Slovak. In 1996 then-Foreign Minister Juraj Schenk assured
the High Commissioner for Minorities of the Organization for Security and Coopera-
tion in Europe (OSCE) that the (Government would pass a law codifying the use of
minority languages. In October the (jovemment, against the advice of the OSCE
High Commissioner, stated that it no longer saw a need for such a law despite its
previous promises. No law was proposed in Parliament.
During a party rally In September, Prime Minister Meciar explained to the crowd
that during talks with Hungarian prime Minister Horn in August he had proposed
that both countries facilitate changing citizenship for those ethnic Hungarians living
in Slovakia and ethnic Slovaks living in Hungary who so desired. Meciar explained
further that the proposal was meant to support the free movement of people. Oppo-
sition politicians and some press sources described the proposal as encouraging pop-
ulation exchanges.
In June schools that teach in the Hungarian language were not allowed to issue
report cards in Hungarian. This ruling reportedly affected 390 schools. Previously,
the report cards were issued in both Slovak and Hungarian. The action resulted
from tne Ministry of Education's interpretation of the law on the use of the official
language in Slovakia. Some principals and teachers persisted in distributing bilin-
1289
gual report cards. In one prominent case, the principal of a Hungarian-language ele-
mentary school in Bratislava was removed from his job but kept on as a teacher.
The action occurred after the principal refused to stop issuing bihngual report cards;
however, the authorities told nim that his demotion was due to ineffective perform-
ance. Another principal was demoted under the same circumstances in Senec. In the
heavily Hungarian towns of Komamo and Dunajska Streda, it was reported that
teachers who issued bilingual certificates were denied a routine bonus (osobny
Sriplatok) given to teachers, which amounted to 30 percent of their pay. Two stu-
ents in Dunajska Streda were reportedly dismissed for having Hungarian-language
report cards, m March education state secretary Ondrej Nemcok wrote to county of-
fices in charge of schools recommending that only ethnic Slovaks be allowed to teach
history and geography in Hungarian language schools and that the subjects be
taught in Slovak, along with the Slovak language and literature and all specialized
skilled worker training. A draft law presented bv the Education Minister to codify
the above recommendation was returned by the Cabinet for redrafting.
Ethnic Hungarians, Ruthenians, and Roma protested the lack orautonomv and
government support for their cultural activities, particularly the Hungarian, Kuthe-
nian, and Roma theaters whose autonomy was ended by a 1996 decree by Culture
Minister Ivan Hudec. An annual national celebration of ethnic Hungarian heritage
was canceled at the last minute due to lack of funds. Csemadok, the largest ethnic
Hungarian cultural organization, received no government funding for the second
year in a row. Government involvement in, and control of, cultural activities occurs
throughout the country, however, and is not restricted to minority areas.
Roma constitute the second largest ethnic minority and suffer disproportionately
from high levels of poverty and unemployment. Credible reports by human rights
monitors indicated tnat Roma continued to suffer from discrimination in employ-
ment, housing, and administration of state services. Skinhead violence against
Roma was a serious and growing problem, and monitors reported that police remain
reluctant to take action. In January six skinheads attacked two Roma in Bratislava;
one was hospitalized. The skinheads were arrested and remained under investiga-
tion at years end. Also in January, skinheads in Kosice attacked a Romani em-
ployee of the NGO Office for the Legal Protection of Minorities (KPOEM). The two
skinheads were arrested and fined.
In February a group of anarchists and Roma in the city of Prievidza scheduled
a rallv to protest racism and fascism. Skinheads arrived at the rally and shouted
"Heil and "Gypsies to the gas chambers!" Police intervened when fighting broke
out, but reportedly arrested only anarchists and Roma (who were released the next
day). A Romani representative wrote a letter to the Minister of Interior protesting
the brutality of the police intervention, which injured several participants. In June
four Roma youth were shot in a car near Levoca. One woman was killed while an-
other remained in a critical state. The two others in the car were injured. No one
was arrested.
In August two skinheads broke into a Romani home in Banska Bystrica and beat
the whole family with baseball bats. The mother suffered a concussion and a broken
arm while her daughter also had a broken arm. The father was left in a coma and
later died of his injuries. One suspect is in prison awaiting trial.
In October 3 Romani students on their way home from school were attacked by
a group of 10 skinheads. One of the Roma sufTered a broken nose among other inju-
ries. Tne police arrested one skinhead on probation with a prior record of violence.
The case had not gone to court at year's end.
In August the perpetrator of a December 1996 knife attack on a father and son
of Romani heritage, which resulted in the father's death, was sentenced to IIV2
years in jail for murder.
Remarks by public figures played to anti-Roma sentiment. In June 1996, Roman
Hofbauer, a Member of Parliament of the ruling HZDS party and a prominent mem-
ber of the government coalition, wrote in the movement's daily newspaper,
Republika, that Romani citizens were the cause of criminality. In October 1996, Jan
Slota, leader of the SNS, reportedly said that a "small yard and a larce whip are
needed against the Roma." In a radio interview in the same month, Slota claimed
that "70 percent of the Roma are the cause of Slovak criminality."
Persons of color also suffered from attacks or discrimination. In July skinheads
from Banska Bystrica assaulted an African-American serviceman. He was taken to
the hospital and treated for minor injuries. In January two Asian asylum seekers
were attacked by skinheads near the bus station in Mlynske Nivy. In December a
Nigerian intern at a human rights NGO was verbally and physically assaulted after
appearing on a UNHCR television program about racism.
In anotner case in August, 20 skinheads attacked a group of students with dark
complexions on a bus. When the youths tried to get ofi the bus, the skinheads fol-
1290
lowed them. Police intervened, but one student was hospitalized with a serious con-
cussion. Four suspects were taken into custody but later released for lack of evi-
dence.
During the most recent census (1991), 14,000 citizens registered themselves as
Ukrainians, and 17,000 registered themselves as Ruthenians. About 50,00 persons,
however, listed Ruthenian as their native language. Ruthenians disagree that they
are Ukrainians and that their language is only a Ukrainian dialect. The Govern-
ment recognizes some Ruthenian claims, but the chairman of the Association of Ru-
thenian Professionals states that the Government is subject to Ukrainian pressure,
which views such recognition as anti-Ukrainian. In a March letter the Government
promised radio time for Ruthenian-language programs, but by year's end had re-
portedly not provided such broadcasts.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right to form and
join unions, except in the armed forces. According to one reliable, independent esti-
mate, approximately 50 percent of the work force is organized. Official sources stat-
ed that tne figure is closer to 65 to 70 percent. Most unions are independent of the
Government and political parties but lobby those entities in order to gain support
for union positions on key labor issues. There are no restrictions on the ri^t to
strike. Slovakia was largely free of strikes from the 1989 revolution until 1996.
Seven strikes were officially recorded in 1997. In February and March the actors
guild struck against political interference and the loss of artistic freedom. The strike
lasted for a month. The actors returned to work at the request of President Kovac.
The largest strike was in June when Bratislava's mass transit company drivers
seeking wage increases struck for 4 days, crippling city transportation services. The
drivers temporarily returned to work when requested by a court, which was to de-
cide on the legality of the strike. At year's end, the court had made no decision.
A 6-month strike by employees protesting the way in which their company was
privatized was temporarily resolved when the Prime Minister said the National
Property Fund would review the decision. All work actions were carried out peace-
fully with no government interference although many suggest that the Bratislava
bus drivers' strike was politically motivated to embarrass the opposition mayor.
There were no reported instances of retribution against strikers or labor leaders,
but the law and regulations do not explicitly prohibit such retribution. There were
no reports of human rights abuses targeted against unions or woricers. It was re-
ported, nevertheless, that some public service employees were pressured to ioin gov-
ernment coalition parties. The implication was that refusal to join would put a
worker's job in jeopardy. Some workers at a major company were reportedly pres-
sured to join an allegedly more progovemment union. Again, the implication was
that failure to join could put workers jobs in jeopardy.
Unions are free to form or join federations or confederations and to affiliate with
and participate in international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for collec-
tive bargaining. However, in 1997 employers and unions were excluded from the ne-
gotiations on a government proposal to enact wage regulation. Employers and
unions normally set wages in free negotiations and are guided by a general agree-
ment with the Government. In 1997 no general agreement was signed and both
unions and businesses protested the government-proposed wage regulation. The
Law on Citizens' Associations prohibits discrimination by employers against union
members and organizers. Complaints may be resolved either in collective negotia-
tions or in court. If found guilty of antiunion discrimination, employers are required
to reinstate workers fired for union activities.
The Customs Act of 1996 regulates free customs zones and customs warehouses.
Firms operating in such zones must comply with the Labor Code; to date there have
been no reports of special involvement isy the trade unions. No special legislation
governs labor relations in free trade zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Both the Constitution and the Em-
ployment Act prohibit forced or compulsory labor, including that performed by chil-
dren. There were no reports of violations. The Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and
Family, as well as district and local labor offices, have responsibility for enforce-
ment.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The law
sets the minimum employment age at 15 years. Children must remain in school for
9 years, or until the age of 15. Workers under the age of 16 may not work more
than 33 hours per week; may not be compensated on a piecework basis; may not
work overtime or night shifls; and may not work underground or in specified condi-
tions deemed dangerous to their health or safety. Special conditions and protections.
1291
though somewhat less stringent, apply to young workers up to the age of 18. The
Ministry of Labor enforces this legislation. There were no reports of violations.
Forced and bonded child labor is prohibited by law and the Constitution, and the
Government effectively enforces these prohibitions (see Section 6.C.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage was increased to approxi-
mately $88 (Sk 3,000) per month in September, with an effective date of January
1, 1998. Even when combined with special allowances paid to families with children
it does not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. The Ministry
of Labor is responsible for enforcing the minimum wage. No violations were re-
ported. The standard workweek mandated by the Labor Code is 42.5 hours, al-
though collective bargaining agreements have achieved reductions in some cases
(most often to 40 hours). For state enterprises the law requires overtime pay up to
a maximum of 8 hours per week, and 150 hours per year, and provides 5 weeks of
annual leave. Private enterprises can compensate their employees for more hours
of overtime than stipulated by the law. There is no specifically mandated 24-hour
rest period during the workweek. The trade unions, the Ministry of Labor, and local
employment offices monitor observance of these laws, and the authorities effectively
enforce them.
The Labor Code establishes health and safety standards that the Office of Labor
Safety effectively enforces. For hazardous employment, workers undergo medical
screening under the supervision of a physician. They have the right to refuse to
work in situations that endanger their health and safety and may file complaints
against employers in such situations. Employees working under conditions endan-
gering their health and safety for a certain period of time are entitled to paid "relax-
ation leave in addition to their standard annual leave.
SLOVENIA
Slovenia is a parliamentary democracy and constitutional republic. Power is
shared between a directly elected President, a Prime Minister, and a bicameral leg-
islature. Since Slovenia's independence from the former Yugoslavia in 1991, free,
fair, and open elections have characterized the political system. In 1997 elections
were held to elect both a president and representatives to Parliament's upper house.
Constitutional provisions for an independent judiciary are respected by the Govern-
ment in practice.
The police are under the effective civilian control of the Ministry of the Interior.
By law the armed forces do not exercise civil police functions.
The country has made steady progress toward developing a market economy. The
first phase of privatization is now complete, and sales of remaining large state hold-
ings are planned for 1998. Trade has been diversified toward the West and the
growing markets of central and eastern Europe. Manufacturing accounted for most
employment, with machinery and other manufactured products comprising the
major exports. Labor force surveys put unemployment at approximately 7 percent,
but registration for unemployment assistance is twice that number. Inflation has re-
mained just below double-digit levels. Real gross national product grew 2.9 percent
in 1997. The currency is stable, fully convertible, and backed by substantial re-
serves. The economy provides citizens with a good standard of living.
The (jovemment respects the human rights of its citizens, and the law and judici-
ary provide adequate means of dealing with individual instances of abuse. An Om-
budsman deals with human rights problems, including citizenship cases. Minorities
are generally treated fairly in practice as well as in law. However, 5,000 to 10,000
non-Slovene (former Yugoslav) residents are without legal residency status due to
the Government's slow processing of their applications for Slovene citizenship.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture and inhuman treatment as well as "humiliating
punishment or treatment," and there were no reports of such treatment.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards and were not the sub-
ject of complaint by any human rights organization.
1292
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors and the media.
In 1996 the Council of Europe sent a commission to review prison conditions. The
Government accepted its report and implemented the recommendations for improve-
ments.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest, deprivation of Hberty, and the use of exile, and the Government respects these
provisions in practice.
The authorities must advise detainees in writing within 24 hours, in their own
language, of the reasons for the arrest. Until charges are brought, detention may
last up to 6 months; once charges have been brought, detention may be prolonged
for a maximum of 2 years. The law also provides safeguards against self-incrimina-
tion. These rights and limitations are respected in practice.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice.
The judicial system comprises district courts, regional courts, a court of appeals,
and the Supreme Court as the highest court. Judges, elected by the State Assembly
(Parliament) on the nomination of the Judicial Council, are constitutionally inde-
pendent, and serve indefinitely, subject to an age limit. The Judicial Council is com-
posed of six sitting judges elected by their peers and five presidential nominees
elected by the State Assembly. The nine-memoer Constitutional Court rules on the
constitutionality of legislation.
The Constitution provides in great detail for the right to a fair trial, including
provisions for: Equality before the law, presumption of innocence, due process, open
court proceedings, guarantees of appeal, and a prohibition against douole jeopardy.
Defendants by law nave the ri^t to counsel, without cost iineed be. These rights
are respected in practice, although the judicial system is so burdened that justice
is frequently a protracted process. In some instances, criminal cases have been re-
ported to take 2 to 5 years to come to trial. The problem is not widespread, and
defendants are released on bail except in the most serious criminal cases.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the protection of privacy, "personal data rights," and the
inviolability of the home, mail, and other means of communication. These rights and
protections are respected in practice, and violations are subject to effective legal
sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom of
thought, speech, public association, the press, and other forms of public communica-
tion and expression. Lingering self-censorship and some indirect political pressures
continue to influence the media.
The press is now a vigorous institution emerging from its more restricted past.
The media span the political spectrum. The major media do not represent a broad
range of ethnic interests, although there is an Italian-language television channel
as well as a newspaper available to the ethnic Italian minority who live on the Adri-
atic Coast. Hungarian radio programming is common in the northeast where there
are about 8,500 ethnic Hungarians. Bosnian refugees and the Albanian community
have newsletters in their own languages.
Four major daily and several weekly newspapers are published. Two major daily
newspapers with overtly partisan stances ceased publication due to a level of read-
ership insufficient to support their costs of operation. The major print media are
supported through private investment and advertising, although the national broad-
caster, RTV Slovenia, enjoys government subsidies, as do cultural publications and
book publishing. There are seven television channels, four of which are independent
private stations. Numerous foreign broadcasts are available via satellite and cable.
All major towns have radio stations and cable television. Numerous business and
academic publications are available. Foreign newspapers, magazines, and journals
are widely available.
In theory and practice, the media enjoy full freedom in their journalistic pursuits.
However, for over 40 years Slovenia was ruled by an authoritarian Communist po-
litical system, and reporting about domestic politics may be influenced to some de-
gree by self-censorship and indirect political pressures.
The election law requires the media to offer free space and time to political par-
ties at election time. Television networks routinely give public figures and opinion
makers from across the political spectrum access via a broad range of public interest
programming.
The Constitution provides for autonomy and freedom for universities and other in-
stitutions of higher education. There are two universities, each with numerous affili-
1293
ated research and study institutions. Academic freedom is respected, and centers of
higher education are lively and intellectually stimulating.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the rights of peaceful assembly, association, and participation in public meetings,
and the Government respects these rights in practice. These rights can be restricted
only in circumstances involving national security, public safety, or protection
against infectious diseases, and then only by act of the National Assembly.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution explicitly provides for the unfettered
profession of religious and other beliefs in private and in public, and the Govern-
ment resjjects these rights in practice. No person can be compelled to admit his reli-
gious or other beliefs. There is no state religion. About 70 percent of the population
adheres to the Roman Catholic faith, and 2.5 percent to the Orthodox. There are
also Protestant congregations, especially in the eastern part of the country. Clergy,
missionaries — some from abroad — churches, and religious groups operate without
hindrance.
The appropriate role for religious instruction in the schools continues to be an
issue of debate. The Constitution states that parents are entitled %o give their chil-
dren a moral and religious upbringing. . . ." Before 1945 religion was much more
prominent in the schools, but now only those schools supported by religious bodies
teach religion.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides that each person has the right to freedom of
movement, to choice of place of residence, to leave the country freely, and to return.
Limitations on these rights may be made only by statute and only where necessary
in criminal cases, to control infectious disease, or in wartime. In practice, citizens
travel widely and often.
The Constitution provides for a right of political asylum for foreigners and state-
less jjersons "who are jjersecuted for their stand on human rights and fundamental
freedoms." The Government cooperates with the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organization in assisting refu-
gees. The Government provides first asylum (or "temporary protection ") to refugees,
and in 1991 granted this status to 70,000 refugees from Croatia and Bosnia-
Herzegovina. Only 7,000 refugees with temporary protection status remained by
July 31. On that date, the Government abolished temporary protection status for
2,303 refugees, requiring them either to return to their homeland or to apply for
the status of foreigner (placing on them the burden of financial support). The re-
maining refugees received extended temporary protection status until April 30, 1998
(or until June 30, 1998 if their residence of origin remains occupied by hostile
forces). More than half of the 2,303 refugees whose temporary protection status
lapsed have voluntarily returned to Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. There are no
reports that the (jovernment returned any refugees against their will.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government, voting by secret ballot on the
basis of universal suffrage. Slovenia has a mixed parliamentary and presidential
system. The President proposes a candidate to the legislature for confirmation as
Prime Minister, after consultations with the leaders of the political parties in the
National Assembly.
There are no restrictions on the participation of women or minorities in politics.
Of the 90 members of Parliament, 8 are women. There are no women in the Cabi-
net. The Prime Minister's Office has an active agency for monitoring and promoting
the participation by women in public life.
The Constitution stipulates that the Italian and Hungarian ethnic communities
are each entitled to at least one representative in the Assembly, regardless of their
population.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Independent human rights monitoring groups promote respect <br human rights
and freedoms and freely investigate complaints about violations. The Government
places no obstacles in the way of investigations by international or local human
rights groups. The United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) in 1994 de-
leted Slovenia from the group of Yugoslav successor states monitored by the
UNHRC for human rights abuses.
1294
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equality before the law, and the Government ob-
served this provision in practice. According to the 1991 census, the population (ex-
cluding refugees) is approximately 2 million, of whom 1,727,018 are Slovenes and
the remainder persons of 23 other nationalities. There are 54,212 Croats, 47,911
Serbs, 26,842 Muslims, 8,500 Hungarians, and 3,064 Italians.
The Constitution provides special rights for the "autochthonous Italian and Hun-
garian ethnic communities," including the right to use their own national symbols,
enjoy bilingual education, and other privileges. It also provides for special status
and rights for the small Romani communities, which are observed in practice.
Women. — The awareness of spousal abuse and violence against women is on the
rise. There are two shelters for battered women, which are partially funded by the
State; a third was expected to open during the winter. The existing shelters operate
at capacity (about 30 beds combined) and turn away numerous women every year.
In cases of reported spousal abuse or violence, the police are active in intervening,
and criminal charges are filed.
Equal rights for women are a matter of state policy. There is no oflicial discrimi-
nation against women or minorities in housing, jobs, education, or other walks of
life. Marriage, under the Constitution, is based on the equality of both spouses. The
Constitution stipulates that the State shall protect the family, motherhood, and fa-
therhood.
In rural areas, women, even those employed outside the home, bear a dispropor-
tionate share of household work and family care because of a generally conservative
social tradition. However, women are frequently encountered in business and in gov-
ernment executive departments.
Equal pay for equal work for men and women is the norm. Although both men
and women suffer from the loss of work and both sexes have the same average pe-
riod of unemployment, women are still found more often in lower paying jobs.
Children. — The Constitution stipulates that children "enjoy human rights and
fundamental freedoms consistent with their age and level of maturity." Moreover,
special protection from exploitation and maltreatment is provided by statute. Social
workers visit schools regularly to monitor for any incidents of mistreatment or
abuse of children.
The Government demonstrates its commitment to children's welfare through its
system of public education and health care. There is no societal pattern of abuse
against children.
People With Disabilities. — The disabled are not discriminated against, and the
Government has taken steps to facilitate access to social and economic opportuni-
ties. In practice, modifications of public and private structures to ease access by the
handicapped continue slowly but steadily.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — ^Minorities make up about 12 percent of the
population; most are nationals of the former Yugoslavia. Tne Hungarian and Italian
ethnic communities (under 1 percent) enjoy constitutionallv provided representation
in the National Assembly. Minorities are generally treated fairly in practice as well
as in law. However, 5,000 to 10,000 non-Slovene (former Yugoslav) residents are
without legal residency status due to the Government's slow processing of their ap-
plications for Slovene citizenship.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution stipulates that trade unions, their
operation, and their membership shall be free and provides for the right to strike,
virtually all workers, except the police and military personnel, are eligible to form
and join labor organizations. In 1993 the National Assembly for the first time
passed legislation restricting strikes by some public sector employees. However,
aft^r government budget-cutting, some public sector professionals (judges, doctors,
and educators) have become increasingly active on the labor front.
Labor has two main groupings, with constituent branches throughout the country.
A third, much smaller, regional labor union operates on the Adriatic coast. Unions
are formally and actually independent of the Government and political parties, but
individual union members hold positions in the legislature. The Constitution pro-
vides that the State shall be responsible for "the creation of opportunities for em-
ployment and for work."
There are no restrictions on unions joining or forming federations and affiliating
with like-minded international union organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The economy is in transition
from the former Communist system, which included some private ownership of en-
terprises along with state-controlled and "socially-owned" enterprises. In the transi-
1295
tion to a fully market-based economy, the collective bargaining process is under-
going change. Formerly, the old Yugoslav Government had a dominant role in set-
ting the minimum wage and conditions of work. The Grovemment still exercises this
role to an extent, although in the private sector wages and working conditions are
agreed annually in a general collective agreement between the "social partners:" the
laDor unions and the Chamber of Economy. There are no reports of antiunion dis-
crimination.
Export processing zones have been established in Koper, Maribor, and Nova
Gorica. Worker rights are the same in these zones as in the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The law prohibits forced and bond-
ed labor, including by children, and there were no reports of forced labor by adults
or children.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children. The minimum age for employment
is 16 years. Children must remain in school until the age of 15. During the harvest
or for other farm work, younger children do work. In general, urban employers re-
spect the age limits.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum wage is $358 (Sit 59,150) per
month effective in July, which provides a decent standard of living for the average
worker and family. The workweek is 40 hours. In general businesses provide accept-
able conditions of work for their employees. Occupational health and safety stand-
ards are set and enforced by special commissions controlled by the Ministries of
Health and Labor. Workers have the right to remove themselves from unsafe condi-
tions without jeopardizing their continued employment.
SPAIN
Spain is a democracy with a constitutional monarch. The Parliament consists of
two chambers, the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. President Jose Maria
Aznar of the Popular Party (PP) was elected in 1996. The Government respects the
constitutional provisions for an independent judiciary in practice.
Spain has three levels of security forces. The National Police are responsible for
nationwide investigations, security in urban areas, traffic control, and hostage res-
cue. The Civil Guard polices rural areas and controls borders and highways. Autono-
mous police forces have taken over many of the duties of the Civil Guard in Galicia,
Catalonia, and the Basque country. The security forces are under the effective con-
trol of the Government. The security forces also maintain anticorruption units. An
adviser for human rights in the Ministry of Justice is charged with promoting hu-
manitarian law and training senior law enforcement groups in human rights prac-
tices. Some members of the security forces committed human rights abuses.
The economy is market based, with primary reliance on private initiative, al-
though a number of public sector enterprises remain in key areas. The economy
grew by 3.4 percent in 1997. The nominal unemployment rate dropped from the
1996 hi A of 21.9 percent to 21 percent in 1997.
The Government generally respected the human rights of its citizens. However,
there were problems in some areas, including police brutality, lengthy pretrial de-
tention, and an inefficient judicial system. An Ombudsman, called the "People's De-
fender" in the Constitution, serves as an independent advocate for citizen's rights.
Societal violence against women, discrimination against Roma, and incidents of rac-
ism and rightwing youth violence are also problems. The Government investigates
allegations of human rights abuses by the security forces and punishes those found
guilty, although investigations are often lengthy and punishments can be light.
Continued allegations surfaced of involvement by tne previous Gonzalez adminis-
tration in "Antiterrorist Liberation Groups" (GAL), which murdered 27 people be-
tween 1983 and 1987. This secret organization was reportedly composed of security
officers and contract gunmen with links to organized crime. It is oelieved to have
had links to the highest ministerial levels, including a former Minister of the Inte-
rior, the commanding officer of the security forces, and the most senior government
representative in the Basque region. Judicial investigations into these allegations
proceeded throughout the year but did not turn up any significant new evidence.
These investigations could lead to trials of former senior officials on GAL-related
charges.
The principal source of abuses continued to be the protracted campaign of terror-
ism waged by the Basque Fatherland and Freedom (ETA) terrorist group, which
committed killings, kidnapings, and other abuses.
1296
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings by government forces. However, several deaths under
suspicious circumstances occurred.
In March an oflicer from the Civil Guard was detained after fatally shooting a
young Moroccan boy in the back. The boy's girlfriend claimed that they were asked
what was wrong by the oflicer while the^ paused for him to tie his shoe. He re-
sponded "nothing," and three shots were fired as they turned to walk away, accord-
ing to the girl. TTie boy's parents and the Association of Moroccan Immi^ants in
Spain allege that his deatn was racially motivated. The Civil Guard denies these
accusations.
ETA member Jose Maria Aranzamendi died in Madrid's Acala-Mco prison, where
he was being held in preventive custody, on February 7. Aranzamendi was found
hanged in his ceU. Prison oflicials failed to rep>ort that Aanzamendi had both his
feet and hands bound. This generated skepticism as to the cause of his death and
led some observers to blame prison officials. The official autopsy listed the cause of
death as suicide, and no charges were filed.
Eugenio Aranburu, a member of the national committee of Herri Batasuna (HB),
the political wing of ETA, committed suicide on February 10, the same day that he
was to have appeared in court for questioning in connection with an ETA video that
HB used for propaganda purposes during the 1996 general election campaign.
Aranburu, like the other HB national committee members, announced that he would
not answer the summons to appear in court for questioning over the video. He was
found hanged in the country home of his brother (in Mallaoia, Vizcava). Aranburu's
brother and friends said after his death that he was not suffering from depression
or nervousness, including in regard to his forthcoming imprisonment (for refusing
to appear for questioning over tne video). In an interview in a Basque news maga-
zine published shortly before his death, Aranburu said that he expected to be im-
prisoned (by the Supreme Court) and that he believed that only punishment and
beatings awaited him in prison. Nevertheless, he said that he was not worried about
his forthcoming imprisonment. The HB national committee members were impris-
oned for failing to answer summonses to appear before the Supreme Court to dis-
cuss the election video. Initially, they had refused to pay bail but did so after it was
reduced, and all were released early in the year.
On March 27 the body of Josu Zabala Salegi, a member of ETA, was found in the
countryside in Guipuzcoa province. The body had a bullet wound in the chest, and
a 9mm pistol was found next to the body. Police pursued Zabala for more than 2
years in connection with a series of ETA attacks. Zabala was wanted by the Na-
tional High Court, which had ordered his arrest. An anonymous call to a pro-ETA
newspaper said that Zabala was missing since March 23.
In 1997 plaintiffs appealed the 1996 acquittal of two Civil Guard members in the
case of the torture and murder of a detainee in 1994 (see Section I.e.).
Courts continue to investigate the "dirty war" against terrorism, during which
GAL allegedly was responsible for bombings, extrajudicial killings, and kicmapings
during the mid-1980's. No former senior officials have been tried yet, but investiga-
tions into specific instances of murder and kidnaping could lead to eventual trials
of such individuals.
Former Interior Minister Jose Barrionuevo and former Secretary of State for Se-
curity Rafael Vera, indicted in 1996 for kidnaping and other charges in the 1983
case of Segundo Marey and the "dirty war" against ETA, were ordered to stand trial
although their trials had not yet begun by year's end.
Virtually no progress was registered in resolving the mid-1980's cases of killings
by the security forces of Roman Onaederra, Mikel Zabaltza, Robert Cap^anne, and
a tramp and two drug addicts.
ETA continued to commit human right abuses, including deliberate and arbitrary
killings and hostage taking. As of December, ETA was held responsible for 13
deaths during the year, a significant increase from 1996 during whicn 5 people were
killed. According to the Minister of the Interior, ETA forces have killed 763 persons
since 1968. The Attorney General reported that groups supporting ETA carried out
830 acts of sabotage, numerous disturbances, and attacks on persons, property, po-
litical parties, and security forces in 1995, a 300 percent increase since 1994 (latest
available statistics).
On January 8, two ETA gunmen shot and killed army Lieutenant Colonel Jesus
Cuesta Abril in front of his house in Madrid. On January 30, ETA gunmen shot and
killed Eugenio Olaziregi Borda, a bicycle salesman in San Sebastian. Olaziregi
worked in a shop in Oiartzun where ETA terrorist Valentin Lasarte bought two bi-
1297
cycles before he was arrested in March 1996 (Lasarte was sentenced to a lengthy
prison term). Olaziregi's killing was apparently based on the supposition that he
had turned Lasarte in and served as a warning against public cooperation in the
fight against ETA. On February 10, ETA gunmen shot and killed Supreme Court
judge Rafael Martinez Emperador in Madrid. The same day ETA set on a car bomb
in Granada targeted at a passing air force van; the bomb killed Domingo Puente,
a civilian employee of Armilla air base, and its explosion wounded eight others. On
February 11, ETA gunmen shot and killed Francisco Arratibel, a Basque business-
man, in Tolosa, Guipuzcoa. ETA had accused Arratibel of having kept $450,000 (60
million pesetas) of the ransom obtained for the release of ETA victim Emiliano Re-
villa, who was kidnaped in 1988. Arratibel, who was sentenced to 2 years in prison
in 1994 for his intermediary role, escaped a previous ETA attempt on his life in
1978 (a result of his father's refusal to pay ETA's revolutionary tax). On February
17, an ETA car bomb killed Modesto Kico, a national policeman, in Bilbao. On
March 11, ETA forces shot and killed Javier Elosegui, an employee of the Martutene
Erison in San Sebastian. On April 24, ETA shot and killed National Police Inspector
uis Andres Samperio Sanudo in Bilbao. On May 5, ETA members shot and killed
Civil Guard member Jose Manuel Garcia Fernandez in a bar in Zierbana in Vizcaya
province.
On July 10, ETA forces kidnaped Miguel Angel Blanco Garrido, a councilman of
the Popular Party in the town of Ermua in Vizcaya, and issued an ultimatum to
the Government that it would kill Blanco if the Government did not bring all ETA
prisoners back to the Basque country within 48 hours. On July 12, ETA carried out
its threat and killed Blanco. He was found with two shots to the head and his hands
and feet bound in a wooded area near Lasarte in Guipuzcoa. His death in a hospital
on July 13 triggered an unprecedented level of national and international criticism
of ETA. Mass demonstrations took place throughout Spain, with a march of an esti-
mated 1.5 million people in Madrid, 1 million in Barcelona, and several hundred
thousand people in other provinces.
On Septemoer 6, ETA set off a car bomb in the Basque city of Basauri, killing
National Police officer Daniel Villar Enciso. The 39-year-old officer was on his way
to work when the explosion went ofi". The death of Villar also resulted in demonstra-
tions throughout many major cities and a funeral attendance of over 2,000 people,
including the Minister of Interior. On October 15, Ertzaintza (Basque police) agent
Xtema Aguirre died after being shot on October 14 by one of three ETA terrorists
preparing an attack on the new Guggenheim museum in Bilbao. Aguirre was shot
when he demanded identification from the men after he verified that the license
plate numbers on the truck they were driving were false. The men had planted 12
grenades in launcher tubes in a garden of the museum with the intention of setting
them off during its inauguration in the presence of top government and private sec-
tor figures, including King Juan Carlos.
Following the announcement of the sentence of 23 HB National Committee mem-
bers on December 2, Floren Aoiz, one of the convicted committee members, warned
that the sentence "would bring consequences and they would be serious con-
sequences." Four days later, there was an attempt on the life of a PP town council-
woman in the Basque region, Elena Azpiroz; ETA subsequently took credit for the
attack. One of her Dodyguards was injured in the altercation. (Jn December 11, 64-
year-old PP councilor Jose Luis Caso was fatally shot in the head in a bar in Irun
in the Basque region.
Police officials and the press continue to report an increase in ETA youth criminal
activity, including the continued use of Molotov cocktails to set fire to homes, busi-
nesses, cars, ana political party offices in a continuing campaign of intimidation.
During the year, damage by Jarrai, the very active youth wing of ETA, was ex-
pected to surpass millions of dollars. On December 22, an ETA youth commando ex-
ploded a homemade bomb in the residence of Carmen Gurruchaga, a journalist for
El Mundo, one of the most popular daily newspapers. The inciaent happened the
same day that Gurruchaga published an article in El Mundo revealing the possible
presence in Cuba of Mikel (Jtegi, an accused murderer in hiding from Spanish jus-
tice. Although no one was injured in the explosion, the bomb contained enough ex-
Slosives to have killed Gurruchaga and her two children, who were also inside the
ome at the time of the explosion.
The Government utilized special antiterrorist legislation in its efforts to combat
ETA. It continued its counteiierrorism efforts and sought tougher extradition rules
from countries outside Europe where ETA terrorists reside.
In June the French judicial system sentenced 3 members of ETA's "comando
itinerante" to life imprisonment and 3 others to 16 years' imprisonment for their
Sarticipation in 21 terrorist actions between 1978 and 1989, which resulted in 38
eaths and dozens of injuries. This marked the first time that ETA members were
1298
tried in France for crimes committed in Spain, although many ETA members have
been tried in France for violating French law. France and Spain continue to cooper-
ate to extradite ETA criminals, primarily from France to Spain.
There are several organizations dedicated to the needs and concerns of victims of
terrorism, among them the Association of Terrorism Victims (AVT). This organiza-
tion was founded in 1981 and currently serves 1,400 families by providing legal and
psychological counseling, publishing a monthly magazine, and carrying out other ac-
tivities. Government funding is limited to $41,000 annually provided by the Min-
istry of Defense. In 1996 the Association donated $880,000 to aid victims.
Some victims of ETA crimes complain that the Grovemment has ignored them or
moved too slowly in compensating them for their losses. In June the AVT held a
press conference to commemorate the 10th anniversary of ETA's bloodiest terrorist
action, an attack in a Barcelona shopping center that resulted in 21 deaths. In 1996
the Supreme Court found the police negligent for not evacuating shoppers despite
a warning from ETA 1 hour before the explosion. The Court ordered the Govern-
ment to pay a total of $300,000 to the victims. Alvaro Cabrerizo, who lost his wife
and both children in the attack, is the only person to date who has been com-
pensated. Thirty-one families have cases pending. The AVT press conference pro-
vided an opportunity for victims to criticize the Government for not carrying out its
promise of compensation.
On December 2, the Supreme Court sentenced 23 members of the National Com-
mittee of HB to 7 years in prison each for violation of a law prohibiting collaboration
with an armed band. All 23 were fined $3,500 (500,000 pesetas). The charge was
based on the Committee's decision to distribute a video made by ETA during HB's
1996 election campaign. In the video, masked ETA members with guns on the table
in front of them proposed negotiating Basqrue self-determination with the Govern-
ment. Mainstream Basque (not Spanish) political leaders charge that the sentences
were politically motivated and the result of pressure by the Government on the
Court to convict.
Argentine naval officer Adolfo Scilingo has been in prison since October 10, when
he presented himself to National High Court judge Baltazar Garzon and offered his
cooperation in the investigation of the disappearance of 600 Spaniards in Argentina
during the Dirty War conducted by the dictatorship there between 1976 and 1983.
On December 30 Garzon issued charges against another 36 Argentine military and
police ofiicials, whose names were provided by Scilingo. They join hundreds already
charged. The Chief Prosecutor of the National High Court, Eduardo Fungairino, and
the Attorney General, Jesus Cardenal, both expressed the opinion late in the year
that the Court did not have jurisdiction in the cases brought by judges Garzon and
Manual Garcia Castellon, who heads a similar case involving the disappearance of
Spaniards in Chile. The Socialist Party called for the Government to fire both
Fungairino and Cardenal for their stance in the cases.
b. Disappearance. — Since 1970 ETA has kidnaped 76 people. It is estimated that
ETA has obtained more than $33 million from the kidnapings. Since 1982 only five
hostages were set free due to successful police intervention; nine were killed during
the process of negotiation.
On July 1, the Civil Guard located and rescued Jose Antonio Ortega Lara, a pris-
on oflicial from Burgos kidnaped by ETA on January 17, 1996. Ortega Lara spent
a total of 532 days in captivity, maJcing him the longest serving ETA hostage. ETA
had conditioned Ortega Lara's release on a reversal of the Government's policy of
dispersal of the approximately 500 ETA prisoners throughout Spain. In return for
Ortega Lara's release, ETA called on the authorities to abandon what it defined as
their strategy of repression of Basque prisoners, saying that in return it would be
prepared to make an "equivalent gesture." ETA stated that if the Government com-
f)lied with its demand, prison officers would cease to be the object of its actions. Fol-
owing Ortega Lara's release, the authorities learned that the terrorists who were
holding Ortega Lara had instructions to either kill him or let him die of starvation
if the Government did not change its policy on ETA prisoners. Ortega Lara was kept
in a cramped and humid underground cell in a warehouse on a river bank. Upon
release, he was found to have lost 50 pounds and was suffering from malnutrition,
muscle waste, and impaired vision.
Hours before Ortega Lara was rescued, Cosme Delclaux Zubriria, a lawyer and
son of a wealthy Basque businessman, was found tied to a tree near Elorrio follow-
ing an anonymous call to a regional Basque newspaper. Taken hostage by ETA for
ransom on November 11, 1996, from his place of work in Zamudio, Vizcaya, his kid-
naping coincided with a renewed campaign by ETA to raise funds through the so-
called "revolutionary tax." He was set free on July 1 by ETA after 232 days in cap-
tivity. His family paid a ransom of $6.7 million and promised to pay an additional
$3.35 million after his release.
1299
On July 10 ETA kidnaped Miguel Angel Blanco Garrido, a local town councilor
for the ruling Popular Party in Elrmua. ETA issued a statement threatening to exe-
cute the 29-^ear-old man unless the Government met its demands to relocate some
500 ETA prisoners near their homes. Blanco was shot on July 12 and died in a hos-
pital the next day (see Section l.a.).
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such acts. Nonetheless, suspects charged with terrorism assert
that they have been abused during detention, and similar charges are sometimes
made by other detainees.
On November 20, the United Nations Committee Against Torture released a se-
ries of recommendations regarding the problem of torture in Spain. The report
pointed to documented cases of torture tnat reached the courts and that in some
instances took up to 15 years to be resolved. Among other criticisms were the inabil-
ity of prisoners held incommunicado to choose their own attorney and concern over
complaints lodged throughout the year of xenophobia and racism against immi-
grants.
Nongovernmental organizations and the media also continue to accuse the secu-
rity forces of occasional human rights abuses and brutality. Amnesty International
(AI) expressed concern in 1996 over "numerous reports ... of ill-treatment and
even torture inflicted on persons suspected of acts of terrorism by members of the
security forces." AI said tnat investigations into such allegations were "not always
systematically carried out by the public authorities" and that members of the secu-
rity forces found guilty of torture or mistreatment and sentenced to imprisonment
were "often pardoned or released early, or simply do not serve the sentence." AI rec-
ommended that the Government "establish transparent and equitable procedures for
conducting independent investigations into complaints of ill-treatment and torture"
and urged the prosecution ana appropriate punishment of officials found to have
committed such acts. It also suggested that comprehensive human rights training
be provided to law enforcement and prison officers.
According to a 1996 study completed by the Spanish Association Against Torture
(AAT), there were 271 accusations of torture in 1995 (latest available statistics). The
report, published yearly, reflects statistics from the previous year.
On March 11, captured terrorist Fernando Elejalde Tapia was taken into custody
by three officers of the National Police immediately after the fatal shooting of a pris-
on psychologist in the Basque region. He was held under the provisions of
antiterrorist legislation. Two days later he received medical attention for a per-
forated eardrum, four broken vertebrae, bruises all over his body, blackened eyes,
a kidney malfunction, and semiconsciousness. An inquiry by the Interior Ministry
concluded that, contrary to Elejalde's claim, no torture or mistreatment took place
while he was under police supervision and that his injuries were a result of the cir-
cumstances of the arrest. While fleeing pursuing officers, Elejalde was struck by a
car, and he offered fierce resistance when they caught up with him. The Minister
of Interior accepted the resignation of the provincial governor and dismissed the San
Sebastian police chief over their failure to inform the Government of Elejalde's se-
vere injuries and to ensure that he received medical attention sooner. The Minister
of Interior maintained afterwards that there was "no torture nor abuse here. . . ."
The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) and the United Left Party (lU) complained
that Elejalde was forced to make declarations under extreme pain. In January 1998
a judge ruled that Elejalde had not been tortured by the police.
On November 8, 1996, a protected witness in the investigation of GAL crimes
claimed that he was abducted from a gas station and taken to a beach where he
was handcuffed and beaten severely. He claims to have suffered repeated cigarette
bums, sodomization, and death threats to his family. A copy of the judge's order re-
questing that he be given extra protection was forced into his mouth. A medical ex-
amination confirmea that his injuries were consistent with the allegations of tor-
ture, including 22 cigarette burns and lacerations in the rectal area. The victim
identified one of his abusers as wearing sf>ecial black latex gloves that are issued
to the special forces. This information generated an inquiry, and the Minister of the
Interior later admitted that there had been insufficient measures of security rec-
ognizing a "collective failure of the state of law" but denied that the assault was
a result of negligence. This incident coincided with other reports of verbal threats
and assaults against other witnesses, jurists, and lawyers involved in the different
inquiries into the operations of GAL. Amnesty International, in a March report, ex-
pressed concern at the failure to protect witnesses in the GAL investigation and
urged the Government to guard important witnesses.
In September AI expressed concern over allegations of police brutality against 17-
year-ola Ivan Gonzalez Polanco. According to testimony, Ivan was riding his motor-
cycle around the center of Badajoz on January 15 when a police officer signaled him
i"
1300
to stop. When he gradually slowed to a stop in the officer's direction, he was re-
buked for not stopping immediately and shoved to the ground. After an argument,
he was allegedly beaten and his nose broken. Requests by the family of the victim
that the oflicers involved take a breathalyzer test and to lodge a formal complaint
were denied. The family was obliged to wait and make the complaint in court on
January 17. By this time the police officer had filed his own complaint against the
victim.
In November a court in Vizcaya sentenced three members of the Civil Guard to
4 years in prison and 6 years of 'inhabilitacion especial" (a ban on any public sector
employment) for their participation in the torture of Kepa Urra Guridi. The court
absolved three other members of the Civil Guard. The torture was committed in the
victim's home on January 29, 1992, while Urra was detained on charges of collabo-
rating with ETA. Urra was found guilty on March 25, 1996, along with several other
ETA members, for his role in the 1992 death of National Police officer Jose Ansean.
In December 1996 a Barcelona court acquitted members of the Civil Guard of the
torture and murder of a detainee, Jorge Xurigue, in 1994. The officers claim that
the detainee attempted to escape and had to be subdued. The victim died of a cere-
bral hemorrhage following a blow to the temple. The provincial court found that the
two officers kicked and beat the victim while he was on the ground. However, the
court was unable to identify with certainty which of the two officers delivered the
fatal blow. The court acquitted both defendants of the charges of murder, homicide,
falsifying an official document, and torture. In 1997 the plaintiffs appealed the case
to the Supreme Court.
In March a Madrid court sentenced four officers of the National Police to 3
months' imprisonment and 1 year's suspension from duty for torturing Enrique
Erreguerena in 1982. Erreguerena is to receive $7,000 compensation. The officers
were acquitted of illegally detaining him and denying him his rights. Erreguerena,
who was suspected of ETA -related crimes, was held incommunicado for 10 days
under the antiterrorist legislation in force since 1982. Upon appearing in court, the
judge ordered immediate medical attention for him. He later complained that he
aa been beaten, plunged in a bath until near the p>oint of drowning, and given elec-
tric shocks to his penis. In 1986 the then director of state security refused to provide
information requested by the magistrate investigating the case. In 1993, some 11
years after the events, six ofiicers were charged with torturing Erreguerena. How-
ever, the trial was postponed several times lor a variety of reasons, including the
holiday leave of one of the accused.
In April the provincial court in Vizcaya acquitted eight National Police ofiicers on
1987 charges of torturing two men suspected of ETA crimes. Both men suffered le-
sions on their bodies. The officers claimed that the injuries resulted when the men
attempted to flee and that they had acted appropriately and used reasonable force.
In April the Federal Union of Police (UFP) ancl the Unified Union of Police (SUP)
submitted a complaint to the Audencia provincial court protesting its decision in a
March 1993 case. The court had sentenced two agents and one inspector for the
beating of two Peruvian immigrants to 5 weekends of house arrest and IVz years
in jail respectively. The UFP that claims the verdict only reflected the immigrant's
version and excluded the testimony of the agents and other witnesses.
There was no apparent progress in the case of four policemen charged with the
rape of a Brazilian tourist in March 1996. Nor was there progress in the trial of
14 Civil Guards of the Colmenar Viejo barracks accused oi torturing 3 youths in
1994 following their arrest after a violent confrontation in a bar. The judicial inves-
tigation of allegations of torture in the case of several persons arrested in 1992 and
accused of collaboration with ETA dragged on at year's end.
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards. The Council
of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) made formal visits to
inspect prisons in 1991 and 1994, and an ad hoc visit in June 1994. In March 1996,
after a long delay, the Government finally agreed to the 1997 publication of the
CPTs reports on its visits along with the Government's response. The CPT reports
expressed concern over the continued use in the last 5 years of less severe methods
of mistreatment, such as "punches, kicks, blows, and verbal insults."
The public defender in his 1997 report found only four cases in 1996 of mistreat-
ment in prisons. He noted the rise of drug addiction and AIDS in the prison popu-
lation and the need for implementing better rehabilitation programs.
Allegations of mistreatment of ETA prisoners arose after the suicide deaths of
three individuals associated with ETA (see Section l.a.).
On December 8, the Minister of Interior agreed to move 15 convicted ETA crimi-
nals dispersed throughout various prisons to prisons located in or near the Basque
region. This move was consistent with the new prison policy agreed to by the Min-
ister of Interior and delegates from the Basque parliament human rights committee
1301
on November 20. The new policy is to be carried out on a case-by-case basis and
only upon the denunciation of ETA terrorism by each potential prisoner to be trans-
ferred.
The same Basque committee sent a delegation of four of its members in February
to visit ETA prisoner Juan Lorenzo Lasa Mitxelena. He had been detained in
France in 1985, was later extradited to Spain, where he was accused of six murders,
tried, and sentenced to more than 200 years' imprisonment. The committee's delega-
tion called on Mitxelena in his capacity as spokesperson for ETA prisoners to
present a plan approved by the committee calling on the Government to transfer
826 Basque prisoners, including about 550 ETA prisoners, to 14 prisons situated
within a 300 kilometer radius of the Basque country. The committee's plan was re-
jected by Mitxelena as insufficient. Mitxelena insisted that ETA wants all of its pris-
oners brought to the four prisons in the Basque country and Navarre.
In September the U.N. Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) rejected all the pro-
ceedings initiated by those close to ETA against the Government's dispersion of ETA
prisoners to jails outside the Basque country. The Commission specifically rejected
two complaints against the order to imprison Jon Idigoras (a member of HB) and
one action presented by a nongovernmental organization, the Association for the
Prevention of Torture, against the policy of dispersion of ETA prisoners. Carlos
Iturgaiz, the President of the Popular Party in the Basque country, reacted to the
U.N. Commission's decision by encouraging the political parties that had lodged
complaints about the Government's prison policy to "withdraw any action against
the Spanish government."
The Government permits visits by human rights monitors, including the Euro-
pean Committee for the Prevention of Torture.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention, and the authorities respect these provisions in practice.
A suspect may not be held more than 72 hours without a hearing except in cases
involving terrorism. The Penal Code permits holding a suspected terrorist an addi-
tional 2 days without a hearing, as well as the possibility of incommunicado deten-
tion for such persons, provided that a judge authorizes such action. Many requests
for extensions and incommunicado detention contain only the minimal necessary de-
tails. The U.N. Committee Against Torture and AI, in its 1997 report, expressed
concern over incommunicado detention and the suspension of procedural rights,
such as the initial denial of selection of free legal counsel that antiterrorist legisla-
tion permits.
The law on aliens permits detention of a person for up to 40 days prior to deporta-
tion but sjjecifies that it must not take place in a prisonlike setting.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and the Government respects this provision in
practice.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the judiciary is independent in practice.
A group of opposition political parties plans to accuse the Government of unwar-
ranted interference in the judiciary before a European Union tribunal. The charge
stems from perceived government avoidance of proper procedures in the appoint-
ment of prosecutors.
The judicial structure consists of territorial, provincial, regional, and municipal
courts with the Supreme Court at its apex. The Constitutional Court protects con-
stitutional rights, but there is no clear distinction between its jurisdiction and that
of the Supreme Court on some issues, nor is it clear which has ultimate authority.
A National High Court handles cases involving crimes such as terrorism and drug
trafficking. The European Court of Human Rignts is the final arbiter in cases con-
cerning human rights.
A nine-person jury system was established in 1995, and the first cases were tried
in 1996. In June the verdict in a jury trial was annulled for the first time. The
Catalonian superior court of justice ordered a retrial after discovering that a mag-
istrate had committed irregularities that ultimately affected the final outcome.
The entire Penal Code was revised in 1996. Changes included the restructuring
of the criminal justice system, the introduction of modem offenses and white-collar
crimes, an increase in the penalties for fraud offenses, a rise in the legal age at
which an individual may be tried for a criminal offense from 16 to 18 years, the
establishment of other new offenses (including domestic violence and sexual harass-
ment), and the authorization of judges to fine individuals with reference to their
wealth. The new code also allows judges more flexibility in sentencing. It eliminates
the longstanding tradition of granting credits toward early release for good behavior.
The maximum penalty for any one offense under the new code is 25 years, and the
maximum time a person can continuously serve is 30 years, regardless of the cumu-
1302
lative total of sentences. Judges can now deport foreigners sentenced to 6 years or
less.
The Constitution provides for the right to a fair public trial, and the authorities
respect this right in practice. Defendants have the nght to be represented by an at-
torney (at state expense for the indigent). They are released on bail unless the court
has some reason to believe that thev may flee or be a threat to public safety. The
law calls for an expeditious judicial nearing following airest. However, the Associa-
tion of Victims of Terrorism and others have protested delays in the judicial process.
By law suspects may not be confined for more than 2 years before being brought
to trial, unless a further delay is authorized by a judge, who may extend pretrial
custody to 4 years.
In practice pretrial custody is usually less than 1 year; however, criticism is heard
in legal circles that some judges use ' preventive custody" as a form of anticipatory
sentencing. In cases of petty crime, suspects released on bail sometimes wait up to
5 years for trial. It is estimated that 25.8 percent of the prison population is await-
ing trial.
Following conviction, defendants may appeal to the next higher court. Human
rights groups such as the Association Against Torture and members of the press
complam that many persons convicted of human rights offenses of have avoided ju-
dicial sentencing by prolonging the appeals process and that their sentences are un-
duly light. According to Amnesty International, custodial sentences of less than 1
year and 1 day are customarily not served in such cases.
In January the European Court of Human Rights issued its judgment in the De-
cember 1996 case of Sa)tt v. Spain. The plaintin, a British citizen, was arrested on
March 5, 1990, on suspicion of raping a Finnish woman in Puerto de la Cruz,
Tenerife. He was kept in detention for over 4 years in connection with the rape
charges and with a request for extradition. The court awarded the plaintiff legal
costs and expenses.
In June two Moroccans were acquitted on charges of rape. The judge ruled that
DNA samples taJcen from the victims did not match either of the accused. Both
maintained their innocence from the beginning and participated in several hunger
strikes during their 5-year stay in prison.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the privacy of the home and correspondence. Under the
Criminal Code, government authorities must obtain court approval before searching
private property, wiretapping, or interfering with private correspondence. The
present antiterrorist law gives discretionary authority to the Minister of Interior to
act prior to obtaining court approval in "cases of emergency."
Investigation continues into allegations of wiretapping by the National Intel-
ligence Agency (CESID) of private telephone conversations made by the King, var-
ious ministers, and other prominent figures between 1980 and 1991. The Minister
of Defense, the Vice President, and CESID's chief resigned in 1995, after related
government documents were leaked to the press. A judge closed the case in Feb-
ruary 1996. However, in May 1996, a provincial court revoked that decision and or-
dered the judge to reopen the case. Investigations continued throughout the year.
CESID has also been linked to the investigations of GAL crimes. A judge in one
GAL investigation found lists of CESID documents relating to GAL in the prison
cell of the former director of operations of CESID, which were subsequently leaked
to the press. Based on the lists, the judge requested 16 official secret documents
from CESID, which allegedly contain information about GAL crimes. The Govern-
ment declassified and released 13 of the documents; the investigation continues.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these provisions in practice. Opposi-
tion viewpoints, both from political parties and nonpartisan organizations, are freely
aired and widely reflected in the media.
In September a bullfighting fan was fined $1,400 for calling the commissioner of
the bullfight "tonto" (dumb) during a bullfight and for doing it in the presence of
a large crowd that included King Juan Carlos. The year before the same fan was
fined $270 for a similar outburst.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the (jovernment respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. The (jovemment treats various religions
in different ways. Catholicism is the predominant religion and enjoys the closest of-
1303
ficial relationship as well as the most benefits. Jews, Muslims, and Protestants (the
latter a confederation of many faiths) also have official status but enjoy fewer privi-
leges. These religions have bilateral agreements with the Government. Other recog-
nized religions, such as Jehovah's Witnesses and Mormons, are covered by constitu-
tional protections but have no special agreements with the Government. Religions
not omcially recognized, such as the Church of Scientology, are treated as cultural
associations. There are over 15,000 Jews and 300,000 Muslims in Spain, although
most of the latter are transient and dispersed. Religion courses are offered in public
schools but are not mandatory.
In September the Government approved $570,000 for the Catholic Church and an-
other $100,700 for the Protestant Evangelical Council. The President announced
that efforts were made during the year to open talks with the Jewish and Muslim
communities so that they might be eligible lor funding in the next fiscal year. The
Jewish and Protestant groups refuse funding; the Muslims are not eligible at
present.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens are free to travel within and outside the country, to emigrate,
and to repatriate. The Government respects these rights in practice.
The Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. A recent asy-
lum law (passed in 1994 and modified in 1995) brought refugee and asylum cases
together and gave full power to adjudicate them to the Office of Asylum and Refu-
gees (OAR), a branch of the Ministry of the Interior, but also mandates that cases
can be referred to the UNHCR for appeal. Asylum requests can be made only at
the point of entry, and applicants are detained until the case is resolved. Negative
rulings must be made within 72 hours, but the asylum seeker has an additional 24
hours in which to make an appeal. No provisions are made for detainees to have
access to translators or lawyers. Since 1994 the revised law has caused a major drop
in the numbers of both reauests for, and grants of, asylum. During the first 6
months of 1996, only 110 oi 1,638 applications for asylum were approved and an
additional 98 humanitarian asylum applications were approved (latest available sta-
tistics). The were no instances of forcible repatriation of refugees during the year.
Spain continues to face a wave of illegal immigrants coming across the strait of
Gibraltar. In September the Ombudsman called for the urgent creation of a commit-
tee to address immigration issues. It is estimated that more than 10,000 illegal im-
migrants were caught in 1996, the majority in Andalucia in southern Spain. Au-
thorities say that under "normal" circumstances they intercept no more than 30 per-
cent of those who enter through that zone. In response, the Government is resorting
to a mix of tighter border controls, liberalized treatment for those who have already
established themselves in society, and increased international coordination.
In March the police dismantled an illegal smuggling ring run by nine Polish citi-
zens. In a single year of operation, the group was responsible for bringing in over
2,500 Polish women to work as domestic servants. Detained in connection with the
ring were 9 men and 16 women.
In August and September there were several reports of accidental deaths involv-
ing Moroccan men attempting to enter Spain illegally. Criminal gangs have been
implicated in the deaths; they run smu^ling rings in which would-be immigrants
are charged enormous fares and then packed into poorly ventilated and unsafe boats
or containers to be brought into Spanish territory.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Spain is a multiparty democracy with open elections in which all citizens 18 years
of age and over have the right to vote by secret ballot for Parliament. Elections are
helaat least every 4 years. In the 1996 national elections, the Popular Party ended
14 years of Socialist government, and Jose Maria Aznar became Prime Minister.
Governmental power is shared between the central government and 17 regional
"autonomous communities." Local nationalist parties give political expression to re-
gional linguistic and cultural identities.
Women are increasing their participation in the political process. The number of
female candidates increased in the 1996 national elections, out under the electoral
system the percentage of votes won determines the number of candidates elected
from the party list. Many women were placed in the lower half of the list. As a con-
sequence of this electoral system, the number of women elected has never reached
25 percent. Women hold 19 percent of parliamentary seats. The 350-member Cham-
ber of Deputies has 72 female representatives (22 percent of the total), and the 256-
member Senate has 27 (10.4 percent of the total). The Ministers of Justice, Agri-
culture, Education and Culture, and Environment are women.
1304
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of nangovemmental human rights groups, including the Human Rights
Association of Spain in Madrid and the Human Rights Institute of Catalonia in Bar-
celona, operate freely without government interference. The Government cooperates
readily with international organizations investigating allegations of human rights
abuses (such as the European Commission of Human Rights) and international non-
governmental human rignts groups, as well as with independent national groups.
The Constitution provides for an Ombudsman, called the "People's Defender", wno
actively investigates complaints of human rights abuses by the authorities. The Om-
budsman operates independently from any party or government ministry, must be
elected every 5 years by a three-fifths majority of congress, and is immune from
prosecution. He has complete access to government institutions and to documents
not classified secret for national security reasons.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal rights for all citizens. The Office of the Peo-
ple's Defender received approximately 22,000 complaints^ in 1996 (latest information
available). While the majority of the complaints pertained to education and social
services, increases were registered in complaints of racism, domestic violence, and
mistreatment by law enforcement agencies.
Women. — Sexual abuse, violence, and harassment of women in the workplace con-
tinued to be problems. On December 19, the government spokesman urged victims
of sexual and domestic abuse to report their cases and promised legislative reforms.
His announcement and subsequent protests in Granada and Madrid were reactions
to the death due to domestic violence of the 60th woman during the year. The
deaths in 1997 total 5 less than in 1996, 15 more than in 1995, and 18 more than
in 1994. In 1997 the mistreatment or threat of mistreatment of women was the sub-
ject of 18,860 complaints; in 1996 the comparable number was 16,738. Experts be-
lieve that only 10 percent of violent acts against women are reported to authorities.
Some nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) estimate that about 600,000 to
800,000 cases of abuse occur each year. Almost 2,000 women were sheltered incog-
nito during the year. In a 1996 study in which 1,800 women were interviewed, 15
percent admitted, to having suffered some type of physical or sexual abuse.
During December there were several attempts on the lives of women by their hus-
bands. In one particularly gruesome incident, on December 17 in Granada 60-year-
old Ana Orantes was badly beaten, then doused with gasoline and set on fire by
her 61-year-old ex-husband, Jose Parejo. On December 4 she had appeared on a tel-
evision talk show and testified to 20 years of domestic abuse by her husband. On
December 19, a 30-year-old man attempted to run over his 21-year-old wife, who
was carrying their small child into a day care center when he drove toward them
in the ambulance that he drove for a private ambulance company. The wife and
child found refuge inside the day care center, at which point the husband unsuccess-
fuDy attempted to break into the building. On December 19, Madrid police officials
discovered the body of Olga Santos inside the store she owned. Santos died from
multiple stab wounds inflicted by her ex-boyfriend, who then committed suicide.
That same day in Isla Cristina (Huelva), 42-year-old Rafael Faneca attempted to set
fire to his home with his wife and two young children inside.
Various women's organizations urge reform of the Penal Code to include tougher
gunishment for the perpetrators of domestic abuse and crime. The Federation of
eparated and Divorced Women is pushing for modifications in the Penal Code to
make the issuance of a restraining order automatic upon the filing of a complaint.
The Commission for the Investigation of Mistreatment Against Women urges chang-
ing the classification of these crimes from a petty offense to a misdemeanor ("falta"
to "delito ") and wants complaints of abuse to be followed up by a quick and thor-
ou^ judicial and police investigation. According to the Commission, the failure to
promptly investigate a complaint, which they believe occurs frequently, results in
the loss of important evidence. The Commission reported 724 domestic violence-re-
lated deaths and 500 attempted murders in the last 13 years. However, between
1989 and 1994, only 33 cases have resulted in convictions. The President of the As-
sociation for Women, which also advocates reforming the Penal Code, believes that
prisons "do not have sufficient capacity to hold such individuals in custody."
Several levels of government provide assistance to battered women. A toll-free hot
line advises women where to go for government shelter or other aid if mistreated.
There are 54 official centers for mistreated women. The Grovemment also runs edu-
cational programs seeking to change public attitudes that contribute to violence
against women. The Women's Institute has charged that some judges are reluctant
1305
to get involved in cases of violence against women by members of their family. Simi-
larly, in smaller towns some police officers have been reluctant to accept complaints
from battered women. Recognizing the latter problem, the Ministry oi" the Interior
initiated a program in 1986 that created special sections in mostpolice departments
to deal with violence against women, staffed by trained female omcers.
A 1989 law prohibits sexual harassment in the woricplace, but very few cases have
been brought to trial under this law.
In recent years, women have moved towards equality under the law, and larger
numbers of women are in the educational system and work force. According to the
organization Active Population, women received 57 percent of university degrees in
1996 (latest information available). The Minister of Social Affairs reports that
women constitute 43 percent of the work force. However, according to the Taxation
Agency (Agenda Tributaria) in its 1997 report "Employment, Salaries and Pensions"
completed oy the Institute of Fiscal Studies, women only occupy 18 percent of better
paying positions. Women outnumber men in the legal, journalistic, and health care
professions but still play minor roles in many fields.
The law mandates equal pay for equal work. However, according to a 1997 report
by the Economic and Social Affairs Council, women's salaries remain 27 percent
lower than those of their male counterparts. The Council asserts that women are
more likely to have temporary contracts or part-time employment than men. The
National Association of Rural Women and Families (ANFAR) reported in 1995 that
80 percent of rural women are not formally employed but instead aid their husbands
in farming or fishing. ANFAR said that these women lack titles to family enter-
K rises and do not receive the same social security benefits as the male head of
ousehold. In 1997 the community of Madrid increased funding for women's organi-
zations after cutting funding by 9 percent in 1996, which resulted in paralyzing
more than 1,000 women's programs.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its commitment to children's welfare
through well-funded and easily accessed programs of education and health care.
Education is compulsory until age 16 and free until age 18. The Constitution obli-
fates both the state and parents to protect children, whether or not bom in wedlock,
he Ministries of Health and Social Affairs are responsible for the welfare of chil-
dren and have created numerous programs to aid needy children. Numerous NGO's
exist to further children's rights. For example, the school help program for the pro-
tection of children has a team of experts who work with educators to help them
identify abused or abandoned children in the classroom.
The 1995 Law of the Child gives legal rights of testimony to minors in child abuse
cases; it also obliges all citizens to act on cases of suspected child abuse and, for
the first time, sets up rules regarding foreign adoptions.
Under the new Penal Code, children under the age of 18 are not considered re-
sponsible for their actions and cannot be sent to prison. The seriousness of the vio-
lent acts in the Basque country by separatist youths, however, has led to accelerated
negotiations between the central Government and the Basque government for the
punishment of youthful offenders under the age of 18. The Attorney General's 1996
report highli^ted a 300 percent increase in youth vandalism in the Basque country
since 1994 (latest statistic available). Public debate centered on whether the age of
responsibility should be set as low as 12 years. However, following negotiations with
opposition parties, the (jovernment announced agreement in October on draft legis-
lation that does not lower the age of responsibility.
A 1996 penitentiary law lowers the age that a child can remain with an incarcer-
ated mother from 6 to 3 years of age. It also provides a special unit for mothers
with children, a kindergarten, psychological support, and ways for children to get
out of prison regularly. At present it is estimated that 200 children live in jail with
their mothers under this law.
People With Disabilities. — The Constitution obliges the State to provide for the
adequate treatment and care of people with disabilities, ensuring that they are not
deprived of basic rights that apply to all citizens. Since 1982 a law on the integra-
tion of disabled citizens has been in effect, which aims to ensure fair access to puolic
employment, prevent disability, and facilitate physical accessibility to public facili-
ties and transportation. The national law serves as a guide for regional laws; how-
ever, levels of assistance and accessibility differ from region to region and have not
improved in many areas.
The 1996 Penal Code continues to allow parents or legal representatives of a men-
tally disabled person to petition a judge to obtain permission for the sterilization
of tnat person. In 1994 the Constitutional Court held that sterilization of the men-
tally infirm does not constitute a violation of the Constitution. In practice many
courts have authorized such surgery. Religious groups continue to protest this rul-
ing.
1306
In October the National Confederation for the Deaf filed a discrimination com-
plaint against the Government for not officially recognizing sign language.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Roma, who make up 2.5 percent of the popu-
lation, continue to suffer discrimination in housing, schools, and jobs. Since 1991 the
Madrid city government, in cooperation with the autonomous regional government,
has been carrying out a program to relocate squatters (the great majority of whom
are Roma) to housing projects in the region. A University of Navarra study esti-
mated that 12,000 squatters live in camps on the margins of Madrid, although the
Madrid public works councilor states that there has never been a reliable census
of squatters. The daily El Pais reported in 1996 that 16 prefabricated houses exist
around Madrid for the squatters ("chabolistas "), with 140 more houses planned.
The city government plans to relocate 449 of the 769 families of squatters in and
around Madrid by 1998. Spain's largest Romani organization, Gypsy Presence, com-
plains that the city has put up police checkpoints and fences tnat make Romani
communities resemble prison camps. The group's complaint that such relocation
areas lack basic services is supported by NGO's and the press. The city government
denies any anti-Romani bias in its actions. Thirty-one illegal families destroyed
their "houses" in 1996 so that they would not be counted in the census and forced
to relocate.
A language or dialect other than Castillian Spanish is used in 6 of the 17 autono-
mous communities. The Constitution stipulates that citizens have "the duty to
know" Castillian, which is the "oflicial language of the state," but it adds that other
languages can also be official under regional statutes and that the "different lan-
guage variations of Spain are a cultural heritage which shall ... be protected."
Catalonia has passed a law whereby Catalan is taught in regional schools and used
at oflicial regional functions. Suits regarding specific applications of this law are
pending in various courts. Both Galicia and Valencia have laws stating the duty to
promote" their regional languages in schools and at official functions.
In Bilbao 21 parents filed complaints against several summer camp counselors in
August for punishing students because they spoke Castillian and not Euskera (the
Basque language) in the classroom. The punisnments included carrying a backpack
filled with rocks and wearing a sign stating, "I am in favor of Castillian." The chil-
dren were participants in an educational program designed to expand knowledge of
Basque language and Basque culture.
In 1995 Congress modified the Penal Code to make it a crime to "incite, publicize,
or otherwise promote the abuse or discrimination of people or groups because of
race, ethnicity, nationality, ideology, or religious beliefs." No cases have been tried
under the modified Penal C^ode.
Human rights groups and the media continued to give increasing attention to dis-
crimination against tne growing numbers of illegal immigrants from northern and
sub-Saharan Africa. Foreign nationals of African and Latin American origin com-
plain of discrimination and abuse by authorities and, more frequently, by ordinary
citizens. According to a 1996 study by the Youth Institute in the Ministry of Labor
and Social Affairs, 91 percent of persons under the age of 29 would like to see immi-
gration further restricted. Although only 1.3 percent of the population is foreign
bom, and the (government reduced the number of work permits issued to foreigners
by 10 percent in 1995, 60 percent of the respondents under 29 years old in the same
survey said that they believed that immigrants caused employment problems for
them. The Association of Moroccan Immigrant Laborers has offices in Madrid, Bar-
celona, and Seville to combat anti-Moroccan racism.
In February the National High Court ruled that no constitutional violations had
taken place when a 53-year-old black Spanish citizen was stopped for questioning
based on the color of her skin. The woman had been stopped by two police officers
at a train station in December 1992. She was traveling with her son and husband,
both Caucasian. They were not interrogated. The police officer justified her deten-
tion on the grounds that many people of color are illegal immigrants.
Quasi-organized rightwing youth groups (called "skinheads by the press) contin-
ued to commit violent acts tnroughout the year, terrorizing minorities, and in some
instances, committing murder. National police estimate the total number of
skinheads to be several thousand; however, they say that the skinheads are not or-
f;anized to plan specific actions. The organization SOS Racismo stated that race-re-
ated violence increased in 1996 as a result of reductions in police arrests and incar-
cerations of skinheads.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — All workers, except those in the military services,
judges, magistrates, and prosecutors, are entitled to form or join unions of their own
choosing. All that is required to organize a trade union is that more than two work-
i
1307
ers register with the Minister of Labor and Social Security. Over 200 trade unions
are registered and 1 is not legally registered (because the Constitutional Court ruled
that it was ineligible, since it represents military personnel).
Under the Constitution, trade unions are free to choose their representatives, de-
termine their policies, represent their members' interests, and strike. They are not
restricted or harassed by the Government and are independent of political parties.
A strike in nonessential services is legal if its sponsors give 5 days' notice. Any
striking union must respect minimum service requirements negotiated with the re-
spective employer. The right to strike has been interpreted by the Constitutional
Court to include general strikes called to protest government policy. In 1996 the
Labor Ministry reported 830 strikes, in which 1,078,000 workers participated, com-
pared with 883 strikes by 569,000 workers for the same period the previous year
(latest available statistics).
Unions are free to form or join federations and afliliate with international bodies
and do so without hindrance.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — A 1980 statute undergirds the
right to organize and bargain collectively. Trade union and collective bargaining
rights were extended in 1986 to all workers in the public sector, except military per-
sonnel. Public sector collective bargaining in 1990 was broadened to include salaries
and employment levels, but the (jovemment retained the right to set these if nego-
tiations failed. Collective bargaining agreements are widespread in both the public
and private sectors; in the latter they cover 60 percent of workers, notwithstanding
that only about 15 percent of workers are actually union members.
The law prohibits discrimination by employers against trade union members and
organizers. Discrimination cases have priority in the labor courts. Legislation in
1990 gave unions a role in controlling temporary work contracts to prevent their
abuse and in termination actions. Nonetheless, unions contend that employers dis-
criminate in many cases by refusing to renew temporary contracts of workers engag-
ing in union organizing. More than one-third of all employees are under temporary
contracts, and the nu nicer is growing.
Labor regulations and practices in free trade zones and export processing zones
are the same as in the rest of the country. Union membership in these zones is re-
portedly higher than the average throughout the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor, in-
cluding that performed by children, is outlawed and is not practiced. The legislation
is effectively enforced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The (}ov-
emment prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition effec-
tively (see Section 6.c.). The statutory minimum age for the employment of children
is 16 years. The Ministry of Labor and Social Security is primarily responsible for
enforcement. The minimum age is effectively enforced in major industries and in the
service sector. It is more dimcult to control on small farms and in family-owned
businesses. Legislation prohibiting child labor is effectively enforced in the special
economic zones. The law also prohibits the employment of persons under the age
of 18 at night, for overtime worK, or in sectors considered hazardous.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The legal minimum wage for workers over 18
years of age is considered sufficient for a decent standard of living. The daily na-
tional minimum wage rate in 1997 was $14.06 (2,221 pesetas); for those 16 and 17
years of age it was $13.88 (1,971 pesetas). These rates are revised every year in line
with the consumer price index and are effectively enforced by the Ministry of Labor
and Social Security. The law sets a 40-hour workweek with an unbroken rest period
of 36 hours after each 40 hours worked. Workers enjoy 12 paid holidays a year and
a month's paid vacation.
Government mechanisms exist for enforcing working conditions and occupational
health and safety rules, but bureaucratic procedures are cumbersome and ineffi-
cient. Safety and health legislation is being revised to conform to European union
(EU) directives. The Law to Prevent Labor Risks was passed in 1995 by Parliament
as the foundation for the completion of the rest of the EU directives.
The National Institute of Safety and Health in the Ministry of Labor and Social
Security has technical responsibility for developing labor standards, but the
Inspectorate of Labor has responsibility for enforcing the legislation through judicial
action when infractions are found. Workers have legal protection for filing com-
plaints about hazardous conditions.
In November thousands of union members held protests in most major cities to
demand the enforcement and strict application of laws mandating safe work condi-
tions. The process of applying the laws has been slow and difficult. During the first
6 months of the year there were 514 work -related deaths.
1308
SWEDEN
Sweden is a constitutional monarchy and a multiparty parliamentary democracy.
The King is Chief of State. The Cabinet, headed by the Prime Minister, exercises
executive authority. The judiciary is independent of the Government.
The Government effectively controls the police, all security organizations, and the
armed forces.
Sweden has an advanced industrial economy, mainly mariiet-based, and a high
standard of living, with extensive social welfare services. More than 90 percent of
businesses are privately owned.
Human rights are deeply respected and widely protected. Swedes are entirely free
to express their political preferences, pursue individual interests, and seek legal res-
olution of disputes. The Parliament, police, or an ombudsman investigate thoroughly
all allegations of human rights violations, including the occasional allegation of po-
lice misconduct. Sweden's ombudsmen, appointed by the Parliament but with full
autonomy, have the f)ower to investigate any private complaints of alleged abuses
by authorities and to prescribe corrective action if requirea. Sweden has one of the
world's most equal distributions of income, but wage levels for women still lag be-
hind those for men. There are occasional incidents of violence against minorities.
The Government, political parties, and youth organizations have active programs to
promote tolerance and combat racism. The Government has established programs
to deal with violence against women.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings. On December 5, based upon evidence provided by new
witnesses, prosecutors requested a new trial for Carl Gustav Christer Pettersson,
the man who was convicted of assassinating Prime Minister Olof Palme on February
28, 1986, but was later freed on appeal. Tne Supreme Court is expected to decide
by early 1998 whether or not to order a new trial.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits these abuses, and the authorities respect such prohibitions. There
are occasional reports of the use of excessive force by police in arrests, but thorough
investigations have not produced evidence of a systemic problem. Typically, police
officers found guilty of abuse have been suspended or otnerwise disciplined. Such
disciplinary actions numbered less than a dozen nationwide and usually involved of-
ficers-in-training found unfit for permanent duty.
Prison conditions meet minimum international standards, and the Government
permits visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Arrests are public and by warrant. The
police must lodge charges within 6 hours against persons detained for disturbing the
public order or considered dangerous, ana within 12 hours against those detained
on other grounds. The law requires arraignment within 48 hours. The time between
arrest and the first court hearing mav be extended to 96 hours for detainees consid-
ered dangerous, likely to destroy evidence, or likely to flee. In cases involving more
than one individual and in the case of foreigners, courts can and do order continued
detention for 2 weeks at a time while police are investigating. Such detentions can
be protracted, particularly in drug cases. Other than such dangerous suspects, de-
tainees are routinely released pending trial. Bail as such does not exist. Ii a person
files for bankruptcy and refuses to cooperate with the official investigation, a court
may order detention for up to 3 months, with judicial review every 2 weeks.
TTie Government does not impose exile.
Convicted foreign criminals who are not permanent residents often are deported
at the conclusion of their prison terms, unless they risk execution or other severe
punishment in their home country.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution forbids deprivation of liberty
without a public trial by a court of law, and the Government respects this provision.
The judiciary is free of governmental interference. The accused have the right to
competent counsel, but the Government provides public defenders to indigents only
in cases where the maximum penalty could be a prison sentence of 6 months or
more. Convicted persons have the right of appeal in most instances.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
limits home searches to investigations of crimes punishable by at least 2 years' im-
prisonment, such as murder, possession of narcotics, robbery, rape, arson, sabotage.
• 1309
counterfeiting, or treason. The authorities respect this provision. Normally, police
must obtain court approval for a search or a wiretap. However, a senior police offi-
cieil may approve a search if time is a critical factor or the case involves a threat
to life. A parliamentary committee each year reviews all monitoring of telephones,
facsimile (fax), or computers. In June the Minister of Justice proposed that police
be allowed to use wiretaps when investigating serious crimes. A special Ministry of
Justice working group is scheduled to submit a report on this proposal in April
1998.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press, and the Government respects these provisions in practice. Most news-
papers and periodicals are privately owned. The Government suosidizes daily news-
papers, regardless of political affiliation. Broadcasters operate under a state conces-
sion. Until a few years ago the State had a monopoly over ground-based broadcast-
ing, but a variety of commercial television channels (one ground-based, and several
via satellite or cable) and several commercial radio stations now exist.
The Government may censor publications containing national security informa-
tion. A quasi-governmental body excises extremely graphic violence from films, tele-
vision programs, and videos.
Criticism of child pornography was widespread, and the debate on the legality of
ownership of pornographic material continues. The Minister of Justice proposed leg-
islation in December to outlaw ownership of child pornography. Although regarded
by niany as a limitation of the Freedom of the Press Act, the proposal reportedly
has sufficient support to pass Parliament; no action was taken by year's end. It is
already illegal to publish or distribute such material. In 1996 Sweden hosted the
United Nations Conference on the Sexual Exploitation of Children. The Queen has
emerged as a strong and popular advocate of children's rights and opponent of child
pornography.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly ana association, and the Government respects these
rights in practice. Police require a permit for public demonstrations. However, the
authorities routinely grant such permits, with rare exceptions to prevent clashes be-
tween antagonistic groups.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government does not hamf>er the teaching or practice of any faith.
Sweden has maintained a state (Lutheran) church for several hundred years, sup-
ported by a general "Church Tax" (although the Government routinely grants any
request by a taxpayer for exemption from that tax). After decades of discussion,
however, m 1995 the Church of Sweden and the Government agreed to a formal sep-
aration. This reform will not become effective until the year 2000, and the Church
will still receive some state support. As of 1996, citizens were no longer automati-
cally members of the state church at birth. Sweden is tolerant of the diverse reli-
gions practiced there, including the Mormon faith and Scientology.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for free movement within, from, and returning to the
country, and the Government respects these rights in practice. Foreigners with sus-
pected links to terrorist organizations may be required to report regularly to police
authorities, but may travel freely within Sweden. Courts must review the reporting
requirement for each case at least once eveiy 3 years.
The Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The Govern-
ment provides first asylum. Sweden has adopted an increasingly restrictive asylum
policy. The Government has sent some asylum seekers back to "safe" countries
through which they arrived in Sweden. The number of applications for asylum or
residence permits dropped to an 11-year low of 5,753 in 1996, down from 9,047 in
1995. Sweden approved 4,800 residence applications during 1996, of which 15 per-
cent were from refugees, and granted 2,550 individuals some form of protection.
Nearly 11 percent of Sweden's population is foreign -bom. The number of refugees
increased by 65 percent compared with 1996. A total of 9,520 asylum seekers, ap-
proximately 3,000 of them Kurdish refugees from Iraq, arrived during the year.
There is an ongoing debate over the plight of asylum seekers who have submitted
applications that are considered "manifestly unfounded," those coming to Sweden
through a "safe third country," and those whose applications remain under consider-
ation for unduly long periods of time, in some cases as long as 9 years. There have
also been complaints of exceedingly accelerated procedures and inadequate legal
safeguards for some asylum seekers, e.g., asylum seekers who were deported within
1310
72 hours of arrival and did not receive access to lawyers. A broad interpretation of
what constitutes a "safe third country" permits the return of applicants to a third
country without consideration of whether that country has an asylum policy under
which the applicant might be admitted. Asylum seekers are occasionally dfetained
upon arrival in Sweden and, when awaiting deportation after a negative decision
on their claim, in cases where the authorities fear flight to avoid deportation. Deten-
tion facilities are clean, comfortable, and relatively unrestricted. On occasion, when
no other facility is available, asylum seekers are detained in remand prisons.
In 1996, 55,391 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina remained in Sweden, while
380 emigrated back to Bosnia. In total, Sv/eden has accepted over 100,000 refugees
from the former Yugoslavia. The Gk)vemment provides funds for Bosnians to travel
to their homeland in order to determine if they wish to be repatriated. The Govern-
ment, in hopes of raising that figure in 1997, increased financial incentives to re-
turn.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides ways and means for citizens to change the Government.
Elections to the 349-member unicameral Parliament are held every 4 years. Suf-
frage is universal for citizens 18 years and older, with secret balloting. Noncitizen
residents have the right to participate in local (city and county) elections.
Women participate actively in the political process and Government. They cur-
rently compose 43 percent of the Parliament and half of the Cabinet. The governing
Social Democratic Party largely has held to its pledge to place women in half of all
political appointments at all levels.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Several private organizations actively monitor issues such as the impact of social
legislation, anti-immigrant or racist activities, and the condition of the indigenous
Sami population. The official ombudsmen also publicize abuses of state authority
and have the right to initiate actions to rectify such abuses. Government agencies
are in close contact with a variety of local and international groups working in Swe-
den and abroad to improve human rights observance.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal rights for all citizens, and the Government
respects this provision.
Women. — Nearly 20,000 reported cases of assault against women took place in
1996, an increase of 1,400 over 1995. Most involved spousal abuse. In three-quarters
of the assaults, the perpetrator was an acquaintance of the victim. Reported abuse
against women occurs disproportionately in immigrant communities.
The law provides complainants protection from contact with their abusers, if so
desired. In some cases the authorities help women obtain new identities and homes.
Since 1994 the Government has proviaed electronic alarms or bodyguards for
women in extreme danger of assault. Both national and local governments provide
monetary support to volunteer groups that provide shelter and other assistance to
abused women. The authorities strive to apprehend and prosecute abusers. Typi-
cally, the sentence for abuse is a prison term or psychiatric treatment. However,
women complained about short sentences and early release of offenders.
The number of reported rapes rose by more than 20 percent to 2,600 in 1996 from
2,100 in 1995. In 1994 the number dropped somewhat to 1,800. Women's groups be-
lieve the increase in recent years is partly an effect of increased willingness to re-
port rape (including spousal or "date ' rape), but cannot rule out the possibility of
a real increase resulting from worsened economic and social conditions. The law
does not differentiate between spousal and nonspousal rape.
On December 11, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that it would grant
funds to the Foundation Women's Forum (FWF) for a project to prevent trafficking
in women. The initial aim of the project is to identify and make a survey of vol-
untary organizations, authorities, and existing networks that work to prevent traf-
ficking and to support and rehabilitate the victims. The survey is to cover European
Union members and the FWF is to report the results of the project's initial stage
to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs by June 30, 1998. There is no evidence of orga-
nized or large-scale trafficking in women taking place in Sweden.
TTie law prohibits .sexual Harassment. As with other forms of discrimination,
women, may take complaints to the Equality Ombudsman in the Labor Ministry,
the courts, or to their unions. The Minister of Labor has planned to focus on increas-
ing employers' responsibility to intervene in sexual harassment cases. A Govern-
1311
ment investigation recommended that employers who do not intervene against har-
assment at worit should, for example, be obliged to pay damages to the victim.
The Deputy Labor Minister Ulrika Messing has the overall lead in the Govern-
ment for equality issues, which apply to women and men equally. All government
investigations and decisions must talce equality considerations into account. Stock-
holm University's professor Dr. Agneta Stark is charged with the education of top
Sublic sector figures on matters of equality. The Social and Justice Ministries are
eeply involved as well, especially concerning combating violence against women.
In 1997 journalistic investigations focused Swedish and international attention on
Sweden's pre-1976 practice of forced sterilization. The majority of those sterilized
were either mentally or physically disabled. Swedes had known for years that such
operations took place under pre-World War II legislation. Between 1934 and 1976,
62,000 forced sterilizations were carried out, 95 percent of them on women. In Sep-
tember, the Government appointed a commission of academics and legal and medi-
cal experts to investigate tne broad legal, socio-medical, and historic circumstances
of the sterilizations. The commission, which is expected to conclude its inquiry by
July 1, 1999, is to give priority to the question of damages to victims and will also
look into the possible existence of other categories of victims. Since the 1980's, the
Government has received 38 claims for compensation; the Government has provided
compensation in 16 instances, noting formal errors committed in these cases. Indi-
vidual ministers expressed regret and astonishment over the practice and how long
it continued.
A study conducted by the U.N. Development Program (UNDP) in preparation for
the U.N. Conference on Women gave Sweden the nighest ranking on equality for
women, with salaries averaging only 70 percent of men's. The law requires employ-
ers to treat men and women alike in hiring, promotion, and pay, including equal
pay for comparable work. The Equality Omoudsman, a public oflicial, investigates
complaints of gender discrimination in the labor market. Women may also pursue
complaints through the courts. A third option, and by far the most common, involves
settling allegations using the employee's labor union as mediator. In 1996 129
women and 15 men registered gender discrimination cases with the Equality Om-
budsman, of which 95 involved women claiming salary discrimination. Of the total,
only 2 of the cases were eventually taken to court, 22 were solved by mediation, 26
were recalled, and 68 were either dropped because of the statute of limitations or
insufficient substance, or resolved privately.
As a result, women increasingly have begun to turn to the courts in cases of indi-
vidual discrimination. Women initiated several test cases of the "equal pay for com-
parable work" clause in 1995, with at least one court decision in their favor in 1996.
This court case is widely expected to be precedent setting.
Children. — Nine years of basic schooling are compulsory and are provided to all
children at state expense (including transportation, books, and lunches). Municipali-
ties are responsible for operating day care centers and pre-schools for children with
working parents which are also open to others as space permits (many children
begin mil-time pre-school at 1 year of age). There are also state-subsidized family
day care centers and "open" pre-schools (lor part- or full-time attendance on an non-
enroUmentydrop-in basis) as well as leisure centers for after-school activities. Par-
ents are provided with a government allowance worth approximately $ 1,000 per
year for each child under 16 years of age. Families with children can obtain a
means-tested housing allowance. Children with certain severe disabilities have the
right to a personal assistant. State-funded dental care is provided for children up
to 19 years of age. Ninety-nine percent of all expectant mothers receive prenatal
care and visit well-baby clinics. Infant mortality rtes are extremely low (4.8 deaths
per 1,000 in the first year of life). Hospital care is state-funded for children under
16 years of age. Since 1993 Sweden has had a Children's Ombudsman to safeguard
children's interests and rights. The Ombudsman also ensures that Sweden lives up
to its obligations under the United Nations international Convention on the Rights
of the Child. A nongovernmental organization. Children's Rights in Society, offers
counseling to troubled youngsters.
The Government allocates funds to private organizations concerned with chil-
dren's rights. Sweden remains active internationally in efforts to prevent child
abuse. In 1997 the Queen established a charity campaign, "Children of the World,"
to raise funds for sexually abused children in the Baltics, rehabilitation of child sol-
diers in Liberia, and Mozambique's street children.
Although child abuse appears relatively uncommon, the public and authorities re-
main concerned by consistent data indicating an increase over the past several
years. The number of reported cases for children under the age of 15 rose to 5,205
in 1995 from 4,400 in 1994. The first quarter of 1997, however, saw a decline in
the number of cases to approximately 1,000. Many children's rights advocates be-
1312
lieve this change reflects a true increase (as opposed to increased incidence of re-
porting) due to the strains imposed on families tw the diflicult economic situation.
The law prohibits parents or other caretakers from abusing children mentally or
physically in any way. Parents, teachers, and other adults are subject to prosecution
if they physically punish a child, including slapping or spanking. Children have the
right to report such abuses to the police. The authorities respect these laws, and
the usual sentence is a fine combined with counseling and monitoring by social
workers. If the situation warrants, however, authorities may remove children from
the home and place them in foster care. However, foster parents virtually never re-
ceive permission to adopt long-term foster children, even in cases where the parents
are seen as unfit or seek no contact with the child. Critics charge that this policy
places the rights of biological parents over the needs of children lor security in per-
manent familv situations.
People With Disabilities. — The law prohibits discrimination against people with
disabilities. The Government provides disabled persons with assistance aimed at al-
lowing them to live as normal a life as possible, preferably outside an institutional
setting. This includes educational aid, such as provision of personal tutors or assist-
ants at all stages from day care to university studies, as well as assistance in the
workplace, such as provision of a personal aide or improvement of the workplace's
accessibility to wheelchairs. It also encompasses services such as home care or group
living. Regulations for new buildings reqruire full accessibility, but the Government
has no such requirement for existing public buildings. As a result, many buildings
rem«un inaccessible to disabled persons.
Indigenous People. — Sweden counts at least 17,000 Sami (formerly known as
Lapps) among its 8.85 million inhabitants (Sami organizations place that number
somewhat higher, 25,000 to 30,000). In 1994 Sweden was the last of the Nordic
countries to allow formation of a Sametinget, or Sami Parliament, as an advisory
body to the Government. Under the current Government, Sami issues fall under the
Ministry of Agriculture.
The Sami continue a protracted struggle for recognition as an indigenous people
under a variety of international agreements, such as International Labor Organiza-
tion (ILO) Convention 169. Historically, the Government has resisted granting the
Sami such rights. For instance, Sami children had no ri^t to education in their na-
tive language until provision of such education to immigrant children forced the
Government to grant Sami at least equal treatment. As a result of such education,
northern Sami dialects have enjoyed a recent renaissance. Sami dialects in the
southern portions of traditional Sami lands, however, now may have too few native
speakers to survive as living languages.
Late in 1994 the Government removed from the Sami the right to control hunting
and fishing activities on Sami village lands, permitting instead totally unlimited
hunting and fishing activity on all government property. Sami leaders continued to
protest this change in 1997.
Although some Sami state that they face discrimination in housing and employ-
ment on an individual basis, particularly in the southern mountain regions, the
Government does not condone such discrimination.
Religious Minorities. — For many years the (Government has supported the activi-
ties oi groups working to combat anti-Semitism. Two synagogues were vandalized
in 1997.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Scattered acts of violence or harassment
against minorities continue, usually from "skinheads" with neo-Nazi sympathies. Al-
though the Government does not compile national statistics on such acts, one news-
paper counted over 100 violent incidents with racist overtones in a recent year. Most
violent incidents involved assault on lone immi^ants by teenage skinheads. In
1996, an Arab-American on a visit to his sister in Sweden was attacked and se-
verely beaten by skinheads.
Most estimates place the number of active neo-Nazis at less than 2,000, and there
apf)ears to be little popular support for their activities or sentiments. Many Swedes
doubt whether such youth actually embrace neo-Nazi ideology, and the Government
supports activities by volunteer groups working against racism. The Government in-
vestigates and prosecutes race-related crimes, although in many clashes between
Swedish and immigrant youth gangs, authorities judge both sides as at fault. In a
1996 case involving a 17-year old sentenced to 100 days community service for wear-
ing neo-Nazi badges, the Supreme Court ruled that it can be illegal to wear
xenophobic symbols or racist paraphernalia.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The work force is 82.5 percent unionized. Career
military personnel, police officers, and civilian government ofTicials, as well as pri-
1313
vate sector workers in both manufacturing and service industries, are organized.
Most business owners belong to counterpart employer organizations.
Unions and employer organizations operate independently of the Government and
political parties (although the largest federation of unions has always been linked
with the largest political party, the Social Democrats). The law protects the freedom
of woricers to associate and to strike, as well as for employers to organize and to
conduct lockouts. Within limits protecting the public's immediate health and secu-
rity, public employees also enjoy the right to strike. These laws are fully respected
and are not challenged.
Unions have the right to affiliate with international bodies. They are affiliated
with the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and European Trade
Union Confederation among others.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Management-labor coopera-
tion tends to be excellent and nonconirontational. Labor and management, each rep-
resented by a national organization by sector (for example, retailers and engineering
industries), negotiate framework agreements every 2 to 3 years. More detailed com-
pany-level agreements put such framework agreements into effect at the local level.
Framework agreements entered into force in 1996, with most valid until 1998. A
series of agreements involving smaller numbers of employers were concluded in the
spring with very little conflict. In contrast with the recent past, most agreements
with labor unions now provide for a degree of individualized pay, including merit
bonuses.
The law provides both workers and employers with effective mechanisms for re-
solving complaints. The vast majority of complaints are resolved informally. Cases
of an employer firing an employee for union activities are virtually unheard of; there
were no reports of such cases in 1997. There were few strikes, approximately two
per month, most of which involved fewer than 10 persons and minimal days lost,
with one notable exception. In March 5,500 newspaper distributors went on strike
for 2 days before their concerns were resolved.
In March the employers' association and unions representing 800,000 manufactur-
ing employees reacned an agreement on steps to prevent strikes and lockouts, such
as requiring serious wage negotiations to start 3 months before a collective agree-
ment expires and appointing a mediator if an agreement has not been reached after
2 months.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor, and the authorities effectively enforce this can. The law prohibits
forced and bonded labor by children and the Government enforces this prohibition
effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and the Government enforces this pro-
hibition effectively (see Section 6.c.). Compulsory nine-year education ends at age
16, and the law permits full-time employment at that age under supervision of local
authorities. Employees under age 18 may work only during daytime and under su-
pervision. During summer and other vacation periods, children as young as 13 years
may work part-time or in "light" work with parental permission. Union representa-
tives, police, and public prosecutors effectively enforce this restriction. Sweden ac-
tively supports efforts to protect and improve children's rights. In September Swe-
den hosted a preparatory conference to the October International Conference on
Child Labor held in Norway. In addition, the Government has earmarked about $8
million of its aid budget to help fight child labor in impoverished countries.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no national minimum wage law.
Wages are set by collective bargaining contracts, which nonunion establishments
usually observe as well. Even the lowest paid workers can maintain a decent stand-
ard of living for themselves and their families through substantial benefits (such as
housing or day care support) provided by social welfare entitlement programs. How-
ever, cutbacks in these programs have made it harder for some workers to make
ends meet, particularly for low-paid single women with children.
The standard workweek is 40 hours or less. Both the law and collective bargain-
ing agreements regulate overtime and rest periods. For workers not covered by a
labor agreement, tne law stipulates a limit for overtime at 200 hours a year, al-
though exceptions may be granted for key employees with union approval; some col-
lective bargaining agreements put the limit at 150 hours. The law requires a rest
period after 5 hours of work but does not stipulate a minimum duration; in practice
it is usually 30 minutes. The law also provides all employees with a minimum of
5 weeks of paid annual leave; labor contracts often provide more, particularly for
higher ranking private sector employees and older public service workers. In 1997
Sweden passed a new labor law making it easier for employers to hire workers for
1314
limited periods, as well as empowering local unions to agree to exceptions to last-
in, first-out laws.
Occupational health and safety rules are set by a government-appointed board
and monitored by trained union stewards, safety ombudsmen, and, occasionally, gov-
ernment inspectors. These standards are very high, making workplaces both safe
and healthy. Safety ombudsmen have the authority to stop unsafe activity imme-
diately and to call in an inspector. An individual also has the right to halt work
in dangerous situations in order to consult a supervisor or safety representative.
SWITZERLAND
Switzerland is a constitutional democracy with a federal structure and an inde-
pendent judiciary. The bicameral Parliament elects the seven members of the Fed-
eral Council, the highest executive body, whose presidency rotates annually. Be-
cause of the nation's linguistic and religious diversity, the Swiss political system em-
phasizes local and national political consensus and grants considerable autonomy to
individual cantons.
The Swiss armed forces are a civilian-controlled militia based on universal mili-
tary service for able-bodied males. There is virtually no standing army apart from
training cadres and a few essential headquarters staff functions. Police duties are
primarily a responsibility of the individual cantons, which have their own distinct
police forces that are kept under effective control. The National Police Authority has
a coordinating role and relies on the cantons for actual law enforcement. There were
allegations oioccasional abuses by police.
Switzerland has a highly developed free enterorise, industrial, and service econ-
omy strongly dependent on international trade. The standard of living is very high.
The Government fully respects human rights, and there were no major human
rights problems. However, there continue to be allegations by nongovernmental or-
ganizations (NGO's) of occasional police harassment directed against foreigners, par-
ticularly asylum seekers, and reports of verbal abuse against foreigners oy private
citizens. Some laws still tend to aiscriminate against women, although a new federal
law came into force in 1996 that is designed to promote gender equality in the labor
maricet. The Government is continuing to take serious steps to address violence
against women.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution proscribes such practices, and there were no reports of violations.
There were allegations by NGO's and some individuals of occasional police harass-
ment of foreigners, particularly asylum seekers (see Section 2.d.).
FVison conditions meet minimum international standards, although some NGO's
complain of prison overcrowding. The Government has taken measures to improve
prison conditions and address overcrowding.
In April while attending the 53rd session of the U.N. Human Rights Commission,
Nigerian human rights leader Clement Nwankwo was arrested and reportedly sub-
jected to physical and verbal abuse (including racial slurs) by police. He was accused
of shoplifting and, by his own account, handcuffed to a table while stripped naked
(ostensibly in order to examine him). Although no proof of shoplifting was discov-
ered, Nwankwo was held for 4 days in preemptive custody without access to an at-
torney, tried without legal representation, and sentenced to 20 days in prison and
expulsion from the country with a right of appeal. The sentence was suspended.
After his deportation to Nigeria, Nwankwo appealed his sentence, but no final rul-
ing has been made. The cantonal government took measures in response to the inci-
dent, including launching an administrative inquiry into the conduct of the three
police officers involved. The police were given sanctions (reprimand and warning),
which they have appealed. Special courses for the police in Geneva by the NGO, As-
sociation for Prevention of Torture, are scheduled during 1998. Swiss NGO's believe
that the case underscores the problems with police treatment of foreigners, espe-
cially asylum seekers in Geneva and perhaps elsewhere.
On November 14, following its examination of Switzerland's third periodic report,
the U.N.'s Committee Against Torture expressed concern about "frequent allegations
1315
of ill-treatment" inflicted in the course of arrests and police custody and a lack of
independent mechanisms in the Swiss cantons of certain legal guarantees such as
the possibility, "especially for foreigners," to contact their family or a lawyer in case
of arrest, and to be examined by an independent doctor on entering police custody,
after each interrogation, and before being brought before an investigating mag-
istrate or being released. The Committee recommended the introduction of mecha-
nisms to receive complaints of ill-treatment by police officers against suspects and
for the harmonization of the 26 different cantonal codes of penal procedure, "particu-
larly with regard to the granting of fundamental guarantees in the course of police
custody." In addition the Committee recommended that the Swiss authorities pay
^he greatest possible attention" to the handling of cases concerning acts of violence
attributed to police officers in order to ensure me opening of investigations and, in
proven cases, the imposition of possible sanctions.
The Government permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The legal prohibitions on arbitrary ar-
rest, detention, or exile are fully respected at all levels of government. The cantons
are responsible for handling most criminal matters, and their procedures vary some-
what from canton to canton. In general a suspect may not be held longer than 48
hours without a warrant of arrest issued by an investigative magistrate. However,
asylum seekers and foreigners without valid documents may be neld for up to 96
hours without an arrest warrant. Some NGO's alleged that the authorities arbitrar-
ily detained asylum seekers (see Section 2.d.). A suspect has the right to choose and
contact an attorney as soon as the warrant is issued; the State provides free counsel
for indigents in most situations. Investigations are generally prompt, even if in some
cases investigative detention may exceed the length of sentence. Release on personal
recognizance or bail is granted unless the magistrate believes the person is dan-
gerous or will not appear for trial. Any lengthy detention is subject to review by
higher judicial authorities.
A Nigerian human rights leader was allegedly abused by police in April, detained
for 4 days without access to an attorney, and tried without full due process (see Sec-
tion I.e.).
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects this provision in practice. The judiciary provides
citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
All courts of first instance are local or cantonal courts. Citizens have the right
to appeal to a higher instance court, ultimately to the Federal Court. Minor cases
are tried by a single judge, difficult cases by a panel of judges, and murder (or other
serious cases) by a public jury. Trials are usually held expeditiously. The Constitu-
tion provides for public trials in which the defendant's ri^ts are fully respected,
including the right to challenge and to present witnesses or evidence.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Can-
tonal laws regulate police entry into private premises. These regulations differ wide-
ly from canton to canton, but all prohibit such practices without a warrant. All gov-
ernment authorities respect these provisions, and violations are subject to effective
legal sanction.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and the Government respects these rights in practice. An inde-
pendent press, an effective judiciary, and a functioning democratic political system
combine to ensure freedom of speech and of the press, including academic freedom.
The authorities may legally restrict these freedoms for groups deemed to be a threat
to the State, but no groups were restricted during the year. In addition an article
of the Penal Code criminalizes racist or anti-Semitic expression, whether in public
speech or in printed material.
Most broaacast media are government-funded but possess editorial autonomy, and
foreign broadcast media are freely available.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
these rights, and the Government respects them in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for complete freedom of reli-
gion, and the Government respects this right in practice. There is no single state
church, but most cantons support one or several cnurches with public funds. In all
cantons, an individual may cnoose not to contribute to church funding. In some can-
tons, however, private companies are unable to avoid payment of the church tax.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Under the Constitution and the law, citizens are free to travel in or
1316
outside the country, to emigrate, and to repatriate. Non-Swiss convicted of crimes
may receive sentences that include denial of reentry for a specific period following
completion of a prison sentence.
Switzerland has traditionally been a haven for refugees, but public concern over
the high number of asylum seekers generated pressure on the Government to tight-
en its policy.
Some human rights organizations have charged the authorities with abuses in
connection with the implementation of a 1995 law aimed at asylum seekers or for-
eigners living illegally in Switzerland who are suspected of disturbing the public
order or avoiding repatriation. In particular, these groups have alleged instances of
abuse, including arbitrary detention as well as denial of access to established asy-
lum procedures, involving police at the two main airports. They also charge that po-
lice officers used the law to detain or harass asylum seekers who are not suspected
of having disturbed public order. However, the allegations of these human rights or-
ganizations have never been substantiated, and these groups indicate that the situa-
tion has improved recently. Under the law, police actions are subject to judicial
oversight, and the Federal Court has overturned many cases in which it believed
that there was not sufTicient regard for the rights of asylum seekers or other for-
eimers.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The
Government provides first asylum and provided it to approximately 2,700 persons
during the year. Refugees whose applications are rejected are allowed to stay tempo-
rarily, if their home country is experiencing war or insurrection.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
peacefully (at local, cantonal, and federal levels), and citizens exercise this right in
firactice through periodic, free, and fair elections held on the basis of universal suf-
rage. In addition initiative and referendum procedures provide unusually intense
popular involvement in the legislative process.
Women were disenfranchised until 1971 at the federal level, but since then their
participation in politics has continued to expand. Women occupy 51 of the 246 seats
in the Parliament, 1 of 7 seats in the Federal Council (Cabinet), a record 25 percent
of the seats in the cantonal government executive bodies, and about one-fifth of the
seats in conununal executives. In 1995 and 1996, however, voters rejected two local
initiatives designed to reserve a fixed percentage of elective seats for women. In
March the Federal Court declared invalid another local initiative with the same pur-
pose. A vote on an initiative to mandate equal gender representation in all federal
institutions is scheduled to take place no later than 1999.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
All major international and domestic human rights groups are active and operate
without government restriction.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and laws prohibit discrimination on the basis of race, sex, reli-
gion, language, or social status. The (jovemment generally enforces these prohibi-
tions effectively, although a few laws tend to discriminate against women.
Women. — Violence against women is a problem. According to a government-funded
study on domestic violence, one-fiflh of all women suffer in their relationships at
least once from physical or sexual violence, and about 40 percent suffer from psycho-
loOTcal or verbal abuse.
The law prohibits wife beating and similar offenses. Spousal rape is a crime in
the Penal Cfode. Victims of violence can obtain help, counseling, and legal assistance
from specialized agencies or from nearly a dozen hot lines sponsored privately or
by local, cantonal, and national authorities. An estimated 700 women and nearly as
many children took refuge in 15 women's shelters during 1997.
The difficulty in gathering information about the number of prosecuted, convicted,
or punished spouse abusers stems in part from the fact that legal cases are handled
by each canton and data is often not up-to-date. According to police criminal statis-
tics, 241 men were suspected of having abused women in 1996, and in 1995, 73 men
were sentenced for such abuse.
The Federation of Women's Organizations and numerous other women's NGO's
have heightened public awareness of the problem of violence against women. Two
government-supported women's organizations that fight for equal gender rights
1317
jointly conducted the first national campaign against violence in relationships. This
campaign received extensive media coverage. No significant demonstrations or
marches for women's rights took place during the year.
The Penal Code criminalizes sexual exploitation and traflicking in women. The
authorities eflectively enforce these laws. In order to confront modem forms of traf-
ficking in women, especially via the Internet, the federal police increased the num-
ber 01 their agents.
Although the Constitution prohibits all types of discrimination, a few laws still
tend to discriminate against women. In 1996 however, a new federal law on equal
opportunity for women and men came into force. The law includes a general prohibi-
tion on gender-based discrimination and incorporates the principle of "equal wages
for equal work." The law also includes provisions aimed at eliminating sexual har-
assment and facilitating access to legal remedies for those who claim discrimination
or harassment. In March the Government adopted the 1979 U.N. Convention on The
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, albeit with some minor
reservations.
At the aggregate level, men earn more than women, but it is not clear if this cir-
cumstance reflects overt discrimination or other factors. Individual cases of denial
of equal pay for equal work are subject to the new law. A revised labor law that
would have eliminated special restrictions on working hours for women was de-
feated in a 1996 referendum (see Section 6.e.).
Journalistic reports of pre— 1970's instances of forced sterilization of women led
parliamentarians in Octooer to ask the Federal Council to write a report on the
f>ractice as well as the legal, medical, historical, and social policy background of
orced sterilization, in view of a projected tutelage law that is to include regulations
concerning sterilization of mentally disabled persons. Forced sterilization was not
ordered by the Swiss Federal Government. However, one cantonal government
adopted such a law in 1928, which was abrogated in the 1970's. Women s organiza-
tions apparently made no public statements aoout the reports.
Children. — Despite the fact that the Government has no special program for chil-
dren and that there is no special governmental office for chiloren's matters, the Gov-
ernment demonstrates its strong commitment to children's rights and welfare
through a well-funded public education system and medical care. The federal and
cantonal governments, as well as about 80 NGO's that defend children's rights, have
devoted considerable attention in recent years to child abuse, especially sexual
abuse. For convicted perpetrators of the latter, the law provides for imprisonment
for up to 15 years. On September 1, amendments to the federal Penal Code came
into effect, which provide for an increase of the statute of limitations in cases of
child abuse from 5 to 10 years.
With respect to child abuse abroad, the law provides for prosecution only if the
act is considered a crime in the country in which it took place. Experts have pro-
posed making such acts punishable in Switzerland regardless of where the crime
took place, but there was no action on the problem during the year.
In March Parliament ratified the U.N. Convention on Children's Rights, which
subsequently came into force. However, it included five reservations. The most im-
portant reservation concerns children of migrant seasonal workers who are not auto-
matically permitted to join their parents. Children of foreigners working as migrant
laborers are only permitted to visit on tourist visas for a period of 3 months at a
time. After 3 montns, they must return to their homeland for 1 month.
People With Disabilities. — There are strong legal prohibitions against discrimina-
tion directed at disabled persons in employment, education, and the provision of
other state services. Advocates for the disabled have called for new measures to en-
sure greater protection for their rights, including easier access to buildings and pub-
lic transportation. The Government, however, nas not mandated that building or
transportation facilities be made accessible. In 1996 a Member of Parliament pro-
posed legislation to amend the Constitution to provide equality of opportunity for
the disabled. The legislation has received broad support in Parliament, but it would
be subject to a mandatory voter referendum, and tnere was no tangible action on
the problem during the year.
A 1995 law exempts disabled men from the tax imposed on those who have not
fulfilled their military duty.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — According to NGO statistics, which have not
been verified, there were 33 reported attacks against foreigners in the first half of
1997, compared with 41 reported for the same period in 1996. However, the num-
bers appear to have increased in the latter half of 1997. These figures included in-
stances of verbal and written "attacks," which are much more common than physical
assaults. Investigations of these attacks are conducted effectively and lead, in most
cases, to the arrest of the persons responsible. Persons convicted of racist crimes are
1318
commonly sentenced to from 3 days' to 3 years' imprisonment with a fine of up to
approxiniately $27,210 (40,000 Swiss francs).
In accordance with the first antiracism law, which was approved in 1994 (and
which criminalizes racist and anti-Semitic actions or public speech), the Grovemment
appointed in 1995 a commission against racism. This group of experts focuses on
preventive measures and serves as a mediator for conflicts between individuals. Ac-
cording to NGO statistics, about a dozen judgments have been made thus far based
on the 1994 law. The heaviest penalty was a 4-month conditional imprisonment.
There was no documented increase in specific anti-Semitic actions, but there was
a general impression, in view of the ongoing discussions over Nazi gold and the hol-
ocaust era assets, that anti-Semitism increased during the year. Government ofli-
cials, including the Foreign Minister, spoke publicly against anti-Semitism.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — All workers, including foreigners, have the freedom
to associate freely, to join unions of their choice, and to select their own representa-
tives. The Government does not hamper the exercise of these rights. About one-third
of the work force is unionized.
The right to strike is legally recognized and freely exercised, but a unique labor
peace under an informal agreement between unions and employers — in existence
since the 1930's — has meant fewer than 10 strikes per year since 1975. There were
no significant strikes during the year.
Unions are independent of the government and political parties, and laws prohibit
retribution against strikers or their leaders. Unions can associate freely with inter-
national organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — By law workers have the
right to organize and bargain collectively, and the law protects them from acts of
antiunion discrimination. The CJovernment fully respects these provisions. Periodic
negotiations between employer and worker organizations determine wages and set-
tle other labor issues at the national and local levels. Nonunion firms generally
adopt the terms and conditions fixed in the unions' collective bargaining.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Although there is no specific con-
stitutional or statutory ban on forced or compulsory labor in general, and on child
labor in particular, such practices are not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The mini-
mum age for employment of children is 15 years, and children are in school up to
this age. Children over 13 years old may be employed in light duties for not more
than 9 hours a week during the school year and 15 hours otherwise. The employ-
ment of youths between the ages of 15 and 20 is strictly regulated; they cannot work
at night, on Sundays, or under hazardous or dangerous conditions. The Federal Of-
fice for Industry, Trade, and Labor effectively enforces the law on working condi-
tions.
The Government does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by chil-
dren, although such prohibitions are implicitly included in the Labor Act. Such
forms of labor are not believed to occur (see Section 6.c.).
Government officials inspect companies that employ children after having received
complaints. Every year a few employers are fined or receive conditional imprison-
ment for violations of the law.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no national minimum wage. The low-
est wages fixed in collective bargaining are always adequate to provide a decent
standard of living for workers and their families.
The 1964 Labor Act established a maximum 45-hour workweek for blue- and
white-collar workers in industry, services, and retail trades, and a 50-hour work-
week for all other workers. The law prescribes a rest period during the workweek.
Overtime is limited by law to 260 hours annually for those working 45 hours per
week and to 220 hours annually for those working 50 hours per week.
The Labor Act and the Federal Code of Obligations contain extensive regulations
to protect worker health and safety. There have been no reports of lapses in the en-
forcement of these regulations, but the degree to which enforcement is effective is
unclear. The Government is currently overhauling the Labor Act, in part to
strengthen provisions for workers' health and safety. The Parliament passed a re-
vised labor law, but it was defeated in a 1996 referendum. A worker may leave a
dangerous assignment without penalty.
1319
TAJIKISTAN
Tajikistan remains in the hands of a largely authoritarian government, although
it has established some nominally democratic structures. The Government's narrow
base of support limits its ability to control the entire territory of the country. The
Government of President Emomali Rahmonov, comprised largely of natives of the
Kulob region, continued to dominate the State.
Tajikistan took a significant step toward national reconciliation after its 1992 civil
war, with the signing of a comprehensive peace accord in June, and the inaugura-
tion of a Commission on National Reconciliation in July in Moscow. An amnesty
agreement and accord on exchange of prisoners also were signed; the Commission
on National Reconciliation met in Moscow in July, before moving to Dushanbe in
September. Despite the agreement, the United Nations Mission of Observers to
Tajikistan (UNMOT) reported two cease-fire violations in August. Under the peace
accords, the opposition is allotted 30 percent of government positions but as of year's
end, the Government still had not given the opposition any positions. The judiciary
is not independent.
Internal security is the responsibility of the Ministries of Interior, Security, and
Defense. The Russian Army's 201st Motorized Rifle Division, part of a Common-
wealth of Independent States (CIS) peacekeeping force established in 1993, re-
mained in the country. The Russian Border Guard Force (RBF) reports to Moscow,
has primary responsibility for guarding the border with Afghanistan, and is com-
prised mostly of Tajiks with some Russians and a limited number of other Central
Asians, although the officer corps remains principally Russian. Some regions of the
country remained effectively outside the Government s control, and government con-
trol in other areas existed only by day, or at the sufferance of local opposition com-
manders. Opposition forces basea near Kofamihon, east of Dushanbe, carried out a
variety of attacks during the year. Some members of the security forces and govern-
ment-aligned militias committed serious human ri^ts abuses. The armed opposi-
tion also committed serious human rights abuses, including abductions and mur-
ders. There have been credible reports of threatening, extortion and abuse of civilian
populations by both government and United Tajik Opposition units.
The economy continued to be extremely depressed, and government revenue re-
mains highly dependent on the government-owned aluminum and government-domi-
nated cotton industries. Economic reform has been halting. Most Soviet-era factories
operate at a minimal level, if at all, while privatization has moved ahead only slow-
ly. As much as one-third of the total population is unemployed or significantly un-
deremployed according to government estimates. Infiation increased during 1997,
and the exchange rate declined substantially as the Government failed to maintain
fiscal and budgetary discipline. Many, but not all, wages and pensions are being
paid. However, because most yearly salary percentage increases are still meager and
do not keep up with infiation, the sums remain extremely low and not enough to
support adequate nutrition without supplemental income. Gross domestic product
increased marginally, but remained as low as $200-$400 per person, according to
official statistics. There were serious shortages of natural gas for heating and indus-
try, largely as a result of continued disputes with Uzbekistan over natural gas pur-
chases. Wheat acreage and the total harvest continued to increase dramatically as
privatized farmers responded to their own and market needs for increased produc-
tion, although state farm harvests continue to be mediocre.
The Government's human rights record improved slightly, due principally to the
reduced level of violence and the absence of widespread military conflict; however,
serious problems remain.
The Government limits citizens' right to change their government. Some members
of the security forces were responsible for killings and oeatings, and often abused
detainees. These forces were also responsible lor threats, extortion, looting, and
abuse of civilians. Certain battalions of nominally government forces operated quasi-
independently under their various leaders, who generally have government posi-
tions. These forces committed similar abuses. The government prosecuted few per-
petrators for these abuses. Prison conditions remain life threatening, and the Gov-
ernment continued to use arbitrary arrest and detention. Basic problems of rule of
law persist. There are often long delays before trials, and the judiciary is subject
to political and paramilitary pressure. The authorities infringe on citizens' right to
privacy. There has been public criticism of corrupt or criminal actions by Ministry
of Interior employees, several dozen of whom were removed from their positions dur-
ing the year.
The Government severely restricts freedom of the press, restricts freedom of
speech, and dominates the electronic media. No genuine opposition media appeared
45-909 98-43
1320
during the year, and the Government suspended and harassed independent local tel-
evision stations. The authorities strictly control freedom of assembly and association
for political organizations. Freedom of assembly is hindered. Two new political par-
ties were allowed to register, bringing the total to 11; the 3 opposition parties and
a branch of the fourth affiliated with the armed opposition remained suspended. The
Grovemment cooperated to a limited extent with the Organization on Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in Dushanbe, but did not establish a human rights
ombudsman as recommended by the OSCE. The Government also did not establish
its own ombudsman, despite its statement in 1996 that it would do so. Violence
against women is a problem.
Several armed clashes among ostensible government supporters occurred, result-
ing in civilian deaths, abuse, and property damage. The general weakness of govern-
ment control and continuing decline in social order led to an increase in crime and
violence, including politically-inspired violence.
The armed opposition committed numerous serious abuses. Opposition forces were
responsible for killings, kidnapings, abuse, threats, and extortion, including against
civilians.
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of Tajikistan in
1991, regional, political, and religious tensions led to a brief but violent civil war
in 1992-93. A low scale guerrilla war continued until late 1996, led by a coalition
of regionally based, democratic and Islamic groups, with a political base and refugee
population in northern Afghanistan, against the winners of the civil war, a loose co-
alition of also regionally based, but more politically traditional, that is Communist,
elements. By June a series of accords had been signed ending the civil strife and
pointing to elections in 1998.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Extrajudicial killings numbered in
the scores but it was difficult to attribute responsibility in many individual cases.
Some killings were committed by competing government forces for varying motives,
both political and economic; some by the opposition; and some by independent war-
lords.
For example commanders under Presidential Guard chief Ghaffar Mirzoyev have
reportedly carried out a number of killings in the Tursunzade area since they took
control of it from mutinous forces in August. In one case, a religious leader with
ties to the Tajik opposition and his son were killed by a hand grenade thrown into
their house in early November.
In April an assassination attempt in Khujand slightly wounded the President and
killed two members of his entourage. The grenade thrown at the FVesident and de-
fensive action by security forces also wounded 70 other persons. Government forces
arrested a large number of civilians and some officials, in some cases using the as-
sassination attempt to arrest opponents without any evidence of their involvement.
Many of those arrested are still in jail. While some have been tried and sentenced,
most are still being investigated. A number of local officials, businessmen, and pro-
fessional figures were killed during the year for a variety ofpolitical, economic, and
ethnic reasons. Few suspects, if any, have been identified. The Government has in-
vestigated some of the higher profile cases, but without positive results. The com-
petence of those efforts as well as their independence are questionable. A number
of murders have been essentially concealed with official news noting only that some-
one died.
At about 3:00 a.m. on October 16, gunmen attacked the headquarters of the Presi-
dential Guards and killed 14 persons; some guards were shot and killed while they
slept. Some of the attackers also were killed, but responsibility for the attack re-
mained unclear at year's end.
In January an extended series of clashes between two groups seeking to control
Tursunzade resulted in the death of at least several persons, and perhaps a signifi-
cantly higher number, some of them unarmed bystanders. These killings do not ap-
pear to be connected with the government-opposition conflict, but reflect the lack of
governmental control and the seizure of local authority by regional strongmen. Ap-
proximately 20 people were killed in clashes between followers of rival government
officials in August. In the aftermath of this fighting between opposing elements
within the government forces in southern Tajikistan, especially in the wake of the
failed mutiny by renegade government Colonel Mahmud Khudoberdiev, there were
widespread reports of killings of personnel belonging to or supporting
Khudoberdiev's losing side, and of ethnic Uzbeks, although it is unclear whether the
1321
latter killings were politically motivated or resulted from the absence of law and
order.
Several Russian army officers, soldiers, and staff were killed during the year. The
Russian forces and the Government have generally blamed the opposition in these
cases, charges that the opposition has denied. On February 18, six ethnic Russians,
including two off duty U.S. Embassy security guards were killed. The alleged per-
petrators, who belonged to the United Tajik Opposition, confessed in the presence
of United Nations personnel. Opposition leaders denied that they had any respon-
sibility for the attack. In Septenriber an ethnic Russian music teacher and her son
were killed in her apartment. "Death to Russians' and "Allahu Akbar" were
scrawled in blood on the wall.
Poor prison conditions and lack of food and adequate medical treatment resulted
in a significant number of deaths in custody, although the situation improved over
1996 (see Section I.e.).
There have been no developments in, among other outstanding cases, the 1996
murders of the mufli of Tajikistan and members of his family; Nnihammad Osimi,
a respected senior academic; and a prominent member of Parliament.
b. Disappearance. — There were a number of disappearances during the year. The
bodies of a number of persons who were kidnaped and killed were later found.
On February 4, 5, and 6, hostages eventually totaling 16 persons, including Min-
ister of Security Saidamir Zuhurov, four UNMOT representatives, and four journal-
ists, were seized by independent opposition commander Bahrom Alimaraonovich
Sodirov. The hostages were held from February 4 to February 17. In August two
sons of former mufli Amonullo Nematzoda, the head of the Islamic Center of
Tajikistan, were taken hostage and held for ransom. Nematzoda was taken hostage
and released in October. A number of militia personnel were taken hostage at var-
ious times; some were killed.
Two French citizens, Franck Janvier-Dupuy, the director of the European Union's
technical assistance program, and Karine Mane were kidnaped in mid-November in
Dushambe and held hostage in proposed exchange for the leader of the February
kidnaping incident. Mane died during a government-led rescue attempt.
The Government has not been active in investigating disappearances from pre-
vious years due to insufficient resources, political pressure, and a lack of profes-
sionalism. There were no developments in the 1996 disappearance of Zafar
Rahmonov, the opposition cochairman of the Joint Commission on cease-fire obser-
vation.
There have been no reports of disappearances tied to forcible conscription.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits such practices, but in practice the Government violates such pro-
hibitions. Security officials, particularly those in the Ministry of Interior, regularly
beat detainees in custody, and use systematic beatings to extort confessions. There
were credible allegations that security forces illegally detained, mistreated, and beat
members of opposition parties or their relatives (see Section l.d.). There were no re-
ports of rape or threat of rape of women in prison or detention.
Prison conditions remain harsh and life threatening. Prisons are generally over-
crowded, unsanitary, and disease-ridden, producing serious threats to many pris-
oners' health, although there was slight improvement in food and medical care re-
flecting ICRC assistance. This problem reflects in part the self-funded status of most
prisons, under which before 1992 prisoners grew much of their own food or made
goods for sale. The general collapse of governmental programs and of the economy
also caused the virtual disappearance oi these programs. Conditions in most prisons
improved somewhat in 1997, due primarily to the efforts of international relief
groups and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Some food pro-
duction is resuming.
A major cause of the April uprising in a Khujand prison were reports that the
Government planned to transfer prisoners to Dushanbe, away from their families
and food source. Twenty-six prisoners were shot and killed when government forces
retook the prison.
Family members are allowed access to prisoners only after a guilty verdict, in ac-
cordance with the law. The ICRC has succeeded in getting permission for access to
convicted prisoners but not those in pretrial detention (where most abuses occur)
despite written assurances from senior government officials (see Section 4). The
ICRC has been able to establish a program to provide food for both guards and pris-
oners in many institutions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Criminal Code has not been signifi-
cantly amended since independence, and it therefore retains many of the defects in-
herited from Soviet times. The Government continued to arbitrarily arrest and de-
tain citizens. Revision of the Criminal Code is a high priority of the Majlisi OH (par-
1322
liament), however, because of the size and complexity of the code, the small par-
liamentary staff, and limited time in session for the Majlisi, progress has been slow.
The system allows for lengthy pretrial detention and provides few checks on the
power of procurators and police to arrest persons. Public order, which broke down
during the civil war, has yet to be fully restored, and the virtual immunity from
prosecution of armed militia groups has further eroded the integrity of the legal sys-
tem.
Police legally may detain persons without a warrant for a period of 72 hours, and
the procurator's omce may do so for a period of 10 days after which the accused
must be officially charged. At that point, the Criminal Code permits pretrial deten-
tion for up to 15 months. The first 3 months of detention are at the discretion of
the local procurator, the second 3 months must be approved at the regional level,
and the Procurator General must sanction the remaining time in detention. The
Criminal Code maintains that all investigations must be completed 1 month before
the 15-month maximum in order to allow the defense time to examine government
evidence. There is no requirement for judicial approval or for a preliminary judicial
hearing on the charge or detention. In criminal cases, detainees may be released
and restricted to their place of residence pending trial. Once a case is entered for
trial, the law states that it must be brought before a judge within 28 days. However,
it is common for cases to languish for many months before the trial begins.
Politically motivated arrests apparently have increased, especially in the north
following the April 30 assassination attempt on the President, and in the south fol-
lowing the August military clash between government factions. Arrests numbered
in the scores. Tnere are credible allegations of illegal government detention for ques-
tioning of members of opposition political parties or their relatives. In most cases,
the security officers, principally personnel irom the Ministry of Internal Affairs and
Ministry of Security, do not obtain arrest warrants and do not bring charges. Those
released sometimes claimed that they were mistreated and beaten during detention.
Opposition sources maintain that security forces detained dozens of persons un-
lawiully without charge. Since the law precludes visits to persons in pretrial deten-
tion, it is not possible to assess these allegations. There could be as many as several
hundred political detainees, but the absence of ICRC or other access to these per-
sons makes any estimate uncertain.
The Constitution states that no one can be exiled without a legal basis; no laws
have been passed so far setting out any legal basis for exile. There were no reports
of the use of forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The 1994 Constitution states that judges are inde-
f)endent and subordinate only to the Constitution and the law; it prohibits inter-
erence in their activities. However, judicial officials at all levels of the court system
are heavily influenced by both the political leadership and, in many instances,
armed paramilitary groups. Under the Constitution, the President has the right,
with confirmation by the Parliament, to both appoint and dismiss judges and pros-
ecutors. In one case involving AbduUiafiz Abdullajonov, the brother of a political op-
ponent of the President, who was arrested in early summer, narcotics charges ap-
pear fabricated. The judge was removed after ruling against the Government's case;
the Government has since claimed that the judge took a bribe and was removed for
corruption. Abdullajonov is now charged with direct involvement in the April assas-
sination attempt against the president and is on trial for that crime. Judges at the
local, regional and republic level are, for the most part, poorly trained and lack un-
derstanding of an independent judiciary.
The court system, largely unmodified from the Soviet period, includes city, dis-
trict, regional, and national levels, with a parallel military system. Higher courts
serve as appellate courts for the lower ones. The Constitution establishes additional
courts, including a Constitutional Court. This court has begun to function, has
heard some cases, and issued decisions.
According to the law, trials are public, except in cases involving national security
or the protection of minors. The court appoints an attorney for those who do not
have one. Defendants may choose their own attorneys but may not necessarily
choose among court-appointed defenders. In practice arrested persons are often de-
nied prompt, and in some cases any, access to an attorney.
The procurator's office is responsible for conducting all investigations of alleged
criminal conduct. In theory both defendant and counsel have the right to review all
government evidence, to confront witnesses, and to present evidence and testimony.
No groups are barred from testifying, and all testimony is theoretically given equal
weight, regardless of the ethnicity or gender of the witness. Ministry of Justice offi-
cials maintain that defendants benefit from the presumption of innocence, despite
the unmodified Soviet legal statute, which presumes the guilt of all brought to trial.
Thus, in practice, bringing charges tends to suggest guilt to most Tajiks.
1323
Pressure continues to be exerted on the judicial system by local strongmen, their
armed paramilitary groups, and vigilantes who operate outside of government con-
trol, sometimes leading to the dismissal of chtirges and dropping of cases. Bribery
of prosecutors and judges is also considered to be widespread.
The Government holds political prisoners including opposition party activists, al-
though estimates of the number of prisoners vary widely. The Government and the
Tajik opposition exchanged multiple lists of prisoners of war (POW's) and political
prisoners for exchange as a result of the June inter-Tajik talks in Moscow. The larg-
est opposition list totaled 700 names of political prisoners believed by the opposition
to be in government custody, while the largest government list totaled over 400 sol-
diers believed by the Government to be held by the opposition. Both lists undoubt-
edly include many names of persons missing, dead, or in the case of POW's held
by the opposition, having defected. The Government released 48 prisoners in July
in exchange for 49 prisoners held by the opposition. A second prisoner exchange in
August was delayed by fighting resulting from Khudoberdiev^s mutiny. In Septem-
ber 25 soldiers held by the opposition were released and in October, the opposition
released 85 and the Government 78 persons.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of the home and prohibits interference
with correspondence, telephone conversations, and postal and communication rights,
except "in cases prescribed by law." Police may not enter and search a private home
without the approval of the procurator. In some cases, police may enter and search
a home without permission, but they must then inform the procurator within 24
hours. Police also are permitted to enter and search homes without permission if
they have compelling reason to believe a delay in obtaining a warrant would impair
national security. There is no judicial review of police searches conducted without
a warrant.
There are continuing credible reports of arbitrary illegal search, seizure, and
looting by government forces, especially in the wake of the August fighting in south-
ern and western Tajikistan.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Con-
flicts.— The level of violence that was dominant during the peak of the civil war in
1992-93 has dropped dramatically with the iniplementation of the cease-fire and the
signing of the comprehensive peace accords. Those incidents of violence that have
occurred during the year are largely the acts of terrorists or the consequence of ac-
tions by a still armed population.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Despite the Constitution and the 1991 law pro-
tecting freedom of speech and the press, the Government severely restricts freedom
of expression in practice. Journalists, broadcasters, and individual citizens who dis-
agree with government policies cannot speak freely or critically. The Government
exercises control over the media both overtly through legislation and less obviously
through such mechanisms as "friendly advice" to reporters on what news should not
be covered. The Government also controlled the printing presses and the supply of
newsprint, and broadcasting facilities, and subsidizes virtually all publications and
productions. Editors fearful of reprisals exercise careful self-censorship.
There is one national television service with several local offices which cover re-
gional and local issues from an official point of view. There are also about 10 inde-
pendent television stations that do not at this time have their own facilities and
must make use of the official studios for most of their work. There are a variety
of local newspapers, but only a handful attempt to cover serious news. Several are
organs of political parties or blocs. Of three serious newspapers in Dushanbe, two
were closed briefly in mid-November after one published an interview with a gov-
ernment opponent.
Both Ittihod, the weekly of the socialist party, and Samar, the weekly belonging
to an entrepreneur and deputy of Parliament from the Vose district, on occasion
were prevented from publishing articles critical of the Government. The Govern-
ment nationalized a publishing nouse belonging to the Communist Party. An inde-
pendent television station in the northern city of Khujand, linked to a former pro-
vincial chairman, closed by the regional government in 1996, remained closed. De-
spite passage of a new media law in December 1996, permitting independent tele-
vision stations, the Government officially closed some such stations in 1997, and
was very slow in publishing implementing regulations to permit independent sta-
tions to register. However, regulations were finally issued in the fall, and by the
end of December, three stations were licensed and operating legally, and four others
filed the required documents and need only pay registration fees.
1324
Academic expression is limited principally by the complete reliance of scientific in-
stitutes upon government funding, and in practical terms by the need to find alter-
nate employment to generate sufficient income, leaving little time for academic writ-
ing. In one incident, armed men broke into the house of the rector of the Tajik tech-
nological university and threatened to kill him if he did not resign within 10 days.
He left Dushanbe shortly thereafter, but did not resign and returned to his position.
The assailants have not been identified.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — ^The Constitution provides for
freedom of peaceful assembly; in practice, however, the authorities exercise strict
control over organizations and activities of a political nature. Nonpolitical associa-
tions, such as trade unions, are allowed to meet. Registered organizations must
apply for a permit from the local executive committee in order legally to organize
any public assembly or demonstration. Sometimes the right is granted, but the gov-
ernment subsequently has been known to take reprisals against the organizers.
There were demonstrations in Khujand during the spring in connection with a local
prison uprising, and there were public assemblies in several southern cities during
the year. These events were held without interference, although there were reprisals
in the north following the demonstrations.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, however, although this right
is permitted for nonpolitical associations, including trade unions, freedom of associa-
tion is circumscribed by the requirement (in the law on nongovernmental associa-
tions) that all organizations must first register with the Ministry of Justice. This
process is often slowed by the requirement to submit documents in both Russian
and Tajik. The Ministry of Justice's verification of the text inevitably delays the
granting of registration. In practice the authorities exercise strict control over orga-
nizations and activities of a political nature. Once registered an organization may
apply for a permit to hold a public assembly or demonstration.
There are six political parties officially registered with the Government. Three of
the four political parties suspended in 1993 — the Islamic Revival Party, the
Rastokhez National Movement, and the Lali Badakhshan Movement for the Auton-
omy of the Pamirs — remain suspended. In March 1996 a seventh political party,
Adolatkhol (justice seeker), was registered. In addition a national front organization
(Public Accord) established by the Government was registered in March 1996.
In several cases, members of suspended political parties have been unable to find
employment, apparently at the direction of the security services.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion. Reli-
gion and State are separate, and neither the law nor the Government places restric-
tions on religious worship. However, according to the Law on Freedom of Faith, the
Committee on Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers registers religious
communities and monitors the activities of the various religious establishments.
While the official reason given to justify registration is to ensure that religious
groups are acting in accordance with the law, the practical purpose is to ensure that
tney do not become overtly political. Recently organized religious communities, such
as Baha'i and Hare Krishna groups although unregistered exist with no apparent
formal restriction and only limited experiences of prejudice. The independent
Muftiyat was dissolved and a replacement Council of the Islamic Center was subor-
dinated to the Government Committee on Religious Affairs. Muftiyat may have been
dissolved to avoid conflict with the opposition over control of the organization. It
happened quietly with no apparent oDJection from the observant Muslim commu-
nity.
United Tajik Opposition leader, Abdullo Nuri, said in a July interview that the
appearance of difierent faiths in Tajikistan was a threat to the survival of the na-
tion.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for the right of citizens to choose their place
of residence, to emigrate, and to return. In practice the Government generally re-
spects these rights, with some regulation.
The (jovernment has stipulated that both citizens and foreigners are prohibited
from traveling within a 25-kilometer zone along the country's borders with China
and Afghanistan without permission from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In prac-
tice, however, international aid workers and diplomats travel freely in these regions
without prior government authorization.
Residents of Dushanbe and those travelers wishing to remain longer than 3 days
are supposed to register with central authorities, and regulations require registra-
tion at the local Ministry of Interior office upon arrival and departure from a city.
However, these regulations are largely ignored in practice. There are no legal re-
strictions on changing residence or workplace.
1325
The Ministry of Security inhibits freedom of travel by requiring citizens who wish
to travel abroad to obtain an exit visa. This process sometimes includes lengthy
interviews. The Ministry of Security sometimes withholds or delays exit visas when
it believes that other ministries or NGO's are infringing on its jurisdiction and have
not adhered to its formalities for foreign travel.
There is no law on emigration. Those wishing to migrate within the former Soviet
Union notify the Ministry of Interior of their departure. Persons wishing to emigrate
beyond the borders of the former Soviet Union must receive the approval of the rel-
evant country's embassy in order to obtain their passport. Persons who settle abroad
are required to inform the Tajikistan embassy or Tajikistan interests section of the
nearest Russian embassy or consulate.
Persons who wish to return to Tajikistan after having emigrated may do so freely
by submitting their applications to the Tajikistan embassy or Tajikistan interests
section of the nearest Russian embassy or consulate. The Gk)vemment adjudicates
requests on a case-by-case basis. There is no indication that persons, other than
those who fled Tajikistan for political reasons after the civil war, are not freely per-
mitted to return. Some persons currently active with the Tajik opposition, whose
travel documents expired, at times have had difficulty obtaining new documents
permitting them to return.
Under the 1994 refugee law, a person granted refugee status is provided with the
right to work and move freely throughout the country. The Central Department of
Refugee Affairs under the Ministry of Labor has responsibility for the registration
of refugees.
The Gk)vemment cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. There were no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to
refugee status. There were no reports of forced return of persons to a country where
they feared persecution. The Government particularly the Ministry of Labor, worked
closely with the UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration on behalf
of refugees and internally displaced persons.
The Government provides first asylum, and has provided it to 1,060 refugees from
Afghanistan since July 1995.
The Central Department of Refugee Affairs (CDR) under the Ministry of Labor
handles the registration of Afghan refugees, in accordance with the 1951 U.N. Con-
vention Relating to the Status of Refugees and Tajikistan's 1994 Law on Refugees.
An unresolved problem stems from the unofficial government policy of denying offi-
cial status to the Afghan spouses of returning Tajm refugees. Although the UNHCR
has aided their admission to the country (avoiding their being jailed as illegal immi-
grants), their legal status remains uncertain.
Almost all Tajik refugees from northern Afghanistan returned to Tajikistan fol-
lowing the signing of the peace accords, while those internallv displaced persons in
Gorno-Badakhshan who desired to do so, returned to their home areas. Although
problems remain with illegal occupation of returnees' homes by those loyal to the
victorious popular front militias, progress continues to be made in evicting the occu-
piers.
There is no legal basis for forcible repatriation, nor is there any evidence to sug-
gest that it was practiced in 1997.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Government limits the right of citizens to change their government peacefully
and freely, although the peace accords signed in June foresee parliamentary elec-
tions in 1998. The Government of President Rahmonov remains dominated by
Kulobi regional political interests, although the prime ministers have been from the
northern Khujand region. Some opposition party activists remained either jailed or
in self-exile abroad, but since the signing of the peace accords, several members of
the United Tajik Opposition, including its leader Said Abdullo Nuri, have returned
to the country.
The last parliamentary (Majlisi Oli) elections conducted in 1995 were marked by
numerous irregularities, such as voter intimidation and ballot-box stuffing, and did
not result in a truly independent parliament. A number of Members of Parliament
lead parties or groups that oppose the Government vigorously on specific issues.
There are no formal barriers to women's participation in the electoral process, al-
though since the removal of Soviet-era quotas the number of female deputies has
declined. At year's end, there were 16 female deputies in the Parliament, 1 female
serving as a deputy prime minister, 1 female minister, and several female deputy
ministers.
1326
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government's record on dealing with international and nongovernmental in-
vestigation of alleged human rights aouses was mixed. Fear of persecution by gov-
ernment or extragovernmental elements has discouraged efforts by citizens to form
their own human rights organizations. The Government has not prevented citizens'
and government ofTicials' participation in international and local seminars spon-
sorea by the OSCE, the ICKC, United Nations agencies, NGO's, and foreign govern-
ments on such topics as the rule of law, an independent judiciary, and international
humanitarian law. Discussion at such seminars, including those held in Tajikistan,
has at times been critical of the Government. The Government initially refused to
register Human Rights Watch as an international organization, asserting that it
does nothing to benefit citizens, but has since agreed to its registration.
The Government, particularly the Ministry of Labor, worked closely with the
UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration (lOM) on behalf of refu-
gees and internally displaced persons and with the United Nations Mission of Ob-
servers in Tajikistan and the U.N. Secretary General's Special Representative on
the return of refugees from Afghanistan and internally displaced persons from
Gorno-Badakshan.
The OSCE's mission continues to monitor human rights issues with the help of
three field offices, which receive generally good cooperation from local ofiicials.
While the Government at first agreed to establish a national human rights institu-
tion and ombudsman position with OSCE financial support, it later decided, in 1996,
to establish and fund such functions itself. However, tnus far no institution or om-
budsman position has been established. The Government refused the OSCE permis-
sion to open an additional offices in Gharm but, by the end of the year, had given
permission to open an ofiice in Khojand.
The ICRC intensified its contacts with government entities concerned with pris-
oners, but still was not given access to prisoners in accordance with its standard
modalities, despite letters from senior government officials asserting that such ac-
cess would be provided.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for the rights and freedoms of every person regardless
of nationality, race, sex, language, religious beliefs, political persuasion, social sta-
tus, knowledge, and property. It also explicitly states that men and women have the
same rights. In practice, however, there is discrimination as a result of cultural tra-
ditions and the lingering hostilities from the 1992 civil war.
Women. — Wife beating is a common problem. In both urban and rural areas,
many cases of wife beating are unreported and many of those reported are not in-
vestigated. There is a widespread reluctance to discuss the issue or provide assist-
ance to women in abusive situations. In addition abduction of brides is widely re-
ported, and there are reliable reports of young women prevented from leaving the
country due to threats against their families should they do so.
The Criminal Code prohibits rape, although it is widely believed that most rape
cases are unreported. There are no rape crisis centers or special police units for han-
dling these cases. The threat of rape is reliably reported as being used to coerce
women. The situation is exacerbated by a general decline in public order, so that
in many cities, including Dushanbe, women exercise particular care in their move-
ment, especially at night.
Laws exist against keeping brothels, procuring, making or selling pornography,
infecting another person with a venereal disease, and sexual exploitation of women.
However, prostitutes openly operate at night in certain areas.
According to the law, women have equal rights with men. Inheritance laws do not
discriminate against women. In practice, however, inheritances may pass dispropor-
tionately to sons.
The participation of women in the work force and in institutes of higher learning
is one of the more positive legacies of the Soviet era. There is no formal discrimina-
tion against women in employment, education, or housing, and in urban areas
women can be found througnout government, academic institutes, and enterprises.
However, divorce rates in urban areas are comparatively high, and women tend to
carry the burden of child-rearing and household management whether married or
divorced. In rural areas, women tend to marry younger, have larger families, and
receive less education than women in cities. Due to the prevalence of large families,
women in rural areas are also much less likely to work outside the home. Articles
in the Criminal Code protect women's rights in marriage and family matters.
1327
Children. — The extensive government social security network for child welfare
continued to deteriorate. Women are provided 3 years of maternity leave and
monthly subsidies for each child, and health care is free. Education is compulsory
until age 16, but the law is not enforced. However, the Government's lack of finan-
cial resources left it unable to fulfill many of its obligations for the provision of sub-
sidies and care for maternal and child health.
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — The 1992 Law on Social Protection of Invalids stipu-
lates the right of the disabled to employment and adequate medical care. In prac-
tice, however, the Government does not recjuire employers to provide physical access
for the disabled. Financial constraints and the absence of basic technology to assist
the disabled results, in practice, in high unemployment and widespread discrimina-
tion. There is no law mandating accessibility for the disabled. There are facilities
for the mentally disabled, however, funding is limited and the facilities are in jx)or
condition. Several international NGO's provided limited assistance.
Religious Minorities. — There have been reports of physical harassment of non-
Muslim women by consei^ative Muslims in rural areas for not wearing proper at-
tire. Muslim leaders have occasionally expressed concern that minority religious
groups undermine national unity.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — After the civil war, over 75,000 people of pri-
marily Gharmi and Pamiri origin fled to Afghanistan to avoid reprisals by
progovernment forces. Most of these persons returned in 1994, 1995, and 1996, and
many more returned after the June signing of the peace accords. Almost all refugees
returned by year's end. In general security for returning refugees was good, and the
OSCE reported that the large inflow of returnees that began in the summer suffered
virtually no harassment.
With the exception of the trilingual (Tajik/Uzbek/Russian) school structure, Uzbek
has no official status, although Uzbeks comprise nearly one-quarter of the popu-
lation. The Government permits radio and television broadcasts in Russian and
Uzbek, in addition to Tajik. In practice Russian is the language of interethnic com-
munication and widely used in Government. Ethnic Russians and related Russian
speakers, e.g., Ukrainians make up less than 12 percent of the population. While
the Government has repeatedly expressed its desire for the ethnic Russian and Slav-
ic populations to remain, economic conditions provide little incentive for them to do
so, and some local Russians and other Slavs perceive an increase in negative social
attitudes toward them. A Slavic university and an exclusively ethnic Russian high
school operate in Dushanbe, with Russian as the language of instruction. An agree-
ment ratified by the Russian Duma in December 1996 allows for dual Russian and
Tajik citizenship.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Law on Social Organization and the Law on
Trade Union Rights and Guarantees provide all citizens with the right of associa-
tion, which includes the right to form and join unions without prior authorization,
to organize territorially, and to form and join federations.
The Federation of Trade Unions, a holdover from the Communist era, remains the
dominant labor organization, although it has since shed its subordination to the
Communist Party. The Federation consists of 20 professional trade unions and cur-
rently claims 1.5 million members, virtually all nonagricultural workers. The sepa-
rate Trade Union of Non-State Enterprises has registered unions in over 3,000
small and medium-sized enterprises, totaling about 50,000 employees, although
many of these enterprises are not functioning due to the general economic depres-
sion. The same is true for many members ofthe Federation of Trade Unions. The
Council of Ministers formally consults both labor federations during the drafting of
social welfare and worker rights legislation.
The Law on Tariff Agreements and Social Partnerships mandates that arbitration
take place before a union may legally call a strike. Depending on the scale of the
labor disagreement, arbitration can take place at the company, sector, or govern-
mental level. In the event that arbitration fails, unions have the right to strute, but
both labor unions have publicly disavowed the utility of strikes in a period of deep-
ening economic crisis and hign unemployment and espoused compromise between
management and workers.
There were no official, union-sanctioned strikes, and wildcat strikes, which oc-
curred in 1996, were not known to have occurred this year.
The law provides citizens with the right to affiliate with international organiza-
tions freely.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right to organize and
bargain collectively is codified in the Law on Trade Union Rights and Guarantees,
1328
the Law on Social Partnerships and Collective Contracts, and the Law on Labor
Protection. Employees, members of the trade union, and management participate in
collective bargaining at the company level. Negotiations involving an industry sector
include officials from the relevant ministry and members of the union's steering
committee for that particular sector. As the economic situation worsens, it is becom-
ing increasingly difticult for enterprises to engage in effective collective bai^aining.
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination or the use of sanctions to dissuaae
union membership, nor may a worker be fired solely for union activity. Any com-
plaints of discrimination against a labor union or labor union activist are first con-
sidered by a local labor union committee and, if necessary, raised to the level of the
Supreme Court and investigated by the Ministry of Justice. The law compels an em-
ployer found guilty of firing an employee based on union activity to reinstate the
employee.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
labor, except in cases defined in law. No laws have been passed defining such cases
since the adoption of the Constitution. Neither the Law on Labor Protection nor the
Law on Employment, both predating the 1994 Constitution, specifically prohibits
forced or compulsory labor. The Soviet practice of compelling students to pick cotton
was officially banned in 1989, althou^ there continue to be reports of high school
students sent to the fields to pick cotton, sometimes with compensation. Residents
of kolkhozes may still be required to pick cotton, although wages are not often not
paid and the kolkhoz no longer provides the services it once did.
Although forced or bonded latxir by children is not specifically prohibited by law,
other than traditional family participation in agricultural or home craftsman work,
there is no pattern of such activity. The legal code specifies the minimum age of
16 years for employment and extensively regulates working conditions; children can
perform household-based labor after age 7.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^According
to labor laws, the minimum age for the employment of children is 16 years, the age
at which children also may leave school legally. With the concurrence of the local
trade union, employment may begin at the age of 15. By law workers under the age
of 18 may work no more than 6 hours a day and 36 hours per week. However, chil-
dren as young as 7 years of age participate in agricultural work, which is classified
as family assistance. Many children under 10 years of age work in the bazaars or
sell newspapers or consumables on the streets. Trade unions are responsible for re-
porting any violations in the employment of minors. Cases not resolved between the
union and the employer may be brought before the Procurator General, who may
investigate and charge the manager o? the enterprise with violations of the Labor
Code.
Although forced or bonded labor by children is not prohibited by law, there is no
societal pattern for such activity (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The President, on the advice of the Ministry
of Labor and in consultation with trade unions, sets the minimum monthly wage.
The nominal minimum wage of $.35 (322 Tajik rubles) falls far short of providing
a minimal standard of living for a worker and family. The Government recognizes
this problem and has retained certain subsidies for workers and their families at
the minimum wage. Although the Government adopted a wage indexation law in
1993 and inflation has been nigh, the law has not been implemented.
The economy remained extremely weak during the year, with a majority of indus-
try standing idle by the end of the year. As factories and enterprises either re-
mained closed or were shut down, workers were laid off or furloughed for extended
periods. Some establishments, both governmental and private, compensated their
employees in kind with food commodities or the output of the particular concern for
which the employee worked. The employee could then sell or barter those products
in local private markets. Citizens in rural areas intensified cultivation of food crops
on their private or rented plots, while even urban residents started tending small
vegetable gardens and raising livestock.
The legal workweek for adults (over age 18) is 40 hours. Overtime payment is
mandated by law, with the first 2 hours of overtime to be paid at one and one-half
times the normal rate and the rest of the overtime hours at double time.
The (Jovernment has established occupational health and safety standards, but
these fall far below accepted international norms, and the Government does not en-
force them in practice. The enforcement of work standards is the responsibility of
the State Technical Supervision Committee under the Council of Ministers. While
new statistics were not available, it is virtually certain, given the continuing eco-
nomic decline, that 1993 statistics, which reported that over one-fifth of the popu-
lation worked in substandard conditions, greatly underreport the number working
1329
in substandard conditions. Workers can leave their jobs with 12 months' notice, but,
given the bleak employment situation, few choose to do so. The Law on Labor Pro-
tection provides that workers can remove themselves from hazardous conditions
without risking loss of employment.
TURKEY
Turkey is a constitutional republic with a multiparty parliament, the Grand Na-
tional Assembly, which elects tne President. It elected Sulevman Demirel as Presi-
dent in 1993. In June Necmettin Erbakan, leader of the Islamist Refah Party, re-
signed as Prime Minister after an intense private and public campaign against his
Government led by the military, with significant support from other segments of
civil society which view fundamentalism as a threat to the country's secular repub-
lic. In July Motherland Party (ANAP) leader Mesut Yilmaz became Prime Minister.
He formed a coalition government with the Democratic Left Party (DSP) and the
Democrat Turkey Party (DTP). The Government respects the Constitution's provi-
sions for an independent judiciary.
For over a decade, Turkey has engaged in armed conflict with the terrorist
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), whose goal is a separate state of Kurdistan in
southeastern Turkey. A state of emergency, declared in 1987, continues in six south-
eastern provinces facing substantial PKK terrorist violence. Parliament voted in Oc-
tober to lift the state of emergency in Bingol, Batman, and Bitlis provinces. A re-
gional governor for the state oi emergency has authority over the ordinary governors
in the six provinces, and six adjacent ones, for security matters. The state of emer-
gency allows him to exercise certain quasi-martial law powers, including restrictions
on the press and removal from the area of persons whose activities are deemed det-
rimental to public order. The state of emergency decree was renewed for 4 months
for all provinces in November.
The Turkish National Police (TNP) have primary responsibility for security in
urban areas, while the Jandarma (gendarmerie) can^ out this function in the coun-
tryside. The armed forces continued to combat the PKK in the state of emergency
region, thereby taking on an internal security function. Although civilian and mili-
tary authorities remain publicly committed to the rule of law and respect for human
rights, some members of the security forces, particularly police "special teams,"
Jandarma, village guards, and TNP personnel, committed serious numan rights
abuses.
Turkey's primarily market-based economy is driven by an active private sector.
The agricultural sector employs nearly one-half of the country's labor force but con-
tributes only 15 percent of the gross national product (GNP) and total exports. A
customs union with the European Union, in place since 1996, has boosted the trade
deficit, but has the potential to increase the country's economic efficiency and pros-
perity over time. The principal industrial sectors — textiles, iron, and steel — provide
the leading exports. Impressive economic growth over the past 15 years has trans-
lated into an improved standard of living and the creation of a growing middle class.
Per capita GNP is approximately $3,000. Such positive developments, nowever, have
been accompanied by substantial macroeconomic imbalances. Successive govern-
ments have nad little success in implementing needed reforms to reduce the oudget
deficit and inflation. Populist economic measures pushed the budget deficit to ap-
proximately 8 percent of GNP and pushed inflation over 90 percent. Persistently
high inflation over the past decade has exacerbated disparities in income distribu-
tion. The conflict in the southeast and maintenance of a large national defense es-
tablishment continue to be a significant drain on the economy. Corruption has taken
an economic toll and has sapped popular faith in the Government.
Despite some reforms and the Government's stated commitment to respect human
rights, serious human rights abuses continued. Human rights nevertheless re-
mained a priority public issue during the year. There is a general recognition that
the country's human rights performance is inadequate and needs to be brought in
line, not only with its international obligations and commitments, but also with pop-
ular aspirations and demands, and the Government's own policies.
The situation in the southeast remains a serious concern. The Government has
long denied the Kurdish population, located largely in the southeast, basic political,
cultural, and linguistic rights. As part of its fight against the PKK, the Government
forcibly displaced noncombatants, failed to resolve extrajudicial killings, tortured ci-
vilians, and abridged freedom of expression. The PKK committed widespread
abuses, including the frequent murder of noncombatants, as part of its terrorism
against the Government and civilians, mostly Kurds.
1330
Estimates of the total number of villagers forcibly evacuated from their homes
since the conflict began vary widely from 330,000 to 2 million. A credible estimate
Sven by a former Member of Parliament from the region is around 560,000. The
avemment's resettlement and compensation program for internally-displaced peo-
ple remained. During the year, 61 villages and 7,608 persons were resettled, accord-
ing to government figures.
Human rights abuses were not limited to the southeast. Extrajudicial killings, in-
cluding deatns in detention, from the excessive use of force, "mystery killings," and
disappearances continued. The Grovemment investigated some 185 reported dis-
appearance cases: 40 p>ersons were found and reunited with their families, 7 were
believed to be abroad, 96 relocated to other parts of the country, and 42 were unac-
counted for.
Torture remained widespread: police and Jandarma antiterror personnel often
abused detainees and employed torture during incommunicado detention and inter-
rogation. The implementation of reforms to address these problems was uneven.
Lengthy investigations and trials of officials suspected of abuses continued to be a
problem. Important cases dating back to 1995 and 1996 continued without resolu-
tion, including: 48 police officers charged with the 1996 death of journalist Metin
Goktepe; 10 police officers from Manisa, accused of torturing 15 people, mostly teen-
agers accused of ties to a leftist terrorist organization; and police and security per-
sonnel charged with beating to death 10 prisoners during a prison disturbance in
Diyarbakir in 1996.
The rarity of convictions of police or other security officials for killings and torture
fosters a climate of impunity that probably remains the single largest obstacle to
reducing human rights abuses. The lack of immediate access to an attorney by those
detained for political crimes is also a major factor in torture by police and security
forces.
Prison conditions are poor. Numerous small-scale disturbances and hunger strikes
erupted throughout the year. Prolonged pretrial detention and lengthy trials contin-
ued to be problems.
Limits on freedom of speech and of the press remained another serious problem.
For example, according to the Human Rights Foundation, at year's end approxi-
mately 60 journalists were under arrest or had been convicted; the Committee to
Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported that 40 journalists were imprisoned at year's
end. Authorities banned or confiscated numerous publications, and a government
decree has led to self-censorship of reporting on the southeast. One of the Yilmaz
Government's first steps was to acknowledge the problem as a priority for resolu-
tion, when, 3 weeks after assuming office, he received a delegation from the CPJ,
and subsequently won passage of legislation that provided conditional amnesty for
several imprisoned editors. Nonetheless, the basic laws under which the editors
were arrested did not change, and all were subject to reimposition of their former
sentences if tried and convicted for similar offenses. The Government continued to
use the 1991 Anti-Terror Law, with its broad and ambiguous definition of terrorism,
to detain both alleged terrorists and others on the charge that their acts, words, or
ideas constituted dissemination of separatist propaganda. Prosecutors also used Ar-
ticle 312 of the Criminal Code (incitement to racial or ethnic enmity), Article 159
(insulting the Parliament, army, republic, or judiciary), the law to protect Ataturk
(no. 5816), and Article 16 of the Press Law to limit freedom of expression.
Kurdish-language broadcasts remained illegal (but not printed material in Kurd-
ish). The Sanliur^ branch of the Mesopotamian Cultural Center, a corporation es-
tablished to promote the Kurdish language and culture, was banned in October bv
the Provincial Governor. In Istanbul tne Governor's office refused the Kurdish Cul-
ture and Research Foundation permission to offer Kurdish language classes. The
translator and publisher of a Human Rights Watch report on the conflict in the
southeast were convicted under Article 159 of the Penal Code (defaming the mili-
tary). The translator received a suspended sentence; both were assessed small fines
of approximately $12 dollars. They appealed the verdict and are free pending its
outcome. Private channel television programs and print media continued to deoate
human rights and other issues of freedom of speech and the press.
The Government imposes limits on freedom of assembly and association. In Sep-
tember the police detained and beat Turkish and foreign participants in the "Musa
Anter peace train" demonstration, named after a well-known Kurdish writer. The
group was blocked from_ entering Diyarbakir, where its members had intended to
demonstrate for a peaceful resolution of the conflict in the southeast. Foreign par-
ticipants were deported, and legal proceedings were brought against some of the
local organizers. Members of the pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HADEP)
were sometimes the object of arbitrary arrests and mystery killings and often were
harassed in the southeast for their legal political activities. HADEIP, sympathetic to
1331
the PKK, is under threat of investigation for alleged anticonstitutional activities
and, depending upon the outcome, faces closure (two of its predecessors, HEP and
DEP, were closed down).
In June the Refah/True Path Party (DYP) coalition, the country's first Islamist
Government, resigned after an intense private and public campaign of pressure led
y the military with support from several segments of society who viewed "fun-
damentalism" to be a threat to the secular republic. In May before the Refah/DYP
coalition broke up, the chief state prosecutor, in an attempt to close down Refah,
charged the Party and five of its leaders, including former Prime Minster Erbakan,
with attempting to undermine the secular nature of the state as defined by the Con-
stitution based in part on public statements made by Refah leaders. In January
1998 the court ordered the party closed and banned several of its leaders, including
former Prime Minister Erbakan, from political activity for 5 years. The Democratic
Mass Party (DKP), a moderate Kurdish party, faces the threat of closure in a case
before the Constitutional Court on the grounds that its charter questions the indi-
visibility of the country and advocates support for a minority, namely the Kurds.
In November the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) found unanimously that
the Government had violated Article 5-3 (excessive detention of 12 to 14 days) of
the European convention on human rights in the case of several pro-Kurdish former
Democracy Party (DEP) Members of Parliament (M.P.'s) and ordered the Govern-
ment to pay the M.P.s' compensation and court costs. The ECHR did not rule on
the M.P.s' appeal of their convictions on charges of separatism and membership in
an armed gang.
In June the Ankara State Security Court found 32 members of HADEP, including
party chairman Murat Bozlak, guilty on a variety of charges of proscribed political
activity. Government officials continued to harass, intimidate, indict, and imprison
human rights monitors, journalists, and lawyers for ideas that they expressed in
public forums. Seven regional offices of the Human Rights Association were shut
down during the year; three remain closed. In May Dr. Tufan Kose, a representative
of the Adana branch of the Human Rights Foundation (HRF), a respected non-
governmental organization (NGO), was convicted and fined for not turning over to
the authorities the names of torture victims treated by the HRF's torture treatment
center. He is free on appeal. The president of the Human Rights Association (HRA),
along with other HRA organizers, faces charges of promoting separatism or inciting
ethnic hatred based on speeches. The president of the HRF, the HRA president, and
the leaders of two small political parties were charged with holding an unauthorized
demonstration. A prominent Malatya defense attorney, who often defended alleged
terrorists, was himself held and charged with assisting terrorist groups. After incar-
ceration for 3 months, he was freed pending the outcome of his case.
The (jovernment imposed some restrictions on religious minorities and Par-
liament passed legislation extending compulsory education from 5 to 8 years. This
law will lead to the closure of grades six to eight of the Islamist imam-Hatip reli-
gious schools, along with other private schools. Spousal abuse, some abuse of chil-
dren, and child labor remain serious problems. Discrimination against women per-
sists.
In July Prime Minister Yilmaz appointed an activist State Minister for Human
Rights, who also is coordinator for the High Council for Human Rights. The Council,
comprised of undersecretaries from the Justice, Interior, Education, Health, and
Foreign Affairs Ministries (along with representatives of the security forces), meets
weekly to review aspects of the numan rights situation and advise the Government
on steps for improvement. The Minister and the Council have invited an active dia-
logue with the increasingly important NGO's that work for human rights reforms
both in the capital and in tne southeast.
The Government provides human rights training for the police and military. The
military continued to emphasize human rights training for its officers and non-
commissioned officers, which human rights NGO's reported led to a reduction in
human rights violations. Human rights education in primary schools is mandatory;
it is an elective in high schools. Senior military leaders met for the first time with
international human rights NGO representatives.
PKK terrorists murdered noncombatants, targeting village officials, village
guards, teachers, and other perceived representatives of the State. They also com-
mitted random murders in their effort to intimidate the populace.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Credible reports of political and
extrajudicial killings by government authorities continued, although accurate fig-
1332
ures were unavailable. The Documentation Center of the HRF reported a number
of deaths of detainees under suspicious circumstances, some as an apparent result
of torture. At least seven prisoners died in disturbances during whicn prison au-
thorities apparently used excessive force, but one report attributed the deaths to the
actions of other pri8oner8.(8ee Section I.e.).
In response, the Government mounted serious investigations. The Office of the
Minister for Human Rights reported that out of 41 persons whom the HRA alleges
died in extrajudicial killings in the first 10 months of the year, investigations
showed that 11 died in clasnes with the police. In the cases oi another 7 persons,
the authorities arrested those responsible; 3 others were found to have died of natu-
ral, rather than violent, causes; 2 others were found to have been executed by indi-
viduals not connected with the security forces; and 2 more were found alive. The
remaining allegations are still under investigation.
Human rights monitors remain greatly concerned about the 1996 Provincial Au-
thority Law, which authorizes security forces to shoot to kill when challenging a
suspect and grants provincial governors the power to declare a "state of emergency"
and to call in security forces. This law was adopted in the wake of the Government's
decision to lift incrementally the state of emergency in some provinces in the south-
east. Many human rights monitors are concerned about the expanded authorities
that this law extends to provincial governors.
Although government prosecution of reported perpetrators has increased, punish-
ment remained poor. Police and other law enforcement personnel were occasionally
arrested in cases of extrajudicial killings, but there were few known successful pros-
ecutions. The Office of the Minister oi Human Rights reports that judicial and ad-
ministrative investigations were started in seven of the cases of extrajudicial
killings alleged by the HRA for the first 10 months of the year. Little progress oc-
curred in the trial of 48 police ofUcers, including 3 senior officers and a deputy com-
missioner, for the 1996 death of Metin Goktepe, a correspondent for Evrensel news-
paper, who died from wounds inflicted while in detention in Istanbul. Police initially
denied that he had been detained, then later said that he died from a fall. Following
large public demonstrations and parliamentary criticism over the circumstances of
his death, an investigation led to the arrest of the officers. In May the courts de-
cided to try separately 11 of the police officers for premeditated murder. Five offi-
cers remain under arrest; the others returned to duty pending the outcome of the
trial. No progress was made in the trial of the other 37, who were charged with ex-
cessive use 01 force in controlling the demonstration.
The trial of 29 Jandarma soldiers and 36 antiterror police officers charged with
manslaughter in the 1996 beating deaths of 10 prisoners while quelling a prison dis-
turbance in Diyarbakir continued (see Section I.e.). An Adana criminal court acquit-
ted 23 antiterror police officers of negligence in the killing of 5 people, including
children aged 2 and 4, during a raid on a house in the town of Kucukdikili, outside
of Adana. The number of prosecutions of security force members, while increasing,
remained low.
The HRA and other human rights NGO's recorded several mystery killings in
which the assailant's identity was unknown. It is widely alleged in the southeast
that such killings occur with the complicity of security forces. Most of the reports
pertain to the southeast, where some of the victims were leaders or prominent mem-
bers of the Kurdish community, local politicians, or members of HADEP.
In 1996 a fatal car crash — known as the Susurluk incident — occurred involving:
Abdullah Catli, an ultra rightwing militant wanted by Interpol on charges of mur-
dering in 1980 seven university students who were members of the left-wing labor
party; Huseyin Kocadag, a former Istanbul deputy police chief; Gonca Uz, a former
beauty queen; and Sedat Bucak (the only survivor), an ethnic Kurdish M.P. and clan
leader with an important stake in the Government's village guard program. Weap-
ons and silencers were found in the car. The incident resurrected serious concerns
about corruption and the abuse of power in the security forces. It also led to the
resignation of the then-Interior Minister, Mehmet Agar, who had been linked to the
victims of the accident. In February and the first part of March, a popular protest
called "a minute of darkness" spread across the country as citizens turned off the
lights in their households to protest the Susurluk incident and corruption. In May
a parliamentary committee formed to investigate the incident concluaed that links
existed among politicians, police officials, and organized crime bosses. Although the
Government affirmed its commitment to a full investigation, the report's lack of pre-
cision in drawing conclusions led to public criticism. The Refah Party chairman of
the committee complained that he was denied access to many government docu-
ments on the grounds that they contained state secrets; at one point he accused the
Speaker of the National Assembly of withdrawing documents concerning the role of
the armed forces. The commander of the Jandarma refused to appear before the
1333
committee. The parliamentary investigation expired in April. In December Par-
liament lifted the immunity from criminal prosecution of now-opposition True Path
Party M.P.'s Sedak Bucak and Mehmet Agar, an initiative supported by the Yilmaz
Government. According to press accounts in January 1998, a report prepared by
Prime Minister's Board of Inspectors linked the state's security forces under recent
Governments to extrajudicial Killings and mafia-like activities. The report has not
been publicly released. In a television interview. Prime Minister Yilmaz committed
himself to a full investigation of these events.
The case of eight police officers charged in the 1995 death of Sinan Demirtas, who
died while in police custody, continued. The case of police officer Abdullah Bozkurt,
charged with the 1994 murder of Vedat Han Gulsenoglu, also continues; Bozkurt
was reassigned from Istanbul to Van. The 1993 case of the death in detention of
Vakkas Dost continues; policeman Nurettin Ozturic, the accused murderer who dis-
appeared after being freed, was found and rearrested in September.
Eleven police officers were acquitted in May in Adana of the 1992 killing of Remzi
Basalak while he was under detention. The case continues before the Court of Ap-
peals. The following cases remain unresolved: the 1992 case of Yucel Ozen, the 1994
killing of HEP party official Faik Candan, and the 1993 killing of journalist Ugur
Mumcu.
The PKK continued to commit political and extrajudicial killings, primarily in
rural southeast Anatolia. Political killings perpetrated by the PKK have included
state officials (Jandarma, local mayors, imams, and schoolteachers), state-paid para-
military village guards and their family members, young villagers who refused to
be recruited, and PKK guerrillas-turned-informants. According to government statis-
tics, as of November the PKK killed 667 people, including at least 130 unarmed ci-
vilians. The Government also reported that in 1997, approximately 260 soldiers and
Jandarma, 12 police officers, 149 village guards, and 2,200 PKK members lost their
lives.
Turkish Hizbullah, an Islamist Turkish terrorist group (not related to Lebanese
HizbuUah), continued to target civilians in the southeast. According to the HRF,
Hizbullah reportedly was responsible for at least four deaths in 1997. Four trials
continued against 89 Hizbullah members charged with a total of 113 murders. In
1996 the Foreign Ministry stated that a case had been brought against Hizbullah
for the 1993 murder of DEP parliamentarian Mehmet Sincar; human rights groups
consider the case a mystery killing. Some human rights activists in the southeast
believe that Turkish Hizbullah was founded by the Government in the 1980's to tar-
get the PKK and its syrnpathizers.
According to Human nights Watch, Far-left armed groups, such as Revolutionary
Left (Dev Sol/DHKP-C) and the Turkish Workers' and Peasants' Liberation Army
(TIKKO), continued to commit abusive, violent acts. In May TEKKO members re-
portedly killed four civilians in Tokat. In September a radical Islamic group, Vasat,
a splinter group of the Islamic Great Eastern Raiders Front (IBDA-C), killed 1 per-
son and injured 24 others in a grenade attack at a book fair in Gaziantep. A total
of 25 Vasat members were arrested for the attack. In October in a joint operation,
PKK, DHKP/C, and TIKKO terrorists kidnapped three engineers, killing one and
holding two as hostages in Giresun on the Black Sea.
b. Disappearance. — Accurate statistics on disappearances of those previously
under detention are hard to confirm; nonetheless, HRA figures indicate that such
disappearances appear to have declined from a total of 194 in 1996 to 63 in 1997
(as of November). The Government has made a serious effort to investigate and ex-
plain reported cases of disappearance. Some persons disappeared after witnesses re-
ported tnat security forces or law enforcement officials took them into custody. Fikri
Ozgen, a 73-year-old, disappeared in Diyarbakir on February 27 when, according to
numerous witnesses, he was taken into custody by plainclothes police. Later the
same week, llyas Eren disappeared under similar circumstances in Diyarbakir. In
a case reported by Amnesty International (AI), Burhan Aktus disappeared on Octo-
ber 22 when he was forced into a car by three men whom his mother believed were
plainclothes police officers. On September 16, 1996, at least five bodies were found
on the outskirts of the village of Baharli, near Diyarbakir. Some of the victims had
reportedly been in police custody earlier in the month. The disappearances and
deaths are under investigation; no one has been charged.
For more than 2 years, mothers who claim that immediate relatives have dis-
appeared have gathered weekly in Istanbul. The Ministry of Interior operates a
Missing Persons Bureau, which is open 24 hours a day and handled 185 cases as
of November. Most families of the persons who disappeared hold the Government
and security forces responsible and consequently avoided contact with the govern-
ment office.
1334
The Gk)vemment, human rights organizations, and the media report that the PKK
routinely kidnaps young men or threatens their famihes as part of its recruiting ef-
fort. PKJ^ terrorists continued their abductions of local villagers, teachers, journal-
ists, and officials in the southeast.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Despite the Constitution's ban on torture, the Government's cooperation with un-
scheduled foreign inspection teams, and public pledges by successive governments
to end the practice, torture continued to be widespread. The HRF's torture rehabili-
tation centers -in Ankara, Izmir, Istanbul, and Adana reported 530 credible applica-
tions for treatment during the year. Human rights attorneys and physicians who
treat victims of torture say that most persons detained for or susp)ected of political
crimes usually suffer some torture during periods of incommunicado detention in po-
lice stations and Jandarma stations before they are brought before a court.
Government officials admit that torture occurs. Although they deny that torture
is systematic, they explain its occurrence by stating that it is closely tied to the fight
against terrorism. Many cases of torture, however, occur in western Turkey, outside
the zone of conflict. Eight complaints of torture or mistreatment were filea with the
Parliamentary Human Rights Commission during the year. In January the United
Nations (U.N.) Special Rapporteur on Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrad-
ing Treatment or Punishment reported that he continued to be concerned by the ap-
parently widespread practice of torture in Turkey. The Government has invited both
the Special Rapporteur on torture and the working group on disappearances to visit
the country.
In a particularly egregious case, two police officers were convicted in Adana of tor-
turing Songul Yildiz, whom they had questioned on suspicion of PKK membership
after a demonstration in March. In November the court convicted the two policemen
of torture, but the judge imposed only a 1-year suspended sentence, and the two
men were allowed to remain on the police force. The victim's lawyer has appealed
the sentence.
According to Anmesty International, in March journalist Hatun Temizalp was de-
tained for a week in the anti-terror branch Istanbul Police headquarters where she
was subjected to various forms of torture and abuse (blindfolded interrogation, tied
to and suspended from a wooden bar, and electric shocks). The State Forensic Medi-
cine Institute issued a medical certificate detailing a fractured and dislocated shoul-
der blade, as well as signs of light blows. She was charged in a State Security Court
where she complained of torture, despite police attempts to dissuade her through
intimidation. She says that she requested access to a lawyer but that the request
was denied. In November according to the Government, two police officers were con-
victed and sentenced to over 5 years in prison for torturing and eventually killing
Ali Riza Aydogan while the latter was in custody at the Beyoglu police precinct in
Istanbul in 1992.
In Istanbul five police officers from the antiterror division were indicted in crimi-
nal court, and accused of torturing Gulderen Baran and four other detainees in 1995
during an interrogation about their alleged membership in a terrorist organization.
In May Gulderen Baran and one of her colleagues were found guilty as charged and
sentenced to life imprisonment. Another was acquitted and the remaining two were
sentenced to I2V2 years in prison. Baran remains incarcerated at Istanbul's
Bayrampasa prison pending her appeal. The timing of the police and Baran's trials
precluded consideration that Baran's conviction may have been based on torture.
Human rights observers report that because the arresting officer is also respon-
sible for interrogating the suspect, some officers may resort to torture to obtain a
confession that would justify the arrest. Many detainees state that prosecutors ig-
nore their claims of abuse during interrogation. Commonly employed methods of tor-
ture alleged by the HliF's torture treatment centers include: high-pressure cold
water hoses, placing large ice blocks on the chest and stomach, electric shocks, beat-
ing on the soles of the feet, beating of genitalia, hanging by the arms, blindfolding,
sleep deprivation, deprivation of clothing, systematic beatings, and vaginal and anal
rape with truncheons and, in some instances, gun barrels. Other forms of torture
were sexual abuse, submersion in cold water, use of truncheons, hanging sandbags
on detainees' necks, forcing detainees to stand on one foot, releasing drops of water
on detainees' heads, oxygen deprivation, sitting on detainees' laps, riding on their
shoulders, and withholding food.
The Government maintains that medical examinations occur once during deten-
tion and a second time before either arraignment or release. However, former de-
tainees assert that some medical examinations took place too long after the event
to reveal any definitive findings of torture. Members of security and police forces
often stay in the examination room when physicians are examining detainees, re-
sulting in intimidation of both the detainee and the physician. Physicians responded
1335
to the coercion by refraining from examining detainees, performing cursory exami-
nations and not reporting findings, or reporting physical findings out not drawing
reasonable medical inferences that torture occurred. Turkish Medical Association o^
ficials reported that some police ofTicers tore up reports that documented torture,
demanding that a clean report be drawn up instead.
Credible sources in the human rights and legal communities estimate that judicial
authorities investigate very few of the formal complaints involving torture and pros-
ecute only a fraction of those. Security personnel accused of violating human rights
are held to a different standard than other citizens. The Anti-Terror Law provides
that oflicials accused of torture or other mistreatment may continue to work while
under investigation.
Special provincial administrative boards rather than regular courts decide wheth-
er to prosecute such cases. Suspects' legal fees are paid by their employing agencies.
Under the state of emergency, any lawsuit directed at government authorities must
be approved by the state of emergency governor. Approval is rare. These constraints
contribute to the paucity of convictions for torture.
Under the Administrative Adjudication Law, an administrative investigation into
an alleged torture case is conducted to determine if there is enough evidence to
bring a law enforcement officer to trial. Under the Criminal Trials Procedure Law
(CMUK), prosecutors are empowered to initiate investigations of police or Jandarma
officers suspected of torturing or mistreating suspects. In cases where township se-
curity directors or Jandarma commanders are accused of torture, the prosecutor
must obtain permission to initiate an investigation from the Ministry of Justice, be-
cause these officials are deemed to have a status equal to that of judges.
In March the CMUK was amended to grant immediate access by attorneys to
those arrested for common crimes, and after 4 days of detention for those persons
detained under the Anti-Terror Law or for other "security" crimes. Private attorneys
and human rights monitors reported uneven implementation of these reforms, as-
serting that in some cases police officers would postdate the day of detention to com-
ply with the new law (see Section l.d.).
The trial continues of 10 police officers, including 2 superintendents, from Manisa
(western Turkey) for allegedly torturing a group of 15 young people, mostly teen-
agers suspected of belonging to a leftist terrorist organization in 1995. The youths'
trial ended in January, when the courts found 11 teenagers guilty of belonging to
a terrorist organization, and acquitted 4 others. In May all 15 were acquittea on
the separate charge of throwing a Moltov cocktail at a barber shop. Lawyers ap-
pealed the convictions. The timing of the police and teenagers' trials precluded con-
sideration that the teenagers' confessions may have been based on torture. A judge
in the case of the police oTficers — who remain on active duty — relieved them oftheir
obligation to personally appear in the court room due to concern that such an ap-
pearance would compromise their undercover investigative work. Human rights at-
torneys complained that this ruling undermined the prosecution's case against the
officers.
In September the European Court of Human Rights ruled against Turkey in the
case of a woman from the town of Derik in the southeast, concluding that she had
been tortured and raped by Jandarma and village guards while forcibly detained for
3 days in 1993 (see Section I.e.). The Government was ordered to pay compensation
and to reimburse the applicant's legal expenses.
Prison conditions remain poor. Juveniles and adults are incarcerated together and
most prisons lack a medical health care program to provide routine and even urgent
medical care. Families often must supplement the poor quality food. Prisons are run
on the ward system. Prisoners, often those of the same ideological bent, are incar-
cerated together and indoctrinate and punish their own. Government efforts to re-
form prisons by adopting a cell system have been criticized by prisoners, attorneys,
and human rights activists alike, who view the ward system as a more humane
form of incarceration. Plagued by overcrowding, underfunding, and very poor admin-
istration, prisons periodically become the scene of explosive situations.
A total of at least seven prisoners were killed in two separate prison disturbances.
In July six prisoners were killed by other inmates during a prison disturbance at
Istanbul's Metris prison. The disturbance reportedly originated with the killing of
one prisoner; the other five were killed in the actual disturbance during which
Jandarma and prison officials were videotaped using excessive force. According to
a human rights NGO, forensic medicine reports revealed that all prisoners had l^en
stabbed to death by homemade weapons. In August a disturbance in an Adana pris-
on resulted in the death of a prisoner. The HRF noted that the prisoner reportedly
died at the hands of other inmates.
Torture of convicted prisoners decreased, but security personnel continued to use
excessive force in quieting disturbances. Small-scale hunger strikes to protest prison
1336
conditions, the proposed transfer to a cell system, and poor treatment by guards oc-
curred at many institutions throughout the year.
Several monitoring groups, both domestic and international, carried out prison
visits. The Government accepted unannounced visits by the Council of Europe's
Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) and is in regular dialog with the
CPT. The International Committee of the Red Cross and the Government are dis-
cussing ICRC access to prisoners accused of PKK membership.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Arbitrary arrest and detention remain
problems. To take a person into custody, a prosecutor must issue a detention order,
except in limited circumstances such as when a person is caught committing a
crime. The maximum detention period for those charged with common individual
crimes is 24 hours. The detention period may be extended by a judge for a maxi-
mum of 7 days. Under the CMUK, detainees are entitled to immediate access to an
attorney and may meet and confer with the attorney at any time. In practice, this
degree of access continued.
In March parliament passed new legislation that reduced detention periods. Per-
sons detained for individual crimes that fall under the Anti-Terror Law must be
brought before a judge within 48 hours, while those charged with crimes of a collec-
tive, political, or conspiratorial nature may be detained for an initial period of 48
hours, extended for up to 4 days at a prosecutor's discretion and, with a judge's per-
mission, for up to 7 days in most of the country and up to 10 days in the southeast-
em provinces under the state of emergency. Attorneys are allowed access only after
the first 4 days. Private attorneys and human rights monitors reported uneven im-
plementation of reforms that shortened pretrial detention periods of those charged
under the Anti-Terror Law, asserting that some police officers postdate the day of
detention to comply with the new law. Like their colleagues in Batman, defense law-
yers in Diyarbakir reported that in spite of the new law, access to detainees in polit-
ical cases remains difficult, even after the expiration of the initial 4-day detention
period. Diyarbakir lawyers knew of only one case, as of September, in which access
by attorneys to detainees was permitted and only then after repeated attempts and
because of the high profile of the case.
No immediate access to an attorney is provided under the law for persons whose
cases fall under the jurisdiction of the State Security Courts; these include those
charged with smuggling and with crimes under the Anti-Terror Law. This lack of
early access to an attorney is a major factor in the use of torture by police and secu-
rity forces. The decision concerning early access to counsel in such cases is left to
the public prosecutor, who often denies access on the grounds that it would preju-
dice an ongoing investigation. Although the Constitution specifies the right of de-
tainees to request speedy arraignment and trial, judges have ordered that a signifi-
cant number of suspects be detained indefinitely, sometimes for years. Many cases
involve persons accused of violent crimes, but it is not uncommon for those accused
of nonviolent political crimes to be kept in custody until the conclusion of their
trials.
By law a detainee's next of kin must be notified "in the shortest time" after arrest,
a requirement observed in practice in criminal and civil cases. Once formally
charged by the prosecutor, a detainee is arraigned by a judge and allowed to retain
a lawyer. After arraignment, the judge may release the accused upon receipt of an
appropriate assurance, such as bail, or order him detained if the court determines
that he is likely to flee the jurisdiction or destroy evidence.
The Government does not use forced external exile, but the Government retains
the authority to authorize internal exile (see Section 2.d.).
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and in practice the courts generally act independently of the executive. The
Constitution stipulates that judges be independent of the executive in the discharge
of their duties and provides for security of tenure. The High Council of Judges and
Prosecutors, which is appointed by the President and includes the Minister of Jus-
tice, selects judges and prosecutors for the higher courts and is responsible for over-
sight of those in the lower courts. The Constitution also prohibits state authorities
from issuing orders or recommendations concerning the exercise of judicial power.
The judicial system is composed of general law courts. State Security Courts, and
military courts. There is also a Constitutional Court. Most cases are prosecuted in
the general law courts, which include the civil, administrative, and criminal courts.
Appeals are heard either by the High Court of Appeals or the Council of State. Pro-
vincial administrative boards established under tne Anti-Terror Law decide whether
cases in which state officials are accused of misconduct should bo heard in criminal
court. Military courts, with their own appeals system, hear cases involving military
law and members of the armed forces, and cases in which civilians are alleged to
1337
have impugned the honor of the armed forces or undermined compliance with the
draa.
The Constitutional Court examines the constitutionality of laws, decrees, and par-
liamentary procedural rules. However, it may not consider "decrees with the force
of law" issued under a state of emergency, martial law, or in time of war.
State Security Courts (SSC's) sit in eight cities. They are composed of panels of
five members — two civilian judges, one military judge, and two prosecutors — and try
defendants accused of crimes such as terrorism, drug smuggling, membership in ille-
gal organizations, and espousing or disseminating ideas prohibited by law such as
damaging the indivisible unity of the state." SSC verdicts may be appealed only
to a specialized department of the Hi^ Court of Appeals dealing with crimes
against state security. F*rosecutors and judges vested with responsibility for SSC
cases are often housed in military barracks in the southeast, expressly for their per-
sonal protection. According to a human rights monitor this arrangement subjects
them to si^ificant pressure in reviewing cases. The law gives prosecutors far-reach-
ing authority to supervise the police during an investigation. However, according to
Human Rights Watch, prosecutors seems to make little use of this power, especially
in cases of security detainees.
In 1997 SSC's predominantly handled cases under the Anti-Terror Law and Sec-
tion 312 of the Criminal Code. The Government claims that these courts were estab-
lished to try efficiently those suspected of certain crimes. These courts may hold
closed hearings and may admit testimony obtained during police interrogation in
the absence oi counsel. The trial of 20 Diyarbakir lawyers charged in 1993 with act-
ing as couriers for the PKK continues at the Diyarbakir SSC. All of the defendants
remain free. In September nine Erzurum lawyers charged with similar crimes were
acquitted.
Under the Constitution, defendants have the right to a public trial in a court of
law. By law the bar association must provide free counsel to indigents who make
a request to the court. Bar associations in large cities, such as Istanbul, have attor-
neys on call 24 hours a day. Costs are borne by the Association. There is no jury
system; all cases are decided by a judge or a panel of judges. Trials may last for
months or years, with one or two hearings scheduled each month.
Defense lawyers generally have access to the public prosecutor's files after ar-
raignment and prior to trial (a period of several weeks). In cases involving violations
of tne Anti-Terror Law and a few others, such as insulting the president or "defam-
ing Turkish citizenship," defense attorneys may be denied access to files that the
state asserts deal with national intelligence or security matters. Attorneys defend-
ing controversial cases occasionally face Wal harassment. Hasan Dogan, a re-
spected Malatya attorney, who frequently defends persons in SSC cases, was himself
detained. He was charged in May under Article 169 of the Criminal Code for mem-
bership in an illegal organization on the basis of evidence supplied by a convicted
prisoner cooperating with the authorities in the hope of receiving more favorable
treatment. Dogan is free pending trial. Many lawyers who practice before SSC's con-
tend that cases in which testimony provided by informers is used are difficult to
challenge.
In law and in practice, the legal system does not discriminate against minorities.
However, since legal proceedings are conducted solely in Turkish, and the quality
of interpreters varies, some defendants whose native language is not Turkish may
be seriously disadvantaged. There are still some laws in eitect that discriminate
against women.
Turkey recognizes the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights and
the European Commission of Human Rights. Citizens may file applications alleging
violations of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fun-
damental Freedoms with the Commission. According to the Government, as of No-
vember a total of 29 cases have been brought before the Court, 13 of which remain
pending. An amicable resolution was reached in 6 cases, the court ruled in Turkey's
favor in 2 cases and against Turkey in 8 cases (see also Section l.f.).
There is no reliable estimate of the number of political prisoners. The Government
claims that most alleged political prisoners are in fact security detainees, convicted
of being members of, or assisting, the PKK or other terrorist organizations. The
number of people charged, suspected, or convicted of ofTenses under the Anti-Terror
Law, accoraing to government statistics, was as follows: during the first 10 months
of 1996, 1,024 persons were in custody and an additional 1,943 were suspects not
in custody related to ofTenses under the Anti-Terror Law (latest available statistics).
Eighty were convicted through October 1996.
According to AI, Sevil Dalkilic, a lawyer, was detained in her hometown of
Karman in March 1994, held in public custody in Ankara for 15 days, and severely
tortured until she signed a statement implicating her in several bombing incidents.
1338
Convicted in the Ankara SSC of membership in a terrorist oi^anization, employing
explosives, and separatism based on "confessions extracted by the police," sne was
sentenced to 30 years in prison in 1995, even though she recanted her confession
in court. A subsequent appeal confirmed the verdict.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of a person's domicile ana the privacy of
correspondence and communication. With some exceptions, Government officials
may enter a private residence or intercept or monitor private correspondence only
upon issuance of a judicial warrant. These provisions are generally respected in
practice outside the state of emergency region. A judge must decide whether to issue
a search warrant for a residence. If delay may cause harm to the case, prosecutors
and municipal officers authorized to carry out prosecutors' instructions may conduct
a search. Searches of private premises may not be carried out at night, unless the
delay would be damaging to the case or the search is expected to result in the cap-
ture of a prisoner at large. Other exceptions include persons under special observa-
tion by the Security Directorate General, places anyone can enter at night, places
where criminals gather, places where materials obtained through the commission of
crimes are kept, gambling establishments, and brothels.
In the six provinces under emergency rule, the regional state of emergency gov-
ernor empowers security authorities to search without a warrant residences or the
Premises of political parties, businesses, associations, or other organizations. The
ar Association asserts that it is not constitutional for security authorities in these
provinces to search, hold, or seize without warrant persons or documents. A total
of six provinces remain under "adjacent province" status, which authorizes the
Jandarma to retain security responsibility for municipalities as well as rural areas
and grants the provincial governor several extraordinary powers. Due to an im-
proved security situation, the use of roadblocks in the southeast decreased; security
ofiicials periodically still search vehicles and travelers. Over the past 5 to 6 years
security forces have evacuated thousands of villages and hamlets in the southeast
to prevent villagers from giving aid and comfort to the PKK (see Section l.g.). The
Government claims that village evacuations occur as the consequence of pressures
by and fear of the PKK and because security operations against the PKK in the re-
gion make continued occupancy unsafe. Security forces have confiscated citizens'
satellite dishes in some parts of the southeast to prevent them from viewing pro-
PKK broadcasts (see Section 2. a.).
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— Since 1984 the separatist PKK has waged a violent terrorist insurgency in
southeast Turkey, directed against both security forces and civilians, almost all of
them Kurds, whom the PKK accuses of cooperating with the State. The TNP,
Jandarma, village guards and the armed forces, in turn, have waged an intense
campaign to suppress PKK terrorism, targeting active PKK units as well as persons
they believe support or sympathize with the PKK. In the process, both government
forces and PKK terrorists have committed human rights abuses against each other
and noncombatants. According to the (jovemment, from 1984 through November
1997, 26,532 PKK members, 5,185 security force members, and 5,209 civilians lost
their lives in the fighting.
In an effort to deny the PKK logistical support, the Government rationed food and
other essentials in the province of Tunceli, the village of Tepe, near Lice in
Diyarbakir Province, and parts of Bingol Province, causing severe shortages and
hardship among the population. Other than in Tunceli where the rationing has been
ongoing for some time, implementation of food rationing elsewhere is sporadic or lo-
calized. According to local human rights monitors, Tepe was blockaded by the mili-
tary for 2 months in reprisal for the PKK murder of a village guard.
In November the Eurojaean Court of Human Rights found Turkey in violation of
Article 8 (right to respect for home) in the case of three applicants whose homes
were burned down by security forces in 1993. The Court attached particular weight
to the fact that the public prosecutor did not carry out any meaningful investigation
into the matter. The applicants were awarded court costs and expenses with dam-
ages to be determined at a future date.
Because so many villages have already been evacuated and because the fighting
has now moved to mountains, government security forces evacuated and destroyed
fewer villages than in previous years. According to the (Jrovemment, only 4 villages
and hamlets (settlements of 3 or 4 houses) and 970 persons were evacuated during
the year. The Government's stated purpose was to protect civilians or prevent PKK
guerrillas from obtaining logistical support from the inhabitants. Some villagers al-
leged that the security forces evacuated them for refusing to participate in the para-
military village guard system. Journalists and human rights monitors were not per-
1339
mitted to enter the village of Lice where there were reports of large-scale detentions
of villagers by the Jandarma for refusal to become village guards.
The exact number of persons forcibly displaced from villages in the southeast
since 1984 is unknown. Most estimates agree that 2,600 to 3,000 villages and ham-
lets have been depopulated. A few NGO s put the number of people forcibly dis-
placed as high as 2 million. Official census figures for 1990-— before large-scale
forced evacuations began — indicate that the total population for the 10 southeastern
provinces then under emergency rule was 4 to 4.5 million people, half of them in
rural areas. Since all rural areas in the southeast have not been depopulated, the
estimate of 2 million evacuees is probably too high. On the low end, the Government
reports that through 1997 the total number of evacuees was 336,717. Rapidly grow-
ing demands for social services in the cities indicate that migration from the coun-
tryside has been higher than this figure. Although this uroanization is also ac-
counted for in part by voluntary migration for economic or educational reasons also
related to the conflict, the figure given by a former M.P. from the region — 560,000 —
appears to be the most credit) le estimate of those forcibly evacuated. At the request
of Republican Peoples' Party (CHP) M.P. Algan Hacaloglu, a former human rights
monitor, a parliamentary committee was formed to investigate the causes of dis-
placement and status of the displaced. It began work in July.
Government programs to deal with and cornpensate the forcibly evacuated villag-
ers remain inaaequate. Local and provincial officials are nevertheless making efforts
to address the basic needs of some migrants. The governor of Diyarbakir, for exam-
ple, opened a newly constructed neighborhood of 500 houses to resettlement by mi-
grant families. The governor of Van resettled 257 migrant families in a new neigh-
borhood in the provincial capital. A free "restaurant" run by the Van governor's of-
fice feeds nearly 1,000 migrants daily. In several provinces, officials provided looms
for use by unemployed women. The rugs produced are then purchased by the Gov-
ernment for resale on the open market. Officials overseeing some of these programs
acknowledge that funding is inadequate, and that much more needs to be done.
Many migrants continue to live in overcrowded, unhealthful conditions with little
opportunity for employment.
According to the Government, 7,608 persons were returned to 61 villages in the
southeast during the year. The Foreign Ministry noted that some displaced persons
chose to resettle in urban areas and are receiving assistance there. The Government
initiated in 1996 an "emergency support program" to expedite resettlement in the
southeast. The funds are used for rebuilding homes and roads, as well as for animal
husbandry and beekeeping programs. Human rights activists criticize government
efforts as inadequate in relation to the number of forcibly displaced persons.
There are credible allegations that serious abuses by security forces during the
course of operations against the PKK continue. The Government organizes, arms,
and pays for a civil defense force in the region known as the village guards. Local
villagers' participation in this paramilitary militia is theoretically voluntary, but
they are sometimes caught between the two sides. If the villagers agree to serve,
the PKK may target them and their village. If the villagers refuse to participate,
government security forces may retaliate against them and their village. The village
guards have a reputation for being the least trained and disciplined of the Govern-
ment's security i^orces and have oeen accused repeatedly of corruption, common
crimes, and human rights abuses. In addition to the village guards, the Jandarma
and police "special teams" are viewed as those most responsible for abuses.
The Government state of emergency, modified and most recently renewed for 4
months in November, imposes stringent security measures in six provinces in the
southeast. The regional governor for the state of emergency may censor news, ban
strikes or lockouts, and impose internal exile. The decree also provides for doubling
the sentences of those convicted of cooperating with separatists. Informants and con-
victed persons who cooperate with the state are eligible for rewards and reduced
sentences. Only limited judicial review of the state of emergency governor's adminis-
trative decisions is permitted.
Although schools have remained open in most urban centers in the southeast,
rapid migration has led to severe overcrowding of schools and chronic teacher short-
ages. The PKK policy of murdering teachers exacerbated the situation (see Section
l.a.). Government ofticials claim that a significant efTort is being made both to re-
open schools and to build new schools in regions faced with acute overcrowding. Ac-
cording to government figures, 3,223 primary schools remain closed in 22 provinces
in the east and southeast for security reasons or because of a teacher shortage. No
secondary schools are closed. Although the Government continues to build boarding
schools in the region's larger towns, these new schools have failed to fill the gap.
A total of 88 boarding schools were completed with a total capacity of 49,614 stu-
dents. Additional boarding schools numbering 38 are under construction. Some eth-
1340
nic Kurdish leaders expressed concern that the government favored building board-
ing schools, rather than rebuilding local schools, as a way to accelerate the process
ofKurdish assimilation.
Turkish ground forces with air support conducted several operations during the
year in northern Iraq against the PKK. According to press reports, in May the Gov-
ernment sent between 25,000 and 50,000 troops mto northern Iraq, and in Septem-
ber sent an estimated 8,000 to 15,000 ground troops and warplanes. In November
Turkish forces joined local Iraqi Kurd forces of tne Kurdistan Democratic Party
(KDP) in pitched battle against the PKK and forces of another Iraqi Kurd group,
the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). During all these operations, PKK forces
were reported by several sources to have attacked local civilians and damaged civil-
ian property. Additional details are in the Iraq country report. The Turkish military
strictly limited press access to the region during these operations. A report filed by
a group granted controlled access to the Zap Valley area in northern Iraq, along
with reports obtained from Kurdish and U.N. sources, suggest that the security
forces minimized civilian causalities. The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK;,
charged that the Turkish military targeted villages in several of these operations,
but these charges were not confirmed by other observers on the scene. The Turkish
Government maintained that it targeted only the PKK in northern Iraq, not any
other groups or civilians.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press; however, the Government continued to limit these freedoms. The
Criminal Code provides penalties for those who "insult the President, the Par-
liament, and the army." Numerous other provisions in various laws restrict freedom
of expression to one degree or another, those most frequently employed include Arti-
cle 8 of the Anti-Terror Law and Article 312 of the Criminal Code. Judges generally
examine evidence rigorously and dismiss many charges brought under these laws.
Domestic and foreign periodicals providing a broad spectrum of views and opin-
ions are widely available. Government censorship of foreign periodicals is very rare.
While overall readership of the local press is not large for a country of 60 million,
the newspaper business is intensely competitive.
Electronic media reach nearly every adult, and their influence is correspondingly
great. Radio and television have experienced explosive growth in the 6 years since
privately owned broadcasting has been allowed: as of October, over 230 local, 15 re-
gional, and 15 national television stations — the majority private — were registered,
along with 1,056 local, 108 regional, and 36 national radio stations. Other television
and radio stations broadcast without an official license. In 1994 Parliament passed
regulatory legislation making it illegal for broadcasters to threaten the country's
unity or national security and limiting the private broadcast of television programs
in languages other than Turkish. The increasing availability of satellite dishes and
cable television allows access to foreign broadcasts, including several Turkish-lan-
guage private channels. In some areas of the southeast, security forces have system-
atically confiscated private satellite dishes in order to prevent viewing of pro-PKK
MED-TV. This policy was applied selectively in migrant neighborhoods of Adana.
Internet use is growing and faces no government restrictions.
Despite the Government's restrictions, the media daily criticize government lead-
ers and policies. Media coverage of the situation in the southeast tended to be unre-
liable, underreporting it in some instances and sensationalizing it in others. Govern-
ment Decree 430 gives the Interior Ministry upon the request of the regional gov-
ernor the authority to ban distribution oi any news viewed as misrepresenting
events in the region, leading to self-censorship of news reporting from or about the
southeast. In the event that such a government warning is not obeyed, the decree
provides for a 10-day suspension of operations for a first offense and 30 days for
subsequent ofienses.
Two weeks after assuming office, to signal the new Government's commitment to
freedom of expression, the Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister, Foreign Min-
ister, and President Demirel each received a delegation from the CPJ. Immediately
thereafter, the Government won passage of a law granting probationary amnesty to
editors imprisoned under a press law still in existence that permits prosecutors to
seek a court order for the confiscation of a newspaper or magazine and requires that
each publication's "responsible editors" bear legal responsibility for the publication's
content. The new law granted a full pardon to the responsible editors if they did
not commit the same crime within 3 years. If they are convicted of the same crime
during this probationary period, then they must serve sentences for both convic-
tions. Under the August law, six imprisoned editors received a provisional amnesty;
however, many others remain imprisoned.
1341
Ismail Besikci served 10 years in prison between 1971 and 1987 for his publica-
tions on the Kurdish situation in Turkey. He has been in prison since 1993 on a
variety of new charges based upon his ongoing articles on Kurdish issues. SSC pros-
ecutors ordered the confiscation of numerous issues of leftist, Kurdish nationalist,
and pro-PKK periodicals, although many continue to circulate. The pro-PKK news-
paper Ozgur Ulke, and its successors Yeni Politika and Demokrasi, resumed publi-
cation in June as Ulkede Gundem. The newspaper has been increasingly dimcult
to find on newsstands in the southeast; the newspaper's distributor in IJiyarbakir
has been detained repeatedly, and copies have been confiscated by the Jandarma.
In Adana, however, the newspaper appears regularly. Offices of small leftist publica-
tions are frequently raided by the police in the southeast.
Individual journalists are subject to harassment and police violence. In December
the Committee to Protect Journalists listed 40 journalists under imprisonment.
In April Sanar Yurdatapan, a well-known musician and spokesman for freedom
of expression, was arrested at the Istanbul airport with false passports destined for
two former PKK members. According to Yurdatapan, after these two individuals
served their sentences for ties to the PKK, they became agents for the Turkish secu-
rity forces and later contacted Yurdatapan to give him information about acts in-
cluding political murder that they had carried out on behalf of the State.
Yurdatapan claimed to have videotapes of interviews and photographs of the men
in military uniforms to substantiate nis charges. He remains free pending the out-
come of his SSC trial in Istanbul on charges of harboring members of an illegal or-
ganization.
According to Human Rights Watch, the case of three journalists arrested in June
exemplified the arbitrary and contradictory nature of the repression of free expres-
sion. Two journalists from the now-defunct Demokrasi newspaper and the
Diyarbakir correspondent from the ATV television station were arrested in June for
interviewing two former PKK members alleged to have taken part in killings and
illegal activities on behalf of the State. The three journalists were charged witn forc-
ing the pair to make the statements "in accord with the goals of the PKK." The
men, however, made the same statements without incident to two other newspapers,
two television programs, including Mehmet AH Birand's "32nd Day," and to a par-
liamentary commission investigating the 1993 death-squad style killing of journalist
Ugur Mumcu. A similar case occurred with the Turkish-language edition of Leo
Muller's book, "Gladio: The Legacy of the Cold War," originally published in Ger-
many. While Pencere publishing, a small Istanbul publisning house, released the
first edition without incident, the second edition of the book published in February
was confiscated, and both the publisher and translator were tried under Article 312
and the Anti-Terror Law. In September they were given a suspended sentence on
the Article 12 charge and fined under the Anti-Terror Law. Both sentences have
been appealed.
The authorities have suspended for a period of 3 years the case against some
1,080 writers and others for their support for novelist Yasar Kemal. In 1995 Kemal
wrote an article entitled "Black Sky Over Turiiey," which was published in a Ger-
man news magazine and later reprinted in Turkey in a book entitled "Freedom of
Expression," in which he ironically criticized the Government for its censorship re-
latmg to the Kurdish question. His appeal continues. In March Ertugrul Kurkcu
and Ayse Nur Zarakolu, respectively the translator and publisher of a 1995 report
by the Human Rights Watch Arms Project, "Weapons Transfers and Violations of
the Laws of War in Turkey," were found guilty under Article 159 of the Penal Code
of "defaming the state's security and military forces." Zarakolu and Kurkcu were
both fined approximately $12, while Kurkcu received a 10-month suspended sen-
tence.
In December Sukru Kazratepe, mayor of Kayseri, was sentenced to a year in pris-
on under law 5816 for reportedly insulting Ataturk, the founder and first president
of the Turkish republic. He criticized his required attendance at annual commemo-
ration ceremonies on the death of Ataturk.
Esber Yagmurdereli, a blind human rights activist and respected lawyer, was con-
victed in May of promoting Kurdish separatism on the basis of public assertions
that the ethnic Kurdish minority is oppressed. In October he was remanded into
custody to begin serving a 22-year sentence, but in November, a prosecutor released
him for a year subject to renewal upon review.
According to press reports, a youth organization of the True Path Party (DYP) ap-
peared to be responsible for the May 2 armed raid on the Istanbul studios of Flash
TV, which the preceding day had broadcast live "phone in" accusations by alleged
Mafia chief Alaattin Cakici that then-deputy Prime Minister Tansu Ciller and her
husband were involved in criminal activities. The temporary shutdown of the sta-
tion's Bursa headquarters on May 3 was conducted on behalf of the Wireless Com-
1342
munications Directorate of the Ministry of Transportation, headed by a Ciller loyal-
ist. On May 7, the Radio and Television Supreme Board imposed a 2-day suspension
on the station for broadcasting "scandalous remarks" about Ciller.
In November Erol Anar, a writer and former HRA secretary general received a
suspended sentence of 10 months imprisonment for the publication of his book "free-
dom of thought," in which he allegedly insulted the parliament, government, and
security forces. In a separate case, the Istanbul SSC acquitted Anar of violating the
Anti-Terror Law by publishing his book 'The History of Human Rights," which re-
portedly was critical of Turkey.
In Jkiay, with Refah's Erbakan still Prime Minister, the chief state prosecutor, in
an attempt to close down Refah, charged the party and five of its leaders, including
Erbakan, with attempting to undermine the secular nature of the state based in
part on public statements made by the Refah leaders. In January 1998, the court
closed the party and banned six Refah leaders, including former Prime Minister
Erbakan, from political activity for 5 years.
Seven pro-Kurdish former DEP M.P.'s and one independent M.P, convicted in
1994 on charges ranging from disseminating separatist propaganda to supporting or
being a member of an armed band or gang, appealed their sentences in 1995. The
15-year sentences of four of the defendants for oeing members of a terrorist group
were upheld. In November the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) found
unanimously that the Government had violated Article 5-3 (excessive detention of
12 to 14 days) of the European convention on human rights in the case of several
pro-Kurdish former DEP Members of Parliament (M.P.'s) and ordered the (govern-
ment to pay the M.P.'s compensation and court costs. The ECHR did not rule on
the M.P.s' appeal of their convictions on charges of separatism and membership in
a terrorist organization. The Court overturned the sentences of the other four in
1995, but they were retried and found guilty in April 1996 on the revised Article
8 charges. In September 1996 the Court iipheld these sentences on appeal. These
four defendants also plan to appeal to the European Commission of Human Rights;
the Government pledged to abide by its decision. In 1996 the Ankara SSC prosecu-
tor charged Mehmet Emin Sever, Mahmut Uyanik, and Muzaffer Demir, former
DEP M.P.'s, with assisting the PKK, and former CHP M.P. Abdulkerim Zilan with
producing separatist propaganda. The charges stem from a 1991 incident during
which the accused publicly termed the parliamentary swearing-in oath as "racist,
chauvinistic, antidemocratic, and a violation of human rights." Additionally, during
the swearing-in ceremony the three defendants wore handkerchiefs in colors associ-
ated with the PKK. The three left the DEP party prior to its being banned in 1994
and remained in Parliament as independents until their terms expired in 1995.
Until that time, they had parliamentary immunity and could not be tried for alleged
offenses. The delay of a year between the end of the defendants' terms in Par-
liament and the bringing of charges is not considered unusually long, given the sen-
sitive nature of the case. If convicted, they could face prison terms ranging from 4y2
to 7 years. Zilan faces a prison term of 1 to 3 years. The case continues.
In June the Ankara SSC ruled against members of the pro-Kurdish HADEP, in-
cluding party chairman Murat Bozlak, based on an incident at the party's 1996 con-
vention in Ankara, during which the Turkish flag was torn down and replaced by
a PKK banner. The court sentenced Faysal Akcan, who reportedly took down the
flag, to 22V2 years in prison; Bozlak and party convention chairman Hikmet Fidan
eacn were sentenced to 6 years' imprisonment, while 29 other ofllcials and party
members received 6V2-month sentences. The defendants plan to appeal the verdict.
Of the original defendants, 14 were acquitted. The court also found evidence linking
HADEP to the PKK.
Between 1995 and 1997, former independent M.P. Hasan Mezarci faced some 10
charges for insulting modem Turkey's founder, Kemal Ataturk, the military, the
Government, and the Parliament. He was acquitted on some of the charges, served
prison terms for others, and now is serving a 10-month sentence at Istanbul's Metris
prison for insulting Parliament.
Kurdish-language cassettes and publications on Kurdish subjects continued to be
available, although periodic suppression of the media continued. The Kurdish-lan-
guage weekly, Azadiya Welate, and some 10 other publications were available only
on an infrequent basis. As a result of state intimidation and economic pressure,
Diyarbakir-based Can-TV ended its brief expjeriment in Kurdish-language broadcast-
ing. Over the past 2 years, Can-TV has tested the legal ban on broadcasting in
Kurdish by airing Kurdish-language music clips. The station also attempted to
present independent news programs on the southeast as well as panel discussions
on regional problems, especially the Kurdish issue. Although the news programs
were in Turkish, their content angered local officials: two investigations against
Can-TV were begun at the SSC, and the station was threatened with closure by the
1343
Broadcasting Board. The final action that contributed to the end of Can-TVs broad-
casting came when the station manager was forced to sell many of his shares in
the station because of newly adopted antimonopoly legislation. Some potential cus-
tomers are afraid to purchase Kurdish-language materials because possession of
such items may be interpreted as evidence of PKK sympathies. Kurdish-language
broadcasts are still illegal. A group of academics, however, began a series of radio
call-in programs to discuss problems and solutions in the southeast.
In December the Broadcasting Board penalized a number of private radio and tel-
evision stations for alleged violations oi broadcast regulations. Two Kurdish-based
radio stations, Karacada^a Radyo in Sanliurfa and Radio Arkadas in Adana, were
among those ordered ofi the air for temporary periods. Both stations occasionally
play Kurdish songs and have broadcast news reports (in Turkish) critical of the Gov-
ernment. Karacadaga Radyo alleges that Sanliurfa authorities have banned 13
Kurdish music cassettes from being broadcast, thus reducing the list of Kurdish
songs played by Karacadaga Radyo to fewer than 10. In June privatelv-owned Metro
TV in Uiyarbaxir was ordered on the air for 30 days for inciting ethnic hatred by
televising a panel discussion on democratization and the Kurdish issue. Pro-PKK
Med TV, based in Belgium and England, broadcasts via Intelsat and can be received
by satellite dish in the southeast.
In January the Turkish Industrialists and Businessmen's Association (TUSIAD)
issued a lengthy report with a wide range of democratization recommendations for
legislative and constitutional reform. The report stimulated political debate; it was
both commended and criticized extensively by many segments of society. In April
a group of Turkish and Kurdish academics, politicians, and intellectuals initiated
a series of nationwide panel discussions on the Kurdish problem and its possible so-
lutions. Despite minor police attention, the group continued to explore explicitly
nonviolent solutions within a democratic context, especially in the largely Kurdish
southeast. Academics continued to publish articles and papers on the Kurdish issue
without government interference. The Sanliurfa branch of the Mesopotamian Cul-
tural Center, a corporation established to promote Kurdish language and culture,
was banned in October by the provincial governor. In Istanbul the Governor's office
refused the Kurdish Culture and Research Foundation permission to offer Kurdish
language classes.
In August Parliament passed legislation necessary to implement a 1995 constitu-
tional amendment permitting student and faculty associations and labor union in-
volvement in political activities.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, out authorities may deny permission if they believe that the
gathering is likely to disrupt public order. Prior notification of gatherings is re-
quired, and the authorities may restrict meetings to designated sites.
In May the Human Rights Association sought to host in Ankara an international
conference on the peaceful settlement of the Kurdish problem in Turkey. The An-
kara provincial governor banned the conference on the grounds that it risked pro-
voking a climate of intolerance but permitted individuals, including some par-
liamentarians and former government ofiicials, to gather informally.
According to the HRF, some 2,000 people sou^t to attend one of the court ses-
sions of the Metin Goktepe trial (see Section l.a.); however, due to the physical limi-
tations of the court, many were unable to be admitted. Subsequently, around 100
of these people were interrogated for staging an unauthorized public demonstration
outside the court.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, but associations and founda-
tions must submit their charters for government approval, a lengthy and cum-
bersome process.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution establishes Turkey as a secular state
and provides for freedom of belief, freedom of worship, and private dissemination
of religious ideas. The Government generally observed these provisions in practice.
About 99 percent of the population is Muslim. Under the law, religious services may
take place only in designated places of worship. Although Turkey is a secular state,
religious instruction in state schools is cornpulsory for Muslims. Upon written ver-
ification of their non-Muslim background, Lausanne Treaty minorities (Greek, Ar-
menian, and Jewish) are exempted by law from Muslim religious instruction, al-
though students who wish to attend may do so with parental consent. Syriac Chris-
tians are not exempt because they are not an official Lausanne Treaty minority.
Tarikats and other mystical Sunni Islamic orders were banned in the 1920's, but
were largely tolerated until recently. On February 28, the National Security Council
(NSC), a half-military, half-civilian body entrusted in part with responsibility "for
protecting the state against any foreign or domestic threat to its interests" called
1344
for strict enforcement of the ban against Tarikats as part of its campaign against
Islamic fundamentalism. Some Tarikats, like members of the Aczimendi Brother-
hood, have faced legal action for their vocal public demonstrations.
At the formal urging of the NSC, the Yilmaz Government introduced and Par-
liament passed a law that will lead to the closure of grades six through eight of the
Islamic imam-Hatip schools in existence since 1950, along with other private
schools. This action will affect over 500 state-supported imam-Hatip schools. Under
the new law, students will have to wait until the completion of their 8 years in order
to pursue regular study at the imam-Hatip schools. Although new enrollments in
those grades nave been terminated, children already in those classes are allowed to
finish their grades. Amendments to administrative procedures were made that will
allow students completing 5 years of primary school to enroll in Koran classes on
weekends and summer vacations. For many weeks Islamists staged protests against
the law on the imam-Hatip schools outside mosques after Friday prayers.
Turkey's Alawi Muslim minority (an offshoot of Shi'ite Islam) is estimated to
number at least 12 million. There are, however, no government-salaried Alawi reli-
a'ous leaders, in contrast to Sunni religious leaders. In December, nonetheless, the
avemment allocated $15 million (3 trillion TL) to the Alawi community. Some
Alawis allege discrimination in the form of failure to include any Alawi doctrines
or beliefs in religious instruction classes. Alawis charge a Sunni bias in the Reli-
gious Affairs Directorate, and claim that the Directorate tends to view the Alawis
as a cultural rather than a religious group. Sunni Islamic political activists, how-
ever, charge the secularist state favors, and is under the influence of, the Alawis.
Many prosecutors regard proselytizing and religious activism on the part of either
Islamists or evangelical Christians with suspicion, especially when they deem such
activities to have political overtones. Since there is no law explicitly prohibiting
proselytizing, police sometimes arrest Islamists or evangelical Christians for dis-
turbing the peace. Courts usually dismiss such charges. If the proselytizers are for-
eigners, they may be deported, but generally they are able to reenter the country
easily.
Several human rights monitors complained that the Government periodically en-
forced a 50-year-old ban on the wearing of religious head garments in government
offices and other state-run facilities. According to these groups, some women wear-
ing the hejab — the scarf worn by Muslim women — have lost their jobs in the public
sector as nurses and teachers. Mazlum-der, an Islamist human rights group, alleged
that the Turkish military dismissed from the service individuals whose official files
reflect Islamist fundamentalist tendencies. One officer. Major Abdul Muhalib
Yildirim, reportedly committed suicide when, following his dismissal from the mili-
tary for religious reasons, he was likewise banned from working in the public sector.
In August the armed forces dismissed a group of 76 officers and soldiers, many for
Brohibited religious and political activities. Earlier, in July the European Court of
[uman Rights ruled against a former army captain who had been separated alleg-
edly for inappropriate religious activities.
Most religious minorities are concentrated in Istanbul. The number of Christians
in the southeast has been declining as the younger Syriac generation leaves for Eu-
rope and North America. Minority religions not recognized under the Lausanne
Treaty may not acquire additional property for churches. The Catholic Church in
Ankara, for example, is confined to diplomatic property. The Office of Foundations
(Vakiflar Genel Mudurlugu) must approve the operation of churches, monasteries,
synagogues, schools, and charitable religious foundations, such as hospitals and or-
phanages. Restoration or construction may also be carried out in buildings and
monuments considered to be "antique" with authorization by the Regional Board on
the Protection of Cultural and National Wealth. The Armenian Orthodox Church
was granted permission to restore properties and construct a new church in Hatay
province. The Syriac Church, however, on the grounds that it lacks proper author-
ization from the Regional Board, the Education Ministry, and security forces, was
ordered to halt restoration efforts to its monasteries in the southeast, to terminate
its Aramaic language classes, and to end the housing of students and other visitors
on church-owned property. Church and government officials continued to meet to re-
solve the issue.
The authorities monitor the activities of Eastern Orthodox Churches and their af-
filiated operations. The Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul has consistently ex-
Kressed interest in reopening the seminary on the Island of Halki in the Sea of
larmara. The seminary has been closed since 1971 when the State nationalized
most private institutions of higher learning. Under current restrictions, including a
citizenship requirement, religious communities remain unable to train new clergy
for eventual leadership.
1345
Bureaucratic procedures relating to historic preservation impede repairs to some
religious facilities. Under the law, religious buildings that become "extinct" (because
of prolonged absence of clergy or lay persons to staff local religious councils or for
lack of adherents) revert to government possession. Some non-Muslim minorities,
particularly the Greek Orthodox community and, to a lesser extent, the Jewish com-
munity, the Armenian Orthodox community, and the shrinking Syriac Christian
community are faced with the danger of losing some of their houses of worship.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Em.igration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens generally enjoy freedom of movement domestically and the
freedom to travel abroad. The Constitution provides that a citizen's freedom to leave
may be restricted only in the case of a national emergency, civic obligations (mili-
tary service, for example), or criminal investigation or prosecution.
Travel to parts of the southeast is restricted periodically for security reasons.
Roadblocks, set up by both security forces and the PKK, can slow down travel in
the region.
The internal exile law was repealed in 1987, but in 1990 the government granted
the southeast regional governor the authority to "remove from the region," for a pe-
riod not to exceed the duration of the state of emergency (now in its 12th year), citi-
zens under his administration whose activities "give an impression that they are
prone to disturb general security and public order. ' There were no known instances
of the use of this oroad authority during the year.
When Turkey ratified the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status
of Refugees, it exercised the option of accepting the Convention's obligations only
with respect to refugees from Europe. It has not subsequently lifted the geographic
limitation of its treaty obligation. As a result, the Government does not recognize
non-European asylum seekers as refugees and requires that they register with the
authorities within 5 days of entering the country. 'The Government screens these ap-
Blicants, determines those that it considers bona fide, and then refers them to the
f.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). It provides only very limited first
asylum opportunities designed to allow non-European applicants time to be proc-
essed for onward resettlement. A negative decision usually leads to immediate ex-
pulsion. Early in the year, the Government began more strictly enforcing its asylum
regulations. The UNHCR reported that in February and March, 70 Iranian refugees
who had not registered with the Government were deported to northern Iraq even
though UNHCR had determined that they were in need of international protection
and had arranged for third country resettlement. There were additional reports of
similar deportations throughout the first half of the year.
At the end of June, however, an Ankara court overruled a Ministry of Interior
Order to deport an Iranian asylum seeker who had not been in compliance with the
5-day rule because she had already been accepted for resettlement in the U.S. The
court based its decision on Article 31 of the Geneva Convention which prohibits the
deportation of a person who has already been accepted as a refugee by a third coun-
try.
In July, after lengthy discussions with UNHCR, the Government agreed to help
resolve the status of the approximately 3,300 "illegal" asylum seekers then reg-
istered with UNHCR who had not registered with Turkish authorities. According to
the terms of this agreement, individuals would be eligible for legalization if UNHCR
determined that they had legitimate claims to refugee status and UNHCR referred
them for third-country resettlement by April 1998. UNHCR reports that as of the
end of 1997, the Government is implementing the amnesty decision as intended.
In the first half of the year, there were also increasing reports of Iraqi and Ira-
nian asylum seekers being apprehended in border areas and deported or refouled
directly without UNHCR ever having the opportunity to examine their claims to ref-
ugee status. Following discussions with UNHCR on this issue, towards the end of
the year, the Government began to take steps to address this problem. The Ministry
of Interior sent an ofTicial circular to border officials clarifying that any individual
who presents him/herself to a border official requesting asylum must have the op-
portunity to be seen by UNHCR before a deportation order can be issued. UNHCfR
reported that the number of known sunrmiary deportations and refoulements de-
creased significantly after the issuance of the circular. It also reported that the Min-
istry of Interior took disciplinary action against one recalcitrant border ofilcial in
Hakkari province who, in contravention with the precepts of the circular, had sum-
marily deported 17 asylum seekers without allowing them access to UNHCR.
Turkey continues to be a major transit and departure point for illegal migrants
and would-be asylum seekers of various nationalities en route to Europe. Several
European governments reported that the number of such individuals, especially
Turkish and Iraqi Kurds, who had arrived in their countries from Turkey increased
dramatically in 1997. While many traveled in small groups utilizing land routes
1346
across the Turkish-Greek border, increasing numbers departed via boat and ship.
There were several tragic cases of overloaded small boats sinking in the Aegean, re-
sulting in dozens of drownings. There were also, at the end of 1997, a number of
high profile cases where large vessels, carrying hundreds of people each, arrived in
Italy after having departed from Turkish ports. In the wake of those high profile
cases, and in response to European calls that it take action to stem the flow, the
Government began cracking down on the smuggling rin^s who had organized the
mass departures and began rounding up hun(&eds of illegal aliens in Istanbul,
many of whom were deported.
The Government declined numerous offers from the UNHCR to assist in establish-
ing reception centers for undocumented asylum seekers in border areas. The offer
included funding and training for officers conducting interviews.
Due to the cessation of fighting in the former Yugoslavia, the number of Bosnian
refugees living in Turkey decreased significantly. According to the Government, 760
Bosnians were granted residence permits during the year, and only 341 remain in
temporary status, down from a peak of 15,000 to 20,000 in the early 1990's. As
"guests" there is no restriction on the period that they are allowed to remain. They
are not allowed to work or attend school; however, most do.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides citizens with the right to change their government
f)eacefully, and citizens exercise this right in practice. Turkey has a multiparty par-
iamentary system, in which national elections are held at least every 5 years on
the basis of mandatory universal sufTrage for all citizens 18 years of age and over.
As of October, more than 30 political parties were active (most of them minuscule),
8 of which were represented in Parliament. The Grand National Assembly (Par-
liament) elects the President as head of state every 7 years or when the incumbent
becomes incapacitated or dies.
In June the Refah/DYP coalition, the country's first Islamist-led Government, re-
signed after an intense private and public campaign of pressure led by the armed
forces with significant support from several segments of civil society including some
f)olitical parties, the media, labor unions, and NGO groups. The military declared
undamentalism Turkey's number one threat and held "seminars" on the fundamen-
talist threat; the NSC presented the Erbakan Government with an 18-point pro-
gram against Islamist activity; political parties introduced in Parliament several un-
successlul motions of no-confidence; unions and NGO's marched in protest against
the antisecular policies of the Government. On June 12, the Ministry of Foreign Af-
fairs Information Bureau reported that "the Presidency of the TGS announced that
it would use weapons, if necessary, in the struggle against fundamentalism trying
to destroy the Turkish Republic." In public statements, some Refah politicians af-
firmed a commitment to an Islamist, antisecular program. In one incident, Refah
politicians called for support for a Middle Eastern terrorist organization.
The Government neither coerces nor forbids membership in any political organiza-
tion, although the Constitutional Court may close down political parties for uncon-
stitutional activities. In January 1998 the Supreme Court banned the Islamist
Refah party. In January Serafettin Elci, a former minister and CHP M.P., who is
an ethnic Kurd, founded the Democratic Mass Party (DKP). In June charges were
filed against the party on the grounds that its platform in defense of Kurdish rights
violated provisions of the Constitution and the Political Party Law.
There are no legal restrictions against women or minorities voting or participating
in politics. The Constitution calls for equal political rights for men and women.
There were 13 women in the 550-seat Parliament and 2 female ministers in a 39-
member cabinet in the Yilmaz Government. Women's committees are active in polit-
ical party organizations.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The nongovernmental Human Rights Association has branches in 50 provincial
capitals. The HRA claims a membership of about 17,000. In 1990 the HRA estab-
lisned the Human Rights Foundation, which operates torture rehabilitation centers
in Ankara, Izmir, Istanbul, and Adana and serves as a clearinghouse for human
rights information. Other domestic NGO's include the Istanbul-based Helsinki Citi-
zens Assembly, the Ankara-based Turkish Democracy Foundation, human rights
centers at a number of universities, and the Islamist-oriented Mazlum Der, the Or-
ganization of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed Peoples.
The Mcrsin Migrants' Association, an organization founded oy ethnic Kurds to as-
sist displaced Kurdish migrants, is the first NGO of its kind in the southeast. The
1347
Association assisted thousands of Kurdish mijgrants who fled villages in southeast
Turkey to the southern port city of Mersin. The Association provides medical and
legal services to migrant families, negotiates wage contracts for migrant laborers,
and serves as an ombudsman for Kurdish migrants with the Government.
Senior government leaders met with representatives of major international NGO's
during the year. Prime Minister Yilmaz, Deputy Prime Minister Ecevit, and other
senior leaders met with a CPJ delegation. The Deputy Chief of the General Staff
met with NGO human rights representatives in July.
In September the Government lifted a ban on travel to Turkey that it had im-
fiosed on certain German critics of Turkey's human rights record. However, Amnesty
ntemational's foreign expert on Turkey is still banned from the country.
Despite the Government's outreach to the NGO community, local-level govern-
ment agents, some as senior as provincial governors, harassed human rights mon-
itors as well as lawyers and dortors involved in documenting human ridits viola-
tions. HRA branches were particularly hard hit, in most cases allegedly for posses-
sion of "illegal publications. In October HRA Chairman Akin Birdal and two other
human rights monitors were found guilty of inciting ethnic hatred based on a speech
Birdal gave during World Peace Day in 1996. In December Birdal was acquitted of
the same charge relating to his participation in the pro-Kurdish "Musa Anter peace
train" demonstrations.
Eleven HRA board members, including Chairman Akin Birdal, faced charges of
disseminating separatist propaganda and inciting racist and ethnic enmity in the
Ankara SSC Tor comments and speeches they made condemning human rights viola-
tions in Turkey during events organized by the HRA in 1996 to commemorate
Human Rights Week. Tne prosecutor in this case asked the courts to order the clo-
sure of HKA because of its alleged failure to operate within the limits proscribed
by the Law on Associations. A closure order would put an end to the work of more
than 50 branches. The HRA branch in Diyarbakir was closed for an indefinite period
by court order in May for activities that threaten the integrity of the state; it re-
mains closed. Human rights monitors believe that the branch was targeted in part
for its work in preparing several cases for consideration by the European Commis-
sion on Human Rights. HRA branches in Sanliurfa and Mardin were shut down in
June and August and remain closed. In December a local court extended the provin-
cial governors initial 6-month closure of the Sanilurfa Branch to closure for an "in-
definite" period. The local governor closed the HRA branch in Malatya in June but
allowed it to reopen in July. The Konya, Izmir, and Balikesir HRA branches were
closed down for aoout a month during the year by the authorities.
In May Adana HRF president Mustafa Cinkilic won acquittal on charges of oper-
ating an unlawful health center. In the same case, however. Dr. Tufan Kose, who
oj)erates the HRF's center for the treatment of torture victims, was convicted and
fined for refusing to reveal the names and records of 167 alleged torture victims to
the authorities. Similar charges had been leveled unsuccessfully against the opera-
tors of the other HRF torture treatment centers in Izmir, Ankara, and Istanbul.
In the spring, Yavuz Onen, President of the HRF, Akin Birdal and Ufuk Uras of
the left-of-center Freedom and Democracy Party, and Ahmet Turk from HADEP
were charged with holding an authorized demonstration. They were protesting the
Susurluk incident. The trial was ongoing at year's end.
Dr. Sej^ettin Kizilkan, former president of the southeast chamber of doctors and
director of Diyarbakir's largest state hospital, remains free pending the outcome of
his appeal. In 1996 Kizilkan was convicted and sentenced to a 3-year, 9-month pris-
on term after police allegedly found bomb materials and PKK documents in his
home. Dr. Kizilkan and his associates maintain that the police planted the evidence.
The trial of seven members of the Diyarbakir branch of the HRA who were ac-
cused of aiding the PKK continues at the Diyarbakir SSC. The trial, which began
in 1995, focuses mainly on the publication of the booklet "Emergency Situation —
1992." All seven remain free pending a verdict.
In September the police detained and beat Turkish and foreign participants in the
"Musa Anter peace train" who sought to enter Diyarbakir to demonstrate for a
peaceful resolution of the conflict in the southeast. Legal proceedings were brought
against some of the local organizers. The train itself, which was to travel from Brus-
sels to Diyarbakir, was barred from departing for Turkey by various European gov-
ernments. In Istanbul police violently broke up attempts by organizers of the peace
train to arrange a press conference. Many of the participants were injured and two
were hospitalized. Europeans detained were deported, and one Istanoul-based for-
eign diplomat was detained briefly, even after his identity had been ascertained.
The State Minister for Human Rights, as chair of the High Council for Human
Rights, invited leaders of the human rights NGO community to participate in a ses-
sion of the Council in August. In order to broaden its research and outreach efforts
1348
beyond Ankara, the High Council convened in several cities. Since 1991 Parliament
has convened a Human Rights Commission. The Commission is authorized to over-
see compliance with the human rights provisions of domestic law and international
agreements to which Turkey is a signatory, investigate alleged abuses, and prepare
reports. During the year, the Commission traveled to the southeast and investigated
allegations of compulsory membership in the village guard program in Lice, outside
Diyarbakir.
Representatives of diplomatic missions who wish to monitor human rights are free
to speak with private citizens and groups and other government officials. Security
police often place such official visitors in the southeast under visible surveillance,
intimidating those they meet.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution proclaims Turkey to be a secular state, regards all citizens as
equal, and prohibits discrimination on ethnic, religious, or racial grounds. Discrimi-
nation nevertheless remains a problem in several areas. The Government ofiicially
recognizes only those religious minorities mentioned in the Treaty of Lausanne
(1923), which protects the rights of Eastern Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic, and Jew-
ish adherents.
Particularly since the resignation of the Erbakan government in June, free and
lively political debate has taken place over the role of state institutions, including
the military, in safeguarding the proper balance between the protection of secular
democracy from religious fanaticism and the protection of freedom of religion.
Women. — Spousal abuse is serious and widespread. Parliament passed legislation
in January 1998 making spousal abuse illegal. Nevertheless, spousal abuse is still
considered an extremely private matter, involving societal notions of family honor.
Few women go to the police, who in any case are reluctant to intervene in domestic
disputes and frequently advise women to return to their husbands. Turks of either
sex may file civil or criminal charges but rarely do so. Laws and ingrained societal
notions make it difficult to prosecute sexual assault or rape cases. Penalties may
legally be reduced if a woman was not a virgin prior to a rape, or if a judge deems
the woman to have acted provocatively. "Honor murders" — the killing by immediate
family members of women who are suspected of being unchaste — continue in rural
areas or among recent immigrants to cities. The traditional practice of "virginity
testing" continues as well among the same groups.
According to the Family Research Institute in the Prime Minister's Oflice, beating
is one of the most frequent forms of violence against women in the home. Data were
not available for 1997, but in the past the Institute has noted complaints of beat-
ings, threats, economic pressure, and sexual violence. In a survey of 12 provinces,
physical abuse reportedly, occurred in rou^ly 30 percent of families. There are sev-
eral shelters for battered women, and at least two consultation centers — Istanbul's
Purple Roof foundation and Ankara's Altindag Center city shelter.
In May Parliament amended the Civil Code to permit married women to retain
their maiden names, should they so desire. The Civil Code prohibits granting gen-
der-based privileges or rights but retains some discriminatory provisions concerning
marital rights and obligations. Because the husband is the legal head of household,
he is authorized to choose the domicile and represents the conjugal unit. As parents,
husband and wife exercise joint child rearing rights, but when they disagree, the
husband's view often prevails. Women's groups have lobbied to change the provision
that the husband is tne legal head of household. A single woman who gives birth
to a child out of wedlock is not considered automatically to be the legal guardian
of her child: a court decision may be required. Divorce law requires that the divorc-
ing spouses divide their property according to property registered in each spouse's
name. Because in most cases property is registerea in the husband's name, tnis can
create difficulties for women who wish to divorce. Under inheritance laws, a widow
generally receives one-fourth of the estate, her children the rest.
The literacy rate for women is approximately 79 percent. Particularly in urban
areas, women continue to improve tneir position, including in the professions, busi-
ness, and the civil service, although they continue to face discrimination to varying
degrees. Numerous women have become lawyers, diplomats, doctors, and engineers
since the 1960's. Women make up between 43 and 50 percent of the work force.
They generally receive equal pay for equal work in the professions, business, and
civil service jobs, although a large percentage of women employed in agriculture and
in the trade, restaurant, and hotel sectors work as unpaid family help. Women may
take the examination required to become governors or subgovernors; several have
been appointed subgovernors.
1349
Independent women's groups and women's rights associations exist and are grow-
ing, increasing to over 50 in the past few years out the concept of lobbying for wom-
en's rights is still in its infancy. In February close to 10,000 women gathered in
downtown Ankara to march and demonstrate against recent social policy initiatives
of the then Islamist-led government. Demonstration organizers spoke forcefully
against any attempt to impose Islamic Law (Shari'a) and asserted that they would
not accept the turning back of secularism. This message was echoed by the crowd,
composed of women from across the socioeconomic classes. In March the Foundation
for Solidarity with Kurdish Women opened in Istanbul. Foundation president
Zennes Baran stated that the Foundation's aim was to help women solve their prob-
lems. The opening party was attended by Kurdish women as well as some Turkish
women.
Children. — The Government is committed to furthering children's welfare and
works to expand opportunities in education and health, including further reduction
of the infant mortality rate. The State Minister for Women's and Family Issues
oversees implementation of the Government's programs for children. Government-
provided education for children is mandatory. In August Parliament passed an edu-
cation reform bill that extended compulsory primary education from 5 to 8 years,
or through age 14. Traditional family values in rural areas place a greater emphasis
on advanced education for sons than for daughters. The new 8-year compulsory edu-
cation requirement is expected to allow more girls to continue their education.
Children have suffered greatly from the cycle of violence in the southeast. The mi-
gration— forced or voluntary — of many families, terrorism against teachers, and
school closings in the southeast have uprooted children and moved them to cities
that are hard pressed to find the resources to extend basic, mandatory services such
as schooling. Many cities in the southeast are operating schools on double shifts,
with as many as 100 students per classroom (see Section l.g.). The Government is
establishing regional boarding schools to help combat this problem, but these are
insufficient. In practice, in rural Anatolia and the southeast, the literacy rate for
girls is very low, and many do not complete primary school. The literacy rate for
boys, most of whom complete primary school, is higher. Some continue on to high
school, for which they generally must travel or live away from home. Instances of
child beating and abuse are more frequently reported than in previous years, ac-
cording to women's groups. The increase likely is attributable to greater public
awareness of the problem.
People With Disabilities. — Legislation dealing with the disabled is piecemeal, and
little legislation exists regarding accessibility for the disabled. Certain categories of
employers are required to hire disabled persons as 2 percent of their employee pool,
although there is no penalty for failure to comply.
Religious Minorities. — Jews and numerous Christian sects freely practice their re-
ligions and report little discrimination in daily life. Extremist groups target minor-
ity communities from time to time. Religious minority groups, like many in the secu-
lar political majority, fear the possibility of rising Islamic extremism. Islamist jour-
nals also frequently publish anti-Semitic diatribes. In September efforts bv the
Greek Orthodox community to promote environmental awareness in the Black Sea
area were met with extreme hostility by ultra rightwing extremists.
In December a bomb was thrown onto the roof of the Ecumenical Patriarchate ca-
thedral where it exploded. A patriarchal deacon was severely injured and remains
hospitalized. Structural damage was minimal, although many windows were broken.
No group has claimed responsibility. To provide greater security, the police have
built a guard post by the attack site manned 24 hours a day.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — ^The Constitution does not recognize the
Kurds as a national, racial, or ethnic minority. There are no legal barriers to ethnic
Kurds' participation in political and economic affairs, but Kurds who publicly or po-
litically assert their Kurdish ethnic identity risk harassment or prosecution. Many
M.P.'s and senior ofiicials and professionals are ethnic Kurds. Kurds who are long-
term residents in industrialized cities in western Turkey have been for the most
part assimilated into the political, economic, and social life of the nation, and much
intermarriage has occurred over many generations. Kurds who are currently migrat-
ing westward (including those displaced by the confiict in the southeast) bring with
them their culture and village identity, but often little education and few skills.
The 1991 repeal of the law prohibiting publications or communications in Kurdish
legalized private spoken and printed communications in Kurdish. The use of minor-
ity languages, including Kurdish, in television and radio broadcasts by political par-
ties and in schools, is restricted by a plethora of laws and even articles of the Con-
stitution; these restrictions are arbitrarily invoked. Materials dealing with Kurdish
history, culture, and ethnic identity continue to be subject to confiscation and pros-
1350
ecution under the "indivisible unity of the state" provisions of the Anti-Terror Law
(see Section 2.a.).
A series of recent actions against predominantly Kurdish organizations in the
southeast has convinced many in the region that despite the Government's public
commitment to improve its human rights record, the boundaries for cultural and po-
litical expression are in fact shrinking. Some contend that official harassment of
Kurdish groups in the southeast has increased.
The Mesopotamian Cultural Center (MKM), a corporation established to promote
Kurdish language and culture, has branches in Adana, Mersin, Sanliurfa, and
Diyarbakir in addition to cities in western Turkey. During the latter part of the
year, police pressure against MKM branches in Mersin, Adana, and Sanliurfa in-
creased significantly. In late October, the newly-opened branch in Sanliurfa was
banned by the provincial governor. In Mersin the MKM was raided by police on No-
vember 2. During the periormance of a Kurdish-language play by a visiting theater
troupe from Istanbul, the play was disrupted, the identities of all spectators were
checked and recorded, and 12 of the actors were detained. Although all but one of
the actors were later released with no charges filed, a court case continues against
Kemal Ulusoy for making separatist propaganda. Ulusoy was released from prison
in December.
In Adana police raided the MKM on December 21 as a visiting musical group was
performing a concert of Kurdish music. (Kurdish music concerts are not illegal.) One
hundred spectators inside the concert room and another 100 to 200 waiting outside
were photographed, asked for their identity cards, and ordered to leave the prem-
ises. The building was then sealed off by police, and the MKM director and the mu-
sicians were taken into custody. All were released within 24 hours, and no charges
were filed. When MKM leaders attempted to hold a press conference the following
week to publicize the incident, police prevented newsmen from approaching the
MKM building.
In Sanliurfa the MKM opened its newest branch to a crowd of several thousand
people on October 25. Within 2 days, police had blockaded the MKM building and
prevented the previously-announced performance of a Kurdish-language play. Based
on the recommendation of the Sanliurfa security director, the provincial governor
subsequently closed down the MKM for an indefinite period. All three MKM
branches report that they have been prevented from selling Kurdish-language music
cassettes and warned against organizing more cultural events.
The Ministry of Education tightly controls the curriculum in foreign-language
schools. Many Greek-origin students report difficulty in continuing their education
in Turkey and go to Greece, often never to return.
The Romani population is extremely small, and there were no reported incidents
of public or government harassment directed against them.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the right to associate freely and form
representative unions, except police and military personnel. In June Parliament
passed implementing legislation for the 1995 constitutional amendments that gave
civil servants, including schoolteachers, the right to form legally recognized unions.
(Even prior to passage, civil servants' unions existed and worked for legal recogni-
tion, collective bargaining, and the right to strike through demonstrations and 1-
day work stoppages.) In 1995 Parliament amended Article 53 of the Constitution to
permit civil servants' unions to bring cases to court on behalf of members, carry out
collective talks with the Government to pursue their objectives, and sign an under-
standing with the (jovernment if agreement is reached. The amendment language
did not mention strikes.
The Constitution stipulates that no one shall be compelled to become or remain
a member of, or withdraw from, a labor union. The law states that unions and con-
federations may be founded without prior authorization based on a petition to the
governor of the province of the prospective union's headquarters. Although unions
are independent of the Government and political parties, they must obtain official
permission to hold meetings or rallies and must allow police to attend their conven-
tions and record the proceedings. The Constitution requires candidates for union of-
fice to have worked 10 years in the industry represented by the union. Slightly over
12 percent of the total civilian labor force (15 years old and above) is unionized.
There are three confederations of labor unions: the Turkish Confederation of Work-
ers Unions (Turk-Is), the Confederation of Turkish Real Trade Unions (Hak-Is), and
the Confederation of Revolutionary Workers Unions (DISK). Unions and their offi-
cers have a statutory right to express views on issues directly affecting members'
economic and social interests.
1351
Prosecutors may ask labor courts to order a trade union or confederation to sus-
pend its activities or to go into liquidation for serious infractions, based on alleged
violation of specific legal norms. The Government, however, may not summarily dis-
solve a union.
The constitutional right to strike is partially restricted. For example, workers en-
gaged in the protection of life and property and those in the mining and petroleum
industries, sanitation services, national defense, and education do not have the right
to strike.
Collective bargaining is required before a strike. The law specifies the steps that
a union must take before it may strike or before an employer may engage in a lock-
out. Nonbinding mediation is the last of those steps. A party that mils to comply
with these steps forfeits its rights. The employer may respond to a strike with a
lockout but is prohibited from hiring strikebreakers or using administrative person-
nel to perform jobs normally done by strikers. Article 42 of Law 2822, governing col-
lective bargaining, strikes, and lockouts, prohibits the employer from terminating
workers who encourage or participate in a legal strike. Unions are forbidden to en-
gage in secondary (solidarity), political or general strikes, or in slowdowns. In sec-
tors in which strikes are prohibited, disputes are resolved through binding arbitra-
tion.
The Government has the statutory power under Law 2822 to suspend strikes for
60 days for reasons of national security or public health and safety. Unions may pe-
tition the Council of State to lift such a suspension. If this appeal fails, and the par-
ties and mediators still fail to resolve the dispute, it is subject to compulsory arbi-
tration at the end of the 60-day period. The International Labor Organization's
(ILO) Committee of Experts and the Committee on the Application of Standards re-
gard the Government's application of the law as too broad and have called on the
Government to limit the application of the law and recourse to compulsory arbitra-
tion to essential services in the strict sense of the term. The Government asserts
that the law does not contradict the Committees' principles.
During the first 7 months of 1997, there were 37 strikes involving 6,738 workers,
which resulted in approximately 158,670 lost work days. During the same period
there were no lockouts. No strikes or strike decisions were suspended by the first,
second, or third coalition governments since their formation following the December
24, 1995, general elections.
Some labor union members faced government limits on freedom of speech and as-
sembly (see Sections 2. a. and 2.b.), while some civil service organizations continued
to demonstrate for the right to strike and for higher salaries. In response to these
protests, the Ankara public prosecutor's ofiice initiated two separate court cases
against Turk-Is in 1995, charging that two demonstrations held by Turk-Is in An-
kara that year to protest the deadlock in collective bargaining negotiations were ille-
fal. In the first case, the public prosecutor demanded prison terms for the Turk-
s officials of a minimum of 6 months. In the second case, the prosecutor's office ac-
cused Turk-Is management of violating the associations law wnen it announced its
support for opposition parties before the 1995 general elections. The trials began in
the Ankara court of first instance in 1996. The Turic-Is president stated in his de-
fense that he and other ofiicials actually calmed down the workers during the dem-
onstrations. Judicial officials postponed the trials to a later date to hear the testi-
mony of other Turk -is officials who were not present at the first trial. The cases are
penaing.
With government approval, unions may and do form or join confederations and
international labor bodies, as long as these organizations are not hostile to Turkey
or to freedom of religion or belief The International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions (ICFTU) approved DISK as an affiliate in 1992; Hak-Is became a member
in December.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — All industrial workers have
the right to organize and bargain collectively, and most industrial activity and some
public sector agricultural activities are organized. The law requires that, in order
to become a bargaining agent, a union must represent not only 50 percent plus one
of the employees at agiven work site, but also 10 percent of all the workers in that
particular industry. This 10 percent barrier has the effect of favoring established
unions, particularly those afilliated with Turk-Is, the confederation that represents
nearly 80 percent of organized labor.
The ILO has called on Turkey to rescind this 10 percent rule. Both Turk-Is and
the Turkish employers' organization favor retention of the rule, however. In 1994
the Government informed the ILO Committee on the Application of Standards that
the Ministry of Labor and Social Security proposed to remove the 10 percent numer-
ical restriction and that it had communicated its proposal to the social partners. The
45-909 98-44
1352
ILXD took note of the Government's statement that it continued to study removal of
this reauirement despite objections from employer and worker organizations.
The law on trade unions stipulates that an employer may not dismiss a labor
union representative without rightful cause. The union member may appeal such a
dismissal to the courts, and if the ruling is in the union member's favor, the em-
ployer must reinstate him and pay all back benefits and salary. These laws are gen-
erally applied in practice.
In January Turk-Is, the largest trade union confederation, organized thousands
of workers from all over the country in a mass protest demonstration. Organizers,
supported by several political parties and NGO's, calling the event a "struggle for
democracy," conveyed their demands for higher wages, ending widespread corrup-
tion in government, controlling inflation and unemployment, and allowing civil serv-
ants the right to strike and the ri^t to collective bargaining.
In December DISK organized a 9-day protest march to press for union rights.
After completing the peaceful march,, wnich was supported by several political par-
ties, labor unions, and other NGO's, DISK representatives presented their demands
to the Government. The march elicited sympathy from top government leaders, but
labor continues to warn that labor peace is fragile. In December tens of thousands
of public sector employees, members of the Confederation of Public Workers' Union
(KESK), went on strike to protest the Government's 30 percent salary increase.
They also demanded the right to strike and to engage in collective bargaining en-
joyed by their private sector colleagues.
A law enacted in 1984 provides for the establishment of free trade zones, which
are intended to attract domestic and especially foreign investment and to promote
international trade. There are nine such zones operating in Mersin, Antalya, the Ae-
gean region, Trabzon, Istanbul(2), Eastern Anatolia, N^rdin, and Rize. Union orga-
nizing and collective bargaining are permitted in the zones, but the right to strike
is suspended for the first 10 years of operation. In the meantime, labor disputes that
cannot be settled by the parties themselves are subject to compulsory arbitration.
Workers inside the zones are paid in foreign exchange rather than Turkish cur-
rency, giving them a hedge against inflation.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution and statutes pro-
hibit compulsory labor, including that performed by children. The laws are enforced.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution and labor laws forbid employment of children younger than age 15, with
the exception that those 13 and 14 years of age may engage in light, part-time work
if enrolled in school or vocational training. The Constitution also prohibits children
from engaging in physically demanding jobs such as underground mining and from
working at night. The Ministry of Labor effectively enforces these laws only in the
organized industrial sector.
In practice many children work because families need the supplementary income.
An informal system provides work for young boys at low wages, for example, in auto
repair shops. Girls are rarely seen working in public, but many are kept out of
school to work in handicrafts, especially in rural areas. The bulk of child labor oc-
curs in rural areas and is often associated with traditional family economic activity,
such as farming or animal husbandry. It is common for entire families to work to-
gether to bring in the crop during the harvest. The Government has recognized the
growing problem of child labor and has been working with the ILO to discover its
dimensions and to determine solutions. The Ministry of Labor, the Ankara munici-
pality, the Turk-Is labor confederation, and the Turkish Employers Association are
among the institutions participating in the ILO'S International Program on the
Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC), a project to solve the problems of working chil-
dren. The Ministry of Labor and the ILO have jointly produced a study showing that
almost one-half (44 percent) of the children working are below the age of 15, are
paid less than the minimum wage, and have no insurance. According to a 1996
study conducted by the Turk-Is child workers bureau, for every 100 workers, 32
were between the ages of 6 and 19. Children employed at work sites and homes con-
stitute 5 f>ercent ofthe total working population and were mostly employed in the
metal, shoe, woodworking, and agricultural sectors. The young workers employed on
a monthly or daily wage payment basis worked over 40 hours a week, and those
employed at home and not receiving a wage payment worked less than 40 hours per
week. The study reported that 56 percent of these workers were uninsured. It adaed
that the total number of working young people between the ages of 12 and 19 was
3.5 million and that 45 percent oT them were under the age of 16.
According to the Ministry of Labor, 37 child labor inspectors were trained during
the year to add to the 40 already working. However, according to Turk-Is, there are
over 600,000 work sites and a mere 450 regular inspectors. A labeling system is
scheduled for implementation in 1998.
1353
The Constitution prohibits compulsory labor, including that performed by chil-
dren, and the laws are enforced (see Section 6.C.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Ministry is legally obliged to set
minimum wages at least every 2 years through a minimum wage board, a tripartite
govemment-industry-union body. In recent years, it has done so annually. In August
the nominal minimum wage was increasecl by approximately 108 percent over the
year before (compared to annual inflation of over 85 percent). The monthly gross
minimum wage rates, which became effective on August 1, are approximately $208
(Tl 35,437,500) for workers older than age 16 and about $176 (Tl 29,925,000) for
workers under age 16.
It would be difficult for a single worker, and impossible for a family, to live on
the minimum wage without support from other sources. Most workers earn consid-
erably more. Woilcers covered oy the labor law, who constitute about one-third of
the total labor force, also receive a hot meal or a daily food allowance and other
fringe benefits which, according to the Turkish Employers' Association, make basic
wages alone account for only about 37 percent of total compensation.
The Labor law sets a 45-hour workweek, although most unions have bargained
for fewer hours. The law prescribes a weekly rest day and limits the number of over-
time hours to 3 a day for up to 90 days in a year. The Labor Inspectorate of the
Ministry of Labor effectively enforces wage and hour provisions in the unionized in-
dustrial, service, and government sectors, which cover about 12 percent of workers.
Occupational health and safety regulations are mandated by law, but the Govern-
ment has not carried out an effective inspection and enforcement program. Law
1475 sets out procedures under which workers may remove themselves from hazard-
ous conditions without risking loss of employment. The law also allows for the shut-
down of an operation if a five-man committee, which includes safety inspectors, em-
ployee, and employer representatives, determines that the operation endangers
workers' lives. In practice, financial constraints, limited safety awareness, careless-
ness, and fatalistic attitudes result in scant attention to occupational safety and
health by workers and employers alike.
TURKMENISTAN
Turkmenistan, a one-party state dominated by its President and his closest advis-
ers, made little progress in moving from a Soviet-era authoritarian style of govern-
ment to a democratic system. Saparmurad Niyazov, head of the Turkmen Com-
munist Party since 1985 and President of Turkmenistan since its independence in
October 1990, may legally remain in office until 2002. The Democratic Party, the
renamed Communist Party, retained a monopoly on power; the Government reg-
istered no parties in 1997 and continued to repress all opposition political activities.
Emphasizing stability and gradual reform, official nation-Duilding efforts focused on
fostering Turkmen nationalism and glorification of President Niyazov. In practice
the President controls the judicial system, and the 50-member unicameral Par-
liament (Mejlis) has no genuinely independent authority.
The Committee on National Security (KNB) has the responsibilities formerly held
by the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB), namely, to ensure that the re-
gime remains in power through tight control of society and discouragement of dis-
sent. The Ministry of Internal Affairs directs the criminal police, which works close-
ly with the KNB on matters of national security. Both operate with relative impu-
nity and have been responsible for abusing the rights of individuals as well as en-
forcing the Government s policy of repressing political opposition.
Turkmenistan is largely desert with cattle and sheep raising, intensive agri-
culture in irrigated oases, and huge oil and gas reserves. Its economy remains de-
pendent on central planning mechanisms and state control, although the Govern-
ment has taken a number of potentially significant steps to make the transition to
a market economy. Agriculture, particularly cotton cultivation, accounts for nearly
half of total employment. Gas, oil and gas derivatives, and cotton account for almost
all of the country's export revenues. Seeking increased outlets for its gas exports
(and, thereby, greater economic independence), the Government is considering con-
struction of new gas export pipelines to or through a number of countries, including
neighboring Iran and Afghanistan.
Tne Government continued to commit human rights abuses, and the authorities
in particular severely restricted political and civil liberties. Citizens do not have the
ability to change their government peacefully. Dissident Durdymurad Khodzha-
Mukhammed remains in a psychiatric hospital in Geok-Depe, and dissident Ata
Aymamedov is still imprisoned for calling lor the President's removal from office.
1354
Senior government officials failed to respond to inquiries regarding these two cases.
Security forces continued to beat and otherwise mistreat suspects and prisoners,
and prison conditions remained poor and unsafe. Arbitrary arrest, detention, unfair
trials, and interference with citizens privacy remained problems. The Government
completely controls the media, censoring all newspapers and rarely permitting inde-
fienaent criticism of government policy or officials. The Government generally gave
avored treatment to ethnic Turkmen over minorities and to men over women.
Women experience societal discrimination, and domestic violence against women is
a problem.
The recently amended law on religion reaffirmed a number of important religious
freedoms but also tightens government control of religious groups. The requirement
that religious oi^ganizations have at least 500 members to be legally registered has
prevented some minority religions from legally establishing themselves.
The Institute for Democratization and Human Rights, given a mandate to conduct
research in support of the democratization of the Turkmen government and society
and to monitor the protection of human rights, completed its first year of operation
in October. During the year, it continued to develop its research and monitoring ac-
tivities. Early in 1997, it conducted inspections of prisons, and several reforms re-
sulted from these inspections.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The 1992 Constitution makes torture or other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treat-
ment illegal. Nevertheless, there were credible and widespread reports that security
officials frequently beat criminal suspects and prisoners and often used force to ob-
tain confessions. Security forces also used denial of medical treatment and food,
verbal intimidation, and placement in unsanitary conditions.
International human rights oreanizations reported that dissident Durdymurad
Khodzha-Mukhammed (arrested by authorities in 1995) remains in a psychiatric
hospital in Geok-Depe for nonmedical reasons. Others who have protested govern-
ment policies or economic conditions also reportedly are held in psychiatric hos-
pitals.
Prison conditions are poor, and prisons are unsanitary, overcrowded, and unsafe.
Food is poor, and infectious diseases are rampant. Facilities for prisoner rehabilita-
tion and recreation are extremely limited. In the past, some prisoners have died due
to overcrowding, untreated illness, and lack of adequate protection from the severe
summer heat.
Although in the past year diplomats have been permitted to visit selected prisons
and detention centers, the Government does not permit unrestricted independent
monitoring of prison conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution states that citizens
"have the right to freedom of belief and the free expression thereof and also to ob-
tain information unless it is a state, official, or commercial secret." In practice those
expressing views critical of or different from those of the Government nave been ar-
rested on false charges of committing common crimes, such as Ata Aymamedov (see
Section I.e.).
The precise number of political detainees held at year's end was unknown. Pre-
trial detainees are held 6 to 8 months on the average. Several thousand people,
many of them arrested for narcotics-related crimes, were released from prison under
a presidential amnesty act partly intended as an effort to release untried detainees.
Forced exile was not known to have occurred in 1997. However, almost all promi-
nent political opponents of the present Government have chosen to move to either
Moscow, Stockholm, or Prague for reasons of personal safety; none returned this
year.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for judicial independ-
ence. However, in practice, the judiciary is not independent; the President's power
to select and dismiss judges subordinates the judiciary to the Presidency. The Presi-
dent appoints all judges for a term of 15 years. The appointments are without legis-
lative review, except for the Chairman (Chief Justice) of the Supreme Court, and
the President has tne sole authority to remove them from the bench before the com-
pletion of their terms.
The court system has not been reformed since the Soviet era. It consists of a Su-
preme Court, 6 provincial courts (including 1 for the city of Ashgabat only), and.
1355
at the lowest level, 61 district and city courts. A Supreme Economic Court hears
cases involving disputes between state-owned enterprises and ministries, and, in-
creasingly, commercial disputes. The Government aoolished all military courts in
May. C^minal offenses conunitted by members of the armed forces are now tried
in civilian courts under the authority of the office of the Prosecutor General.
The law provides for the rights of due process for defendants, including a public
trial, the right to a defense attorney, access to accusatory material, and the right
to call witnesses to testify on behalf of the accused. In practice these rights are often
denied by authorities, and there are no independent lawyers, with the exception of
a few retired legal officials, available to represent defendants. When a person cannot
afford the services of a lawyer, the court appoints one. A person may represent him-
self in court.
Lower courts' decisions may be appealed, and in the case of the death f)enalty the
defendant may petition the President for clemency. The President granted clemency
to several hundred people in 1997 in connection with the general amnesty, which
released several thousand inmates from prison (see Section l.d.). In practice adher-
ence to due process is not uniform, particularly in the lower courts in rural areas.
Even when due process rights are oDserved, the authority of the prosecutor vis-a-
vis the defense attorney is so great that it is very difficult for the defendant to re-
ceive a fair trial.
In September the Government held at least 10 political prisoners, including 1 dis-
sident committed to a psychiatric hospital for nonmedical reasons. According to
Human Rights Watch, at least two other dissidents were also held in psychiatric
hospitals. Of the current convicted political prisoners, eight were involved in the
July 1995 demonstration. Two others were convicted in secret before the Supreme
Court in 1995 for an alleged conspiracy to assassinate the President. Dissident Ata
Aymamedov was sentenced in February 1996 to 4V'2 years' imprisonment for
"hooliganism" after he criticized the President in a private conversation. He report-
edly claimed that the only way to improve the country's situation would be to re-
move the President from office. The authorities tried and imprisoned him on the day
of his arrest.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the right of protection from arbitrary interference by the
State in a citizen's personal life. However, there are no legal means to regulate the
conduct of surveillance by the state security apparatus, which regularly monitors
the activities of opponents and critics of the Government. Security officials use phys-
ical surveillance, telephone tapping, electronic eavesdropping, and the recruitment
of informers. Critics of the Government, and many other people, report credibly that
their mail is intercepted before delivery.
The Government restricts citizens' ability to obtain foreign newspapers (see Sec-
tion 2. a.).
In the past, the authorities have dismissed children from school and removed
adults from their jobs because of the political activities of relatives. Since his trial,
the Government has reportedly persecuted Ata AymamedoVs entire family in this
way. The authorities also threaten supporters of opposition political movements
with loss of employment and homes (see Section 2.b.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for the right to hold
personal convictions and to express them freely. In practice, however, the Govern-
ment severely restricts freedom of speech and does not permit freedom of the press.
Continued criticism of the Government can lead to personal hardship, including loss
of opportunities for advancement and employment.
The (Government completely controls radio and television. Its budget funds almost
all print media. The (Government censors newspapers; the Committee for the Protec-
tion of State Secrets must approve pre publication galleys. The two nominally inde-
pendent newspapers established under presidential decree, Adalat (Justice) and
Galkynysh (Revival) continue to operate. Although both newspapers profess to be
independent, their content is censored. Russian language newspapers from abroad
are generally available only to organizations by subscription; individuals are rarely
able to subscribe. Individual issues are available in at least one Ashgabat hotel, but
are sometimes confiscated from passengers arriving at international airports.
The Government prohibits the media from reporting the views of opposition politi-
cal leaders and critics, and it rarely allows even the mildest form of criticism in
print. The Government has subjected those responsible for critical foreign press
items to threats and harassment. After publishing a series of articles critical of the
(Jovemment in the Russian newspaper Pravda in 1996, journalist Marat Durdyev
was fired from three state jobs: at the state-owned newspaper; an archeological site;
1356
and a state school; he also was harassed by the KNB and other government organs.
The Government revoked the accreditation of the Radio Liberty correspondent in
1996 because of broadcasts by an opposition politician in exile, but it did not prevent
him from continuing to file reports for broadcast in 1997.
Following his arrest on October 30, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty correspond-
ent Yowshan Annakurbanov was released from a KNB prison on November 12.
Annakurbanov reportedly was not physically harmed but remained under investiga-
tion at year's end for allegedly attempting to smuggle "military secrets" out of the
country. Reportedly, he also was forbidden to leave nis apartment, meet with jour-
nalists and foreign officials, or discuss his case. An article containing inaccurate
statements about RFE/RL and a negative depiction of Annakurbanov's case ap-
peared in the officially sanctioned daily newspaper Neutral Turkmenistan on No-
vember 14.
Intellectuals have reported that the security organs have instructed them to
praise the President in their art and have warned them not to participate in recep-
tions hosted by foreign diplomatic missions.
The Government also restricts academic freedom. It does not tolerate criticism of
government policy or the President in academic circles, and it discourages research
into areas it considers politically sensitive. The government-controlled Union of
Writers has in the past expelled members who have criticized government policy;
libraries have removed their works.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution allows for
peaceful assembly and association, but the Government restricts these rights. It
does not permit peaceful demonstrations organized by alleged critics and in 1995
dispersed the first peaceful protest rally in years, convicting over 20 persons for
their participation. According to Amnesty International, 8 of the original 20 con-
victed demonstrators remain in jail. Permits are required for public meetings and
demonstrations. There were reports of spontaneous demonstrations over bread
prices in 1996, but none in 1997.
A few unreristered organizations without political agendas are permitted to func-
tion publicly. Unregistered organizations witn a political agenda are not allowed to
hold demonstrations or meetings outside, but can hold small private meetings. No
political groups critical of government policy have been able to meet the require-
ments for registration. The Government uses laws on the registration of political
parties to prevent the emergence of potential opposition groups. At present the only
registered political party is the Democratic Party of Turkmenistan.
Social and cultural organizations without political aims are allowed to function,
but often have difficulty registering. Theoretically, citizens have the freedom to asso-
ciate with whomever they please. However, the authorities have fired or threatened
to fire supporters of opposition movements from their jobs, removed them from pro-
fessional societies, and even threatened them with the loss of their homes. In addi-
tion some citizens with links to foreigners are subject to official intimidation.
c. Freedom, of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion and
does not estabHsh a State religion. The State generally respects religious freedom.
Citizens are overwhelmingly Muslim, but Islam does not play a dominant role in
society, in part due to the 70 years of Soviet rule.
A modest revival of Islam has occurred since independence. The Government has
incorporated some aspects of Muslim tradition into its efTorts to define a Turkmen
identity, and it gives some financial and other support to the Council on Religious
Affairs, which plays an intermediary role between tne government bureaucracy and
religious organizations.
Religious congregations are required to register with the Government. While re-
affirming a number of important religious ireedoms, the Law on the Freedom of
Conscience and Religious Organizations, amended in 1995 and again in 1996, also
provides for significant government control of religion. For example, the requirement
that religious organizations have at least 500 adherents to be legally registered has
f)revented all but Sunni Muslims and Russian Orthodox Christians from setting up
egal religious organizations. This restriction has caused problems for a number of
minority religions, especially the Baha'i, who have been prevented from conducting
services. A member of a Ashgabat religious ^roup reported that on several occasions,
law enforcement officials raided the Baptist church where the group conducted
meetings, confiscated religious material, and warned church authorities against per-
mitting unregistered religious groups from meeting in its facilities. Diplomats re-
ceived similar reports of raids ana seizures of religious materials at Protestant
churches in other areas of the country.
While protected by law, proselytization by "foreign" (i.e., non-Sunni Muslim) reli-
gions can incur official displeasure. Missionaries arriving at Ashgabat International
Airport with large quantities of religious material have had the material con-
1357
fiscated. Government officials acknowledge this practice, stating that the quantities
are clearly for proselytizing and not for personal use. Hare Krishnas arriving from
Uzbekistan have had their religious material confiscated. Government permission is
required for any mass meetings or demonstrations for religious purposes. However,
the Government does not restrict the travel of clergy or members of religious groups
to Turkmenistan. Islamic religious literature is distributed through the mosques.
Orthodox churches offer a variety of Christian religious literature.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government does not generally restrict movement within the coun-
try, although travel to southern border zones is tightly controlled. Citizens still
carry internal passports. These documents are used primarily as a form of identi-
fication, rather than as a means of controlling movement. Residence permits are not
required, although place of residence is registered and noted in passports.
The Gk)vehiment uses its power to issue passports and exit visas as a general
means of restricting international travel. Most nonofTicial travelers find the process
of obtaining passports and exit visas to be difficult. Many allege that officials solicit
bribes in exchange for permission to travel abroad. This year the Government intro-
duced new passports which will eventually serve as combined foreign and internal
travel documents.
Most citizens are jjermitted to emigrate without undue restriction. In 1996 some
government opponents were denied the opportunity to emigrate; however, there
were no reports of similar government action in 1997. In 1997 ethnic Russians and
other non-Turkmen residents, including Jewish residents, have been permitted to
emigrate.
The government-funded Council of World Turkmen provides assistance to ethnic
Turkmen abroad who wish to return to Turkmenistan and apply for citizenship. The
Government, however, discourages immigration by ethnic Turlcmen living in Iran,
Iraq, Turkey, and other countries. Immigration of non-Turkmen from other areas of
the former Soviet Union is discouraged by the unofficial policy of favoring employ-
ment of ethnic Turkmen.
On June 12, the Government adopted the 1951 United Nations Convention and
its 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, but its accession to the Conven-
tion has not yet been approved by the U.N. The law on refugees was also adopted
on June 12. It establishes the procedure and conditions for recognizing refugee sta-
tus, and sets the legal, economic, and social rights of refugees.
The country does not provide first asylum, and the issue of its provision has never
arisen. The Government has never granted refugee or asylee status to individuals,
but some ethnic Turkmen from Afghanistan have been resettled.
The Government cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees.
There were no confirmed reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim
to refugee status. There have been unconfirmed reports of small numbers of refu-
gees being forcibly returned by individual border guards. According to the UNHCR,
however, there is no clear pattern of abuse or forced expulsion of refugees, with the
exception of such low-level Harassment.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have no real ability to effect peaceful change in the Government and
have little influence on government policy or decisionmaking. The 1992 Constitution
declares Turkmenistan to be a secular democracy in the form of a presidential re-
public. It calls for the separation of powers between the various branches of govern-
ment, but vests a disproportionate share of power in the Presidency. In practice
President Niyazov's power is absolute, and the country remains a one-party state.
Despite the appearance of decisionmaking by consensus, most decisions are made
at the presidential level.
In the 1992 presidential election, the sole candidate was Saparmurad Niyazov, the
incumbent ana nominee of the Democratic Party of Turitmenistan. The Government
announced the election barely a month before voting day, giving opposition groups
insufficient time to organize and qualify to submit a candidate. A 1994 national ref-
erendum extended the President's term to 2002, obviating the need for the sched-
uled presidential election in 1997. According to the official results, 99.9 percent of
those voting cast their ballots to extend his term. The policy of the Democratic
Party, according to its leadership, is to implement the policy of the President.
In the 1994 elections for a reconstituted Mejlis (Parliament), no opposition partici-
pation was permitted. The Government claimed that 99.8 percent of all eligible vot-
ers participated. The Mejlis routinely supports presidential decrees, and, as yet, has
1358
no genuine independence, although it has taken several measures to become a more
professional body and does debate and amend draft legislation, including key bills
such as civil and criminal codes. The next parliamentary elections are scheduled for
1999.
There are no legal restrictions on the participation of women or minorities in the
political process. Women hold the positions of Minister of Textile Industry, Prosecu-
tor General, Deputy Chairperson of Parliament, and the Ambassador to the U.N.
There are no women serving as provincial governors. Minorities are represented in
the Government although preference is given to ethnic Turkmen.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no local human rights monitoring groups, and government restrictions
on freedom of speech, press, and association would preclude any effort to investigate
and criticize publicly the Government's human rights policies. Several independent
journalists based in Russia report on these issues in the Russian press and have
contact with international human rights organizations. On numerous occasions in
the past, the Government has warned its critics against speaking with visiting jour-
nalists or other foreigners wishing to discuss human rights issues.
The National Institute for Democracy and Human Rights under the President
completed its first year of operation in October. Its mandate is to support the de-
mocratization of the government and society and monitor the protection of human
rights. Beginning in December 1996, Institute personnel led an investigative tour
of prisons and of regional and local government offices, reporting to the President
on substandard prison conditions and abuses by regional and local authorities. The
investigation led to the general amnesty and Criminal Code changes. The Institute
maintains two full time staff members and also played an active role in receiving
and resolving citizen complaints of arbitrary government action. Approximately
1400 complaints have been filed with the Institute and, reportedly, over 50 percent
concern the judicial process and judges but there are no specific statistics on the
number of complaints against law enforcement and security organizations. In gen-
eral the Institute conducts a study and returns its findings to the individual and
the organizations involved. The Institute, however, is not an independent body, and
the fiill scope of its prospective activities remained unclear at year's end.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal rights and freedoms for all, independent of
one's nationality, origin, language, and religion. It further specifies equal rights be-
fore the law for both men and women. There is no legal basis for discrimination
against women or religious or ethnic minorities. Cultural traditions and the Govern-
ment's policy of promoting Turkmen nationalism, however, limit the employment
and educational opportunities of women and nonethnic Turkmen.
Women. — Anecdotal reports indicate that domestic violence against women is com-
mon, but no statistics are available. The subject is not discussed in society. There
are no court cases available and no references to domestic violence in the media.
One unofficial group to support battered women operates in Ashgabat.
Women are underrepresented in the upper levels of state-owned economic enter-
prises and are concentrated in the health care and education professions and in
service industries. Women are restricted from working in some dangerous and envi-
ronmentally unsafe jobs. Under the law, women enjoy the same inheritance and
marriage rights as men. In traditional Turkmen society, however, the woman's pri-
mary role is as homemaker ai d mother, and family pressures often limit opportuni-
ties for women to enter outside careers and advance their education. Religious au-
thorities, when proffering advice to practicing Muslims on matters concerning inher-
itance and property rights, often favor men over women.
There is only one officially registered women's group, headed by the Deputy
Chairperson of the Mejlis and dedicated in honor of the President's mother. The
Government has no program specifically aimed at rectifying the disadvantaged posi-
tion of women in society, as it does not acknowledge that women suffer discrimina-
tion.
Children. — Turkmenistan's social umbrella covers the welfare needs of children.
The Government provides 9 to 10 years of education for the nation's children. Gen-
erally, there is little difference in the education provided to girls and boys. The Gov-
ernment has not taken effective steps to address the environmental and health
problems that have resulted in a high rate of infant and maternal mortality.
1359
During the annual cotton harvest, some schools in agricultural areas are closed
and children as young as 10 years of age work in the cotton fields (see Section 6.d.).
Other than this activity, there is no societal pattern of abuse against children.
People With Disabilities.— <iovemmeni subsidies and pensions are provided for
those with disabilities, althouffh the pensions are inadequate to maintain a decent
standard of living. Those capable of woiiting are generally provided with jobs under
still-valid preindependence policies that virtually guarantee employment to all. Ac-
cording to existing legislation, facilities for the access of the disabled must be in-
cluded in new construction projects. Compliance is spotty, however, and most older
buildings are not so equipped. Care for the mentally retarded and mentally ill is
handled on the local level. Mentally retarded and mentally ill children are jplaced
in boarding schools with educational and future employment opportunities if their
condition is mild. Adults with disabilities requiring institutionalization are kept pri-
marily in "psycho-narcological" hospitals in Ueok-Uepe, Bekrova, and Kava, ana in
theory provided with food, clothing, and medical care.
National/ Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Constitution provides for equal rights
and freedoms for all citizens. Turkmen comprise approximately 77 percent of the
population of about 4.5 million; Russians, 7 percent; and Uzbeks, 9 percent. There
are smaller numbers of Kazakhs, Armenians, Azerbaijanis, and many other ethnic
groups. Since independence, Turkmenistan has not experienced ethnic turmoil.
As part of its nation-building efforts, the Government has attempted to foster
Turkmen national pride, in part through its language policy. The Constitution des-
ignates Turkmen the official language, and it is a mandatory subject in school, al-
though not necessarily the language of instruction.
The Constitution also provides for the rights of speakers of other langua^s to use
them. Russian remains in common usage in government and commerce. The Gov-
ernment insists that discrimination against Russian speakers will not be tolerated.
However, efforts to reverse past policies that favored Russians work to the benefit
of Turkmen at the expense of the other ethnic groups, not solely ethnic Russians.
Non-Turkmen fear that the designation of Turicmen as the official language will put
their children at a disadvantage educationally and economically. They complain that
some avenues for promotion and job advancement are no longer open to them. Only
a handful of non-Turkmen occupy high-echelon jobs in the ministries, and govern-
ment employees from minority ethnic groups are sometimes assigned lesser posi-
tions than their experience and qualifications would merit.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Turkmenistan has inherited the Soviet system of
government-associated trade unions. There are no legal guarantees entitling work-
ers to form or join unions. The Colleagues Union is the only legal central trade
union federation permitted, and it claims a membership of 1.6 million; its unions
are divided along both sectoral and regional lines. Unions may not form or join
other federations.
While no law specifically prohibits the establishment of independent unions, there
are no such unions, and no attempts were made to register an independent trade
union during the year.
The law neither prohibits nor permits strikes and does not address the issue of
retaliation against strikers. Strikes are extremely rare and no strikes were known
to have occurred in 1997.
There is no information on union affiliation with international unions.
Turkmenistan joined the International Labor Organization in 1993.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law does not protect the
right to collective bargaining. In practice, in the state-dominated economy, the close
association of both the trade union and the state-owned enterprise with the Govern-
ment seriously limits workers' ability to bargain, and workers often go months with-
out pay or receive their paychecks late.
The Ministry of Economics and Finance prepares general guidelines for wages and
sets wages in health care, culture, and some other areas. In other sectors, it allows
for some leeway at the enterprise level, taking into account local factors. The Gov-
ernment determines specific wage and benefit packages for each factory or enter-
prise.
The law does not prohibit antiunion discrimination by employers against union
members and organizers, and there are no mechanisms for resolving such com-
plaints.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
labor. No incidents of compulsory labor were reported.
1360
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and generally en-
forces this prohibition effectively, with the exception of cotton harvesting in rural
areas.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for emplovment of children is 16 years; in a few heavy industries it is 18
years. The law prohibits children 16 through 18 years of age from working more
than 6 hours per day (the normal workday is 8 hours).
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and generally en-
forces this prohibition effectively, with the exception of cotton harvesting in rural
areas (see Section 6.c.). A 15-year-old child may work 4 to 6 hours per day, but only
with the permission of the trade union and parents. This permission rareW is grant-
ed. Violations of child labor laws occur in rural areas during the cotton harvesting
season, when teenagers work in the fields and children less than 10 years of age
sometimes help with the harvest.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no minimum wage. As of August 1,
the average wage in the state sector was approximately $31 (160,000 manats) per
month. Wnile the Government subsidizes the prices oi many necessities and pro-
vides others free of charge, this wage falls short of the amount required to meet the
needs of an average family. Most nouseholds are multigenerational, with several
members receiving salaries, stipends, or pensions. Even so, many people lack the
resources to maintain an adequate diet, and meat is a luxury for most citizens.
The standard legal workweek is 40 hours with 2 days off. Individuals who work
fewer hours during the week or are in certain high-level positions may also work
on Saturdays.
Turkmenistan inherited from the Soviet era an economic system with substandard
working conditions — one in which production took precedence over the health and
safety of workers. Industrial workers often labor in an unsafe environment and are
not provided proper protective equipment. Some agricultural workers are subjected
to environmental health hazards. The Government recognizes that these proolems
exist and has taken some steps to deal with them, but it has not set comprehensive
standards for occupational health and safety. Workers do not always have the right
to remove themselves from work situations that endanger health or safety without
jeopardy to their continued employment.
UKRAINE
Under the new Ukrainian Constitution adopted in 1996 the President, elected for
a 5-year term, and a one-chamber Parliament (the Rada), elected for a 4-year term,
share responsibility for governance. (Transitional provisions continue the current
President's and Parliament's terms until October 1999, and March 1998, respec-
tively.) President Leonid Kuchma was elected in 1994. The President appoints the
Cabinet and controls government operations. Under the new Constitution the judici-
ary is funded as an independent branch, instead of through the Ministry of Justice.
However, the court system remains subject to political interference.
The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the
Ministry of Defense all have equal status and report to the President through the
Cabinet. The heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense
sit in the Cabinet of Ministers. In April the President established by decree the Na-
tional Bureau of Investigation (NBI). However, the NBI had not been fully orga-
nized by year's end; the Parliament refused to provide any funding for the NBI,
pending the adoption a law formally establishing it. The chairmen of the SBU and
the newly created NBI are also members of the Cabinet, but they are not cabinet
ministers. The armed forces have largely remained outside politics. Although the
SBU has not interfered in the political process, it can affect it through criminal in-
vestigations against politicians and influential businessmen. Reportedly, the Gov-
ernment has used government agencies, especially the Tax Inspectorate, to disrupt
or eliminate the businesses of competitors and political opponents. Despite the Gov-
ernment's adoption of a sweeping anti-corruption program, the SBU, police, and
Prosecutor's Office have drawn domestic and international criticism for their failure
to take adequate action to curb institutional corruption and abuse in the Govern-
ment. Many high profile corruption cases, which were opened earlier, have been
dropped, ostensioly because of lack of incriminating evidence. Members of the secu-
rity forces committed human rights abuses.
Ukraine is making a difficult transition from central planning to a market-based
economy. According to official statistics, about half of the work force is formally em-
ployed in manufacturing, with the balance divided between services and agriculture.
1361
although in reahty many industrial enterprises have reduced or stopped production.
Exports are diversified and include metals, chemicals, sugar, and semi-finished
foods. Annual per capita gross domestic product for 1997 was approximately $1,000.
n 1996 Ukraine achieved a measure of macroeconomic stability for the first time
since independence. Inflation, which at times had accelerated to hyperinflation, was
10 percent for 1997. The private sector has grown significantly and now represents
a substantial portion of the economy, although growth in the unofficial shadow econ-
omy is not fiilly reflected in official government statistics. Nevertheless, the country
remains in a serious economic crisis. Industrial output continues to decline, and
shrinking revenue has left millions of employees unpaid for many months. The pace
of reform was erratic during the year, particularly in the agricultural sector. Despite
some progress on privatization and deregulation, investment remains at low levels,
with many potential investors discouraged by onerous and arbitrary taxation and
licensing practices.
Overall, Ukraine continued the process of building a law-based civil society. Re-
ports of human rights violations remained at the same low level as in 1996. Prob-
lems continue in the unreformed legal and prison systems, and the army. Police and
prison officials regularly beat detainees and prisoners; beating of conscripts is com-
mon in the army. The Government rarely punishes officials who commit such
abuses. Prison conditions remain poor, and lengthy pretrial detention under poor
conditions is a common problem. The judiciary is overburdened and lacks sufficient
funding and staff. Long delays in trials are a problem. While progress has been
made toward ensuring the independence of the judiciary, political interference con-
tinues to affect the judicial process. There are occasional government attempts to
control the press and limit freedom of speech, and significant limits on freedom of
association and on nonnative religious organizations. Laws governing political party
organizations have the potential to limit human rights. Significant societal anti-
Semitism, violence against women and children, as well as discrimination against
women, and both ethnic and religious minorities, persist.
The efficacy of the 1996 Constitution and the safeguards that it provides for
human rights depends on enabling legislation, most of which has not yet been
passed. The power of the Constitutional Court remains untested. The Constitution's
provision for a human rights ombudsman appointed by Parliament to assist citizens
in defending their rights was first adopted on November 13. On December 5 the
President vetoed the law, giving his requirements that the Ombudsman should not
be a member of any political party and that he should be a professional lawyer.
However, subsequently the Parliament incorporated most of the presidential propos-
als into the new version and adopted the law on December 23. (The President
signed the bill into law on January 10, 1998.)
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no known political
killings by government agents. In some instances the line between politically moti-
vated killing and criminal activities was difficult to distinguish. The Government's
inability to stem economic decline and check the growth of violent, organized crimi-
nal activity had major ref)ercussions. Politicians and politically-connected business-
men continued to be the victims — whether through killing or kidnaping—of orga-
nized criminal groups, aided in a few cases, either actively or passively, by corrupt
officials.
During the year a member of the town council in Yevpatoriya, the regional prop-
erty board director, and a governor in Razoolnensky district were killed. Police dis-
covered that the governor's murder was ordered by the chairman of the district
council's law and order conrunission. In April a director of the large steel plant in
Olchivsk, Donetsk Oblast, narrowly avoided a bomb explosion in his hotel room. The
mayor of Odesa claimed that gunmen, who were overpowered by police in an apart-
ment facing the city hall in August, had planned to kill him.
The number of contract killings of members of the business community, often
managers of state-owned enterprises, remained high, especially in the Crimea and
Donetsk regions. Politicians were also targeted because of their influence over state-
owned enterprises. In September the Crimean Deputy Minister for Tourism and Re-
sorts was killed by a gunman. In December Arkadiy Tabachnyk of Odesa, a promi-
nent businessman with very high polittcal connections, and his bodyguard were also
killed by a gunman. Also in December a bomb killed one nurse and injured several
other persons in the intensive care unit of a hospital in Simferopol in an assassina-
tion attempt on a local Crimean businessman with criminal connections. There have
1362
been no arrests in these cases. As of August there were 73 contract murders; in all
of 1996 there were 157 contract murders.
Pervasive organized crime and contract killings have been particularly rampant
in the Donetsk region and Crimea. The undermining of governmental authority was
f)articularly serious in Crimea. The Kiev central government in many matters exerts
ittle institutional control over the peninsula, and the Crimean authorities, includ-
ing members of the executive bodies and the legislature, are widely alleged to be
compromised by ties to organized criminal elements. According to police reports, 51
local council deputies are linked to the organized criminal groups, including 11 of
49 members of the city council in Simferopol. Four local deputies were killed last
year. The Prosecutor's Oflice opened five criminal cases against local deputies, in-
cluding a member of the Crimean legislature. While recognizing the worsening
crime scene, in 1996 the new Crimean police leadership claimed to have solved 18
of 36 contract murders and to have detained over 109 criminal leaders, with some
30 more detained in 1997. However, police leadership complains that loopholes in
the existing criminal law allow criminal leaders to evade punishment in most cases.
In 1996 some 1,000 Crimean policemen, including senior officers, were fired, and
over 1000 were disciplined.
The 1996 alleged assassination attempt on the then-prime minister, Pavlo
Lazarenko, whose car reportedly barely escaped a bomb explosion, and the killing
of Rada deputy and business magnate, Yevnen Scherban, remain unsolved. The
1996 attempt on the mayor of Sevastopol remains unresolved.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
The alleged kidnaping in 1996 of the former speaker of the Crimean legislature
remains unsolved.
The Januaiy 1994 disappearance of Myhailo Boichyshyn, a prominent leader of
the Popular Movement of lAraine (RUKH), remains unsolved.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture; however, police and prison oflicials regularly
beat detainees and prisoners. Amnesty International in Ukraine reports that riot po-
lice beat and torture prisoners during their regular training exercises at jails. In
1996 the human rights group reported about 20 examples of such mistreatment.
There is no effective mechanism for registering complaints about mistreatment or
for obtaining redress. The human rights ombudsman required by the new Constitu-
tion may provide such a mechanism once it is established. The Government made
no known efforts during the year to end the practice or to punish officials who com-
mitted or abetted such abuses. However, after the 1996 death of a suspect in the
Security Service detention center (SBU) in Lviv, who was allegedW beaten to death
by guards, the SBU leadership closed the facility and fired 36 oi its 49 personnel.
Tnere were no developments in the case of a member of Parliament from Kiev,
Myroslav Horbatj-uk (who was placed in an intensive care unit after a brutal as-
sault), and a former parliamentarian from Zaporizhzhia, Victor Slesarenko (whose
car was blown up). They had claimed that violent attacks against them were linked
to their investigations into high-level corruption in the Government. The Govern-
ment has not yet announced the results of its investigations of these allegations.
Beating of recruits by senior conscripts, sometimes resulting in death or suicide
of the young soldiers, remains common in the army, especially in the notoriously
violent penal units. Police corruption remains a serious problem.
Conditions in pretrial detention facilities routinely fail to meet minimum inter-
national standards. Inmates are sometimes held in investigative isolation for ex-
tended periods and subjected to intimidation and mistreatment by jail guards and
other inmates. Overcrowding is common in the pretrial and investigative detention
centers. Prison overcrowding led the Government to release over 20,000 convicts
under a mass amnesty, including some convicted of serious, violent crime.
Prison conditions are poor. Despite government efforts to maintain minimum
international standards in the prisons for convicted prisoners, the worsening eco-
nomic situation led to a further deterioration of these facilities. Overcrowding, poor
sanitation, and inadequate medical care are all common problems in the prisons.
The incidence of murders by inmates and forced suicides in prisons is reportedly
high. In 1996 there were 84 suicides in jails. No official statistics for prison murders
are available.
The Government generally permits prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law provides that authorities may
detain a person suspected of a crime for 3 days without a warrant. The Constitution
provides that only the courts may issue arrest warrants, but under its transitional
provisions the IVosecutor's Office retains the authority to issue arrest and search
warrants until 2001. An arrest order must be issued if the period of detention ex-
ceeds 3 days. The maximum period of detention after charges have been filed is 18
1363
months, but the law does not limit the aggregate time of detention before and dur-
ing the trial. The law permits citizens to contest an arrest in court or appeal to the
prosecutor.
By law a trial must begin no later than 3 weeks after the defendant is indicted.
This requirement is frequently not met by the overburdened court system, where
months may pass before a defendant is finally brought to trial.
The law stipulates that a defense attorney be provided without charge to the indi-
fent from the moment of detention or the filing of charges, whichever comes first,
here are insufficient numbers of defense attorneys to protect suspects from unlaw-
ful, lengthy imprisonment under extremely poor conditions. Although the concept of
providing attorneys from the state system remains in principle, public attorneys
often refuse to defend indigents for the low government fee. While in custody a sus-
pect or a prisoner is allowed by law to talk with a lawyer in private; however,
numan rights groups rejwrt that the client-attorney privilege is occasionally denied
by prison or investigative officials. To protect the defendant, each investigative file
must contain a document signed by the defendant attesting tnat the charges against
him, his rigjit to an attorney, and his right not to give evidence against himself or
his relatives, have been explained to him,. An appeals court may dismiss a convic-
tion or order a new trial if this document is missing. As defendants increasingly be-
came aware of their rights, they insisted on observance of these procedures. How-
ever, many persons still were unaware of these safeguards.
Exile as a punishment no longer exists in the law, and the Government observes
this prohibition.
According to 1996 Interior Ministry statistics, of a total prison population of
223,000 persons, approximately 45,000 were held in pretrial detention.
There were no reports of political detainees.
A group of Parliamentarians described as political persecution the detention and
prosecution on criminal charges of hooliganism of a Parliamentary aide and member
of the Ukrainian Radical Nationalist Group, UNA-UNSO, who wrote grafiiti criticiz-
ing Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko during his 1997 visit to Kiev.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for the establishment
of an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary remains subject to political inter-
ference.
The existing court system is divided into courts of general jurisdiction and arbi-
tration, or commercial, courts. The courts of general jurisdiction are divided into
criminal and civil sections. The courts are organized on three levels: rayon (district
or people's) courts, oblast (regional) courts, and the Supreme Court. There are 742
district and city courts, 27 regional courts, 26 military courts, and one interregional
court. All may act as a court of first instance depending on the nature and serious-
ness of the crime. A case heard in the first instance by the Supreme Court, there-
fore, may not be appealed or overruled. Military courts only handle cases involving
military personnel.
There are no clear rules to determine which court first hears a case.
The 1996 Constitution provides for a restructuring of the judiciary. Justice is to
be administered by the Constitutional Court and general jurisdiction courts with the
Supreme Court at their head. The judicial system is also to include local and ap-
peals courts, as well as special courts to be established by fiiture legislation, headed
by their respective highest courts. However, pending formation of the new judicial
system, the old system remains in place, including the present Supreme and Su-
preme Arbitration Court, for a maximum period of 5 years, until 2001.
The Parliament, the President, and the Congress of Judges each appoint 6 of the
Constitutional Court's 18 members for 9-year terms. The Court Chairman is elected
for a 3-year term by the 18 justices from among their own ranks. As of September,
all positions on the court were filled. The Constitutional Court is the ultimate inter-
preter of legislation and the Constitution. It determines the constitutionality of leg-
islation, of presidential edicts, of cabinet acts, and of acts of the Crimean Autono-
mous Republic. The Constitutional Court hears cases at the request of the Presi-
dent, at least 45 Parliamentarians, the Supreme Court, the Parliament's Human
Rights Ombudsman, or the Crimean legislature. While under the Constitution a citi-
zen has the right to apply to any court, citizens can apply to the Constitutional
court only through the Human Rights Ombudsman.
The Constitution strengthens the courts by establishing the principle of judicial
review. During the first half of the year, citizens filed over 6,000 civil suits against
the Government, compared with 8,(K)0 suits in 1996. Most of these cases were dis-
putes over unpaid wages. According to the Supreme Court, citizens win most such
cases, although virtually no verdicts are enforced.
The Criminal Procedures Code allows the following officials to suspend court deci-
sions: Prosecutor General (or his Deputies), Head of the Supreme Court (or his dep-
1364
uties), and heads of the regional courts and Kiev municipal court (or their deputies).
Such suspension is subject to the approval by the presidium of the regional court
(respectively, Kiev municipal court and Supreme Court). It is believed that this sys-
tem induces interference, manipulation ana corruption.
Prosecutors, like the courts, are also organizea into offices at the rayon, oblast,
and republic levels. They are ultimately responsible to the Prosecutor General, who
is appointed by the President and confirmed by the Parliament for a 5-year term.
Regional and district prosecutors are appointed by the Prosecutor (}eneral. Prosecu-
tors and defense attorneys by law have et^ual status before the courts. In practice,
however, prosecutors still are very influential because court proceedings are not con-
ducted in an adversarial manner and the procuracy, in its pretrial investigative
function, often acts in effect as a grand jury. A prosecutor directs all investigations
of the Ministry of Internal affairs and the SBU, or he may use the investigative re-
sources of his office. The Constitution considerably curtails the prosecutors author-
ity, limiting it to prosecution, representing the public interest in court, oversight of
investigations, and implementation of court decisions. However, the transitional pro-
visions of the Constitution allow the Prosecutor's Office to continue to conduct inves-
tigations and oversee general observance of the law, pending the formation of the
new pretrial investigation system. In November the Constitutional Court inter-
preted the Procuracy Law, ruling that citizens can dispute prosecutors' decisions in
court.
Judges are appointed by the President for an initial 5-year term, after which they
are subject to parliamentary approval for lifetime tenure. In accordance with the
Constitution, the Parliament began appointing judges to lifetime tenure positions,
reappointing most currently serving judges, with few exceptions. The Parliament
awarded lifetime tenure to 433 of the 4,719 judges whose terms were due to expire
in 1997. Over 350 of 389 judges of the arbitration (commercial) courts already nad
lifetime tenure under the 1991 Arbitration Court Law. Judges are recommended for
nomination by local qualification commissions to the Supreme Qualification Com-
mission. Judges are selected for nomination or dismissal by the Supreme Judicial
Council, which is also authorized to discipline judges-including judges of the Su-
preme Court and Supreme Special Courts-and prosecutors for violations of the law.
The Supreme Judicial Council consists of 20 members nominated by the three
branches of government and by professional associations from the law and procuracy
sectors. It also includes the Chairman of the Supreme Court, the Minister of Justice,
and the Prosecutor (general of Ukraine. The press reported only one case of a judge
being convicted for bribery. The Luhansk regional court gave a suspended sentence
of 4 years to a judge in the town of Krasnodon for accepting a bribe of $1,000. The
Supreme Court upheld the sentence.
Many judges and prosecutors were appointed during the Soviet era, when political
influence pervaded the criminal justice system. Human rights lawyers claim that
the judiciary is not free from government influence, particularly at the regional and
local levels. Judges, prosecutors, and other court officials appear to remain closely
attuned to local government interests. Organized crime elements are also widely al-
leged to influence court decisions. Although statistics are not available, the Justice
Ministry reports that this year some judges have been disciplined and dismissed.
However, since independence only four judges have been prosecuted on criminal
charges for bribery, with no such cases resulting in a trial. No higher court judge
has been disciplined to date. Criminal elements routinely use intimidation to induce
victims and witnesses to withdraw or change their testimony. The law requires that
a special police unit protect judges, witnesses, defendants, and their relatives. How-
ever, it has not yet been formed, and trial participants are vulnerable to pressure.
Human rights groups contend that judicial processes are sometimes affected by
the biases of expert advisers, who answer to government investigative and prosecu-
torial bodies.
The judiciary is inefficient and lacks sufficient staff and funds. The funds ear-
marked for the judiciary in the budget are barely enough to pay the judges and the
staff of the courts. According to the Justice Ministiy, some 37 percent oi the courts
are inadequately housed. The authority of the judicial system is also undermined
by a poor record of compliance with court decisions in civil and economic cases,
while the provisions for criminal punishment under the criminal code for noncompli-
ance with a court decision are rarely used.
The 1993 In July the Cabinet decided to form police protection units to provide
security forjudges, defendants and their relatives.
Under the existing court system, cases are decided by judges who sit singly (in
principle with two public assessors), or in groups of three for more serious cases.
As it has become increasingly difficult to find unpaid public assessors willing to at-
tend a trial, most cases are tried by a single judge. The Constitution provides for
1365
public, adversarial trials, including a judge (or group of judges), public assessors,
state prosecutor, defense and jury (if required by tne law).
The Constitution includes procedural provisions to ensure a fair trial, including
the right of a suspect or witness to refuse to testify against himself or his relatives.
However, pending passage of legislation to implement the Constitution's provisions,
a largely Soviet-era criminal justice system remains in place. While the defendant
ia presumed innocent, conviction rates have changed little since the Soviet era.
Nearly all completed cases result in convictions. Judges frequently send cases un-
likely to end in convictions back to the Prosecutor's Office for "additional investiga-
tion. Such cases may then be drooped or closed. It is commonly believed that sus-
pects frequently bribe court officials to drop charges before cases go to trial, or to
lessen or commute a sentence. Consequently, conviction rates are somewhat mis-
leading. However, as courts have become more independent, the number of acquit-
tals has increased each year. In May the Supreme Court Chairman made an unprec-
edented public warning to investigative agencies, particularly the police, against
interfering in court decisions.
Complicated cases can take years to go to trial. In the interim, defendants wait
in pretrial detention. The 1996 Amendment to the Criminal Procedures Code pro-
vides for bail, but to date it rarely has been used.
According to Interior Ministry statistics, in comparison with past years, greater
numbers of convicted defendants are receiving some form of suspended sentence, in
large part due to prison overcrowding. In 1996 about 138,(K)0 persons received sus-
pended sentences, while the prison population numbered approximately 223,000.
Current members of Parliament, members of local councils, and judges enjoy im-
munity from criminal prosecution unless the Parliament, the respective council, or
the judiciary authority gives its consent to criminal proceedings. Consent is rarely
given in practice.
There were no reports of political prisoners. A human rights group in
Zaporizhzhya called Justice reported that its activist Stepan Shkarun was detained
during the summer on charges of insulting a judge while attempting to expose cor-
ruption in the regional court. He alleged that the head of the regional court illegally
received free gas from a haulage company in exchange for a favorable court ruling
in a case involving the company's director. A human rights group claims that while
he was in pre-trial detention in Dnipropetrovsk, Shkarun was oeaten into signing
a confession; he was released under amnesty a month later.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Al-
though the Constitution requires that courts issue search warrants, this provision
has not yet been implemented. During the transition period, prosecutors are issuing
search warrants. The SBU, for reasons of national security, may conduct intrusive
surveillance and searches without a warrant with the consent of the Prosecutor
General. The Prosecutor General's Office oversees the SBU, but the extent to which
it utilizes that authority to monitor SBU activities and to curb excesses by security
officials is unknown. The Constitution provides citizens with the right to examine
any dossier that the SBU has on them and to sue for physical or emotional damages
incurred by an investigation. The procedure to implement and enforce this new right
have not yet been established.
The remnants of Soviet control mechanisms survive in many guises. Militia per-
sonnel have the right to stop vehicles arbitrarily and need no probable cause to ini-
tiate extensive document checks and inspection of all parts of the vehicle. Citizens
who have committed no violation, or only a minor one, often prefer to pay a bribe
to avoid a time-consuming inspection. Police have the right to detain a person for
up to 3 hours to verify identity. All internal passports contain a stamp indicating
a citizen's residence and matrimonial status.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution and a 1991 law provide for
freedom of speech and of the press; however, the Government persistently attempts
to control the press. The Government tolerates criticism on a selective basis. Many
journalists practice self-censorship. The Government largely controls the broadcast
media.
The print media, both independent and government-supported, demonstrate a
tendency towards self-censorship on matters sensitive to the Government although
this has been decreasing over time. The executive branch, through the Ministry of
Press and Information, subsidizes the operations of some large-scale publications.
The Ministry has warned some periodicals against fomenting ethnic tensions and
conducting antistate propaganda and has applied to the Prosecutor's Office to open
investigations into those newspapers. However, no newspapers are known to have
been prosecuted as a result. Private newspapers have also been established and are
1366
free to function on a purely commercial basis. However, they practice self-censorship
and are subject to various pressures such as control of access to afTordable state-
subsidized newsprint; dependence on political patrons who may facilitate financial
support from the State Press Support Fund; close scrutiny from government offi-
cials, especially at the local level; and politically motivated visits by tax inspectors.
In April the President issued a decree on support of the press that requires tne Cab-
inet to draw up a list of publications needing government support, including those
whose founders include central and local governments, public organizations, associa-
tions, unions, educational institutions, and newspaper employees. The ioumalistic
community believes that this decree was intended to support loyal menibers of the
press. The dependence of the subsidized and private press on the Government's pa-
tronage particularly inhibited criticism of the Government on the local level. For-
eign-owned newspapers are permitted and foreign periodicals circulate freely.
The broadcast media remain largely under state ownership. They are managed by
the State Committee on Television and Radio (Derzhteleradio), whose head, accord-
ing to the new Constitution, is appointed by the President and confirmed by Par-
liament. The President and the Parliament each appoint half of the members to the
regulatory board for broadcasting, the National Council for Television and Radio
Broadcasting, which issues broadcasting licenses and allocates broadcasting time.
The law entitles private and foreign companies to establish and operate their own
transmission facilities, provided that they obtain a license from the National Coun-
cil. A news program tnat covers domestic political developments, notably Vikna
(Windows) has fended off attempts by Derzhteleradio to preview and revise the con-
tent of their programs. In April allegedly under pressure from the parliamentary
leadership, the National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council ordered the
state-owned channel UT-2 to suspend the broadcasting of Pislyamova after it broad-
cast a report that was critical oi the Conmiunist regime in Cuba at the time of a
Ukrainian parliamentary delegation's trip to Cuba. The program was suspended but
was permitted to resume broadcasting a short time later, after public protests and
the intervention of the President. In December, citing increasing political pressure,
Pislvamova decided to cease broadcasting for the election period.
The Committee for Protection of State Secrets enjoys broadly defined powers over
all media. According to ioumalists, it has not interfered with the practice of their
crafl. There is a comprehensive, specific regulation on state secrets whose publica-
tion is prohibited. In May the Cabinet adopted a regulation that further defined
state secrets to include information on executions, the state of prisons, pretrial de-
tention blocks, and centers for the forcible treatment of alcoholics. Article 125 of the
Criminal Code prescribes imprisonment of up to 5 years for libel. There is no known
separate regulation regarding public officials (except for the President). A criminal
case was opened against Crimean journalist Tatyana Korobova on charges of libel-
ing Crimean parliamentarian Lev Mirimskiy who objected to her writing about his
criminal connections. Article 7 of the Civil Code allows anyone, including public offi-
cials, to sue for damages if circulated information, including a publication, is untrue
or if it insults a person's honor or dignity. Journalists complain that the law is bi-
ased against them because it does not limit damages.
An editor of the newspaper Opositsiya, Ivan Makar, was given a 2-year suspended
sentence in 1996 for libeling the President and his staff. Although he appealed the
court decision, this year the higher court confirmed the sentence. The newspaper
was closed by order of a Kiev court for publishing caricatures of the President and
his staff. Its equipment was confiscated.
Reporting on organized crime and corruption in the Government, including mis-
conduct by selected high-ranking cabinet and administration officials, is becoming
increasingly bold. Journalists contend that they have been subjected to threats, in-
cluding the threat of arrest, and violent assaults for aggressively reporting on crime
and ofncial corruption.
The journalistic community links the deaths of two prominent journalists to their
journalistic investigations. In March a Kievskiye Vedomosti corespondent from
Luhansk, Petro Shevchenko, was found hanged at a remote water heating facility
in Kiev shortly after he arrived in Kiev to visit the paper's headquarters. In August
in Odesa the editor of the newspaper Vechernaya Odesa was shot and killed on his
way to work by a gunman; the editor's assailant was arrested later by police. Jour-
nalists believe that a large percentage of the 42 crimes committed against the press
community in 1996 and the first half of 1997 was linked to their professional activi-
ties. A number of correspondents claim that they were beaten up or threatened in
retaliation for their critical publications. Following parliamentary hearings on free-
dom of speech in April, police authorities pledged to better protect journalists.
Journalists complain that the vaguely worded libel and defamation article of the
Criminal Code is oiased against the press, because it sets no limit on damages for
1367
libel or defamation. The popular newspaper Kiyevskiye Vedonosti was ordered to
f)ay the metropolitan authorities over $400,000 (750,000 hryvnas) for an allegedly
ibelous article about the mayor of Kiev. A libel case was opened against a journalist
in Crimea for writing about the criminal connections of a member of the Crimean
legislature, although she presented the police with documents in support of her alle-
gations. The case was dropped only after the local journalistic community appealed
to the President. In June police confiscated equipment of the Vechemiy Sevastopol
newspaper in Crimea after it accused the local mayor of corruption and criticized
the city court. The editor of the paper was sentenced to 10 days in jail for refusing
to publish an apology, but was released after journalists' protests. An owner of the
fiopular newspaper Kiyevskiye Vedonosti claimed that unremitting investigations by
aw enforcement agencies, including tax police inspectors, into his concern's oper-
ations were linked to the newspaper's reports about alleged abuse of office by the
Minister of Internal Affairs and chief of staff of the presidential administration.
The newspaper Region complained of massive, politically-motivated tax police in-
vestigations in March and April, following the publication of an article accusing the
thenJMme Minister of establishing a monopoly on supplies of natural gas to
Ukraine.
In April the Cabinet of Ministers instructed the Finance Ministry to launch a
sweeping inspection into private, nongovernmental media activities, including doz-
ens of newspaper, television, radio and publishing companies. The inspection was
canceled after protests by the public and the Parliament.
In February a group of parliamentarians protested against the Rada secretariat's
refusal to give accreditation to two correspondents of the newspaper Ukrayina
Moloda, which was known for its critical reports about the Parliament. In June the
Parliamentary press service stripped a commentator of the television program "Ac-
cents" of his parliamentary accreditation because of his allegedly critical remarks
about the Parliament and its leadership.
While major universities are state owned, they ostensibly operate under full au-
tonomy. Academic freedom within universities, however, is an underdeveloped and
poorly understood concept. Nepotism and bribery are reportedly common during en-
trance exams. Administrators of universities and many academic and research insti-
tutions possess the power to silence professors and scientists with whom they dis-
agree by denying them the possibility to publish, or more directly by withholding
pay, housing benefits, or by terminating their appointments. This atmosphere tends
to limit the spirit of free inquiry.
Human rights groups report the State Secrets Committee continues to maintain
special censorship offices in state scientific and research institutes including those
not conducting classified research. In September in an interview with the weekly
f»aper Zerkalo Nedeli, the head of the State Secrets Committee stated that these oi-
ices should remain in such institutes because of the increasing activities of foreign
companies in Ukraine. Restrictions by the Communications Ministry on the mailing
of scientific documents have also caused concern. Several private and religiously af-
filiated universities have been founded (or reestablished) since independence; all op-
erate without any reported interference or harassment by the State.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for the right
of assembly, and the (government generally respects this right in practice. The re-
strictive Law on I^ublic Assembly of 1989 circumscribes the freedom of assembly by
stipulating that organizations must apply for permission to their respective local ad-
ministration at least 10 days before a planned event or demonstration. The Con-
stitution requires that demonstrators merely inform the authorities of a planned
demonstration in advance. However, authorities insist that all demonstrations meet
the restrictive requirements of the 1989 law. Under the 1989 law, participants in
demonstrations are prohibited from inciting violence or ethnic conflict and from call-
ing for the violent overthrow of the constitutional order. Demonstrators may not
interfere with traffic, obstruct the work of government bodies or enterprises, or oth-
erwise hinder public order. In practice unlicensed demonstrations are common and
most occur witnout police interference. A leader of the Republican Party was pros-
ecuted in the winter in Kiev for staging a demonstration outside the Russian Em-
bassy, although the party had informed the authorities of the demonstration in ad-
vance. The protracted trial of Leopold Taburiansky, a leader of the People's Party
who spent several months in the pretrial detention in 1996, continues in
Onipropetrovsk. Taburiansky is charged with repeatedly organizing demonstrations
without a permit on behalf of duped clients of pyramid schemes.
The Constitution, law, and government regulations impose significant limits on
freedom of association, and the Government uses onerous registration requirements
to circumscribe this right. The Constitution prohibits the establishment of parties
and organizations that advocate the elimination of Ukrainian independence or the
1368
violent overthrow of the Government and of the constitutional order; that jeopardize
Ukraine's sovereignty or territorial integrity; that undermine its security; that fo-
ment ethnic, racial, or religious hatred; that violate individual rights and liberties;
or that jeopardize public health. The Government enacted a regulation imposing
limitations on the establishment of political parties that are not sufficiently region-
ally represented. The requirement to have representatives in at least half the
oblasts of the country as a prereqruisite for registration as a political party nega-
tively affects primarily Russian and Crimean Tatar organizations in Crimea.
The 1992 Law on Public Organizations prohibits the State from financing political
parties and other public organizations. According to the law, political parties may
not receive funds from abroad or maintain accounts in foreign banks. It bars politi-
cal parties from having administrative or organizational structures abroad. The law
prohibits police authorities, members of the SBU, and armed forces personnel from
joining political parties. The Constitution also prohibits establishment of political
party organizations in the executive and judicial branches, military units, state-
owned enterprises, educational, and other public institutions. Many members of
such bodies nonetheless publicly associate themselves with specific parties.
By law, the Ministry of Justice has the authority to warn or fine a political party
for illegal activities or to temporarily suspend its activities for up to 3 months, pro-
vided that the Prosecutor's Office has determined that the party has violated the
Law on Public Organizations. Suspensions may be extended for 6 months upon the
Ministry's request.
Freedom oi association also is circumscribed by a registration requirement that
lends itself to abuse and bureaucratic manipulation. Groups must be registered with
the Government to pursue almost any purpose, whether commercial, political, or
Shilanthropic. The Ministries of Interior, Justice, Economy, and Foreign Economic
delations, as well as the Committees on Religion and Broadcasting, all have reg-
istration functions, which have been used to prevent citizens from exercising their
right of free association.
Lack of registration has several important disadvantages. Unregistered groups
are prohibited from having bank accounts, acquiring property, or entering into con-
tracts. The registration law gives the Government an unlimited right to inspect the
activities of afl registered groups. According to this law a registered group must: 1)
keep the Government apprised of all its activities, including notification of any
meetings; 2) make its meetings open to all persons at all times, regardless of wheth-
er or not they are members; and 3) upon request, present its registration documents
to any government official, including the Prosecutor's Office, and be ready to prove
that its activities are in compliance with its charter. A change in the group's charter
necessitates re registration. A registered group may not duplicate any function or
service that the Government is expected to provide. For example, human rights law-
yers who wish to represent prisoners are prohibited from estaolishing an association
because the Government is required by the Constitution to provide lawyers for the
accused.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution and the 1991 Law on Freedom of Con-
science and Religion provide for separation of church and state and permit religious
organizations to establish places of^ worship and to train clergy. The Government re-
spects these rights in practice. However, a 1993 amendment restricts the activities
of nonnative religious organizations. Religious organizations are required to register
with local authorities and with the Government s Committee for Keligious AiTairs,
a process that generally t£ikes about 1 month.
A 1993 amendment to the 1991 religion law restricts the activities of nonnative
religious organizations, narrowly defining the activities of members of the clergy,
preachers, teachers, and other foreign citizen representatives of foreign organiza-
tions. They may preach, administer religious ordinances, or practice other canonical
activities only in those religious organizations which invited them to Ukraine and
with official approval of the governmental body that registered the statutes and the
articles of the pertinent religious organization.'
Some local officials have impeded the activities of foreign religious workers. For
example, in August local officials in Odesa curtailed the visas oT two foreign Mor-
mon missionaries, arguing that they did not have permission to operate in Odesa.
The missionaries left voluntarily but plan to challenge the law in court. All regional
administrations have departments responsible for registration of various denomina-
tions and religious groups and for supervision of compliance with the Law on the
Freedom of Conscience and Religion.
Government mediation failed to break a deadlock in the ongoing dispute among
competing Orthodox Christian administrative bodies claiming to be "the Ukrainian
Orthodox Church." In July leaders of major religious denominations and churches
in Ukraine signed a government-drafted memorandum on the nonviolent resolution
1369
of religious disputes. The Government has been unable to stop disagreements be-
tween the Orthodox believers and Greek Catholics in western Ukraine, where the
two conrmiunities are contentious and often engage in bitter disputes over church
buildings and property in over 600 localities. The Kiev Patriarchate of the Orthodox
Church complains of harassment by local authorities in predominantly Russian-
speaking eastern Ukraine, while the Moscow Patriarchate of the Orthodox Church
complains that local governments turn a blind eye to the appropriation of their
churches in Ukrainian-speaking western Ukraine by Ukrainian nationalists. The
Moscow Patriarchate protested against the decision in June of the municipal council
in Kiev to hand over most buildings of its Pecherska Lavra monastery to the Kiev
Patriarchate, and described it as unwarranted state interference in religious affairs.
The transfer had not been carried out at year's end.
The Government has moved to reduce houses-of-worship utility fees and rental
payments, to exempt them from the land tax, to expedite allotment of land plots for
construction of new ones, and to return religious buildings to their former owners.
Implementation of a 1992 decree on restitution of religious community property
seized during the Soviet era remains stalled in many places. Jewish congregations
in 33 towns and cities have negotiated successfully with local authorities for worship
space. In 1996 a Kiev arbitration court decided in favor of transferring the title of
the former Kiev Central Synagogue, which in Soviet times was used as a puppet
theater, to a Chabad Hasidic congregation. By December the puppet theater had va-
cated the synagogue. The decision sets an important precedent for the judiciary's
role in religious property restitution. The Government has expanded already signifi-
cant efforts to ensure that pilgrims of the Bratslav Hasidic sect are able to visit the
tomb of their founding rabbi in the city of Uman on the occasion of the Jewish New
Year. Representatives of the sect, a local Jewish community organization, and the
local government reached an agreement in 1996 to build a synagogue at the site.
In August two of three jailed leaders of the "White Brotherhooa' religious cult
were released under a mass amnesty. In 1996 they were sentenced to jail terms
ranging from 4 to 7 years (on charges of sta^ng mass disorder and resisting au-
thorities) for their involvement in the 1993 seizure of St. Sofia's Cathedral in Kiev,
which resulted in a violent clash with police.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Freedom of movement within the country is not restricted by law. How-
ever, regulations impose a nationwide requirement to register at the workplace and
fdace of residence in order to be eligible for social benefits, thereby complicating
reedom of movement by limiting access to certain social benefits to the place where
one is registered. People moving to other regions for work in the private sector, for
instance, may be denied formal access to free medical care and other services pro-
vided by the State. Residence without registration carries a fine under the adminis-
trative code, but this provision is rarely enacted. The Parliament scrapped the labor
code requirement of a mandatory local residence registration for employment. The
Government has not yet fulfilled its pledge to abolish mandatory registration and
to replace it with an informational residence register.
Persons born in Ukraine and living in Ukraine at the time of independence are
considered citizens. Dual citizenship is not recognized. The amended citizenship law
encourages the existence of a multi-ethnic country. The law provides the right to
Ukrainian citizenship for all individuals who were bom or lived in Ukraine before
independence and to their descendants who lived outside Ukraine as of November
13, 1991. In order to be eligible, persons must not be citizens of other countries, and
must submit their application by the year 2000. The amended law also provides the
right to citizenship lor deported victims of political oppression like the Crimean Ta-
tars. Refugees can acquire Ukrainian citizenship ii they have lived legally in
Ukraine for 5 years. The conditions for Ukrainian citizenship are: honoring the Con-
stitution and law; not being a citizen of another state; permanent residence in
Ukraine for the past 5 years; an ability to communicate in Ukrainian; and provi-
sions for a legal source of income. Since independence over 1.5 million Ukrainians
have returned to Ukraine, while over 1 million people, mostly ethnic Russians, have
left the country.
Citizens who wish to travel abroad are able to do so freely, although exit visas
are still required for most citizens. The Government may deny passports to individ-
uals with access to state secrets, but a denial can be appealed.
The Government has not supported a foreign-funded program to facilitate the
travel to Ukraine of some emigrants who qualify for resettlement as refugees. Ap-
proximately 260,000 Crimean Tatars have returned from exile to Crimea, mainly
from Central Asia. Crimean Tatar leaders have complained that their community
has not received adequate assistance in resettling and that an onerous process of
acquiring citizenship has excluded many of them irom participating in elections and
1370
from the right to take part in the privatization of land and state assets. A May
amendment to the citizenship law waives some of the usual residence and language
requirements for returning deportees. This expedited procedure of acquiring citizen-
ship by the deported victims of political oppression should facilitate the acquisition
of citizenship by Crimean Tatars. The 1997 amendments to the Citizenship Law
allow deported people, including Crimean Tatars, to acquire Ukrainian citizenship
without a mandatory 5-year term of residence in Ukraine and without Ukrainian
language proficiency. As with any other would-be citizens, Crimean Tatars are re-
Quired to provide omcial documents from their country of residence confirming that
they no longer are citizens of that country. Under the law of Uzbekistan (from which
most Tatars arrive), this procedure can take up to 1 year. According to Crimean
Tatar representative Refat Chubarov, of some 260,000 (247,000 according to MVD
statistics) Crimean Tatar repatriates, over 70,000 (64,000 according to MVD statis-
tics) are not currently citizens of Ukraine.
Ukraine is not a party to the 1951 United Nations Convention relating to the Sta-
tus of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol. Its treatment of refugees is governed by the
1993 Law on Refugees, which entitles refugees to all the benefits accorded to citi-
zens. According to international observers, the Government has demonstrated a
positive attitude toward those claiming refugee status. Refugee status is initially
given for a 3-month term and subject to furtner extension. By October there were
2,020 oflicially registered refugees (80 percent of the total are Afghans). A commit-
ment has been made to award refugee status to all Afghans who arrived in Ukraine
before 1995. Under the new citizenship law, legally registered refugees can apply
for Ukrainian citizenship after 5 years of permanent residence. Under the Refugee
Law, refugees are entitled to material assistance, but there is no money in the badly
strained national budget for this purpose. In cooperation with the U.N. High Com-
missioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the Government established a refugee receiving
center for 200 people in Vinnytsya, and it plans to open another center in Luhansk.
Instances of police harassment of certain categories of refugees appear to have di-
minished during the year. According to the State Committee for Nationalities and
Migration, there is a first asylum policy under the law. There have been no reports
of Torcible deportation of asylum seekers or refugees. The press has reported that
tens of thousands of illegal migrants live in Ukraine for years with forged docu-
ments. There were no reports of persons forced to return to countries where they
feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercised this right in 1994, when they elected a new president and a
new parliament that represented a wide range of parties and ideologies. During par-
liamentary by-elections at the beginning of 1997, human rights groups received com-
plaints of irregularities, especially in rural constituencies. Parliamentary elections
are scheduled for March 1998.
OUia Kolinko, a deputy Prosecutor general and anticorruption campaigner, unsuc-
cessfully appealed the Central Election Commission's decision to invalidate the re-
sults of the 1996 by-election in Lviv that she won. She claimed that the decision
was politically motivated. According to the new Constitution, the Central Election
Commission, not the Parliament, is to decide the ultimate validity of future election
results.
Women are active in political life but hold a disproportionately small percentage
of offices. Women hold 19 of the 450 seats in Parliament. Only two women hold min-
isterial posts. The 18-member Constitutional Court has two female members.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government allowed local and international human rights groups to operate
freely. Amnesty International and the U.S.-Ukrainian Human Rignts Bureau mon-
itor human rights. The Government has welcomed visits by foreign human rights
organizations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The new Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, sex, and other
g'ounds; however, due in part to the absence of an effective judicial system, the
ovemment has not been able to enforce effectively many of these provisions.
Soctetal anti-Semitism exists. The (jovernment has not prosecuted anti-Semitic acts
under the Law Forbidding the Sowing of Interethnic Hatred. The Government also
has not prosecuted those responsible for sexual discrimination. Human rights ex-
perts also note that the police frequently harass dark-skinned young men.
1371
Women. — While comprehensive information measuring the extent of violence
against women is not readily available, survey results suggest that the problem is
pervasive. The number of reported rapes and attempted rapes has increased by 80
percent over recent years. Surveys indicate that most women who have been sub-
jected to physical abuse or rape never report it to the police. A 1995 poll of 600
women conducted by a women's organization in Khariiiv indicated that 10 to 15 per-
cent had been raped and over 25 percent subjected to physical abuse over the course
of their lifetimes. Hot lines, shelters, and other practical support for victims of do-
mestic violence are practically nonexistent.
Separate statistics on prosecutions for wife beating or on average sentences are
not available. Government representatives have acknowledged that when violence
occurs the authorities often exert pressure on women to drop charges against their
husbands in order to preserve the family. The low official incidence of reported
crimes against women is mirrored by the lack of media attention to the subject.
Many women's groups place a high priority on the issue but find it a difficult prob-
lem to combat.
Sexual trafficking in women to Western and Central Europe, Turkey, and the
Middle East is reportedly common. Press reports place the number of women being
trafficked in the tJiousands. The Government is only beginning to address the prob-
lem. The authorities rarely prosecute men for engaging women in the explosively
growing sector of sexually exploitative work. Nongovernmental organizations claim
that the militia receive bribes in return for ignoring this problem.
Labor law provides for equal rights for men and women, including equal pay for
equal work, a principle that is generally observed. The Government has adopted a
controversial program aimed at reducing women's involvement in hard labor and
hazardous inaustries in conformity with a constitutional provision to safeguard
women from hard labor. The Labor Code and the Law on Protection of Motherhood
and Childhood prohibit women's labor at hard and hazardous jobs. For example, the
law prohibits women from working in jobs that would require them to lift more than
25 pounds at a time. However, the law is poorly enforced. According to human
rights groups, women commonly perform difficult and hazardous labor, and manage-
ment enforces the law only as necessary to lay off or fire female workers. Many
women's rights advocates fear that it may be used to bar women from the best pay-
ing blue-collar jobs. Women are much more likely to be laid off than men. Govern-
ment statistics report that 57.7 percent of all registered unemployed persons are
women, and it is estimated that women represent up to 90 percent of all newly un-
eniployed persons.
Few women attain top managerial positions in state and private industry. Accord-
ing to government statistics, 69.2 percent of the country's 213,000 state administra-
tion jobs are held by women, including 45.2 per cent of the managerial positions.
However, of the highest "first" and "second" category offices, only 5.6 percent in
central or local governments are filled by women. (These numbers do not include
the "power ministries" — the Ministries of Defense, Internal Affairs, Foreign Affairs,
and the SBU which has substantially more male employees at all levels.) Edu-
cational opfxirtunities for woman have generally been, and continue to be, equal to
those enjoyed by men.
Women with children under age 15 are entitled to 2 additional days of annual va-
cation. By law, pregnant women and mothers with small children enjoy paid mater-
nity leave until their children reach the age of3. This benefit is a disincentive for
eniployers to hire women from responsible or career track jobs.
Children. — The Government is publicly committed to the defense of children's
rights. Because of the deepening economic crisis, however, it is struggling to imple-
ment its agenda. Public education for children is compulsory to the age of 15. In
principle, tJiere is free health care for children affected by the Chornobyl nuclear
accident. Because of the worsening economic crisis and fraud committed by local of-
ficials, roughly 3,000 kindergartens have been closed in recent years.
Public concern over the fate of children adopted by foreigners triggered an amend-
ment to the adoption law providing for thorough court examination of each case and
follow-up monitoring of the children's well-being.
In April the All-Ukrainian Committee for Protection of Children released survey
results revealing that every fifth or sixth child of both sexes under 18 suffers from
sexual harassment (including every third girl), and every tenth girl is raped. The
low priority the public and the government attaches to children's rights is reflected
in the absence oi groups aggressively promoting children's' rights. For example, the
widely acknowledged problem of growing violence and crime in and outside schools,
especially the notoriously violent vocational schools, is largely ignored by the public
and the Government.
1372
People With Disabilities. — The law prohibits discrimination against the disabled,
but, especially with the economic crisis, the Government has been unable to support
programs targeted at increasing opportunities for the disabled. The law mandates
access to buildings for the disabled, but it is poorly enforced.
Religious Minorities. — Jews, the second largest religious minority in the country,
have expanded opportunities to pursue their religious and cultural activities. Anti-
Semitism continues to exist on an individual basis but is virtually nonexistent at
the official level. Some Ukrainian and American Jewish organizations continue to
urge the Government to speak out more forcefully against, and prosecute cases of,
anti-Semitism. There are ireely operating Jewish cultural centers and educational
institutions, including several colleges. However, some ultranationalist Ukrainian
groups continued to circulate anti-Semitic tracts. Anti-Semitic articles continued to
appear in a few local newspaj)ers, especially in western Ukraine and Kiev. The Lviv
newspaper Za Vilnu Ukrayinu and the Kiev-based Vechimyy Kyyiv publish anti-Se-
mitic diatribes. Article 66 of the Criminal Code prescribes up to 3 years' imprison-
ment or 1 year of corrective labor, or a fine for fomenting interethnic hatred; the
Law on the Print Media and the Law on Television and Radio also prohibit foment-
ing interethnic hatred. Jewish groups report that anti-Semitic incidents continued
in some regions. The Israeli cultural center in Kharkiv was firebombed in February.
The Israeli Embassy reported that the police were cooperative. An Arab organiza-
tion has claimed responsibility, although the police have not yet identified a suspect.
Several Jewish cemeteries were vandalized. The legacy of post-1940 demolition of,
or construction on, Jewish cemeteries, both by Nazi occupiers and by the Soviet Gov-
ernment, continued during the year. In many instances Ukrainian officials inherited
cases of Jewish cemetery land having been appropriated for other uses in the inter-
vening years, as Soviet law permitted reuse of cemetery land 25 years after the final
burial in the cemetery. The most problematic case was that of the historic Jewish
cemetery in Lviv, which saw its last burial in the 19th century, total ruin by Nazi
forces in 1942, and construction of a market on the land by Soviet authorities in
1947-1964. Similarly, in Berdychiv private garages had been constructed atop bur-
ial grounds; and in Mlyniv a hotel and parking lot encroach on a cemetery site.
Local government officials have responded with varying degrees of concern to these
problems. The Government quickly addressed the issue at the presidential level in
1996, giving an order that all construction or privatization on the land of Jewish
cemeteries be immediately frozen. Negotiations on reaching an ultimate resolution
of the problem are ongoing.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — With some important exceptions, there are
only isolated cases of ethnic discrimination in Ukraine. The Constitution provides
for "the free development, use and protection of the Russian language and other mi-
nority languages in Ukraine." This compromise builds on a 1991 Law on National
Minorities, which played an instrumental role in preventing ethnic strife by allow-
ing individual citizens to use their respective national languages in conducting per-
sonal business and by allowing minority groups to establish their own schools.
Some pro-Russian organizations in eastern Ukraine complained about the in-
creased use of Ukrainian in schools and in the media. They claim that their children
are disadvantaged when taking academic entrance examinations, since all appli-
cants are required to take a Ukrainian language test. Regional councils in Kharkiv
and Donetsk again decided in 1997 to give the Russian language ofTicial status
alongside Ukrainian. The local prosecutors suspended these decisions as violating
the law on the Ukrainian state language.
With the exception of two regions, there is no evidence of serious ethnic tension.
In some parts of western Ukraine, small Russian, Jewish, and other minority groups
credibly accuse some local Ukrainian ultranationalists of fostering ethnic hatred and
printing anti-Semitic tracts. They also charge that local authorities have not taken
action against those who foment ethnic hatred. In Crimea, Ukrainian and Crimean
Tatar minorities credibly complain of discrimination by the Russian majority and
demand that Ukrainian and Tatar languages be given equal treatment to Russian.
The Ukrainian community in Crimea has criticized the national Government for tol-
erating radical anti-Ukrainian and Russian chauvinistic groups on the peninsula.
While the Crimean government, pleading insufficient funds, did not assent to re-
quests from the Crimean Tatar community for assistance in reestablishing its cul-
tural heritage through Tatar language publications and educational institutions, the
central government is working with the UNHCR, the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe, and the International Organization for Migration on support
for the Crimean Tatar community.
1373
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right to join trade
unions to defend "professional, social and economic interests." Under the Constitu-
tion, all trade unions have equal status, and no government permission is required
to establish a trade union. The 1992 Law on Citizens' Organizations (which includes
trade unions) stipulates noninterference by public authorities in the activities of
these organizations, which have the right to establish and join federations on a vol-
untary basis. In principle all workers and civil servants (including members of the
armed forces) are free to form unions. In practice the Government discourages cer-
tain categories of workers, for example, nuclear power plant employees, from doing
so.
The successor to the Soviet trade unions, known as the Federation of Trade
Unions (FPU), has begun to work independently of the Government and has been
vocal in advocating workers' right to strike. The FPU urged Parliament to adopt a
new trade union law to replace old Soviet-era legislation. It has supported, for in-
stance, the protests of miners and other professions over unpaid wages. As during
the Soviet era, most FPU affiliates work closely with management. Enterprise man-
agers are free to join the FPU. The FPU has no official or legal relationship with
any political party.
Independent unions now provide an alternative to the official unions in most sec-
tors of the economy. The Independent Miners' Union of Ukraine (NPGU), unions
representing pilots, civil air traific controllers, locomotive engineers, aviation ground
crews, and other unions operate either independently or within one of three national
confederations. Independent unions have unsuccessfully claimed a share of the
former Soviet Union's huge property and funds, especially the social insurance bene-
fits fund, a Soviet-era legacy traditionally controlled by the official unions.
The Constitution provides for the right to strike "to defend one's economic and so-
cial interests." The Constitution states that strikes must not jeopardize national se-
curity, public health, or the rights and liberties of others. The Law on Labor Confiict
Resolution does not extend this right to members of the armed forces, civil and secu-
rity services, and employees of "continuing process plants," for example, metallur-
gical factories. The law prohibits strikes that "may infringe on the basic needs of
the population," for example, rail and air transportation. Strikes based on political
demands are also illegal. The Government has relied on the prosecutors and courts
to deal with strikes that it considers illegal.
The Workers' Strike Committee, a labor ore'anization in the coal sector in
Donetsk, defied the regional arbitration court's canning order for inciting unrest
during protests by miners over unpaid wages in 1996. After a protracted trial its
leader, Mykhaylo Krylov, received amnesty after being sentenced to a prison term
for inciting civil disorder in 1996.
There are no official restrictions on the right of unions to affiliate with inter-
national trade union bodies. The NPGU is a member of the International Miners'
Union.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Law on Enterprises
states that joint worker-management commissions should resolve issues concerning
wages, working conditions, and the rights and duties of management at the enter-
prise level. Overlapping spheres of responsibility frequently impede the collective
bargaining process. The Government, in agreement with trade unions, establishes
wages in each industrial sector and invites all unions to participate in the negotia-
tions.
The manner in which the collective bargaining law is applied prejudices the bar-
gaining process against the independent unions and favors the official unions (afllli-
ates of the FPU). Most workers are never informed that they are not obligated to
join the official union. Renouncing membership in the ofilcial union and joining an
independent union can be bureaucratically onerous and is typically discouraged by
management. The Independent Miners' Union (NPG) in the coal mining town of
Krasnodon, Luhansk Oblast, for example, has complained about the management's
discrimination and harassment of its members. The collective bargaining law pro-
hibits antiunion discrimination. Under the law disputes are supposed to be resolved
by the courts. There have been cases in which such disputes have not been settled
in a fair and equitable manner.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits com-
pulsory labor, and it is not known to exist. The Government does not specifically
Erohibit forced and bonded labor by children, however, the Constitution and the
abor Code prohibit forced labor generally. There were press reports that young
children from families of alcoholics are sold to Roma and vagabonds who force them
into begging or prostitution.
1374
Student groups protested against a presidential decree obliging college and uni-
versity graduates, whose studies have been paid for by the Government, to work in
the public sector at government-designated jobs for 3 years or to fully repay the cost
of their education. Students described the decree as an attempt to introduce compul-
sory labor. The Government stated that the decree would cover only students who
entered higher education institutions in 1997.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Gov-
ernment does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children (see sec-
tion 6.C.). The minimum employment age is 17 years. In certain nonhazardous in-
dustries, however, enterprises may negotiate with the Grovemment to hire employ-
ees betv^een 14 and 17 years of age, with the consent of one parent. The Constitu-
tion provides for general secondary education. School attendance is compulsory to
the age of 15, a regulation vigorously enforced by the Ministry of Education. How-
ever, since Soviet times the number of drop-outs has dramatically increased, mostly
because of rising poverty. The Criminal Code prescribes up to 5 years in prison for
involving children in criminal activities, drinking, begging, prostitution, gambling,
or other exploitation.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The minimum monthly wage and pension is
$8.30 (15 hryvnas), which does not provide a decent standard of living for a worker
and family. The official poverty line is about $39 (70.9 hryvnas) per month. It is
estimated that some 50 percent of the population officially live below that line, al-
though the practice of underreporting sources of income is widespread. Annual infla-
tion has decreased from 39.7 percent in 1996 to 10.1 percent in 1997.
The Labor Code provides for a maximum 40-hour workweek, a 24-hour day of rest
per week, and at least 24 days of paid vacation per year. Stagnation in some indus-
tries, for example, defense, significantly reduced the workweek for some categories
of workers.
Human rights groups report that graduates were forced to take a government-des-
ignated job or fully repay the cost of their education. For example, human rights
group in Zaporizhzhya reported that graduates of a medical school were forced to
take up jobs in villages in the Chornobyl zone. Another human rights group re-
ported that graduates of the law school were forced to accept jobs at the prosecutor's
office.
The law contains occupational safety and health standards, but these are fre-
quently ignored in practice. Lax safety standards caused many serious mine acci-
aents, resulting in 290 deaths in 1997, representing a continuing high ratio of fatali-
ties per ton of coal extracted in light of decreasing coal output. In theory workers
have a legal right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations without
jeopardizing continued employment. In reality, however, independent trade union-
ists report that asserting this right would result in retaliation or perhaps dismissal
by management.
UNITED KINGDOM
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) is a longstand-
ing constitutional monarchy with a democratic, parliamentary government. A lower
legislative chamber (the House of Commons), the center of parliamentary power, is
elected in periodic multiparty elections. An upper chamber (the House of Lords),
with power to revise and delay implementation of laws, is made up of hereditary
and life peers and senior clergy of the established Church of England. There is an
independent judiciary, but Parliament may overrule its decisions.
Throughout the United Kingdom, police forces are responsive to, and under the
effective control of, civilian olTicials. Since 1996 the intelligence agency MI-5 has
had the authority to act in support of other law enforcement agencies in the preven-
tion and detection of serious domestic crime. In some areas of Northern Ireland, be-
cause of the continuing threat of terrorist and other violence, army units operated
to reinforce the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). Although the security forces gen-
erally respect human rights and the rule of law, some members of the police com-
mitted human rights abuses.
The United Kingdom has a highly developed, diversified, market-based econoniy
that provides most residents with a high standard of living. Certain geographic
areas, particularly older industrial areas including Northern Ireland, suffer from
higher than average unemployment rates. In addition, unemployment tends to be
higher among some demographic groups, such as youth and racial minorities. The
Government provides comprehensive social welfare services, including a national
1375
health system, housing and family benefits, and heavily subsidized higher edu-
cation.
The Government respected the human rights of its citizens, but there were prob-
lems in some areas. Police occasionally abused detainees. In September the Council
of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture began an investigation into
mounting complaints over the Government's failure to prosecute or discipline offi-
cers implicated in death -in-custody and prisoner mistreatment cases.
After a series of mediation efforts by the Northern Ireland Secretary and others
failed to effect a compromise, the decision of the RUC chief constable to permit the
Protestant Orange Order to parade through a predominantly Catholic nationalist
area of Drumcree on July 6 led to serious and widespread public disturbances
throughout Northern Ireland. The chief constable justifiea his decision as necessary
on public order and safety grounds, but Irish nationalists argued that the RUC,
which they accuse of consistently favoring loyalists over nationalists, bowed to mob
rule. Potentially more serious violence was averted the following week when, in a
conciliatory move, the Orange Order voluntarily canceled or rerouted four of the
most contentious parades. Lmlike the previous year, the violence triggered by the
standoff at Drumcree did not lead to loss of life.
The July 20 restoration of a cease-fire by the Irish republican Army (IRA) ended
a 17-month terrorism campaign and led to the opening of inclusive political talks
in September. Following the cease-fire there was a marked decrease — although not
a total cessation — of sectarian violence. The IRA denied responsibility for the Sep-
tember 16 detonation of a 400-pound bomb in County Armagh's Markethill area that
resulted in extensive property damage, although no loss of life. It is widely believed
that a splinter republican group was responsible for the blast. The loyalist cease-
fire has generally held since 1994, althou^ there were several killings and other
terrorist acts carried out by loyalist paramilitary groups. In light of the continuing
cease-fires, about 300 army troops were withdrawn from Northern Ireland to their
bases in England, and army patrols in Belfast were substantially reduced as troops
remained in barracks. Renewed sectarian violence late in the year led the Northern
Ireland authorities to request that patrolling resume in more vulnerable neighbor-
hoods.
In an October 1 speech, the Northern Ireland Secretary announced the Govern-
ment's intention to begin significant reform of the RUC, eliminate indefinite intern-
ment without trial (which, although unused for several years, is nevertheless deeply
disliked by nationalists), narrow the scop>e of cases sent to "Diplock" (juryless)
courts, and replace the Emergency Provisions Act and Prevention of Terrorism Act
with one all-embracing act aimed at building confidence in public institutions. Legis-
lation to do so was introduced later in the year and continued to work its way
through Parliament.
The Government continued to take steps to combat violence against women. Soci-
etal discrimination against nonwhite minorities and the traveler community is a
problem, as is child abuse. In August the Government extended race-discrimination
protection to Northern Ireland throu^ the Race Relations (Northern Ireland) Order
1997.
Police believe that paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland were responsible for
22 deaths, 251 shootings, and 78 bombings during the year. Both republican and
loyalist paramilitary groups continued to engage in vigilante "punishment" attacks,
although there was a decrease in the number of such incidents even before the July
cease-fire. There were at least six instances of arson committed in the spring and
one in December against Catholic churches and at least one against a Protestant
church. An April attack against a Mormon church was considered an act of vandal-
ism unrelated to Protestant-Catholic animosity.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings by the Government, but the deaths of persons in custody both in 1997 and
in previous years raised questions about whether police and prison officers used im-
proper restraining techniques or excessive force against criminal suspects. In Sep-
tember the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture launched
an investigation into complaints of death in custody and police abuse of prisoners,
including the disproportionally high numbers of incidents involving minority pris-
oners.
In June a jury found that "lack of care" contributed to the death of Peter Austin,
a 30-year-ola black prisoner who committed suicide while in custody in a London
prison. Despite the fact that Austin attempted to cut his wrists with a plastic uten-
1376
sil at the Chiswick police station, smeared his cell with excrement, and claimed to
hear voices, he was not put under special observation. In the spring, a hung jury
failed to reach a verdict in the case oi the police officer charged with the 1996 mur-
der of David Ewen. Ewen had been shot when, cornered by police vehicles, he failed
to get out of the car or respond to a verbal warning. A retrial is expected. There
have been no further developments in the case of IRA suspect Dairmud O'Neill, who
was killed in 1996 when police raided his London apartment during a
counterterrorism operation. Human rights groups charge that O'Neill, who was sub-
sequently found to be unarmed, was denied needed immediate medical treatment
by police. In July the high court questioned the Crown Prosecution Service's (CPS)
1995 decision not to prosecute officers connected with the deaths of Nigerian Shiji
Lapite and Irishman Richard O'Brien, both of whom died in 1994 while in police
custody. In February the police service had adopted the recommendation of the Po-
lice Complaints Authority that two officers should be charged with neglect of duty
in the O'Brien case, but said that a criminal prosecution was not justified in
Lapites's case.
In July the High Court also found the 1995 CPS decision not to prosecute officers
involved in the 1982 abuse of British citizen Derek Treadaway to be "flawed and
perverse." The officers had used plastic bags to suffocate Treadaway to unconscious-
ness. In 1994 Treadaway received 50,000 British pounds in civil damages from the
West Midlands Police. In August the CPS agreed to again review the Treadaway,
Lapite, and O'Brien cases.
In September a London court began a hearing into the 1996 death in custody of
Ghanaian Ibrahima Sey, after a July announcement by the CPS that there was in-
sufficient evidence to prosecute police officers. Sey died after being sprayed by CS
gas at the Illford police station. In March the family of Brian Douglas, an Afro-Car-
ibbean man, won the right to challenge an inquest jury's decision that his 1995
death was due to "misadventure." Douglas suffered a fractured skull after a con-
frontation with two baton-equipped police officers.
No inouest has been held into the 1996 death of Jim McDonnell in Northern Ire-
land's Mariibeny prison. Fellow prisoners charge that McDonnell was beaten by
prison stan. In October police office Patrick Hodgson, charged with murder for fa-
tally wounding an unarmed suspected car thief in 1995, was found not guilty of
murder or manslaughter by a unanimous verdict by a London court.
During the year, there were 79 confirmed prisoner suicides (or self-inflicted
deaths, which is the term preferred by the nongovernmental organization [NGO],
The Prison Reform Trust) not attributable to official mistreatment, versus 82 such
suicides in 1996.
During 1996 disturbances in Londonderry, Northern Ireland, an armored person-
nel carrier ran over Dermot McShane, who had taken refuge behind a board fence
during street fighting. The army claimed that the death was accidental. By year's
end, there had been no decision by the Director of Public Prosecutions as to whether
criminal proceedings against the driver would be instituted, nor has there been an
inquest into McShane's death. The case is being considered by the United Nations
Special Rapporteur on Summary and Arbitrary Executions and the European Com-
mission of Human Rights.
New evidence fromljallistics experts, eyewitnesses, and radio transmission record-
ings appears to cast doubt on the findings of the initial inquiry into the 1972
"Bloody Sunday" events (where 14 unarmed civil rights demonstrators in Derry
were killed by British soldiers, but for which no memoer of the security forces has
been held accountable). By year's end, the Government had made no decision as to
whether to reopen the inquiry but continued to study a detailed dossier about the
tragedy presented to it by the Irish Government.
Killings by both republican and loyalist groups continued in 1997. On February
12, Stephen RestoricK, a soldier serving in South Armagh was killed by an IRA
sniper. On May 8, Catholic Robert Hamill died of injuries he received on April 26
when he was savagely kicked and beaten by a loyalist mob in Portadown. Six per-
sons were charged with his killing, but charges were subseouently dropped against
five due to insufficient evidence. One awaits trial. Police officers sitting nearby in
an RUC vehicle during the attack did not come to Hamill's aid, saying that they
neither saw nor heard the incident. Following criticism by the Hamill family and
others of the RUC and its internal investigation of the officers' conduct, the case
was referred to the Independent Commission for Police Complaints, and a complaint
was lodged with the European Commission of Human Rights. On May 9, two gun-
men shot and killed constable Darren Bradshaw, pge 24, as he sat drinking with
friends in a bar in central Belfast. The INLA claimed responsibility. On May 12,
a 61-year-old Catholic man, Sean Brown, was shot in the head outside a sports com-
plex where he coached Gaelic football in County Antrim. Police believe that Brown
1377
was killed by renegade loyalist gunmen from the loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF), a
splinter loyalist CToup that does not recognize the cease-fire, in retaliation for the
May 9 murder of Darren Bradshaw.
On June 1, 41-year-old RUC constable Greg Taylor was kicked to death by a loyal-
ist mob outside a bar in County Antrim. The mob was reportedly angry about the
police ban on a recent loyalist parade in the Antrim village of Dunloy (see Section
2.d.). On June 11, Robert "Basher" Bates, a former member of the notorious Protes-
tant "Shankill butchers" gang, was shot and killed in Belfast. It is believed that
Bates was killed by a loyalist in retaliation for Bates's killing of the loyalist's father
some 20 years earlier. The IRA'S North Armagh brigade claimed resoonsibility for
the close-range shooting deaths on June 16 of David Johnston and John Graham,
two RUC officers on foot patrol in Lurgan, near Portadown.
Loyalists have been blamed for the March 14 killing of 44-year-old Catholic John
Slane, who was shot as he prepared food for his twins in the kitchen of his West
Belfast home, loyalist sources later claimed that the Ulster Defense Association
(UDA) was responsible for the killing, but maintained that it had been a case of
mistaken identity. On July 15, 18-year-old Catholic Bemadette Martin was shot in
the head while she was sleeping in the home of her Protestant boyfriend. Although
denied by the organization, it is widely believed that the killing was committed by
the LVF. The LVF was also thought to be responsible for the kilfing of Gerry Devlin,
a 36-year-old Catholic man who was shot in North Belfast on December 5.
Jailed loyalist terrorist leader Billy Wright was shot five times at close range by
three Irish National Liberation Army gunmen at the top security Maze prison on
December 27. Wright was the leader of the LVF loyalist terrorist organization. Riots
followed that evening when loyalist gangs in Portadown and other towns hijacked
and burned cars and attacked police with Molotov cocktails. In retaliation for
Wright's killing, three men opened fire in front of the Glengannon Hotel on Decem-
ber 28, killing 45-year-old former IRA terrorist and convicted murderer (released in
1994) Seamus Dillon. Three others, including a 14-year-old boy, were wounded. The
LVF claimed responsibility for the attack, as well as a subsequent new year's eve
attack on a North Belfast bar which fatally wounded 31-year-old Catholic Eddie
Treanor. In October, during what police believe was a power struggle among loyalist
paramilitary factions, a car bomb attributed to one oi the factions killed a 20-year-
old man named Greer, who was also believed to be a loyalist paramilitary member.
The 1989 killing of Patrick Finucane, counsel to many IRA suspects, remains an
open case. In February 1996, prison authorities freed Brian Nelson, a former Loyal-
ist paramilitary member and agent for British military intelligence who had served
less than half of a 10-year sentence for his role in five murder conspiracies unre-
lated to Finucane. Finucane's widow, alleging that Nelson assisted in targeting
Finucane, is pursuing a civil suit against both Nelson and the Ministry of Defense
(MOD) for damages resulting from her husband's wrongful death, alleging that the
MOD and Nelson were negligent in the "gathering, recording and keeping safe" of
material concerning her husband. The MOD denied the claim. The unresolved sta-
tus of the Finucane case (interpreted by a number of human rights organizations
as evidence of collusion between government officials and loyalist paramilitary
groups), remains a contentious issue between Nationalist groups and the Govern-
ment. The United Nation's (U.N.) Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Law-
yers and Judges, who visited the UK in October to investigate the Finucane case,
nad not released his report by year's end.
Coroners do not have the power to compel those suspected of involvement in
extrajudicial killing to testify at inquests, and the relatives of the deceased receive
no advance disclosure of evidence. In Northern Ireland, coroners are permitted to
inquire only into "how" — that is "by what means" — the deceased died, rather than
into the broad circumstances of death. Human rights groups armie that this narrow
definition shields wrongdoers, including soldiers and police officers, and unneces-
sarily keeps family members from learning the truth of the circumstances surround-
ing their relative's death.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
An investigation into at least 14 terrorist-perpetrated disappearances dating back
to 1972, continued, although there is no longer a dedicated investigative team. Since
April 1996 nine individuals have been arrested and interviewed in connection with
the disappearances, although by year's end no criminal charges had been filed. The
victims, typically members of the security forces, suspected informers, or petty
criminals, have not been found.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law forbids torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. However,
police occasionally abused detainees. Confessions obtained by abusive treatment are
not admissible in court, and judges can exclude even voluntary confessions. Detain-
1378
ees who claim physical mistreatment have the right to an immediate medical exam-
ination. Such a claim must be examined by a trial judge. Corporal punishment re-
mains on the statute books in several of the Caribbean dependent territories, al-
though it is rarely practiced.
The NGO Inquest reports that police abuse of detainees in their custody, while
not widespread, is a matter of concern. Inquest states that injuries and illnesses re-
sult more often from neglect or misdiagnosis than from overt physical attack, al-
though there have been incidents of poUce brutality (see Section l.a.). The NGO
Prison Reform Trust agrees that while there have been detainees who have suffered
police abuse, the problem is not widespread. In 1996, however, a UN committee
noted that no police brutality appeared to disproportionally affect members of mi-
nority ethnic groups (see section l.a and 5).
The Independent Commission for Police Complaints, established by the Govern-
ment, supervises police investigations of complaints in Northern Ireland filed
against the police, or referred to the Commission by the RUC Chief Constable, the
Police Authority, or the Northern Ireland Secretary of State. It automatically super-
vises cases involving death or serious injury, and can direct the Chief Constable to
bring charges against police officers. The Commission reported that in 1997 it re-
ceived 3,108 new complaints, up from 2,540 in 1996. Of the 2,699 cases processed
(some pending from previous years), investigations led to informal disciplinary ac-
tion in 109 cases and to formal charges in 7 cases involving nine police officers.
Local human rights groups continue to complain that the Commission is not truly
autonomous in that it has no independent investigatory abilities and must rely on
supervising police investigations into the complaints. The Hayes Report, commis-
sioned by the Government and released on January 23, recommended the establish-
ment of an independent police ombudsman who would be responsible to Parliament
and have the power to both initiate and conduct investigations, and to recommend
criminal prosecution. In December the Government published a draft bill generally
to that eftect.
In 1993 the Northern Ireland Secretary named an Independent Assessor of Mili-
tary Complaints to deal with procedures regarding complaints of abuses committed
by the army; the Independent Assessor also lacks independent investigative jxjwers.
His fourth report, released in March, noted that despite the end of the IRA cease-
fire in February 1996, there were only 24 formal, non-criminal complaints in 1996
(compared with 19 during the cease-fire in 1995) and 264 informal complaints. He
also reported that delays in processing complaints had been reduced, and that only
one case took more than 8 weeks to resolve.
In 1992 the Government appointed a senior barrister as independent Commis-
sioner for Holding Centers in Northern Ireland, with the authority to make irregu-
lar, unannounced visits to any holding center, observe interrogations, and interview
detainees. There were 126 visits to the 3 holding centers in 1996 (latest figures).
In March the Commissioner and his deputy reported that 16 complaints of physical
assault during detention (in a detainee population of 583) were received in 1996.
The report also suggested that an ombudsman, similar to that recommended in the
Hayes report, would also be appropriate for holding centers. It criticized the fact
that silent video recording of interrogations (which legal counsel is generally not
permitted to attend) had not yet been implemented. On October 1, the Northern Ire-
land Secretary announced that new legislation would, however, make audio record-
ings of interrogations compulsory. At year's end, legislation to implement compul-
sory audio recording was working its way through Parliament.
Accusations continued that security forces in Northern Ireland harass citizens,
particularly young people, in rural and urban working-class communities and other
areas where support for terrorists is considered strong. Colin DufFy, who was pre-
viously convicted and later acquitted on app>eal for the 1996 murder of a former sol-
dier, was arrested by the RUCf in June for the murder that month of two police offi-
cers in Lurgan. Dufry was released in October for lack of evidence and claims he
has been repeatedly harassed by the police since then. The Government strongly de-
nies that such harassment behavior is widespread or officially tolerated, nationalists
argue that the RUC acts more aggressively to quell republican disturbances than
to subdue loyalist lawbreakers. On October 1, the Northern Ireland Secretary an-
nounced government plans to initiate substantial reform of the RUC, including
structural and training changes. Parliament debated RUC reform in December.
Police in Northern Ireland continued to use plastic bullets, particularly in connec-
tion with violence that erupted during the summer marching season (see Section
2.d.). According to RUC reports, 2,510 plastic bullets were fired during the first 2
weeks of July, compared with 6,600 during the same period the previous year. On
June 10, Parliament was informed that a significant proportion of the plastic bullets
supplied to the RUC in 1994 and still in use in 1997 were defective, traveling at
1379
velocities that exceeded the upper recommended limit. All rounds had been with-
drawn by April 25; nearly 9,000 rounds had been fired since the defective bullets
were issued. According to RUC rules, plastic bullets should be aimed at the lower
half of the body; serious head and upper body iryuries nevertheless have resulted
from plastic bullet use. In July 14-year-old Gary Lawler was hit in the head by a
plastic bullet and remained comatose for several days; Brendan Morris suffered a
shattered cheekbone and broken nose; and 13-year-old Marie Walsh was shot in the
mouth. In 1996 there were a total of 73 confirmed plastic bullet-related injuries. In
1997 the Independent Commission for Police Complaints received 30 complaints re-
garding plastic bullets.
Plastic bullet use, confined to Northern Ireland, has been severely criticized by
human rights monitors, although the European Court of Human Rights ruled in
1984 that using them to quell serious riots in Northern Ireland did not contravene
the European Convention on Human Rights. The U.N. Committee Against Torture,
the Europ)ean Parliament, Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, and other NGO's have
called for a ban on their use. The Government has said that alternatives have been
considered but that most options have been found to be either more dangerous or
inaccurate. In January the Inspectorate of Constabulary in Northern Ireland rec-
ommended a drastic reduction in the use of plastic bullets to control disturbances.
In September the Government announced a nationwide policy review concerning
their use.
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards, although
overcrowding worsened in 1997. As of September, half the prisons in England, Scot-
land, and Wales were officially deemed by the Prison Service to be overcrowded. In
December the Home Office pronounced a pilot program for electronically tagging se-
lected offenders a success. Designed to reduce prison crowding, ofienders are re-
quired to remain in place, usually at home, as their whereabouts are electronically
monitored. The Government, which hopes that the program will reduce the prison
population by 5 percent, plans to extend the pilot program to additional counties in
1998.
Both human rights groups and the Independent Commissioner for Holding Cen-
ters have repeatedly recommended the closing of the Castlereagh Detention Center,
which remains open despite persistent complaints of police impropriety in the inter-
rogation process.
Human rights groups have been particularly critical of special security units
(SSlTs) used to hold those deemed to pose an exceptional risk of escape. SSU in-
mates are not told how long they will be held in SSLTs, nor are they involved in
annual reviews of their detentions or informed when such a review is taking place.
Citing small group isolation, the lack of adequate exercise, work, educational oppor-
tunities, and natural daylight, as well as strict enforcement of noncontact visits
through a glass barrier, NGO's have condemned SSU imprisonment as violating
international standards. A 1996 government inquiry conducted by Sir Donald Ach-
eson concluded that prolonged incarceration in SSU's could lead to mental illness.
In August, following reinstatement of the IRA cease-fire, the Government trans-
ferred all paramilitary prisoners out of SSU's, closing one of the three facilities that
had been in use. By year's end, 6 prisoners, none of them paramilitaries, remained
in SSU's, down from 27 in January.
Roisin McAliskey, a pregnant prisoner arrested in November, 1996, and awaiting
extradition to Germany on terrorism charges, was held in isolation in an SSU until
May 23. Categorized as a high-risk prisoner, McAliskey initially had difficulty re-
ceiving appropriate prenatal care. After repeated representations on her behalf by
human rignts groups, prison officials subsequently ensured that she had regular at-
tention for her medical conditions. On May 26, she gave birth; on June 3, she and
her child were transferred to a secure mother-baby unit in another hospital. In the
fall, a magistrate ruled that McAliskey was eligible for extradition to Germany. At
year's end the Home Secretary was still considering whether to sign the extradition
order.
In October the Ministry of Defense confirmed that at least 23 cases brought
against the Government by servicemen and women claiming physical and sexual as-
sault during initiation, were then pending in the High Court. More than 70 military
men and women have brought suit altogether, alleging beatings (including one re-
cruit who required facial reconstruction), racially-motivated assault (including one
man of color who was scrubbed with steel brushes then sprinkled with bleach), and
other brutalities. Chief of Staff Brig. Robert Gordon announced new policies to
eliminate such incidents, including better education, tougher investigations, and
stricter discipline. An appeals process for victims of racial or sexual harassment was
also promised.
1380
In 1995 ratification by the Republic of Ireland of the European Convention on the
Transfer of Sentenced Prisoners allowed the transfers of convicted terrorists from
British to Irish custody. In 1997 four prisoners were transferred from English jails
to jails in Northern Ireland, and further transfers were in process at year's end.
Human rights NGO's charge that the transfer process is too slow.
There are no separate prison facilities for young female prisoners; 15- to 18-year-
old girls share dormitories and cells with adult women. In some prisons, girls are
locked in their cells with adult offenders for as much as 17 hours a day. In Risley
young females are housed in the psychiatric wing with seriously disturbed prisoners,
as it is considered the safest place for them in the prison. In August the High Court
found the automatic placement of young female offenders in adult women's jails
pending needs assessment and final placement decisions to be unlawful.
New, less restrictive instructions regarding shackling were introduced following a
prison service inquiry into a January incident when prisoner Geoffrey Thomas was
shackled to his bed until 3 hours before he died of stomach cancer.
Before the reinstatement of the cease-fire on July 20, the IRA and other Repub-
lican paramilitary groups continued violent campaigns targeting buildings and eco-
nomic activities, as well as military, police, and civilians. While the 1994 loyalist
cease-fire generally held, numerous violent incidents were traced to them as well.
On January 28, Provisional IRA terrorists launched two rockets at a joint army/
RUC patrol in West Belfast. Although a number of pedestrians suffered cuts from
flying glass, no one was seriously injured. A group calling itself the Armagh Free-
dom Fighters, who claim not to be associated with the IRA or any other republican
organization, admitted responsibility for the March 2 gasoline bomb attack on a
housing executive office. On March 13, a policeman and a soldier were seriously in-
jured in an explosion as they patrolled the nationalist Short Strand enclave in East
Belfast. Four other soldiers were slightly injured in the blast. Earlier that day, an
improvised grenade was thrown at an army Land Rover as it patrolled the National-
ist Ardoyne area of North Belfast. On April 10, police officer Alice Collins was seri-
ously injured when she was shot in the back while on duty manning a courthouse
sentry box in Londonderry. The IRA admitted responsibility. On April 12, a loyalist
gang attacked a block of Catholic flats, forcing eight families to flee their homes.
A 10-month-old baby narrowly escaped injury when a brick was hurled through a
window in the predominantly Protestant Tiger's Bay area of Belfast during the at-
tack. Police blamed loyalists for an attempted car bombing in Belfast on June 21.
The driver and another occupant suffered minor injuries.
In March and April, prior to the May 1 general elections, the IRA combined a se-
ries of real bomb scares and hoaxes to disrupt the transportation and utilities infra-
structures in the Birmingham, Leeds, Doncaster, and London areas. On April 18,
bombs were detonated at Leeds and Doncaster, while police defused bombs in Stoke-
on-Trent. There were no reports of injuries.
On March 19, a British army bomb disposal unit defused two mark 16 horizontal
mortars in county Fermanagh. In April numerous bomb scares and hoaxes led to
the cancellation and subsequent rescheduling of the Grand National, the UK's most
prestigious horse racing event. On May 31, the IRA left a van containing 1,000
pounds of explosives in the West Belfast housing estate of Poleglass. The IRA
claimed it haa made the bomb safe before abandoning it, a claim disputed by police.
On July 19, the IRA declared a cease-fire, effective July 20. At the end of August,
the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland announced ner finding that the cease-
fire was being observed, allowing Sinn Fein, the political party closely identified
with the ERA, entry into negotiations on Northern Ireland's political future. On Sep-
tember 16, a 400-pound bomb exploded in the County Armagh town of Markethill,
causing extensive damage, but no serious injuries. The IRA denied responsibility for
the attack, which is thought to have been carried out by the Continuity ERA, a hard-
line splinter group. Isolated splinter group incidents, including murder and bomb-
ings, accelerated after the fatal Republican attack on jailed Loyalist paramilitary
terrorist Billy Wright on December 27 (see Section l.a.)
Both loyalist and republican terrorists in Northern Ireland have carried out "pun-
ishment" attacks, although total numbers have shown a marked decrease since
1996, and particularly since the July cease-fire. The attackers beat their victims
with iron pipes, baseball bats, sledgehammers, and spiked clubs, dropped concrete
blocks on exposed limbs, and shot victims in the knees. In 1997 the KUC recorded
72 loyalist punishment assaults and an additional 48 loyalist punishment shootings/
kneecappings. This was down from 130 and 21, respectively, in 1996. republican sta-
tistics included 78 punishment assaults and 24 shootings/kneecappings, versus 172
and 3 in 1996. The RUC attributed no attacks to Direct Action Against Drugs
(DADD), a cover name for the IRA. In February David Templeton was attacked by
three masked men, believed to be loyalists, who beat him savagely with nail-spiked
1381
wooden clubs. He died in March. The loyalists often, but not exclusively, target
members of their terrorist cells who have broken ranks, while the republicans more
frequently extend their vigilante activities to the broader Catholic community, pun-
ishmg "anti-social activities" such as drug dealing.
On December 16, three IRA terrorists who planned an extensive bombing cam-
paign in 1996 were sentenced to 17, 20, and 25 years for conspiracy to cause explo-
sions and possessing explosives with intent. The men were arrested in police raids
that also resulted in the death of Dairmud O'Neill (see section l.a)
The Government permits human rights monitors to visit prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The authorities can and often do make
arrests or detain suspects without judicial warrants, especially in Northern Ireland,
when they believe that they have reasonable cause to suspect wrongdoing. The
Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994 allows police officers to stop and
search vehicles and pedestrians if a police officer of at least superintendent rank
(or a chief inspector if no superintendent is available) "reasonably believes" it is ex-
Eedient to do so to prevent acts of violence. The authorization is limited to a 24-
our period, but is renewable under certain circumstances.
The 1991 Northern Ireland Emercency Provisions Act (EPA) permits a soldier on
duty, a member of the Royal Irish Regiment, or a police officer to arrest and detain
for up to 4 hours "a person who he has reasonable grounds to suspect is committing
or has committed or is about to commit any offense.
The Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act (PTA) allows the police
to arrest without a warrant anywhere in the UK persons they have reason to sus-
pect of being involved in terrorism. The authorities may detain such persons (even
those under age 18) for up to 48 hours without legal representation or judicial re-
view. Suspects may be interrogated during this time, and confessions obtained may
be used in subsequent court proceedings. Under the 1989 PTA^ detainees are grant-
ed the right to have lawyers present during interrogation in England or Wales, but
not in Northern Ireland. Detention without charge may be extended up to a further
5 days on the authority of the Home Secretary or, in Northern Ireland, the Sec-
retary of State for Northern Ireland.
The PTA is the most reviewed piece of legislation in the United Kingdom. It ex-
pires every 2 years and, due to tne changing security situation, is amended or al-
tered to account for those changes. Critics charge that the annual review is super-
ficial. Extensive PTA detention powers were held in breach of the European Conven-
tion on Human Rights, which led to a derogation by the Government in 1988.
On October 1, the Northern Ireland Secretary announced that the Government in-
tended to eliminate indefinite internment without trial, and to introduce major
changes to both the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Emergency Provisions Act,
including increasing the number of terrorist acts to be tried tnrough the jury sys-
tem, and introducing audio recording of suspected terrorist interrogations in holding
centers.
In England, Scotland, and Wales suspects arrested without warrants must be re-
leased within 24 hours (or 36 hours if a serious offense is involved) unless brought
before a magistrates' court. The court may authorize extension of detention by 36
hours, and on further application by another 24 hours, versus the 48-hour scheme
extant in Northern Ireland (see Section l.e).
Defendants awaiting trial have a statutory rirfit to bail unless there is a risk that
they would abscond, commit an offense, interfere with witnesses or otherwise ob-
struct the course of justice, or unless they were on bail when the alleged offense
was committed. Defendants who are remanded in custody are protected by statutory
custody time limits, which restrict the period for which they can be held while
awaiting trial to a maximum of 182 days, unless the court grants an extension. At
year's end, a total of 25,648 defendants were awaiting trial, 24 percent of them in
custody. Of those in custody, 86 percent had been awaiting trial for less than 24
weeks, while 3 percent (193) had been waiting longer than 48 weeks. These statis-
tics are comparable to 1996 statistics. Crown Court statistics show that the average
waiting time for trial there continued to fall (see page 16.) As of July 30, the Home
Secretary announced that existing time limits would be enforced more strictly, and
that new, more limited, time frames would be imposed.
The law gives administrative detention power to immigration officers. There is no
time limit for such detention and no right to have it reviewed by a court, although
recommendations for revised legislation are currently under government review. At
any given time, 750 to 800 asylum seekers are detained, either in regular prisons,
specially built detention centers, or occasionally in police cells. The average period
of detention is about 152 days, although some asylum seekers have been detained
for more than 2 years. Unlike those accused of criminal offenses, asylum seekers
are given no written statement about why they were detained, although the practice
1382
is to provide them updates on the status of their claims and the time required for
their adjudication. Asylum seekers do not have an automatic right to apply for bail,
and bail application, which can be made to immigration appellate authorities, re-
Quires a relatively high level of surety. The Home Office states that detention is au-
thorized only where there are good grounds to anticipate noncompliance with the
terms of temporary admission and that the practice does not affect more than ap-
proximately 1.5 jjercent of asylum seekers at any given time.
Under the 1996 Asylum and Immigration Act, most asylum seekers are not eligi-
ble for means-tested welfare benefits while their applications are under consider-
ation. Those from countries declared to be "in upheaval" are eligible but must apply
on arrival to receive benefits. In January and February, a well-publicized hunger
strike among asylum seekers in Kent protesting government treatment caused sig-
nificant criticism of the detention policy. On July 30, a High Court judge found "ir-
rational" a government ban on employment for asylum seekers who are awaiting the
results of appeals from decisions denying them refugee status. Asylum seeker
Raghbir Singh Johal, who was detained for 20 months by the Government for na-
tional security reasons, was released in late 1996.
The Government does not practice exile (see also Section 2.d.). Newspaper articles
indicate that terrorist organizations continued to threaten individuals and families
to compel them to leave Northern Ireland. The RUG reported that 46 families of
golice officers, ex-police oflicers, or their relatives were forced to move from their
omes due to terrorist threats.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent and provides citizens
with a generally fair and efficient judicial process.
The UK has several levels of courts. The vast majority of criminal cases are heard
by magistrates courts, which are managed by locally based committees. Their deci-
sions may be appealed to the Crown Court, which also hears criminal cases requir-
ing a jury trial, or to the High Court. Crown Court convictions may be appealed to
the Court of Appeal, which in turn may refer cases involving points of law to the
House of Lords. The Appellate Committee of the House of Lords (which consists of
senior judges and is functionally distinct from the legislative arm) is the final court
of appeal. On March 31, the new Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) began
operating as an additional appellate body to investigate suspected miscarriages of
justice in England, Northern Ireland, and Wales. It considers cases after the judicial
appeals process has been exhausted and where there is significant new evidence
that casts doubt on the conviction. In Scotland similar appeals may be made to the
Scottish Office.
The law provides for a fair trial, and the authorities respect and enforce the law.
Defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence, the right to question witnesses
against them, and the right to appeal to successively higher courts.
Under the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994, judges have the power
to instruct juries that they may draw an inference of guilt from a defendant's re-
fusal to answer questions during interrogation or trial, although no conviction can
be based solely on such an inference. Human rights groups and the U.N. Human
Rights Committee have sharply criticized this provision, which they consider an ab-
rogation of the right against self-incrimination. A similar provision is in effect in
Northern Ireland.
Indigent defendants have the right to free counsel of their choice, with some ex-
ceptions. Criminal proceedings must be held in public except those in juvenile court
and those involving public decency or security. In a trial under the Official Secrets
Act, the judge may order the court closed, but the sentencing must be public.
In Northern Ireland, special "emergency" restrictions aiiect due process. Under
the Northern Ireland Emergency Provisions Act of 1991 (EPA), trials for certain ter-
rorist-related offenses are automatically tried in "Diplock courts" without a jury un-
less they are specifically "scheduled out" to ordinary jury courts. If judges decide to
convict, they must justify the decision in a document that becomes part of the court
record. An appellate court may overturn the decision on either factual or legal
grounds. Through August (latest available statistics), 88 persons stood trial in
Diplock courts. Of these, 74 pled guilty; of the 14 who stood trial, 10 were convicted
and 4 were acquitted. The Diplock courts, which the Government asserts are nec-
essary to prevent terrorists from intimidating juries and suborning justice, have
been widely criticized by human rights groups, as well as various U.N. committees.
On October 1, the Northern Ireland Secretary announced the Government's inten-
tion to narrow the scope of cases considered by Diplock courts.
The EPA does not exclude the use of uncorroborated confessions, which in North-
ern Ireland may, and have been, used as the sole basis for conviction. Additionally,
the EPA permits police to prevent any suspected terrorist from contacting legal
counsel for up to 48 hours alter arrest under certain circumstances, and on the re-
1383
quest of a police officer with the minimum rank of superintendent. After a detainee
has asked to see a lawyer and has done so, this period is renewable in subsequent
48-hour periods until the detainee is charged or released. Human rights groups nave
criticizea these provisions, arguing that a detainee is most likely to need counsel
in the first few hours; lack of counsel during that time makes false or coerced con-
fessions and detainee abuse more likely. According to the RUC, in 1996 detainees
made 518 requests under the EPA for access to a lawyer, 13 of which were delayed.
Through September 1997, 33 of 424 such requests were delayed. At year's end the
Grovemment was considering how to implement the European Court of Human
Rights' "Murray" ruling, which found the 48-hour rule incompatible with the Euro-
pean Convention on Human Rights. The Government has not yet adopted the Con-
vention, but legislation to do so has begun working its way through in Parliament.
The Criminal Procedure and Investigations Act of 1996 reduced defense lawyers'
access to potential evidence held by the prosecution, including information as to how
the evidence was collected. According to the Committee on the Administration of
Justice, this practice may be contrary to U.N. guidelines on the role of prosecutors.
Human rignts groups have expressed concern about intimidation of oefense law-
yers in Northern Ireland. Attorney Rosemary Nelson reported that within a 4-week
period in early 1997, 12 clients who had been held at the Gough Barracks Detention
Center had heard RUC officers stating that she was going to be killed, presumably
by loyalists. Similar threats continued through Octoter. Nelson has loc&ed a com-
plaint against the RUC, which remained under investigation at year's end.
On June 20, Patrick Kane was released from prison after serving 9 years for the
murder of two army corporals in Northern Ireland. A Court of Appeal ruled Kane's
conviction "unsafe" (that is, it overturned his conviction) because of Kane's limited
intelligence and anxious nature.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — War-
rants are normally required for a police search of private premises. However, under
the 1991 EPA, members of the armed forces or police in Northern Ireland may enter
and search "any premises for the purpose of arresting a person for an arrestable
offense, but only if he or she has reasonable grounds for believing that the person
being sought is on the premises." The requirement for "reasonable" grounas has
been broadly interpreted oy the Northern Ireland courts.
Primarily due to fear of intercommunal violence, many Protestant and Catholic
families in Northern Ireland continued to move away from mixed or border neigh-
borhoods.
In Northern Ireland, paramilitary groups have attacked and threatened to attack
the homes and families of police and politicians (see Sections l.a. and I.e.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Strongly held common-law tradition, an inde-
pendent press, and a democratic political system combine to secure freedom of
speech and of the press. Viewpoints critical of the Government are well represented.
The print media are dominated by a handful of national daily newspapers, all pri-
vately owned and independent (although often generally aligned with a political
party). About half the electronic media are run by the British Broadcasting Corpora-
tion (BBC), which is funded by the Government but enjoys complete editorial inde-
pendence. The remainder are run by corporations under renewable government li-
cense.
Human rights organizations and journalists continued to criticize the 1981 Con-
tempt of Court Act, which allows courts to order .a journalist to disclose a source
if this is deemed to be "in the interests of justice." In 1996 the European Court of
Human Rights found that the Government had violated the right to free expression
when journalist William Goodwin and his publishers were held in contempt of court
for refusing to disclose the identity of a source of confidential corporate information
that, if published, might have caused financial harm to a conipany. In July a British
court refused to apply the Goodwin precedent, compelling "Marketing Week" maga-
zine to disclose how it learned of the Camelot organization's plans for pay increases
5 days before the public announcement. Marketing Week appealed the decision in
July. Because of cases such as "Camelot," journalists have criticized the Contempt
of Court Act for failing to provide the safeguards intended for them and their con-
fidential sources.
The doctrine of public interest immunity (PII) allows government ministers to pre-
vent certain information from being disclosed during litigation, on the grounds that
such revelation would be contrary to the public interest. Human rights groups have
criticized the doctrine and accused the Government of using it to protect govern-
ment officials. Additionally, the Official Secrets Act, another law citea by journalists
45-909 98-45
1384
as unduly restrictive, prohibits the defense that the information is already in the
public domain or that its publication is in the public interest.
In December, the government published a White Paper (a proposed policy paper
drafted in preparation for legislation) detailing a comprehensive new Freedom of In-
formation Act. The proposea Act would allow public access to most official informa-
tion, require public organizations to regularly publicize raw data and facts, and im-
prove individual access to personal information. Hailed by some in government as
a fundamental philosophical change, the plan has been praised by the Campaign for
Freedom of Information, which was reportedly pleased by the extent of the proposed
reform. A draft bill is expected in Spring 1998.
Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for the right
of peaceful assembly and association, but the right is routinely limited where it
would impose a cost on public convenience. The annual "marching season" in North-
ern Ireland posed special problems for the Government as it tried to protect this
right in practice. During several weeks in the summer, some 100,000 members of
the Orange Order and similar Protestant organizations stage traditional parades to
celebrate their history and cultural identity. While few of the 3,100 parades held
each year are contentious, about 40 that celebrate Protestant "triumphs" in histori-
cal battles or are routed through Catholic neighborhoods give rise to tensions. Simi-
lar organizations in the Nationalist community also march during the summer, al-
though the smaller scale of those parades has presented law enforcement authorities
with fewer difficulties.
In early summer the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, working with both
Protestant and Catholic groups and a new Parades Commission (a five-member ap-
pointed body designed to facilitate mediation of contentious parades, which, al-
though seen as a positive innovation, as of yet has no authority to compel action),
attempted to effect a compromise on some of the most contentious marches. After
this effort failed, the RUC Chief Constable, citing the need to minimize the possibil-
ity of serious violence including loss of life, decided to permit the July 6 march along
the Garvaghy road in the Drumcree area of Portadown. Protests were widespread
as Nationalists denounced the decision as a concession to mob rule. In order to se-
cure access to a particularly contentious streteh of the road, a massive police pres-
ence cleared and secured the route in a predawn operation, and kept residents, pri-
marily Catholics, behind a thick cordon of armored vehicles and riot gear-clad offi-
cers. A brief but intense clash broke out between police and several dozen protest-
ers. Fourteen persons were injured in the skirmish, some by plastic bullets. There
was criticism of police tactics as overly aggressive and directed primarily against
Catholics; at the same time, there was evidence that some of the violence was or-
chestrated by republican groups.
Several days of serious rioting ensued across Northern Ireland, which included car
and train burnings and paramilitary attacks on the security forces, including a rock-
et attack on an RUC vehicle and the shooting of a female officer. In the atmosphere
of increased tension and violence, the Orange Order voluntarily canceled or rerouted
four particularly contentious parades, a decision that averted the danger of contin-
ued civil unrest.
A serious riot occurred in Londonderry on December 13 when republicans pro-
tested a unionist march through the center of the city by throwing some 1,000 Molo-
tov cocktails. Police responded by firing 169 plastic bullets. No life-threatening inju-
ries were reported.
Under the PTA, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland may proscribe any
organization that "appears . . . to be concerned in, or in promoting or encouraging
terrorism occurring in the United Kingdom and connected with the affairs of North-
ern Ireland." Membership in proscribed loyalist and republican paramilitary groups
is punishable by up to 10 years' imprisonment. In June the Secretary of State pro-
scribed two groups, the loyalist Volunteer Force a breakaway group of the Ulster
Volunteer Force, which refuses to accept the loyalist cease-fire, and the Continuity
Army Council IRA, a republican group that has opposed calls for an IRA cease-fire.
The Council has claimed responsibility for attacks on the police and army and is
suspected in a number of other sectarian attacks in Northern Ireland, including a
car bomb attack in Markethill in September. The LVF is believed to be responsible
for a number of bombings and sectarian killings, including the killing of Sean
Brown in Bellaghy in May, and Seamus Dillon and Eddie Treanor in December (see
Section l.a.). The LVF also threatened heavy bombing in the Republic of Ireland if
the Orange Order March in Portadown was banned.
Supporting proscribed paramilitary groups is also an imprisonable offense, as is
wearing clothing that arouses "reasonable suspicion" that tne wearer belongs to or
supports proscribed organizations. Human rights activists, while acknowledging the
1385
deterrent efTects of proscription powers, argue for the repeal of this law because it
violates the fundamental right of freedom of association and an individual's right
to express personal opinions and beliefs.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Government policy and general practice ensure freedom
of religion for traditional and nontraditional worshippers. Despite the existence of
state religions (the Anglican Church of England ana the Presbjderian Church of
Scotland), members of all faiths and denominations enjoy freedom of worship. Dis-
crimination on religious or political grounds is specifically outlawed in Northern Ire-
land, although not currently in the rest of the country. Those who believe that their
freedom to worship has been abrogated have the right to appeal to the European
Court of Human Rights for relief Although not enforced, blasphemy with respect
to Christian beliefs is still technically illegal. Several religious organizations, in as-
sociation with the Commission for Racial Equality, are attempting to either abolish
the rule or expand it to protect all faiths.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens enjoy freedom of movement witnin the country and in foreign
travel, emigration, and repatriation. However, the Home Secretary may exclude
from Great Britain anyone believed linked with terrorism in Northern Ireland, ex-
cept anyone born in Great Britain or resident there for 3 years. The Grounds for
exclusion need not be revealed. As of September 30, 13 persons (versus 22 in 1996)
are subject to exclusion orders. Several Members of Parliament, human rights
groups, and the media have objected to exclusion orders. On October 30 the Home
Secretary revoked all of the exclusion orders as part of the peace process confidence-
building measures.
The Government cooperates closely with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refu-
gees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. First
asylum is provided under a temporary protection process started in 1992. All appli-
cants are screened by the UNH(JR. As of June 30, the Government accepted 15,910
applications for first asylum, a 22 per cent decrease over 1996. Under the first asy-
lum program, successful applicants are given 6 months' "leave to enter the country"
on arrival. They can then apply for an automatic 3V2 year extension of their stay,
and may apply for refugee status at any time. Such applications are considered in
accordance with the criteria set out in the 1951 UN refugee convention. Some asy-
lum seekers are detained while the Government reviews their cases (see Section
l.d.).
Of decisions taken on asylum applications in 1997, 11 percent were to recognize
the applicant as a refugee and grant asylum, and 9 percent were granted "excep-
tional leave to remain," although the applicants were refused asylum.
The Government began a review of asylum and detention policies, which was not
complete by year's end.
In April the press reported that after being denied asylum, Maurad Amara was
killed within 2 weeks of his deportation to Algeria. After public criticism, the Gov-
ernment froze further deportations to Algeria, pending a review of the situation
there. Shortly thereafter, it was discovered that Amara was alive and well. Never-
theless, violent events in Algeria over the summer months prompted another freeze
on Algerian deportations.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right to change their government and freely exercise that right.
The Government is formed on the basis of a majority of seats in the House of Com-
mons, which are contested in elections held at intervals not longer than 5 years.
Participation in the political process is open to all persons and parties. All citizens
18 years of age and older may vote. As in the rest of the UK, Northern Ireland has
city and district councils, but with fewer powers. England and Wales also have
county councils. On September 11, in Scotland, 74 percent of those voting, (there was
a 60percent turnout) voted in favor of creating a separate Scottish Parliament which
is to assume responsibility for local matters such as health, education, and economic
development. The Parliament will also have limited taxation powers. The Scottish
National Party, which holds 6 seats in the UK Parliament, advocates complete inde-
pendence for Scotland. Wales narrowly passed a similar devolution measure on Sep-
tember 18, but the new Welsh assembly is not to have tax-raising powers. Despite
periodic attempts, there has been no devolved government in Northern Ireland since
1972 because of the situation there and the lack of progress in political negotiations.
British dependent territories have small populations (about 160,000 persons in
total), with appointed governors or administrators assisted by executive councils
(usually appointed) and legislative assemblies or councils (partly elected). In the
summer, tnere was a call by residents in several dependent territories, particularly
1386
Anguilla, to explore increased autonomy to deal with domestic issues, although
there is no strong agitation for independence. The Government has committed to co-
operating in these efforts, including promising a comprehensive dependent territory
policy review due in early 1998.
Women and minorities face no legal constraints on voting or holding office. Fol-
lowing the May elections, women constitute 18 percent of the membership of the
lower legislative chamber and nearly 8 percent of the upper chamber (up from 10
and 5 percent respectively). Seventeen members of minority ethnic groups serve in
Parliament.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights issues and cases. Gov-
ernment officials are cooperative and responsive to their views. In 1973 the Govern-
ment established a Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights (SACHR) to
monitor human rights in Northern Ireland but has adopted few of its security-relat-
ed recommendations.
A number of international nongovernmental human rights organizations, includ-
ing Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, and Article 19, are
based in the UK. The Government cooperates fully with international inquiries into
alleged violations of human rights.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Race Relations Act of 1976 prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color,
nationality, or national or ethnic origin, and outlaws incitement to racial hatred. In
August the Race Relations (Northern Ireland) Order extended these protections to
Northern Ireland. Human rights groups claim that the travelers, a white, nomadic
indigenous population (estimated to number some 1,000 persons) that comprises the
second largest minority ethnic group in Northern Ireland, and a significant minority
in the rest of the UK, experience marginalization, educational discrimination, and
police and societal harassment greater than that of the settled population. U.N.
committees on both the Rights ofthe Child and the Elimination of Racial Discrimi-
nation have expressed similar concerns.
Discrimination on the grounds of religious or political opinion is specifically un-
lawful in Northern Ireland but not in Great Britain. Discrimination on the basis of
religion is only illegal in Great Britain when its effect is to discriminate against a
member of a minority ethnic group. The Government respects and enforces all anti-
discrimination laws, which concentrate on employment and the supply of goods and
services.
Women. — Statistical and other evidence indicates that most victims of societal vio-
lence are women. Domestic violence currently constitutes 43 per cent of reported
violent crimes against women and accounts for almost 17 percent of all reported vio-
lent crimes. As promised, the Government introduced the Protection from Harass-
ment Act of 1997 in March, which calls for prison sentences of up to 5 years for
convicted stalkers.
The law provides for injunctive relief, personal protection orders, and protective
exclusion orders (similar to restraining orders) for women who are victims of vio-
lence. The Government provides shelters, counseling, and other assistance for vic-
tims of battery or rape and offers free legal aid to battered women who are economi-
cally reliant upon their abusers. The Government actively prosecutes perpetrators
of domestic violence. Section 33 of the 1994 Criminal Justice and Public (Jrder Act
abolished the requirement that judges warn juries that a victim's testimony alone
should not be adequate for a rape conviction. The Act also made sexual and other
intentional harassment a criminal offense. In September a court ordered the first
civil damages award of about $24,000 (14,000 British pounds) to a victim of marital
rape.
The law also provides for equal opportunity between the sexes, but women experi-
ence some discrimination in practice. The 1975 Sex Discrimination Act, as amended
in 1986, prohibits both direct and indirect discrimination in training, education,
housing, and provision of goods and services, as well as in employment. Women
have equal rights regarding property and divorce. According to the Government's
Equal (opportunities Commission (which supports persons who bring discrimination
cases belore industrial tribunals and courts, and produces guidelines on good prac-
tice for employers), there has been significant progress towards equal opportunity
for women since the Commission was establishea in 1975. However, according to the
Equal Opportunities Commission women still earn approximately 20 per cent less
1387
than their male counterparts in comparable positions, a number that has changed
little in recent years. A government minister cochairs the Women's National Com-
mission, a forum for women's organizations that presents women's views to the gov-
ernment.
Children. — The Government demonstrates its strong commitment to children's
rights and welfare through its well-funded systems of public education and medical
care. The government provides free, compulsory education up to age 16, and then
to the age of 18 if the student so desires. While there is no societal pattern of abuse
directed against children, indications are, despite the lack of reliable data, that child
abuse is nevertheless a problem. Throughout the year a tribunal continued hearings
into allegations of systematic abuse of more than 650 children by staff at various
public and private children's homes in Wales. Findings are expected in January
1998. Under the PTA, police can arrest and detain minors for up to 7 days.
Various laws covering England and Wales stipulate that children have the right
to apply for court orders, to give or withhold consent for medical treatment (for
those capable of making an informed decision), to make complaints to the relevant
local autnority, to have their ethnic, linguistic, and religious background considered
in decisions affecting them, to have reasonable contact with their families (usually
applied in a circumstance where there has been abuse), and in general to be con-
sulted regarding their desires.
People With Disabilities. — The 1995 Disability Discrimination Act outlaws dis-
crimination against disabled persons in the provision of access to public facilities by
employers of more than 20 workers, service providers (apart from those providing
education or running transport vehicles), and anyone selling or renting property.
The 1993 Education Act imposes specific duties on local education authorities to
make provision for the special educational needs of disabled children. Disabled
rights groups continued to complain that the Government had declined to create an
enforcement body for the Discrimination Act.
Rights Now, a consortium of over 50 independent organizations campaigning for
laws to end discrimination on the grounds of disability, reported that employers
were 6 times more likely to turn down a disabled person for a job interview than
a nondisabled applicant with the same qualifications. Rights Now also reported that
there are currently 400,00 to 450,000 people needing wneelchair-accessiole homes,
but that only 80,000 such homes are available. Although wheelchair accessibility at
voting sites improved since the 1992 elections when 88 per cent of the polling sta-
tions were inaccessible to physically disabled voters, 81 per cent of the 1997 sites
posed two or more access problems (e.g., no wheelchair ramps, or voting booths that
were too high) for wheelchair-bound voters.
Access to buildings generally improved but remains inadequate. Many buildings
and train stations are so old that tney do not have elevators, although government
regulations require that all new buildings meet the access requirements of all per-
sons with impaired mobility. In 1992 the Government promulgated similar regula-
tions for sensory-impaired persons, and current regulations require that all taxis be
wheelchair accessible by the year 2000.
Religious Minorities. — Despite government efforts and the lowering of the overall
unemployment rate in Northern Ireland in December to 7.8 per cent, the unemploy-
ment rate for Catholic men in Northern Ireland remained twice that for Protestant
men. The Fair Employment (Northern Ireland) Act of 1989, as amended, aims to
end even unintentional or indirect discrimination in the workplace, and a fair eni-
ployment tribunal adjudicates complaints. All public-sector employers and all pri-
vate firms with over 10 workers must report annually to the Fair Employment Com-
mission on the religious composition of their work force, and must review their em-
ployment practices at least once every 3 years. Noncompliance can bring criminal
penalties and loss of government contracts. Victims of employment discrimination
may sue for damages. While critics of the Act have asserted that its targets and
timetables are too imprecise, most leaders of the Catholic community have praised
it as a positive step. In June the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights
(SACHR) completed its review of the adequacy of the fair employment legislation
and government policy in this area and made a significant number of recommenda-
tions to make them more effective. At year's end the Government was continuing
its review of these recommendations.
There have been improvements in fair housing, education, and provision of goods
and services, although, other than in Northern Ireland, there is no legislation to
prohibit discrimination on the basis of religion.
While active recruitment of Catholics by the Northern Ireland civil service has
produced rough proportionality in overall numbers, the service acknowledges that
Catholics remain significantly underrepresented in its senior grades. Service-wide
employment cutbacks have thus far hampered efforts to overcome this imbalance.
1388
Government efForts to increase recruitment of Catholics into the poHce force (cur-
rently 92 percent Protestant) and related security jobs in Nothern Ireland have been
hampered by ERA killings and death threats, as well as widespread antipathy in the
Catholic community to the security forces. From 1994 to 1996, 76 Catholic ofTicers
were hired by the regular RUC, but the percentage of Catholics on the force re-
mained virtually unchanged.
At least six arson attacks were committed in Northern Ireland against Catholic
churches and at least one against a Protestant church. Loyalists broke into a Catho-
lic Church in Northern Ireland in December, breaking windows and various other
articles, a not unusual practice, according to the priest there. A spring attack
against a Mormon church was deemed an act of vandalism rather than a sectarian
oiiense.
According to the Institute for Jewish Policy research, the number of anti-Semitic
incidents in Britain declined in 1996 (latest figures) for the third consecutive year.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — Despite legal prohibitions against race dis-
crimination, persons of African, South Asian, or traveler origin face occasional acts
of societal violence and some discrimination. According to Human Rights Watch,
from 1989 to 1996, the number of reported racial incidents rose from 4,383 to 12,199
(a racial incident was defined as "any incident in which it appears to the reporting
or investigating office that the complaint involves an element of racial motivation,
or any incident that includes an allegation of social motivation made by any person,
whether the victim or a third party ). Incitement to racial hatred is a criminal of-
fense punishable by a maximum of 2 years' imprisonment. The Government strictly
enforces the laws and regulations in this area. In October the Home Secretary an-
nounced the Government s intention to add up to 2 years' additional prison time for
those convicted of racially-motivated crim.es. By year's end, the proposed legislation
was moving through the Parliamentary process.
A government-appointed but independent Commission for Racial Equality (CRE)
Provides guidelines on good practice, supports persons taking court action under the
ace Relations Act of 1976, and may initiate its own court action. After investigat-
ing a complaint, the CRE may issue a notice requiring that the discrimination be
stopped. The CRE monitors the response to such a notice for 5 years.
An inquest jury decided in February that black teenager Stephen Lawrence had
been "unlawfully killed" by five white youths in an unprovokea, racially-motivated
attack. There have been several unsuccessful attempts to convict the perpetrators.
A public hearing into Lawrence's death is scheduled for early 1998.
In March the U.N. Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination ex-
Rressed concern at the (jovemment's delay in passing race relations legislation for
[orthern Ireland and highlighted apparent deficiencies in the proposed legislation.
(Discrimination based on race is pronibited in the rest of the UK.) In August the
Government passed the Race Relations (Northern Ireland) Order 1997, which for
the first time gives specific legal protection to minority ethnic groups there, includ-
ing the traveler community.
In September the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture met with
lawyers and prison officials. The Committee investigated, among other issues, the
disproportionate numbers of detained or incarcerated minorities dying or injured
while in police custody (see Section l.a.). In 1996 the U.N. Committee on the Elimi-
nation of^Racial Discrimination had noted with serious concern that among the vic-
tims of death in custody were a disproportionate number of members of minority
groups; that police brutality appeared to affect members of minority groups dis-
proportionately; that allegations of police brutality and harassment were reportedly
not vigorously investigated; and that perpetrators, once guilt was established, were
not punished appropriately.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the right to form and join unions, and
the Government respects this right in practice. Unions participate freely in inter-
national organizations, and are free of government control. Like employers' associa-
tions, they must have their accounts certified by the Government. Senior union offi-
cers must be elected by secret ballot. Additionally, the law mandates secret ballots
before a strike call, prohibits unions from disciplining members who reject a legal
strike call, and allows members to lodge complaints against their union with a gov-
ernment-appointed commissioner.
No specific statutory "right to strike" exists, and voluntary cessation of work may
be considered a breach of contract. A system of legal immunities from prosecution
for unions engaged in lawful industrial action was narrowed by acts of Parliament
in the 1980's. These acts exclude secondary strikes and actions judged to have politi-
cal motives; unions encouraging such strikes are subject to fines and seizure oi their
1389
assets. The legislation also tightly restricts the ability of unions to act against sub-
sidiaries of prime employers with which they are in dispute when the subsidiaries
are not party to the dispute and are the employers of record.
In 1993 tne Council of Europe (COE) determined that British labor law violated
the European Social Charter by permitting an employer to dismiss all employees
who take part in a strike and then, after 3 months, to rehire them selectively. The
Council requested that the British Government notify it of the measures to be taken
to remedy this defect. The new Government is in the process of reexamining this
question, with proposals to be published in early 1998 in a White Paper entitled
'Taimess at Work.
It is illegal to deny employment on the grounds that the applicant is not a union
member. The Trade Union Keform and Employment Rights Act of 1993 set new pro-
cedural requirements for union strikes, dues collection, and membership rules. It
also made it possible for private citizens, when deprived of goods or services due
to strike action, to seek d!iamages and to obtain assistance in this effort from the
fovemment. The Trade Unions Congress (TUC) in 1993 lodged complaints with the
nternational Labor Organization (ILO) on various provisions of the 1993 Act (see
Section 6.b.). In 1995 the House of Lords upheld a provision of the Employment Pro-
tection Act of 1978, as amended by the Employment Act of 1988, allowing employers
to offer workers financial inducements to give up union representation. In 1996 the
Committee of Experts of the ILO found this law to be in substantial violation of
Convention 98 on the right to organize and bargain collectively and asked the UK
to amend its legislation. The new Government is in the process of examining this
recommendation.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Employers have no legal obli-
gation to bargain with workers' representatives. However, the new Government
pledged to pass a law requiring such bargaining in work places where there is a
majority of worker support. Wmle labor-management contracts are not enforceable
in the courts, collective bargaining is longstanding and widespread, covering about
40 percent of the work force.
Workers who believe themselves to be victims of antiunion discrimination may
seek redress through industrial tribunals. Remedies available include payment of
indemnities and reinstatement.
Contrary to ILO Convention 98, UK employers or others may lawfully circulate
blacklists of union members seeking employment. In 1993 the ILO concluded that
the Government was obliged to protect union members from such discrimination. At
year's end, the Government was considering its response to this finding.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor, in-
cluding that performed by children, is prohibited and is not practiced, although the
ILO has raised questions about the situation in privatized prisons.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — School at-
tendance until age 16 is compulsory. Children under age 16 are not permitted to
work in an industrial enterprise except as part of an educational course. Forced and
bonded child labor is prohibited, and the Government effectively enforces this prohi-
bition.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — No legislated minimum wage exists, but the
new Government pledged to institute one in early 1998. Nor does any legislation
limit daily or weekly working hours, but new laws to bring the UK into compliance
with the European Union's 48-hour workweek directive were expected by year's end.
The Health and Safety at Work Act of 1974 stipulates that the health and safety
of employees not be placed at risk. A Health and Safety Commission effectively en-
forces regulations on these matters and may initiate criminal proceedings in appro-
priate cases. Workers' representatives actively monitor enforcement of the Act.
Workers can remove themselves from hazardous conditions without risking loss of
employment, as provided in the European Union framework directive on safety and
health.
UZBEKISTAN
Uzbekistan is an authoritarian state with limited civil rights. The Constitution
f)rovides for a presidential system with separation of powers between the executive,
egislative, and judicial branches. In practice President Islam Karimov and the cen-
tralized executive branch that serves him remain the dominant forces in political
life. The Oliy Majlis (Parliament) is dominated by the executive branch, and only
parties that support the President are represented. Although the Constitution pro-
1390
vides for an independent judicial authority, in practice the judicial branch is heavily
influenced by the executive branch in civil and criminal cases.
The police are controlled by the Ministry of Interior (MVD). The police and related
MVD forces are responsible for most normal internal police functions. The National
Security Service (NSS) — the former KGB — deals with a broad range of national se-
curity questions, including corruption, organized crime, and narcotics. The army and
border guards are responsible for external defense. They are not routinely used in
internal disturbances and rarely are implicated in human rights abuses. The police
and the NSS committed numerous, serious human rights abuses.
The Government continued to move toward market reform, especially through im-
provement in the legislative framework. However, restrictions continue on currency
convertibility and other financial steps which have led to suspension of international
loans. The economy is based primarily on agriculture and agricultural processing;
Uzbekistan is the world's fifth largest producer of cotton, the seventh largest pro-
ducer of gold and has substantial deposits of copper, strategic minerals, gas, and
oil. The Government has proclaimed its commitment to a gradual transition to a
free market economy. It has achieved substantial progress in reducing inflation and
the budget deficit. However, progress on privatization of the large state-owned en-
terprises that account for the bulk of gross domestic product remained slow, and a
host of formal and informal barriers continued to constrain the nascent private sec-
tor.
The Government's human rights record remained poor, and there were serious
problems in several areas. Citizens cannot exercise their right to change their gov-
ernment peacefully. Chosen president in a 1991 election that most observers consid-
ered neither free nor fair, Karimov had his stay in office extended to 2000 by a 1995
Soviet-style referendum. Parliament subsequently voted to make the extension part
of Karimov's first term, thus making him eligible to run again in 2000. Police and
NSS forces used torture, harassment, illegal searches, and wiretaps, and arbitrarily
detained or arrested opposition activists on false charges. They committed these and
other abuses against Doth dissidents and other citizens, although reported abuses
against dissidents decreased sharply. Arbitrary arrest and detention is common;
even foreigners are not exempt. Police often beat criminal suspects, and detention
can be prolonged. Prison conditions are poor. Although the Government says that
it investigates abuses, those responsible for documented abuses rarely are punished.
The judiciary does not always ensure due process and takes its direction from the
executive branch. The Government severely limits freedom of speech and the press,
and freedom of expression is constrained by an atmosphere of repression that makes
it diflicult to criticize the Government publicly. Although the Constitution expressly
prohibits it, press censorship continues. The Government sharply restricts trie im-
portation of foreign print media. The Government limits freedom of assembly and
association. The Government continues to ban unsanctioned public meetings and
demonstrations. To control the political arena, the Government continues to deny
registration to independent political parties and other groups potentially critical of
the Government, and prevents unregistered opposition parties and movements from
operating freely or publishing their views. The Government continued to decline to
approve the registration application of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan,
wnich has been seeking to register since 1992 citing technical deficiencies in its pa-
perwork. The Government limits freedom of religion; it has harassed and arrested
independent Islamic leaders on questionable grounds, citing the threat of Islamic ex-
tremism. It has also arrested and allegedly tnreatened evangelical leaders, and de-
nied registration to Christian sects it does not accept. Despite a constitutional prohi-
bition, there continues to be significant traditional societal discrimination and do-
mestic violence against women.
The pace of reform slowed during the year. Nevertheless, several potentially posi-
tive steps were taken. In April the Oliy Majlis passed legislation establishing an om-
budsman's ofTice. However, by year's end, the office had not yet demonstrated
whether it could function in accordance with its legislative mandate and play an im-
portant role in monitoring human rights abuses. The Oliy Majlis also enacted legis-
lation reforming the penal system and protecting the rights of prisoners. In April
new laws providing increased access to information ana protection of journalists
were passed, and a mass media law passed in December, although the effects on
press freedom remained unclear at year's end.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
1391
The Government has never announced the results of its internal investigation into
the 1995 death in police custody, almost certainly of a beating, of Bokhtiar Yakubov,
a witness linked to an opposition activist.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
Nematjon Parpiev, an assistant to missing imam Abduvali Kori Mirzaev, was re-
ported to have disappeared in August. Parpiev went to the local market to buy
Dread and never returned. This event follows by two years Mirzaev's disappearance
who, along with his assistant, allegedly was detained at the Tashkent airport by
NSS ofTicers while traveling to a conference in Moscow in 1995. No developments
were reported in the disappearance of Mirzaev and his assistant.
There were no reported developments in the investigation of the 1995 kidnappings
of former vice president ShukruUo Mirsaidov and his son, or the November 1996
kidnapping of another of Mirsaidov's sons. Similarly, there were no new develop-
ments in tne 1992 disappearance of Abdullah Utaev, leader of the Uzbekistan chap-
ter of the outlawed Islamic Renaissance Party, who, most observers believe, also
was detained by security forces. There is no omcial admission that either man was
arrested or detained and no further information on their whereabouts. However,
most independent observers believe that the three missing Islamic activists are ei-
ther dead or in NSS custody.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the law prohibits these practices, police routinely beat and otherwise mis-
treat (^tainees to obtain confessions. Both police and the NSS used beatings and
harassment against citizens.
Family members of the "Namangan 11," a group of young men who, evidence
strongly suggests, were falsely accused of belonging to a Namangan city gang that
committed a murder and several robberies, continue to protest the court s convic-
tion, believing that even a reduced sentence is unjust because the defendants are
innocent. In 1996 the Supreme Court commuted the death sentence of one defend-
ant and reduced the sentences of the other defendants. Lawyers at the hearing pre-
sented evidence that the defendants' confessions were obtained by beatings.
The MVD has yet to announce the results of its internal investigation of the Au-
gust 1996 detention of the representative of the international human rights non-
governmental organization (NGO) Human Rights Watch/Helsinki (HRW/H) and
have not identified who subjected him to verbal abuse and humiliating treatment
(see Section l.d.).
Prison conditions are poor, and worse for male than for female prisoners. Due to
limited resources, prison overcrowding is a problem. Reportedly there are severe
shortages of food and medicines. Political prisoners are often not allowed visitors or
any other direct form of contact with family and friends. The Government operates
labor camps, but little is known about the conditions of incarceration.
The Government does not routinely permit prison visits by human rights mon-
itors, although diplomats have occasionally obtained access in specific cases.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Security forces continued to arrest and
detain citizens arbitrarily. Uzbekistan continues to use the Soviet legal system, and
laws on detention have not changed since independence. According to the law, police
may hold a person suspected oi committing a crime for up to 3 days. At the end
of this period, the suspect must be either officially chargea or released. A prosecu-
tor's order is required for arrests but not for detentions. A court case must be sched-
uled within 15 days of the arrest, and the defendant may be detained during this
period. A defendant may not have access to counsel while in detention but only after
formal arrest. Delays between detention and trials can be lengthy — one Islamic cler-
ic detained in September 1994 did not go on trial until May 1995.
In practice police arbitrarily stop and detain individuals, whether dissidents or
not, without warrant or just cause. In the past, opposition and religious figures have
been charged with offenses such as drug possession, illegal possession oT firearms,
or disorderly conduct in an effort to stifle their criticism of government policy. In
June authorities resumed these tactics by convicting Islamic teacher Rahmatjon
Otaqulov of the illegal possession of narcotics and ammunition. Police came to
Otaqulov's home to tell him that his car had been involved in an accident. At the
supposed accident scene, police "discovered" narcotics on Otaqulov, in the presence
of two people, who reportedly were detained earlier in order to witness the arrest.
A subsequent search of Otaqulov's home supposedly uncovered ammunition. At the
trial in June, the defense lawyer effectively questioned the credibility of the arrest-
ing ofTicers and witnesses, but Otaaulov ultimately was convicted and sentenced to
3V2 years' imprisonment. Additionally, a second Islamic teacher, Olimjon Gafurov,
received a 1 year prison term for the illegal possession of narcotics and arms. Inde-
pendent observers believe that the incriminating contraband was planted by the ar-
resting officers.
loc
1392
On December 21, Samarkand police detained Mikhail Ardzinov, Chairman of the
Independent Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan (IHROU) and Tajik rights activist
Jamal Mirsaidov reportedlv for organizing an illegal meeting. Police reportedly
abused Ardziijov ana held him until December 22. Mirsaidov reportedly was given
a 15-dayjail sentence, but released on December 24.
The MvD has yet to announce the results of its internal investigation of the Au-
ist 1996 incident in which three police officers, possibly intoxicated, detained the
ocal HRW/H representative, a British citizen, as he returned from a dinner engage-
ment. At the district police station, two senior officials intimidated and verbally
abused him, and accused him without basis of illegally possessing narcotics and fire-
arms. He was jailed overnight but police never brought charges. The Government
did not admit fault, but issued a written apology.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution provides for an inde-
pendent judicial authority, the judicial branch takes its direction from the executive
Dranch. Under the Constitution, the President appoints all judges for 10-year terms.
They may be removed for crimes or failure to fulfill their obligations. Power to re-
move jud.ges for failure to fulfill their obligations rests with the President, except
for Supreme Court judges, whose removal must also be confirmed by Parliament.
There is a three-tier court system: the people's court on the district level, the re-
gional courts, and the Supreme Court. District court decisions may be appealed to
the next highest level witnin 10 days of the ruling. The Criminal Code reduces the
list of crimes punishable by death to murder, espionage, and treason, eliminating
the economic crimes punishable by death in the lormer Soviet code. Officially and
in recent practice, most court cases are open to the public but may be closed in ex-
ceptional cases, such as those involving state secrets, rape, or young defendants.
Uzbekistan still uses the Soviet judicial system, which features trial by a panel
of three judges: one professional judge and two "people's assessors" who are chosen
by the workers' collectives for a period of 2V2 years. The judge presides and directs
the proceedings. Defendants have the right to attend the proceedings, confront wit-
nesses, and present evidence. The State provides a lawyer without charge, but by
law the accused has the right to hire an attorney. In some political cases, the de-
fendants have not had access to lawyers.
Detainees deemed not to be violent may be released on their own recognizance
pending trial. No money need be posted as bond, but in such cases the accused must
usually sign a pledge not to leave the city.
In practice defense lawyers are unskilled at defending their clients. Courts often
do not allow all defense witnesses to be heard, and written documents are given
more weight than courtroom witnesses. In the case of the Namangan 11 (see Section
l.d.), the defendants' written confessions, allegedly gained by beatings and repudi-
ated by the defendants in court, appeared to have been given more weight than the
testimony of eyewitnesses.
Human Rights Watch/Helsinki and the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan
(HRSU) have compiled lists of 20 to 30 individuals believed to be political prisoners.
Many were associated with the Birlik or Erk parties, or were involved in independ-
ent Islamic activities. Many were convicted of nonpolitical offenses such as tax eva-
sion, misappropriation of funds, or illegal possession of narcotics or firearms. How-
ever, many observers questioned the fairness of the trials and believe that incrimi-
nating contraband was planted by arresting officers. Nine individuals believed to be
political prisoners were released in 1996, but there were no further releases in 1997.
Citing the threat of Islamic extremism, the Government charged several impris-
oned political activists and Islamic activists with minor infractions of prison regula-
tions, keeping them imprisoned by blocking their eligibility for the Government's an-
nual amnesty. One such prisoner, Abduraub Gafurov, remains imprisoned after
MVD officials illegally closed his trial in December 1996. Foreign observers at-
tempted unsuccessfully to observe the trial. At the closed hearing, authorities sen-
tenced Gafurov to an additional 3 years in prison based on testimony from fellow
prisoners.
The Government denies that it holds political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — By law
search warrants issued by a procurator are required. There is no provision for a ju-
dicial review of warrants. No legal mechanism exists for authorizing telephone tap-
ping or monitoring. Security agencies routinely monitor telephone calls, and employ
surveillance and wiretaps in the cases of persons involved in opposition political ac-
tivities.
The Government does not allow general distribution of foreign newspapers (with
the exception of two or three very conservative Russian papers) and other publica-
tions. However, limited numbers of foreign periodicals began to appear in
1393
Tashkent's two major hotels, and authorized eroups can obtain foreign periodicals
through subscription. Tlie publication of the local editions of Izvestia and Pravda
and the sale of their Moscow editions remained suspended throughout 1997. The au-
thorities black out Russian news broadcasts when they are critical of the Govern-
ment (see Section 2. a.)
Opposition activist and former vice president Shukrullo Mirsaidov remained evict-
ed from his home after the Government reimplemented a long-dormant, politically
motivated property confiscation order against him (see Section 3).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Although the Constitution provides for "freedom
of thought, speech, and convictions," the Government continues to limit severely
these rights.
A 1991 law against "offending the honor and dignity of the President" limits the
ability to criticize the President. Journalists and ordinary citizens remain afraid to
express views critical of the President and the Government.
Information remains very tightly controlled. Although the Constitution prohibits
censorship, it is widely practiced and the Grovemment tolerates little, if any, criti-
cism of its actions. Newspapers may not be printed without the censor's approval.
All newspapers are printed by the same state-owned printing houses, which will not
print any paper whose editor does not confirm that the issue has been cleared by
the censor a few hours before being submitted. The Government reportedly provides
funding and office space for censors. Journalists and writers who want to ensure
that their work is published practice self-censorship. Several speakers at the 1996
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe-sponsored human rights con-
ference openly challenged the Government's assertion that there is no censorship.
The editor of the Hurriyat newspaper, an Uzbek-language weekly that had pub-
lished several issues mildly critical of some aspects of Uzbek television media, re-
signed due to concern that his paper might be censored after state television criti-
cized his role; the journal then published under closer state scrutiny. Vatan, the
newspaper of the progovemment Fatherland Progress Party, ceased publication
temporarily after publishing an analytical article about the President's August 1996
speech to Parliament on human rights, reportedly under pressure from government
oflicials displeased by the article.
In April the Parliament passed a new law providing for freedom of access to infor-
mation. A second law provides for protection of journalists' professional activity, in-
cluding protection for journalists' sources, and mandates that government agencies
respond to written requests for information within 30 days. A mass media law was
passed in December; however, several articles are worded in such a way that they
could be used to punish government critics, for example, one provision makes jour-
nalists responsible for the truth of the information contained in their news stories,
potentially subjecting journalists to prosecution if a government official disagrees
with a news report. At year's end, the Government had not yet demonstrated wheth-
er it was committed to implement such laws in an effective manner so as to provide
a foundation for major and positive systemic change.
The Uzbekistan Information Agency cooperates closely with the presidential staff
to prepare and distribute all officially sanctioned news and information. Nearly all
newspapers are government owned and controlled; the key papers are organs of gov-
ernment ministries. State enterprises control the printing presses.
The last opposition newspaper to be published was that of the Erk party. In 1993
it was banned and has not oeen published since.
Magazines and weeklies have to be registered, a procedure that includes providing
information about the sources of funding, means of distribution, founders, and spon-
sors. A resolution by the Cabinet of Ministers bans private persons and journalist
collectives from founding newspapers or magazines. Foreign correspondents based
in Tashkent report that the security services have harassed and threatened their
translators and other local employees. Limited numbers of foreign periodicals are
available, but the Government does not allow the general distribution of foreign
newspapers (see Section l.f.).
Television broadcasting is state controlled. Although there are local stations in
various regions, nationwide programming is on two state-run channels that fully
support the (jovernment and its policies. The Ostankino channel from Russia broad-
casts during the evening. Its news broadcasts are blacked out when they are critical
of the Government. A cable television joint venture between the state oroadcasting
company and a U.S. company broadcasts the Hong Kong-based "Star" television
channels, including the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Deutche Welle, and
Cable News Network world news, to Tashkent and a few other locations.
1394
In September an Urgench-based independent television station resumed broad-
casting after being closed by local authorities. Despite winning three court appeals,
which allowed the station to reopen, local authorities used a variety of means to
keep the station off the air, including sabotaging its signal, barring employees entry
to tne station, and using police to damage equipment. The station, managed by a
former member of the opposition Erk political party, reportedly broadcasted music,
news, and programming distributed by Samarkand's television station. The Sam-
arkand Independent Television (STV) station also considers itself independent. It
claims not to receive any government subsidy and to exist wholly on income derived
from advertisers. It currently has three channels and plans a fourth, devoted to en-
tertainment in 1998. It is clearly sensitive to political concerns from the center and
concentrates on nonpolitical news but claims not to be formally censored. The Sam-
arkand station received an exclusive license from the Government to distribute tele-
vision progranuning to stations in the western part of the country.
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, which opened a bureau in Tashkent in May
1996 staffed by two local Uzbek correspondents, the Voice of America, and BBC
radio, along with the less widely available cable television channels, are among the
few sources of uncontrolled news.
There are no private publishing houses, and government approval is required for
all publications.
Virtually all academic institutions are experiencing increased autonomy, but free-
dom of expression is still limited. Most institutions are in the process of revising
curriculums, and Western textbooks are in great demand.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly. However, it also states that the authorities have the
right to suspend or ban rallies, meetings, and demonstrations on security grounds.
The Government must sanction demonstrations and does not routinely grant this
permission.
The Constitution provides for the right of freedom of association, but the Govern-
ment limits the exercise of this right by refusing to register opposition political par-
ties and movements opposed to the established order. The Constitution places broad
limitations on the types of groups that may form and requires that all organizations
be formally registered with the Government in accordance with procedures pre-
scribed by law. In 1996 the Parliament passed new legislation on political parties
that increased the number of signatures required to register a political party from
3,000 to 5,000 and raised the number of oblasts in wnich a party must be r^-
resented to eight. A party must meet other requirements, such as providing an om-
cial address. Independent observers believe that the Government intends to make
it more difiicult to form and register parties. A 1996 analysis by legal observers con-
cluded that, while the law provides protections for minority parties and permits a
wide range of fund raising, it also accords the Ministry of Justice broad powers to
interfere with political parties and withhold financial and legal support to parties
opposed to the Government. The process for registering NGO's and other public as-
sociations is also difficult and time consuming, with many opportunities for official
obstruction.
Since 1992 the Government has repeatedly frustrated the efforts of the HRSU, a
local human rights group with close ties to exiled opposition figures, to register ofli-
cially. In 1996 the Government granted permission for the HRSU to hold a founding
organizational meeting (kurultai), a prerequisite for receiving registration, and
agreed to consider the HRSU's application for registration. In January, April, and
August, the Government declined to act on the HRSU's application to register, re-
f)eatedly citing technical deficiencies in its paperwork. Independent observers be-
ieve the Government's refusal to register the HRSU is politically motivated. In Au-
gust the newly created Independent Human Rights Organization of Uzbekistan
(IHROU), headed by longtime human rights activist Mikhail Ardzinov, held its
founding kurultai and filed registration papers with the Ministry of Justice. The
meeting was conducted in secret after local authorities illegally refused to respond
to the IHROU's formal request to hold its founding congress. In December the Min-
istry declined to act on the IHROU's application, citing technical deficiencies in the
paperwork. In 1996 the Government granted registration to another human rights
NGO, the Committee for Protection o? Individual Rights, a group formed with the
support of the Government.
In earlier years, the Government repeatedly denied the attempts of the Birlik
movement and Erk party to register as parties. Most of these organizations' leaders
have since gone into exile, and these organizations made no attempt to register in
1997, reportedly because their remaining adherents in the country are afraid of gov-
ernment reprisals. The Constitution and a 1991 amendment to the law on political
parties ban those of a religious nature. Authorities cite this principle in denying reg-
1395
istration to reli^ous parties, including the Islamic Renaissance Party (IRP). Other
opposition activists have announced the formation of the "Adolat-True Path" party
but never pursued formal registration, claiming that their members are also afraid
of government reprisals.
Nonpolitical associations and social organizations usually did not encounter com-
parable difficulties in registering, althougn bureaucratic delays and official suspicion
continued to plague the registration process for such groups. Some evangelical
churches (see Section 2.c.) and some foreign humanitarian assistance groups found
it difficult to obtain registration or reregistration.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The Constitution provides for freedom of religion and for
the principle of separation of religion and state. However, despite allowing many
groups to worship freely, for example, the Russian Orthodox and several other
Christian denominations, the Government suppresses some religious groups that
defy the authority of state-appointed religious authorities, particularly Islamic dis-
sidents. In addition despite the principle of separation of religion and state, the gov-
ernment-controlled Spiritual Directorate for Muslims funds some Islamic religious
activities.
After the enforced atheism of the Soviet period, religious communities are experi-
encing a significant revival. Religious education is becoming more widespread, al-
though it is not included in state schools. While Islam is the religion of the majority,
ethnic minorities may also practice their religion in relative freedom.
However, tensions arise when churches attempt to convert across ethnic lines, es-
pecially when they attempt to convert members of generally Muslim ethnic groups
to Christianity. Although distribution of religious literature is legal, missionary ac-
tivity and proselytizing is not.
Authorities tolerate many non-Orthodox Christian evangelical groups, but do not
register Christian sects that the Government does not approve.
Evangelical leader Denis Podorozhny, head of the Word of Faith congregation,
continued to try to regain the registration his group lost in 1994, despite Raving
twice been arrested in 1996 and spending 12 days in jail. Mission of Mercy head
Olga Avetisova has tried for 7 years to register her Christian humanitarian associa-
tion despite receiving death threats from local officials in 1996. In October the Gov-
ernment released a shipment containing 24,960 Bibles confiscated by customs in De-
cember 1996. There is evidence that customs officials acted on orders issued by the
Committee on Religious Affairs, a department of the executive office of the presi-
dent.
Fearing the destabilizing influence of extremist Islamic forces, the Government
has sought to control the Islamic hierarchy, the content of imams' sermons, and the
extent and substance of published Islamic materials. However, Islamic groups not
affiliated with the Government form a "parallel Islam." The Government has de-
tained a number of Fergana Valley Islamic clerics on various charges (see Section
l.d.). Bureaucratic restrictions have also inhibited the free operation of numerous re-
ligious schools. Dissident Islamic figures deny that they are extremists and claim
that they are being persecuted for their unwillingness to praise the Government's
actions "slavishly."
Muslim leaders have been detained and harassed for acts of perceived insubor-
dination and independence. Shortly before the expiration of his 3-year term in 1996,
Uzbek authorities charged imprisoned Islamic Muslim activist Abduraub Gafurov,
as well as several other religious activists with violations of minor prison regula-
tions and sentenced him to an additional 2 years. The new conviction made Gaiurov
ineligible for release under the Government's annual parole. In 1996 the govern-
ment-appointed mufti fired imam Abidkhon Nazarov, head of the Tukhtoboi mosque
in Tashkent, and several other independent-minded Islamic clerics. These clerics
were fired ostensibly for failing a government-designed "imam test" which included
questions about political and economic policy outside the traditional sphere of a reli-
gious cleric. The Andijon Friday mosque, where missing imam Abduvali Kori
Mirzaev (see Section l.b.) formerly preached, was closed by the (jovemment in mid-
1995 and remains closed.
There is no pattern of official discrimination against Jews. Synagogues function
openly; Hebrew education (long banned under the Soviets), Jewish cultural events,
and the publication of a community newspaper take place undisturbed. However,
the perception of bleak economic prospects; occasional harassment by low-level offi-
cials, which some believe is anti-Semitic in origin (others say that such incidents
occur in the context of harassment that any resident of Uzbekistan may face); and
the belief that militant Islam might become a strong force are motivating many
Jews to emigrate.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for free movement within the country and
1396
across its borders, and the Government generally respected these rights. The Gov-
ernment issues new passports in place oT the old Soviet ones for citizens traveling
overseas, but, in principle, for purely internal travel, the old passports will remain
valid until 2000. The new passports serve as both internal identity cards and, when
properly certified, as external passports. In addition the Government has greatly
simplified the process of obtaining exit visas, which are valid for a period of 2 years
and no longer require invitations.
Most barriers to emigration were lifted before the Soviet breakup. Although in
some instances emigrants are delayed by long waits for passports ana exit visas, po-
tential emigrants who can find a host country willing to accept them are able to
leave the country. Since independence, a significant number of non-Uzbeks, includ-
ing Russians, Jews, Ukrainians, and others nave emigrated, although no figures are
available. These people have left because of their perception that economic condi-
tions are better elsewhere and, in some cases, because of concern that future eco-
nomic and social prospects for non-Uzbeks are limited. A sizable number of Russian
emigrants, finding poor economic conditions and discrimination in Russia, have re-
turned.
The travel of local citizens is not controlled, unlike travel by foreigners, including
journalists. Due to treaties between their countries and Uzbekistan, citizens of
France, Germany, the Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United
States receive visas valid for travel throughout the country. Other foreign visitors
must have each city they wish to visit noted on their visas. Tourists seeking to
check into hotels without the appropriate internal visa often find themselves having
to pay fines or bribes to local omcials. In mid-1995, a presidential edict decreed that
the ancient cities of Tashkent, Samarkand, Bukhara, and Khiva would henceforth
be "open cities," for which a separate visa notation is not required for nationals of
any country and Uzbek visas now are valid for travel throughout the country with-
out special annotation. Visitors require special permission, however, to travel to cer-
tain areas, for example, Termez on the Afghan border.
On occasion the Government created problems for human rights activists who
sought to enter or leave the country. Both Abdoumannob I-Halat and Mikhail
Ardzinov experienced such difficulties (see Sections 3 and 4).
The law on citizenship stipulates that citizens do not lose their citizenship if they
reside overseas. However, since Uzbekistan does not provide for dual citizenship,
those acquiring other citizenship lose Uzbek citizenship. If they return to
Uzbekistan as foreign citizens, they are subject to foreign visa regulations. There
is no evidence that anyone was denied permission to return.
There is no law concerning the rights of refugees and asylum seekers, and the
Government does not recognize the right of first asylum. The Government considers
asylum seekers from Tajikistan and Afghanistan to be economic migrants, and such
individuals are subject to harassment and bribe attempts when seeking to regular-
ize their status. They may be deported if their residency documents are not in order.
The country hosts populations of ethnic Koreans, Meskhetian Turks, and Crimean
Tartars deported to Central Asia bv Stalin during World War II. These groups enjoy
the same rights as other citizens. Although they are free to return to their ancestrm
homelands, absorption problems in those countries have slowed that return. The
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates that there are
30,000 Tajik and 9,000 Afghan asylum seekers of whom 2,000 have filed asylum re-
quests with the UNHCR and 960 have received mandate refugee status, figures
which have not changed significantly since 1995. There were two confirmed reports
of forced repatriation of two Afghan refugees in October.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
While the Constitution provides for this right, in reality citizens cannot exercise
their right to change their government througn peaceful and democratic means. The
Government severely represses opposition groups and individuals and applies strict
limits on freedom of expression. No true opposition groups participated in govern-
ment or were allowed to function legally.
Uzbekistan is ruled by a highly centralized presidency, comprising the President,
a small inner circle of advisers, and senior government officials. President Karimov,
formerly the first secretary of the Communist party in Uzbekistan under Soviet
rule, was elected in a limited multicandidate election in 1991. A 1995 Soviet-style
referendum and subsequent parliamentary decision extended Karimov's term until
the year 2000. President Karimov and the executive branch retain control through
sweeping decree powers, primary authority for drafting legislation, and control of
virtually all government appointments, most aspects of the economy, and the secu-
rity forces.
1397
Most government officials are members of the People's Democratic Party of
Uzbekistan (PDP), formerly the Communist party and still the country's largest
party. However the party as such does not appear to play a significant role in gov-
ernment, and the President resigned his chairmanship of the party in 1996.
The 1995 parliamentary elections were limited to candidates and parties (the PDP
and one other government-sponsored party) that support the President. Since then,
several other government-sponsored parties have been created and entered Par-
liament through unchallenged by-elections and other arrangements. The Oliy Majlis
is constitutionally the highest government body. In practice despite assistance ef-
forts by international donors to upgrade its ability to draft laws independently, its
main purpose is to confirm laws and other decisions drafted by the executive branch
rather than to initiate legislation.
Few people were willing to challenge the Government's grip on power or even risk
criticizing it publicly. Most opposition and human rights activists in exile have ex-
pressed their mistrust of President Karimov's 1996 offer to return to Uzbekistan.
Human rights activist Abdoumannob Pulat sought without success to obtain a re-
turn visa to assist with the registration of the HRSU. In June the Government ini-
tially refused to grant a return visa to Pulat to visit his dying mother, although it
subsequently relented and granted the visa. Pulat, head of the HRSU (see Section
4) and brother of exiled Birlik leader Abdurakhim Poulatov, moved freely within the
country and was not harassed, after he promised not to engage in political activity
during his visit.
Opposition activist and former vice president Shukrullo Mirsaidov remained evict-
ed from his home after the Government reimplemented a long-dormant, politically-
motivated property confiscation order against him based on his earlier, politically-
motivated conviction for corruption while in office. His family was also harassed, ap-
parently in retaliation for Mirsaidov's remarks at a 1996 OSCE-sponsored seminar
on human rights. Police placed the family under surveillance and questioned neigh-
bors after Mirsaidov spoke at the conference. During the trial leading to his eviction
and relocation in a government-provided apartment, the district representative
withdrew the action on grounds of insufficient evidence, but the prosecutor and
judge refused to halt the trial. In 1996 Mirsaidov's son, Hasan, was abducted by sev-
eral unidentified men under circumstances suggesting ofllcial involvement. Hasan
was handcuffed, beaten, and threatened with execution, only to be released after 12
hours. No ransom demand was made on the family. The culprits have still not been
identified.
The Government does not officially forbid membership in any political organiza-
tion. However, individuals whose names are linked witn unregistered, opposition-
linked organizations report that they are subject to telephonic and written harass-
ment and discrimination in the workplace. Secular political dissidents report that
harassment and surveillance have decreased over the past year. Small groups have
begun to meet to discuss politics, but practice self-censorship to avoid triggering a
government response to their activities. Harassment and surveillance of Islamic dis-
sidents continue.
Traditionally, women participate much less than men in government and politics.
Only 13 of the 250 deputies in Parliament are female. In 1995 the President pro-
moted the chairwoman of the governmental Women's Committee of Uzbekistan to
the position of Deputy Prime Minister. Her duties specifically include monitoring
the rights and welfare of women.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government generally disapproves of local nongovernmental organizations
working on human rights, and restricts their operations. Local NGO's face many ob-
stacles. Laws left over from the Soviet period present difficulties in registration and
operation for NGO's and private business alike.
The Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan (HRSU), an opposition-linked group
formed in 1992, has been the chief independent source on human rights abuses in
Uzbekistan. The Government has declined to register the HliSU, repeatedly finding
deficiencies in its applications, and HRSU activists have been subject to prolonged
harassment, including physical violence. The Government permitted the HRSLTto
take the first step in the registration process, the holding of a founding congress,
or "Tiurultai," in 1996. In January, April, and August, the authorities declined to act
on the HRSU's registration petition, asserting that there were technical difficulties
in its paperwork. HRSU activists continued to suffer harassment, although less than
in previous years. The HRSU publishes reports in Moscow and circulates materials
in Uzbekistan, but has no formal right to publish materials locally.
1398
Government officials initially refused to grant a return visa to HRSU chairman
Pulat, but when he asked specifically to visit his dying mother, the authorities sub-
sequently relented (see Section 3). He remained in Uzbekistan for several weeks
without incident.
The Independent Human Rights Organization of Uzbekistan (EHROU), headed by
Mikhail Ardzinov, held its founding kurultai in August. The gathering took place
in secret and without official government sanction because local authorities illegally
refused to respond to IHROU's official request to conduct its meeting.
The IHROU reportedly contains 108 members, some of them leading members of
the human rights community. In May MVD officials confiscated the passport of
IHROU head Mikhail Ardzinov and refused to issue his exit visa. Officials later
agreed to return the passport, but after initially refusing to issue a visa did so in
November.
In April the Parliament passed legislation establishing an "authorized person"
(ombudsman) to conduct investigations into violations of human rights. The ombuds-
man may make recommendations to modify or uphold decisions of state agencies,
but the recommendations are not binding. Tne ombudsman is prohibited from inves-
tigating disputes within the purview oicourts. The ombudsman replaces the par-
liamentary human rights commissioner, who had insufficient trained staff to carry
out in-depth investigations of human rights violations and did not vigorously pursue
allegations against the police and security forces. At year's end, an individual with
an approximately 12-i>erson staff was functioning. Reportedly, the new ombudsman
had reviewed hundreds of cases, but citizens frequently stated that their claims are
not answered, and observers are aware of few cases satisfactorily resolved by the
ombudsman.
After years of opposition and delay, the Government registered one human rights
NGO in 1996. The registered NGO, the Committee for Protection of Human Rights,
was formed with the support of the Government, but has ties to opposition figures
as well. It reportedly has had some success in investigating abuses and getting the
Government to correct them. Some sources affiliated with other groups have ques-
tioned its true degree of independence from the Government. Human Rights Watch/
Helsinki, which opened a Tashkent office in 1996, now monitors human rights de-
velopments from outside Uzbekistan following the expiration of the contract of its
local representative. At year's end, no replacement had been named.
In the past, the Government sharply criticized international human rights groups
and Western and Russian reporters for what it considered biased reporting on
human rights in the country. Tne Government has continued to reject criticism from
Moscow-based sources, but in 1996 announced its willingness to hold an open dialog
with international human rights NGO's. At year's end, the Government had not
taken any action in this area. In October the Government and OSCE/ODIHR con-
ducted a roundtable supposedly to develop cooperation between domestic human
rights institutions, the media, and NGO's. The HSRU and other NGO's participated,
but no meaningful dialog developed.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Both the Constitution and the 1992 law on citizenship prohibit discrimination on
the basis of sex, religion, language, or social status; however, societal discrimination
against women persists.
Women. — Spousal abuse is common, but local activists have no statistics. Wife
beating is considered a personal family affair rather than a criminal act, and thus
such cases are usually handled by family members or elders within the community
(mahalla) and rarely come to court.
Due to tradition, women, particularly in rural areas, usually marry before age 20,
bear many children, and confine their activities within the family. In rural areas,
women often find themselves limited to arduous labor in the cotton fields. However,
women are not formally impeded from seeking a role in the workplace: the barriers
to equality for women are cultural, not legal, and women who open businesses or
seek careers are not legally hindered.
Although discrimination against women is prohibited by law, traditional cultural
and religious practices severely limit their role in everyday society. For these rea-
sons, women are severely undferrepresented in high-level positions. In 1995 Presi-
dent Karimov issued a decree on measures to increase the role of women in society,
particularly extending their participation in state and social administration and co-
ordinating the activities of ministries and social organizations as they relate to
women's issues. In this connection, a new post, deputy Prime Minister, was estab-
lished with responsibilities for the management of matters connected with further-
ing the role of women in society. The edict also created heads of women's affairs
1399
in the autonomous republic of Karakalpakstan, regions, cities, and districts. The
Ministry of Finance was ordered to allocate the necessary funds to finance these
new positions and working bodies. Government-controlled women's committees were
formed in most regions, but most are underfunded and play only a minor role in
improving the condition of women.
Several dozen NGO's address the needs of women. The Business Women's Asso-
ciation, in addition to providing resources and information about developing small
enterprises, operates a store which sells clothing and crafts. A center in Tashkent
conducts seminars on sexual harassment, domestic violence, and the legal rights of
women. Another center in Samarkand operates a crisis hotline and provides edu-
cational services on alcoholism, sexually transmitted diseases, and family counsel-
ing.
A Uzebek women's NGO reports that self-burning bv women and girls, or self-im-
molation, is not uncommon. The NGO reports that there are no reliable statistics
because women and girls refuse to discuss the issue outside of their families or
mahallas. Victims usually suffer from depression due, in part, to their low social
status. After marriage, many women or girls move into the husband's home, where
they occupy the lowest rung on the social ladder in their new families. Burning, or
sell-immolation, often occurs as the result of a conflict with the husband or mother-
in-law, who by tradition exercises complete control over the young bride.
A research study indicates that the number of women enrolling in higher edu-
cation is diminishing; for example, women's enrollment in the Finance and Banking
Institute dropped from 65 percent in 1991 to about 25 percent this year. Cutbacks
in government funding to universities and the need for families to fund a higher
percentage of educational costs leaves many families in the position of being able
to fund the education of only one child, either a son or a daughter. The report states
that university faculty "steer" women into occupations traditionally performed by fe-
males and suggests that administrators may practice a deliberate policy of baring
entrance to women in some fields.
Children. — The Constitution provides for children's rights, stating that parents
are obliged to support and care for their children until they are of age. In theory
the State provides free universal primary education and health care. In practice
shortages and budget difficulties mean that some services must be paid privately.
The State grants monetary allowances to families based on their number of chil-
dren. Uzbekistan has a very high birthrate; over one-half of the population is under
the age of 15.
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — One of the country's first laws, adopted only 2 months
aft^r independence in 1991, provided support for the disabled. This law was aimed
at ensuring that the disabled have the same rights as other citizens. However, little
effort is made to bring the disabled into the mainstream. The State cares for the
mentally retarded in special homes. The Government has not mandated access to
public places for the disabled.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Government statistics show that the popu-
lation of approximately 23 million is about 71 percent Uzbeks, 8 percent Russians,
5 percent Tajiks, 4 percent Tatars, and 3 percent Kazakhs, with many other ethnic
groups represented.
The citizenship law, passed in 1992, does not impose language requirements for
citizenship. Nonetheless, the language issue remains very sensitive. Uzbek has been
declared the state language, and the Constitution requires that the President speak
Uzbek. However, the language law provides for Russian as "the language of inter-
ethnic communication." Russian is widely spoken in the main cities, and Tajik is
widely spoken in Samarkand and Bukhara. The language law, passed in 1989, origi-
nally required that Uzbek would be the sole method of ofTicial communication by
1998, but subsequently was modified and now stipulates no specific date.
Uzbekistan also is in the process of replacing its Cyrillic alphabet with the Latin
alphabet. However, realizing the difficulties for Uzbeks ana minorities alike, the
Government has delayed the full transition to both Uzbek and the Latin alphabet
to 2005.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The 1992 law on unions specifically provides that
all workers have the right voluntarily to form and join unions of their choice, and
that trade unions themselves may voluntarily associate territorially or sectorally.
Membership in trade unions is optional. The law also declares all unions independ-
ent of the State's administrative and economic bodies (except where provided for by
law), and states that trade unions should develop their own charters, structure, and
executive bodies and oi^anize their own work.
1400
In practice, however, the overall structure of trade unions has not changed signifi-
cantly since the Soviet era. Independence has eliminated subordination to the &)viet
Union or Russia but has not altered the centraUzed trade union hierarchy, which
remains dependent on the Government. No "alternative" central union structures
exist. A few new professional associations and interest groups have been organized,
such as a union oi entrepreneurs, a union of renters, an association of private physi-
cians and pharmacists, and one of lawyers. Their role, degree of independence from
the Government, and strength are as yet uncertain. Some of these groups hope to
play a significant role in licensing and otherwise regulating the economic activity
of their members.
According to the law, the Council of the Federation of Trade Unions (CFTU) has
a consultative voice in the preparation of all legislation affecting workers and is en-
titled to draft laws on labor and social issues. Trade unions are legally described
as organizations that defend the right to work and protect jobs. They nave lost their
previous role in state planning and in the management of enterprises. The emphasis
now is on the unions' responsibility for "social protection" and social justice — espe-
cially unemployment compensation, pensions, and worker retraining.
The trade union law does not mention strikes or cite a right to strike. However,
the law does give the unions oversight for both individual and collective labor dis-
putes, which are defined as those involving alleged violations of labor laws, worker
rights, or collective agreements.
There were few reports of strikes. It likely reflects the absence of truly represent-
ative trade unions as the standard of living fell and growing unemplojonent raised
social tensions. However, both union and government officials assert that the lack
of strikes reflects general support for the Government's policies and common inter-
est in social stability.
The 1992 law on unions provides that unions may choose their own international
affiliations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Trade unions may conclude
agreements with enterprises. Privatization is still in its very early phase. As a re-
sult, there is no experience with negotiations that could be described as adversarial
between unions and private employers. With few exceptions, the State is still the
major employer, and the state-appointed union leaders do not view themselves as
having conflicts of interest with tne State.
The Ministry of Labor and the Ministry of Finance in consultation with the
CFTU, set the wages for various categories of state employees. In the small private
sector, management establishes wages or negotiates them with those who contract
for employment.
The law forbids discrimination against union members and their officers, and no
complaints were registered.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution specifically pro-
hibits forced labor, except as legal punishment or as may be specified by law. The
law does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but such prac-
tices are not known to occur. However, large-scale compulsory mobilization of youth
and students (by closing schools) to help with the cotton harvest continues. Young
people in rural areas are expected to participate "voluntarily" in harvesting activi-
ties of all kinds, and universities still shut down temporarily to send both students
and faculty into the fields. In many parts of the country, students are forced to take
up to a month from their studies to pick cotton in unpleasant conditions. Student
labor is poorly paid and students must sometimes pay for their own food. Adults,
including teachers and passersby in automobiles and busses, are similarly forced
into the harvest effort.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Govern-
ment law does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but
such practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.c.).
The minimum working age is 16 years; 15-year-olds can work with permission but
have a shorter workday. In rural areas, younger children and the elderly often turn
out to help harvest cotton and other crops. The Labor Ministry has an inspection
service responsible for enforcing compliance with these and other regulations gov-
erning employment conditions and eniorces them effectively.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Ministry of Labor, in consultation with the
CFTU, sets the minimum wage. As of September 1, it was about $10.00 (750 som)
per month. The minimum wage is not sufficient to provide a decent living for a
worker and family. The workweek is set at 41 hours per week and includes a 24-
hour rest period. Some factories have apparently reduced work hours in order to
avoid layoffs. Overtime pay exists in theory but is not always paid.
1401
The Labor Ministry establishes occupational health and safety standards in con-
sultation with the unions. There is a health and safety inspectorate in the Ministry.
Workers do leave jobs that are hazardous without apparent jeopardy to continued
employment; but in practice high rates of underemployment make this step difficult.
The local press occasionally published complaints about the failure of unions and
government authorities to do enough to promote worker safety. Although written
regulations may provide adequate safeguards, workers in hazardous jobs often lack
protective clothing and equipment.
NEAR EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
ALGERIA
President Liamine Zeroual, a former general, was elected in Novernber 1995 to
a 5-year term. Zeroual had previously served as president of a transition govern-
ment established by the army in 1994, which included a National transition Council
(CNT) as a surrogate parliament. The President controls defense and foreign policy,
appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister and cabinet ministers, and may dissolve
the legislature. The presidential election was competitive. Three opposition can-
didates had some access to state-controlled television and radio ana also received
heavy coverage in the independent press. According to government figures, Zeroual
received 61 percent of the votes; losing candidates claimed that there were instances
of fraud but did not contest Zeroual's victory. The Gk)vernment does not always re-
spect the independence of the judiciary.
After gaining independence in 1962, Algeria had a single-party state dominated
by the countrys mihtary leadership and supported by the bureaucracy and the Na-
tional Liberation Front (FLN). Under the 1989 Constitution, there was to be a tran-
sition to a pluralist republic with a strong president. The democratization process
was suspended, and the FUSTs rule ended in 1992 when the Army forced President
ChadU Benjedid to resign, canceled the second round of parliamentary elections
which the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) was poised to win, and installed a ruling
five-man High State Committee that banned the FIS and jailed many of its leaders.
The cancellation of the elections in 1992 escalated fighting between the security
forces and armed Islamist groups seeking to overthrow the Government and impose
an Islamic state, which still continues.
In a flawed popular referendum in November 1996, the Government obtained ap-
f)roval of proposed changes to the Constitution, including provision of a second par-
iamentary cnamber and greater presidential authority. In June Algeria held its
first parliamentary elections since January 1992, and elected the first multiparty
Parliament in Algerian history. Provincial and municipal elections were held in Oc-
tober. Although tne election campaigns were marked by an increase in the openness
of television and radio to political debate and discourse, international observers and
political parties pointed out numerous problems with the conduct of the elections.
The Government's security apparatus is composed of the army, air force, navy, the
national gendarmerie, the national police, communal guards (a local police), and
local self-defense forces. All of these elements are involved in counterinsurgency and
counterterrorism operations and are under the control of the Government. The secu-
rity forces were responsible for numerous serious human rights abuses.
The economy is slowly developing from a state-administered to a market-oriented
system. The Government has successfully implemented stabilization policies and
structural reforms. However, privatization of state enterprises and the restructuring
of the banking and housing construction sectors have just begun. Uncompetitive and
unprofitable state enterprises constitute the bulk of the industrial sector. The state-
owned petroleum sector^ output represented about a quarter of national income and
about 95 percent of export earnings in 1997. The agricultural sector, which produces
grains, fruit, cattle, fioers, vegetables, and poultry, makes up 10 to 12 percent of
the economy. Algeria is a middle-income country; annual per capita income was ap-
proximately $1,600 in 1997. Officially, about 28 percent of the working-age popu-
lation was unemployed in 1997, and about 70 percent of the people under the age
of 30 could not find adequate employment. Some made a living from petty smug-
gling or street jjeddling.
The Government's human rights performance in 1997 reflected improvements in
some areas, but serious human rights abuses continued. Citizens do not have the
effective right peacefully to change their government. The security forces carried out
extrajudicial killings, were responsible for numerous disappearances, routinely tor-
tured or otherwise abused detainees, and arbitrarily arrested and detained or held
(1403)
1404
incommunicado many individuals suspected of involvement with armed Islamist
groups. On some occasions, security forces failed to intervene to prevent or halt
massacres of civilians. Questions have been raised about security forces' indifference
to, or complicity in, civilian deaths. Although the Constitution provides for an inde-
pendent judiciary, executive branch decrees restrict some of the judiciary's author-
ity. Poor prison conditions, lengthy trial delays, illegal searches, and infringements
on citizens' privacy rights also remained problems. The (jovemment heavily
censored news about security incidents and the armed groups. The Government also
continued to restrict freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and movement.
During the June legislative elections and the October municipal and provincial elec-
tions, there were credible reports of irregularities such as government harassment
of opposition party observers and fraud in vote-tally procedures. The Family Code
limited women's civil rights, and domestic violence against women remained a seri-
ous problem.
Armed groups and terrorists also committed numerous serious abuses, killing
thousands of civilians. Armed Islamists have conducted a widespread insurgency
since legislative elections were canceled in January 1992. Islamist groups targeted
government officials and families of security service members, as well as people
whose lifestyles they considered in conflict with Islamic values.
Increasingly in 1997, armed groups massacred large groups of civilians, including
infants, often in apparent retaliation against villages or families that had ceased
providing support to them. Armed Islamists particularly targeted women; there
were repeated instances of kidnapping and rape. Bombs left in cars, cafes, and mar-
kets killed and maimed people indiscriminately. Some killings were also thought to
arise from revenge, banditry, and land grabs. By year's end, there were estimates
that 6,000 to 7,000 people were killed in 1997, and that a total of 70,000 people had
been killed during 6 years of turmoil.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were credible reports that se-
curity forces killed political opponents, particularly people suspected of being sym-
pathizers of armed groups. In r ebruary Rachid Muojahid died while in police cus-
tody. Authorities reiused to release his body, which observers said bore marks of
torture, to his family. Shortly after Algeria's top labor leader was killed in January,
Mudjahid appeared on the government-owned television and claimed that he had
been behind the killing. His claim appeared to have been made under duress. One
week later, he was dead. In addition, there were credible reports that three citizens
were killed by security forces in Beni Mered in February, that two citizens were
killed by local self-defense forces in Tablat in March, and that a dozen citizens were
killed by communal guards in el-Oumaria in April.
There were also reports that on some occasions security forces failed to intervene
to prevent or halt massacres of civilians. Questions have been raised about the secu-
rity forces indifference to, or complicity in, civilian deaths. Amnesty International
(AI) reported that security forces did not intervene to stop the killings in three ter-
rorist massacres near Algiers. In Has Rais on August 28, hundreds of persons were
attacked, although an army barracks is about 300 feet away and other security
forces were nearby. Security forces neither came to the assistance of the villagers
nor apprehended the killers when they left. In Beni Messous on September 5, at
least 60 persons were killed. When villagers telephoned the nearby army barracks
for help, security forces refused to intervene, saying the matter was under the man-
date 01 the gendarmerie. Telephone calls to the gendarmerie received no reply, and
the attackers escaped without any difficulty. In Bentalha on September 22, some
200 persons were Killed over the course of several hours. Survivors reported that
security forces with armored vehicles were stationed outside the village and stopped
some villagers trying to flee. However, the attackers were able to leave. The Govern-
ment asserts that security forces cannot respond to attacks against civilians because
an attack might be a setup for an ambush, because the security forces lack night-
fighting equipment, and because terrorists might have mined the area.
The Government maintains that the security forces resort to lethal force only in
the context of armed clashes with terrorists. The Government also contends that,
as a matter of policy, disciplinary action is taken against soldiers or policemen who
are guilty of violating human rights. The government-linked National Observatory
for Human Rights (ONDH) reported several instances in which military and secu-
rity personnel were punished for abuses during the year.
Armed groups targeted both security force members and civilians. Terrorists at-
tacked civilians whom they regarded as instruments of the State or whose lifestyles
1405
they considered in conflict with Islamic values. Sometimes they killed in the course
of armed robberies or to enforce local protection rackets. Some terrorist bombings
seemed intended only to create social disorder by causing a high number of civilian
casualties without any apparent concern for the particular target. Increasingly
armed groups killed large groups of civilians, incluaing infants, often in apparent
retaliation against villages or families that had ceased providing support to them.
In September a number of teachers were murdered in front of their students.
In September the terrorist Armed Islamic Group (GIA) issued an official commu-
nique in which it claimed responsibility for the ongoing violence, terming the mas-
sacres "an offering to God" and pledging to continue. Activists from several political
parties, including the two legal Islamist opposition parties, were killed in 1997, as
were cultural and media personalities such as a popular filmmaker and a television
station employee. During the municipal and provincial electoral campaign in Octo-
ber, eight candidates were killed by terrorists. There were also instances throughout
the year of terrorists stopping buses and cars and murdering civilian passengers.
In some cases the victims apparently were murdered merely because they were
young men of draft age eligible for miiitair service. Terrorists also were responsible
for the large massacres of civilians in Haouch Boughlef in April, El-Oumaria in
May, and Larbaa in August. These collective massacres often resulted in the dis-
placement of large numbers of survivors. The press reported that at least 313 per-
sons were killed oy terrorists within a 30 mile radius of greater Algiers during the
last 3 months of the year. On December 31, over 300 persons reportedly were killed
in the western province of Relizane.
Terrorist bombs also killed hundreds of persons. In some cases, the terrorists tar-
geted government buildings. In others they sought to retaliate against the families
of members of the security services by exploding car bombs outside their homes.
Terrorists also left bombs at several street markets during the year. In rural areas,
terrorists continued to plant bombs and mines, often to prevent security forces from
pursuing them following an attack.
In January Algeria's top labor leader, Abdelhak Benhamouda, the Secretary Gen-
eral of the Creneral Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA), was killed in front of UGTA
headquarters. Benhamouda was well-known for being anti-Islamist, and he had
been at the forefront of the calls for the cancellation of the 1991 legislative elections
won by the FIS. Since 1993 at least 59 journalists and 120 foreigners have died in
terrorist attacks.
b. Disappearance. — There continued to be credible reports of disappearances, and
security forces appear to have been involved in numerous cases. For example, in
April journalist Aziz Bouabdallah was taken forcibly from his apartment by men in
civilian clothing. He has not yet reappeared. A university professor was kidnaped
as he left the university. His whereabouts also remain unknown. In July a surgeon
who had been released from prison in 1995 after 4 years of detention without trial
was abducted a few weeks after having been summoned by the police for question-
ing. In addition, many previously-recorded cases remain unresolved. The Govern-
ment asserted that terrorists disguised as security forces perpetrated numerous inci-
dents.
Terrorist groups kidnaped hundreds of civilians, including family members of se-
curity service members, oometimes the mutilated corpses of such victims were later
found. In many other instances, however, the victims disappeared, and their fami-
lies could obtain no information about their fate.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Both the Constitution and legislation ban torture and other cruel, inhuman, or de-
grading treatment. However, according to human rights groups and lawyers, the po-
lice regularly resort to torture when interrogating persons suspected of being in-
volved with, or of having sympathies for armed Islamists. There were several credi-
ble reports of torture at the Algiers police facility called Chateau Neuf.
There were repeated reports that police applied to prisoners a technique called "le
chiffon," in which a cloth soaked in noxious fluid was put in the victim's mouth.
There were also reports that the police applied electric shocks to sensitive body
parts and sexually molested female prisoners. Police beatings of detainees appeared
to be common. Many victims of torture hesitate to make public allegations due to
fear of government retaliation. The Interior Ministry in 1992 said that it would pun-
ish those individuals who violated the law and practiced torture, but it has never
revealed whether any of those individuals responsible for torture have been pun-
ished. On more than one occasion, however, the police have stated in writing, in re-
sponse to specific complaints filed by human rignts organizations, that they would
punish individual policemen found guilty of committing torture. In March the Na-
tional Observatory for Human Rights (ONDH), which is affiliated with the Govern-
ment, announced that "over sixty soldiers, policemen, communal guards, and local
1406
self-defense forces members would soon face charges in regular criminal courts of
violating individual liberties and committing torture. Specifically, the ONDH men-
tioned: The case of a group of local self-defense force members who had abused a
group of citizens in Bougara; the case of a policeman accused of having killed a civil-
ian in Merouana; and the case of a communal guard who had used his weapons "for
his own purposes" in Boufarik. The outcome of these cases is unknown. On Decem-
ber 31, ONDH President Rezzag Bara told the Arabic-language daily newspaper, El-
Khabar, that the ONDH registered several dozen individual cases of human rights
violations during the year. Judicial proceedings were conducted in courts of military
justice for military personnel and members of local self-defense forces and in civil
courts for members of the security services. Rezzag Bara said the courts meted out
very stiff sentences.
Tnere were unconfirmed reports that security services personnel were responsible
for several instances of rape.
Armed groups also committed many abuses such as beheading, mutilating,
disemboweling, and dismembering their victims, including infants and pregnant
women. There were also credible reports of children being forced to drink the blood
of their murdered parents. There were frequent reports of young women being ab-
ducted and repeatedly raped, often for weeks at a time. The terrorists sought to jus-
tify this sexual abuse by referring to it as "temporary marriage," but all other ob-
servers, including Islamic scholars, uniformly condemned the practice as rape.
Armed Islamist terrorists committed hundreds of rapes of female victims, most of
whom were subsequently murdered.
Prison conditions are poor, and prisons are very overcrowded. According to human
rights activists, cells oilen contain several times the number of prisoners for which
they originally were designed. Medical treatment for prisoners is available but is
also severely limited.
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of prisons or detention
centers by groups such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) or
Amnesty International.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arbitrary ar-
rest and detention; however, the security forces continued arbitrarily to arrest and
detain citizens. The Constitution stipulates that incommunicado detention in crimi-
nal cases prior to arraignment may not exceed 48 hours, after which the suspect
must be charged or released. According to the Antiterrorist Law of 1992, the police
may hold suspects in prearraignment detention for up to 12 days; they also must
inform suspects of the charges against them. In practice, however, the security
forces routinely ignore this 12-day limit.
The most prominent case involving a prisoner held incommunicado is FIS Vice
President AH Benhadj; his family has heard nothing about him since mid-1995 de-
spite repeated approaches to the Justice Ministry by Benhadj's lawyers. In addition,
a number of lawyers who had defended suspects in security cases were held in in-
communicado detention in 1997. There are credible reports that secret long-term de-
tention facilities exist at certain military bases.
The Antiterrorist Law of 1992 suspended the requirement that the police obtain
warrants in order to make an arrest. During the year, the police made a few broad
nighttime sweeps of neighborhoods in the Algiers suburbs in search of suspected ter-
rorists and often detained susf)ects without identifying themselves. In some cases,
they purposely arrested close relatives of suspected terrorists in order to force those
suspects to surrender.
The authorities released from prison senior FIS official Abdelkader Hachani and
lawyer Ali Zouita, both of whom had been held for over 3 years without trial, and
FIS President Abassi Madani. Abassi Madani, however, subsequently was placed
under house arrest and allowed to receive only his family members.
Persons accused of crimes sometimes did not receive expeditious trials. Hundreds
of state enterprise officials arrested on charges of corruption in 1996 remained in
detention. Two trials began in July for some defendants, including the Annaba state
enterprise employees who staged a hunger strike in 1996 to protest the delay in
their trials.
Under the state of emergency, the Minister of Interior is authorized to detain sus-
pects in special camps administered by the army. The Government closed the last
camp in November 1995, and announced that it had released the 641 prisoners
there, although there were subsequent reports that some were rearrested later. The
Government and other sources contended that some persons released from this pris-
on had joined armed groups.
Exile is not a legal Torm of punishment and is not known to be practiced.
1407
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, in practice, the Government does not always respect the independ-
ence of the judicial system.
The judiciary is composed of the civil courts, which try misdemeanors and felo-
nies, and military courts, which have tried civilians for security and terrorism of-
fenses. There also is a Constitutional Council which reviews the constitutionality of
treaties, laws, and regulations. Although the Council is not part of the judiciary, it
has the authority to nullify laws found unconstitutional. Regular criminal courts try
those individuals accused of security-related offenses, but there have been very few
actual trials. Some observers maintain that, as a result of the 1995 abolition of the
special security courts, long-term detentions without trial have increased, as the se-
curity forces are reluctant to release suspects to ordinary criminal judges.
According to the Constitution, defendants are presumed innocent until proven
guilty. They have the right to confront their accusers and may appeal the conviction.
Trials are public, and defendants have the right to legal counsel. However, the au-
thorities do not always respect all legal provisions regarding defendants' ri^ts.
Legal sources indicated that the judicial authorities violated due process more often
in 1997 than they had in the past. For example, defendants were oflen detained
without charge or denied access to a lawyer for longer than the legal limit. Some
lawyers would not accept cases of individuals accused of security-related offenses,
due to fear of retribution from the security forces. In July, Rachid Mesli, a lawyer
known for defending suspects in security cases, was convicted on a charge that had
not been revealed previously to his defense team. Neither his family nor independ-
ent human rights observers were allowed to attend his trial. Defense lawyers for
members of the banned FIS have suffered harassment, death threats, and arrest.
There are no credible estimates of the number of political prisoners. An unknown
number of persons who may be considered political prisoners were serving prison
sentences because of their Islamist sympathies and membership in the FIS.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of the home, but the state of emergency
authorizes provincial governors to issue exceptional warrants at any time. Security
forces oflen entered residences without warrants. The security services also de-
ployed an extensive network of secret informers against both terrorist targets and
political opponents. The Government monitors telephones and sometimes dis-
connects service to political opponents and journalists. Security forces detained rel-
atives of suspects to try to compel the suspects to surrender (see Section l.d.).
Armed Islamists routinely entered private homes either to kill or kidnap residents
or to steal weapons, valuables, or food. After massacres that took place in their vil-
lages, numerous civilians fled their homes. Armed Islamist groups consistently used
threats of violence to extort money from businesses and families across the country.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech,
but a 1990 law specifies that such speech must respect "individual dignity, the im-
peratives of foreign policy, and the national defense." The state of emergency decree
gave the Government broad authority to restrict these freedoms and to take legal
action against what it considered to be threats to the State or public order. In
March 1994, the Government issued an interministerial decree that independent
newspapers could print security information only from ofTicial government bulletins
carried by the government press service AI'S. In January shortly afler the independ-
ent press printed stories based on hospital sources that provided higher casualty
counts than the official sources had provided, the Ministry of Interior reiterated this
order. Reporting by government-controlled press organs regularly included deflated
numbers of civilians and government forces killed and inOated terrorist casualty
counts. In addition, the Ministry of Health forbids medical personnel such as doctors
and nurses from speaking to journalists.
Compliance with the government directive varied among independent newspapers,
but they rarely reported information about security force losses. In September au-
thorities withdrew the accreditation of an Agence France Presse journalist when he
published, afler personally visiting the site of a massacre, a number of victims larg-
er than the official figures had indicated.
The Government's definition of security information oflen extended beyond purely
military matters to encompass broader political affairs. In 1995 FIS officials who
had been freed from detention in 1994 received direct orders from the Justice Min-
istry to make no further public statements. This ban remains in force. When FIS
president Abassi Madani was placed under house arrest in September, he was spe-
cifically banned from talking to the press or making any public statements.
1408
Journalists at independent newspapers often avoided printing stories about the
security situation and Islamist groups in order to avoid dilTiculties with the Govern-
ment. In September, for example, the police summoned one journalist and ques-
tioned him about sources for articles written on the security situation. In one well-
f)ublicized case, a court gave a number of journalists suspended sentences for pub-
ishing information on the killing of six members of the gendarmerie in 1994. The
independent press remained free to criticize economic and social policy broadly; how-
ever, in general, journalists exercised self-censorship by not publishing specific criti-
cism of specific officials.
The Government frequently harassed journalists who wrote offending articles by
fmtting them under "judicial control." This practice required them to check in regu-
arly with the local police. It also prevented them from leaving the country. For ex-
ample, when APS journalist Hadj Benaamane was released in April after serving
more than 2 years in prison for having disclosed the place where FIS Vice President
Ali Benhadj was imprisoned, he was immediately placed under "judicial control."
During the year, official pressure on the independent press resulted in the sus-
pension of the last few pro-Islamist publications other than the publications of the
two legal Islamist political parties. The independent weekly El-Maweed, known for
its pro-Islamist stance and for its sharp criticism of the security forces, was sus-
pended indefinitely in January on the pretext of unpaid bills from the government-
owned printing press. Also in January, the Government shut down the weekly Ech-
Chourouq on charges of unpaid bills shortly after Ech-Chourouq published several
strong attacks against the Prime Minister. Ech-Chourouq resumed publication in
August. The pro-Islamist weekly El-Kila'a also was suspended in January. In April
the Government shut down the independent daily Al-Ouma, allegedly because of a
bad check, shortly after the newspaper printed a column criticizing the ruling Na-
tional Democratic Rally (RND) party.
In January the Government allowed the independent daily La Tribune to reopen.
The Government had closed La Tribune in July 1996 after it had carried a cartoon
that the Government alleged defamed the Algerian flag. A subsequent court decision
in September suspended the newspaper for 6 months. Prior to its suspension. La
Tribune was among the foremost newspapers urging faster economic reforms and
suggesting a settlement with the political leadership of the FIS; after it resumed
publication. La Tribune noticeably reduced its editorial criticism of the Government
on economic and other issues.
Along similar lines, the independent daily El-Alem Es-Siyasi substantially re-
duced its editorial criticism of the Government in 1997 after the authorities targeted
two of its reporters: The first was detained by the police for a week in March before
being released with no explanation; the second, Aziz Bouabdallah, was seized from
his apartment by presumed security ofTicials in civilian clothes in April and has not
been heard from since (see Section l.b.).
The Government maintained an effective monopoly over printing companies and
newsprint imports. Algeria's first private newspaper printing operation, Sodipresse,
opened in March, but it was shut down by the Interior Ministry only 2 weeks later
after it printed an issue of the independent weekly publication Ech-Chourouq. In
May Ech-Chourouq won a court case ordering Sia, one of the two state printing com-
panies, to resume printing the publication, but Sia refused to abide by the verdict,
and the authorities took no measures to enforce it. Ech-Chourouq resumed publica-
tion in August following an absence of 7 months, but only because it found a small
private company willing to publish it.
The Government continued to exercise pressure on the independent press through
the state-owned advertising company, ANEP, which was created in 1996. All state-
owned companies that wish to place advertisements in a newspaper must submit
the item to ANEP, which then decides in which newspapers to place it. As it had
done in 1996, ANEP provided significant amounts of advertising to particular publi-
cations with an anti-Islamist editorial line and that did not undertake investigations
of corruption. Other newspapers with different editorial policies received very little
or no advertising, even though they had a larger national readership and sometimes
offered cheaper advertising prices. This advertising is crucial in an economy in
which state companies' output and government services still represent approxi-
mately two-thirds of national income. For example, El-Watan and!^ El-Khabar, two
major independent dailies, received little or no advertising from ANEP in the latter
part of the year.
Since 1995 a Brussels-based nongovernmental organization (NGO) concerned with
press freedom, the International Federation of Journalists (FIJ), has maintained an
office in Algiers. The FIJ ofTice is allowed to function but has yet to receive the re-
quired authorization from the Government.
1409
Radio and television remained under government control, with coverage biased in
favor of the Government's policies. During the campaigns for both the June legisla-
tive elections and the October municipal and provincial elections it became easier
for opposition political parties to present their views, but these appearances rep-
resented only a small fraction of the total radio and television broadcast time. Much
more coverage focused on the new government party created in 1997, the National
Democratic Rally (RND). Opposition members of Parliament, as well as
grogovemment deputies, received coverage in live televised parliamentary debates,
atellite dish antennas are widespread, and millions of citizens have access to Euro-
pean and Middle Eastern broadcasting.
Many artists, intellectuals, and university educators fled Algeria after widespread
violence began in 1992. Few returned during the year. As a result, there were few
academic seminars and colloquiums, although there appeared to be more in 1997
than in 1996. The Government did not interfere with nonpolitical seminars; it did
sometimes interfere with seminars that were more political in content. For example,
in September at an international seminar on violence sponsored by the government-
linked National Observatory for Human Rights in Algiers, the Government forbade
the participants from discussing the ongoing violence in Algeria.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of assembly, but the 1992 Emergency Law and government practice sharp-
ly curtail it. Citizens and organizations must obtain a permit from the appointed
local governor before holding public meetings. During the last week of October, op-
position party supporters staged two protest marches peacefully although these had
not been sanctioned by the Government. The following week, the Interior Ministry
announced it would no longer permit unauthorized protest marches and would use
force if necessary to prevent them.
While it was generally easier for groups to hold meetings in 1997 than it had been
in 1996, the Government nonetheless refused to grant permits on various occasions.
The group Call for Peace, which is composed of political figures, lawyers, and jour-
nalists, was denied permission to hold public gatherings on numerous occasions. The
Government also blocked meetine requests by the Association of Victims of Terror-
ism, the National Syndicate of Magistrates, and the Independent Syndicate of Uni-
versity Professors. In February, however, the Government authorized a meeting by
the opposition Workers' Party. In September the Interior Ministry prohibited one of
the large youth associations from holding a national conference. Also in September,
the Government rejected an application by one of the two Berber-based political par-
ties, the Socialist Forces Front (FFS), to hold a march against terrorism, although
the Government had authorized a similar march sponsored by the General Union
of Algerian Workers (UGTA) in August. In November antiriot police prevented
marches in Algiers by students and by parliamentarians protesting fraud in the Oc-
tober municipal and provincial elections.
The Constitution provides for the right of association, but the 1992 Emergency
Law and government practice severely restrict it. The Interior Ministry licenses all
nongovernmental associations and regards all associations as illegal unless they
have licenses. It may deny a license to, or dissolve, any group regarded as a threat
to the existing political order. After the Government suspended the parliamentary
election in 1992, it banned the FIS as a political party, and the social and charitable
groups connected to it. Membership in the FIS is illegal. In their September call for
a truce, FIS representatives proposed that the FIS be permitted to resume function-
ing as a legal party, but tne Government rejected this request, with President
Zeroual stating that the "FIS dossier is definitively closed" in an October 1 speech.
According to a 1989 law, all citizens exceptjudges, army and security service per-
sonnel, and members of the Constitutional Council have the right to join political
organizations. In February the appointed legislature changed the law regulating po-
litical parties, banning political party ties to nonpolitical associations. There were
several political groups, including some centrist Islamist parties, such as the Move-
ment for Social Peace (MSP) and An-Nahdah, which were able to conduct political
activities, though not with complete freedom. In mid- 1997 the Interior Ministry dis-
solved a political party called the Movement for Democracy in Algeria (MDA), led
by former president Ahmad Ben Bella, when the MDA refused to submit the names
of its founding members in accordance with the new law on political parties. The
Government permits some specialized groups to function such as human rights and
women's rights groups, social welfare groups, youth associations, and regionally-
based cultural organizations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution declares Islam to be the state religion
but prohibits discrimination based on religious belief. The Government respects this
right in practice. It permits the small Christian and Jewish populations to practice
their faitns without mterference.
1410
The Government appoints preachers to mosques and gives general guidance on
sermons. The Government monitors activities in mosques for possible security-relat-
ed offenses. The Ministry of Religious Affairs provides some financial support to
mosques and has limited control over the training of imams.
Conversions from Islam to other religions are rare. Because of security worries
and potential legal and social problems, Muslim converts practice their new faith
clandestinely. Tne Shari'a-based Family Code prohibits Muslim women from
marrying non-Muslims, although this regulation is not always enforced. The Code
does not restrict Muslim men from marrying non-Muslim women.
In 1994 the GIA declared its intention to eliminate Jews, Christians, and poly-
theists from Algeria. The Christian community, composed mostly of foreigners, cur-
tailed its activities. No Christian religious figures were killed during the year, un-
like 1996, when seven French monks and the Catholic bishop of Oran were killed.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for freedom oi domestic and foreign travel and free-
dom to emigrate. The Government generally respects these provisions. It has, how-
ever, placed some journalists under "judicial control," which prevents them from
leaving the country (see Section 2.a.).
In addition, the Government does not allow foreign travel by senior officials from
the banned FIS. In September the Government placed recently-released FIS presi-
dent Abassi Madani under house arrest (see Section l.d.). The Government also
does not permit young men who are eligible for the draft and who have not yet com-
pleted their military service to leave the country if they do not have special author-
ization; this authorization can be granted to students and to those individuals with
special family circumstances. The Family Code does not permit females under 19
years of age and males under the age of 18 to travel abroad without their husband's
or father's permission.
In July authorities suspended without pay a judge who had recently returned
from a trip abroad to study judicial independence and the rule of law. Despite the
fact that sne had notified her superiors well in advance of her intent to participate
in the program, she was charged with "unjustified absence" and her pay ceased as
of the day she departed. In October the Justice Ministry allowed her to begin work-
ing at the Supreme Court but informed her that she would not be permitted to
judge cases again for 2 years.
Under the state of emergency, the Interior Minister and the provincial governors
may deny residency in certain districts to persons regarded as threats to public
order. The Government also restricts travel into four southern provinces where
much of the hydrocarbon industry and many foreign workers are located, in order
to enhance security in those areas.
The police and the communal guards operate checkpoints throughout the country.
They routinely stop vehicles to inspect identification papers and to search for evi-
dence of terrorist activity. They sometimes detain persons at these checkpoints.
The GIA in February 1996 warned young Algerians of draft age not to travel
across the country on pain of death for collaboration with the Government; this
warning remained in effect in 1997. Armed groups establish temporary roadblocks
in various regions, including in the capital, to rob travelers of cash and vehicles or
to kill them. According to credible reports, armed groups sometimes massacred
groups of civilian passengers at these roadblocks (see Section l.a.).
The Constitution provides for the right of political asylum, and the Government
occasionally grants asylum. The Government cooperates with the office of the Unit-
ed Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian or-
ganizations in assisting refugees. It also provided first asylum. For example, it co-
operates with the UNHCR on programs to help refugee Sahrawis, the former resi-
dents of the Western Sahara who left that territory after Morocco took control of
it in the 1970's. The Government also has worked with international organizations
that help the Tuaregs, a nomadic people of southern Algeria and neighboring coun-
tries. There were no reports of forced expulsion of persons to a country where they
feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Despite recent democratic improvements, citizens do not have the effective ability
to change their government peacefully. The strong prerogatives of the executive
branch, supported by the entrenched power of the military and the bureaucracy,
prevent the exercise of citizen rights at local, regional, and national levels.
President Zeroual was elected in a November 1995 presidential election, officially
winning 61 percent of the votes cast. The Presidential campaign was generally free-
ly contested. Three opposition candidates representing a spectrum of viewpoints had
1411
access to both the independent press and the government-controlled media, includ-
ing radio and television. Their parties were permitted to hold rallies across the
country, and they had authorization to send observers to polling stations. There was
an independent election commission to supervise the election process, but the oppo-
sition parties complained that it did not carefully review complaints that it received
about the conduct of the election.
The resident called a popular referendum in November 1996 to amend the Con-
stitution, and 79 percent of the voters approved the changes, according to the Gov-
ernment. There were no independent observers at the polling stations during the
vote or the ballot counting. Political parties opposing the constitutional amendments
suffered occasional harassment by local government ofiicials and could not obtain
access to the electronic media, which is government controlled.
Under the Constitution, the FVesident has the authority to rule by decree in spe-
cial circumstances. The President must subsequently submit to the Parliament for
approval decrees issued while the Parliament was not in session. The Parliament
now has a popularly-elected lower chamber, the National Popular Assembly (APN)
and a senate (the National Council), two-thirds of whose members are elected by
municipal and provincial councils. The President appoints the remaining one-third
of the Senate's members. Legislation must have the approval of three-quarters of
both the upper and lower chambers' members. Laws must originate in the lower
house.
In June Algeria held its first elections to the APN since the January 1992 elec-
tions were canceled and elected the first multiparty parliament in the country's his-
tory. Candidates representing 39 political parties participated, along with several
independent candidates. All competing parties and candidates were allowed to cam-
paign actively and had access to radio and television, although there was some gov-
ernment manipulation of the broadcasts. Under a system of proportional representa-
tion, the government party won 154 seats, followed by the Islamist party MSP with
69 seats, the National Liberation Front with 64 seats, the Islamist party An-
Nahdah with 34 seats, the Berber-based Socialist Forces Front with 20 seats, and
the Berber-based Rally for Culture and Democracy with 19 seats. Independent can-
didates won 11 seats, the Workers' Party won 4 seats, and three other small parties
won a combined total of 5 seats. Hundreds of international observers were present
throughout the country. Some observers were r^efused access to certain provincial
electoral commissions. Most observers felt that mobile polling stations, about 5 per-
cent of all polling stations, did not furnish adequate guarantees of neutrality and
transparency. In their final report, neutral observers stated that, of 1,258 (of the
country's 35,000) voting stations that they assessed, 1,169 were satisfactory, 95 were
problematic, and 11 unsatisfactory. On November 8, the provincial election commis-
sions announced the results of their adjudication of the appeals filed by vainous po-
litical parlies. The RND lost some seats but remained the overall victor in the June
Assembly elections.
In February the appointed previous legislature, the National Transition Council
(CNT), changed the law regulating political parties. Under the controversial new
law, parlies require official apprx)val from the Interior Ministry before they can be
established. To obtain this approval, they must have 25 founders from across the
country, whose names must be registered with the Interior Ministry. No party may
seek to utilize religion, Berberism, or Arabism for political purposes. The law also
banned political party ties to nonpolitical associations and tightened party finance
regulations and reporting requirements.
The existing political parties represent a wide spectrum of viewpoints and engage
in activities ranging from holding rallies to printing newspapers. In late February,
the Government announced the creation of its own party, the National Democratic
Rally. With the exception of the RND, the political parties sometimes encounter dif-
ficulties when dealing with local officials, who hinder their organizational efTorts.
Parties' complaints, particularly claims of official favoritism toward the RND, in-
creased during the period leading up to the June APN elections and the October
municipal and provincial elections. The Government monitored private telephone
communications and sometimes disconnected telephone service to political oppo-
nents for extended periods (see Section l.f.). Opposition parlies have very limited
access to state-controlled television and radio, but the independent press publicizes
their views without difficulty. During the June and October elections, however, op-
Josition parlies were given much more access to the state media. Following the
une elections, the state television transmitted the Popular Assembly debates live
and uncensored.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. There are only 2 women
in the Cabinet, and there are few others in senior government positions. Eleven of
the 380 members of the lower house of Parliament are women. About 25 percent
1412
of the judges are women, and this percentage has been growing in recent years.
None of the four candidates in the 1995 presidential election was a women. How-
ever, a woman heads a workers' party. The major political parties all have women's
divisions. The Government changed the electoral law in 1995 to ensure that women
cast their own ballots, rather than permit their husbands or fathers to vote for
them, as frequently happened in previous elections.
The Government does not ban political participation by any ethnic minority group.
The Berbers, an ethnic minority centered in the Kabylie region of Algeria, partici-
pate freely and actively in the political process. Two political parties originated in
the Berber-populated region of the country, the Socialist Forces Front and the Rally
for Culture and Democracy. These two Berber-based parties had to conform with
changes in the new party law that stipulate that political parties have 25 founders
from across Algeria.
The Tuaregs, a people of Berber origin, do not play an important role in politics,
due in large part to their small numbers, estimated in the tens of thousands, and
their nomadic existence.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The most active independent human rights group is the Algerian League for the
Defense of Human Rirfits (LADDH), an independent organization that has members
throughout Algeria. The LADDH president is a lawyer who speaks out publicly
about the general human rights situation. The LADDH is not allowed access to the
authorities or to prisons beyond the normal consultations allowed between a lawyer
and a client. Members of the LADDH have suffered harassment. Telephone service
of their president, for example, was intermittently disrupted, and he and other
LADDH activists received death threats from unidentified callers.
There are two other human rights groups in Algeria. The Algerian League for
Human Rights (LADH), an independent organization based in Constantine, is less
active. The LADH has members throughout Algeria who follow individual cases. The
other organization, the National Observatory for Human Rights (ONDH), is a gov-
ernment-affiliated body, which was established by the Government in 1992. The
ONDH is mandated to report human rights violations to the authorities. It prepares
an annual report with recommendations to the Government.
There is an Amnesty International chapter in Algeria, but it does not work on
cases in Algeria.
In the spring the Government permitted teams of human rights activists from
Human Rights Watch (HRW) as well as from the International Federation of
Human Rights (IFHR) to visit Algeria. During the June legislative elections, the
Government invited hundreds of international observers to monitor the elections. In
July, however, the Government refused to grant visas to observers from either Am-
nesty International or the IFHR to attend the allegedly public trial of lawyer Rachid
Mesli, who was known for defending security case suspects. In September four
human rights groups called for the United Nations Human Rights Commission
(UNHRC) to investigate human rights abuses in Algeria, particularly the allegation
of government complicity in recent massacres. The Government rejected their call
for an international investigation.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on birth, race, sex, belief, or any
other personal or social condition. The Government named a national ombudsman
in 1995. Provincial representatives were designated in 1996 and 1997. They have
a mandate to accept individual grievances and to make them known to the authori-
ties. The ombudsman presents an annual report to the President. The 1997 report
indicated that most complaints were about allocation of public housing. The bu-
reaucracy's unresponsiveness was a common complaint. Women continue to face
legal and social discrimination.
Women. — Women's rights advocates assert that spousal abuse is common, but
there are no reliable studies regarding its extent. Spousal abuse is more frequent
in rural than urban areas, especially among less-educated people. There are no laws
to protect women from spousal rape or abuse. Battered women must obtain medical
certification of the physical effects of the attack before they lodge a complaint with
the police. According to women's rights advocates, fewer than half of the women at-
tacked visit doctors for such certification. They also assert that the police and courts
are lenient with men accused of beating their wives. Women's rights groups had
great difficulty drawing attention to spousal abuse as an important social problem.
1413
Some aspects of the law, and many traditional social practices, discriminate
against women. The 1984 Family Code, based in large part on Islamic law (Shari'a),
treats women as minors under the legal guardianship of a husband or male relative.
A woman must obtain a father's approval to marry, for example. Divorce is difficult
to obtain except in cases of abandonment or the husband's conviction for a serious
crime. Husbands generally obtain the right to the family home in the case of di-
vorce. Custody of the children normally goes to the mother, but she cannot enroll
them in a particular school or take them out of the country without the father's au-
thorization.
The Family Code also confirms the Islamic practice of allowing a man to marry
four wives — a rare occurrence. However, a wife may sue for divorce if her husband
does not inform her of his intent to marry another wife prior to the marriage. Only
males are able to confer citizenship on their children. Muslim women are prohibited
from marrying non-Muslims; Muslim men can marry non-Muslim women (see Sec-
tion 2.d.).
Women suffer from discrimination in inheritance laws; in accordance with Shari'a
they are entitled to a smaller portion of an estate than are male children or even
a deceased husband's brothers. Females under 19 years of age cannot travel abroad
without their husband's or father's permission (see Section 2.d.).
While social pressure against women pursuing higher education or a career exists
throughout the country, it is much stronger in rural areas than in major urban
areas. Women constitute only 8 percent of the work force. Nonetheless, women may
own businesses and enter into contracts; they pursue opportunities in government,
medicine, law, education, the media, and even the armed forces. The 1990 Labor
Law bans sexual discrimination in the workplace, but Labor Ministry inspectors do
little to enforce this law.
During the year. Islamic extremists often specifically targeted women. For exam-
ple, there were numerous instances of women being killed and mutilated in mas-
sacres. As many as 80 percent of the victims of massacres were women and chil-
dren. Armed Islamist groups reportedly kidnaped young women and kept them as
sex slaves for group leaders and members (see Section I.e.).
There are numerous small women's rights groups. Their main goals are to foster
women's economic welfare and to amend aspects of the Family Law, although no
such amendments have yet been passed. In March the Government established a
National Committee for the Preservation and Promotion of Women.
Children. — The Government is committed in principle to protecting children's
human rights. It provides free education for children 6 to 15 years of age and free
medical care for all citizens — albeit in often rudimentary facilities. The Ministry of
Youth and Sports has programs for children, but these face serious funding prob-
lems. Legal experts maintain that the Penal and Family Codes do not olTer children
sufficient protection. Hospitals treat dozens of cases of child abuse every year, but
many cases go unreported. Laws against child abuse have not led to notable pros-
ecutions against offenders.
People With Disabilities. — The Government does not mandate accessibility to
buildings or government services for people with disabilities. Public enterprises, in
downsizing the work force, generally ignore a law that requires that they reserve
1 percent of their jobs for people with disabilities. Social security provides for pay-
ments for orthopedic equipment, and some nongovernmental organizations receive
limited government financial support. The Government also tries to finance special-
ized training but this initiative remains rudimentary.
National /Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Berbers are an ethnic minority, cen-
tered in the Kabylie region. Berber nationalists have sought to maintain their own
cultural and linguistic identity while the Government's Arabization program contin-
ues. As part of the National Charter signed in 1996, the Government and several
major political parties agreed that the Berber culture and language, Amazigh, were
one of the components of the Algerian identity. The Charter did not meet the de-
mands of some political groups that Amazigh be made an official language. There
are professorships in Amazigh and Berber culture at the University of Tizi Ouzou,
and the University announced that in 1998 it would offer for the first time a degree
in Amazigh and Berber culture. The government-owned national television station
began broadcasting a brief nightly news program in Amazigh in 1996. Berbers hold
influential positions in government, the army, business, and journalism.
The Tuaregs, a people of Berber origin, live a nomadic existence and are relatively
few in number.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the right to establish trade unions of
their choice. About two-thirds of the labor force belongs to unions. There is an um-
1414
brella labor confederation, the General Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA) dating
from the era of a single political party and its affiliated entities. The UGTA encom-
passes national syndicates specialized by sector. There also are currently some au-
tonomous unions, such as a syndicate of Air Algeria pilots, another for airport tech-
nicians, and another for teachers in the Kabylie.
Workers are required to obtain government approval to establish a union. The
1990 Law on Labor Unions requires the Labor Ministry to approve a union applica-
tion within 30 days. Early in 1996 a second labor confederation, the Autonomous
Syndicates Confederation (CSA), tried to organize the autonomous syndicates, but
it did not gain wide support for this effort. It made its application in 1995 but still
had not received its approval from the Labor Ministry at year's end. However, it
continued to be allowed to function without official status. In February the Govern-
ment refused to authorize the creation of an independent education syndicate in the
city of Saida.
The law prohibits unions from associating with political parties. The law also pro-
hibits unions from receiving funds from foreign sources. The courts are empowered
to dissolve unions that engage in illegal activities. The labor union organized by the
banned FIS, the Islamic Syndicate of Workers (SIT), was dissolved in 1992 because
it had no license.
Under the state of emergency, the Government is empowered to require workers
in both the public and private sectors to stay at their jobs in the event of an unau-
thorized or illegal strike. According to the 1990 Law on Industrial Relations, work-
ers may strike only after 14 days of mandatory conciliation, mediation, or arbitra-
tion. This law states that arbitration decisions are binding on both parties. If no
agreement is reached in arbitration, the workers may legally strike after they vote
by secret ballot to do so. A minimum level of public services must be maintained
during public sector service strikes.
There were no major strikes during the year, although some smaller strikes over
salary issues were organized by construction workers, educators, and automobile in-
dustry workers.
Unions may form and join federations or confederations, affiliate with inter-
national labor bodies, and develop relations with foreign labor groups. The UGTA,
for example, has contacts with French unions and the American Federation of
Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law provides for collec-
tive bargaining for all unions, and the Government permits this right to be prac-
ticed. The law prohibits discrimination by employers against union members and or-
ganizers and provides mechanisms for resolving trade union complaints, of antiunion
practices by employers. It also permits unions to recruit members at the workplace.
The Grovemment has established an export processing zone in Jijel.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is in-
compatible with the Constitution's provisions on individual rights. The Penal Code
prohibits compulsory labor, including by children, and the Government effectively
enforces the ban.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for employment is 16 years. Inspectors from the Ministry of Labor enforce
the minimum employment age by making periodic or unannounced inspection visits
to public-sector enterprises. They do not effectively enforce the law in the agricul-
tural or private sectors. Economic necessity compels many children to resort to in-
formal employment, such as street vending. The Government prohibits forced and
bonded labor by children and enforces this prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The law defines the overall framework for ac-
ceptable conditions of work but leaves specific agreements on wages, hours, and con-
ditions of employment to the discretion of employers in consultation with employees.
The Government fixes by decree a monthly minimum wage for all sectors, however,
this is not sufilcient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.
In May the minimum wage was raised to $83 (4,800 dinars) per month; it was
scheduled to increase to $93 (5,400 dinars) on January 1, 1998. Ministry of Labor
inspectors are responsible for ensuring compliance with the minimum wage regula-
tions, although their enforcement is inconsistent.
In 1997 the standard workweek changed from 44 hours to 40 hours, but with the
same total monthly salary. There are well-developed occupation and health regula-
tions codified in a 1991 decree, but government inspectors do not enforce these regu-
lations effectively. There were no reports of workers being dismissed for removing
themselves from hazardous working conditions.
1415
BAHRAIN
Bahrain is a hereditary emirate with few democratic institutions and no political
parties. The Al-Khalifa extended family has ruled Bahrain since the late 18th cen-
tury and dominates its society and government. The Constitution confirms the Amir
as hereditary ruler. The current Amir, Shaikh Isa Bin Sulman Al Khalifa, governs
Bahrain witn the assistance of a younger brother as Prime Minister, the Amir's son
as Crown F*rince, and an appointed cabinet of ministers. In 1975 the Government
suspended some provisions of the 1973 Constitution, including those articles relat-
ing to the National Assembly, which was disbanded and never reconstituted. Citi-
zens belong to the Shi'a and Sunni sects of Islam, with the Shi'a comprising over
two thirds of the indigenous population. The Sunnis predominate because the ruling
family is Sunni and is supported by the armed forces, the security service, and pow-
erful Sunni and Shi'a merchant families. Bahrain experienced continued political
unrest during the year, including bomb and arson attacks on public and private
property. There are few judicial checks on the actions of the Amir and his govern-
ment, and the courts are subject to government pressure.
The Ministry of Interior is responsible for public security. It controls the public
security force (police) and the extensive security service, which are responsible for
maintaining internal order. The Bahrain Defense Force (BDF) is responsible for de-
fending against external threats. It did not play a role in internal security during
the year. Security forces committed serious human rights abuses.
Bahrain has a mixed economy, with government domination of many basic indus-
tries, including the important oil and aluminum industries. Possessing limited oil
and gas reserves, Bahrain is intensifying efforts to diversify its economic base com-
panies doing business in banking, financial services, oil field services, and light
manufacturing. The Government has used its modest oil revenues to build an ad-
vanced transportation and telecommunications infrastructure. Bahrain has become
a regional financial and business center. Tourism, particularly via the causeway
linking Bahrain to Saudi Arabia, is also a significant source of income.
The country's human rights situation improved slightly during the year due to a
decrease in the level of political unrest; however, there was no change in the Gov-
ernment's human rights practices and numerous serious problems remain. The main
problems continue to include the denial of the right of citizens to change their gov-
ernment; political and other extrajudicial killings; torture; arbitrary arrest; incom-
municado and prolonged detention; involuntary exile; limitations on or the denial
of the right to a fair public trial, especially in the security court; infringements on
citizens' right to privacy; and restrictions on freedom of speech, press, assembly, as-
sociation, and worker rights. The Government imposes some limits on freedom of
religion and movement. Domestic violence against women and discrimination based
on sex, religion, and ethnicity remain problems.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — On June 8, 25-year-old Abdul Zahra
Ibrahim Abdullah, from the village of Sanabis, reportedly died from mistreatment
he received during 2 days of detention. Although authorities cited ill health as the
cause of death, there was no public inquiry into the allegations that he died from
torture.
There were no investigations or prosecutions of any security forces personnel for
alleged extrajudicial killings committed in earlier years.
Two Asian laborers died on July 5 when antigovernment protesters set fire to a
store in the village of Sitra. On June 13, four Asian laborers died when a fire de-
stroyed the business establishment directly below their residence. Credible sources
consider it likely that antigovernment arsonists were responsible for the attack.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment are pro-
hibited by law; however, there are credible reports that prisoners often are beaten,
both on the soles of their feet and about the face and head, burned with cigarettes,
forced to endure long periods without sleep, and in some cases subjected to electrical
shocks. The Government has difficulty in rebutting allegations of torture and of
other cruel, inhuman, or degrading practices because it permits incommunicado de-
tention and detention without trial. There were no known instances of authorities
being punished for human rights abuses committed either during the year or in any
previous year.
45-9C9 98 - 46
1416
Opposition and human rights groups allege that the security forces sometimes
threaten female detainees with rape and inflict other forms of sexual abuse and har-
assment on them while they are in custody. These allegations are difficult either
to confirm or deny.
On several occasions, security forces used force, including tear gas, to disperse
public gatherings (see Section 2.b.).
At the Grovemment's invitation, the ICRC continued the series of visits to prisons
that it started in late 1996. The ICRC, by choice of working methods, traditionally
does not make any of its findings public. Prisons are overcrowded, however the pris-
on situation has significantly improved with the visits of the International Commit-
tees of the Red Cross (ICRC.) Local defense attorneys report that their clients are
receiving improved care and treatment. In addition, the release of prisoners and the
reduced number of arrest has helped to ease overcrowding.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Arbitrary arrest and detention are prob-
lems. The Constitution states that "no person shall be arrested, detained, impris-
oned, searched or compelled to reside in a specified place . . . except in accordance
with the provisions of the law and under the supervision of the judicial authorities."
In practice, however, in matters regarding arrest, detention, or exile, the 1974 State
Security Act takes precedence. Under the State Security Act, persons may be de-
tained for up to 3 years without trial for engaging in activities or making state-
ments regarded as a threat to the broadly defined concepts of national harmony and
security and the Government continued arbitrarily to arrest and detain citizens. The
scope of the State Security Act extends to any case involving arson, explosions, or
attacks on persons at their place of employment or because of the nature of their
work. Detainees have the rignt to appeal such detentions after a period of 3 months
and, if the appeal is denied, every 6 months thereafter from the date of the original
detention.
Government security forces used the State Security Act regularly during the year
to detain persons believed by the Government to be engaging in antigovernment ac-
tivities, as well as those attempting to exercise their rights of free speech, associa-
tion, or other rights deemed to be in opposition to the Government. Activities that
also can lead to detention, questioning, warning, or arrest by the security forces in-
clude: membership in illegal organizations or those deemed subversive; painting
antigovernment slogans on walls; joining antigovernment demonstrations (see Sec-
tion 2.b.); possessing or circulating antigovernment writings; preaching sermons con-
sidered by the Government to have an antigovernment political tone; and harboring
or associating with persons committing such acts.
In addition to overseeing the security service and police, the Ministry of Interior
also controls the Ofiice of the Public Prosecutor, whose officers initially determine
whether sufficient evidence exists to continue to hold a prisoner in investigative de-
tention. The Ministry is responsible for all aspects of prison administration. In the
early stages of detention, prisoners and their attorneys have no recourse to any au-
thority outside the Ministry of Interior. The authorities rarely permit visits to in-
mates who are incarcerated for security-related offenses and sucn prisoners may be
held incommunicado for months, sometimes years. Prisoners detained for criminal
offenses, however, generally may receive visits from family members, usually once
a month.
Security forces are estimated to have held over 1,300 people in detention for secu-
rity-related offenses during the year, including some who were arrested, released,
and then arrested again. At year's end, as many as 1,100 persons still remained in
detention. The Government pardoned as many as 200 persons detained in connec-
tion with antigovernment activities.
Abdul Amir Al-Jamri, a prominent Shi'a cleric, longtime opposition activist, and
one of the original 14 signers of the 1994 petition to the Amir calling for the restora-
tion of the National Assembly, was arrested in January 1996 and remained in cus-
tody throughout 1997. Although he is reportedly accused by the (jovemment of com-
mitting a wide variety of security-related crimes, including treason, Al-Jamri has
not been brought to trial or publicly charged with any crime. Several other Shi'a
clerics associated with Al-Jamri, Abdul Wahab Hussein, Hassan Mushaimaa, Has-
san Sultan, Ali Bin Ahmed Al-Jedhafsi, Haji Hassan Jarallah, and AH Mirza Al-
Nachas also were arrested at the same time as Al-Jamri and remain in jail. On
June 29, the Government announced that Al-Nachas died in detention of natural
causes.
While the authorities reserve the right to use exile and the revocation of citizen-
ship to punish individuals susp)ected, or convicted, of antigovernment activity, there
were no reports of exile orders issued during the year. In the past, the Government
has revoked the citizenship of persons it considered security threats. The Govern-
ment considers such persons to have forfeited their nationality under the Citizen-
1417
ship Act of 1963 because they accepted forei^ citizenship or passports, or engaged
in antigovemment activities abroad. Bahraini emigre groups and their local contacts
have challenged this practice, arguing that the Government's revocation of citizen-
ship without due process violates the Constitution. According to the emigre groups,
as many as 500 citizens continue to live in exile. This total includes both those pro-
hibited from returning to Bahrain and their family members who voluntarily live
abroad with them.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary; however, the courts are subject to government pressure regarding sentencing
and appeals.
The civil and criminal legal system consists of a complex mix of courts, based on
diverse legal sources including Sunni and Shi'a Shari'a (Islamic law), tribal law, and
other civil codes and regulations. The 1974 State Security Act created a separate,
closed security court system which has jurisdiction in cases of alleged
antigovemment activity.
The Bahrain Defense Force maintains a separate court system for military per-
sonnel accused of offenses under the Military Code of Justice. Military courts do not
review cases involving civilian criminal or security offenses.
Defense attorneys are appointed by the Ministry of Justice and Islamic Affairs.
Some attorneys and family members involved in politically sensitive criminal cases
complain that the Government interferes with court proceedings to influence the
outcome or to prevent judgments from being carried out. There are periodic allega-
tions of corruption in the judicial system.
In past cases, the Amir, the Prime Minister, and other senior government ofTicials
all have lost civil cases brought against them by private citizens. The court-ordered
judgments, however, are not always implemented expeditiously. Members of the rul-
ing Al Khalifa family are well represented in the judiciary and do not generally ex-
cuse themselves from cases involving the interests of the Government.
A person arrested may be tried in an ordinary' criminal court or, if recommended
by the prosecution, in the Security Court. Ordinary civil or criminal trial procedures
provide for an open trial, the right to counsel (with legal aid available when nec-
essary), and the right to appeal. Criminal court proceedings generally do not appear
to discriminate against women, children, or minority groups. However, there is cred-
ible evidence that persons accused of antigovemment crimes and tried in the crimi-
nal courts were denied fair trials. The accused are not permitted to speak with an
attorney until their appearance before the judge at the preliminary hearing. Trials
in the criminal courts for antigovemment activities were neld in secret.
Security cases are tried in secret by the Supreme Court of Appeals, sitting as the
Security Court. Family members are usually not permitted in the court until the
final verdict is rendered. Procedures in the security courts do not provide for even
the most basic safeguards. The Security Court is exempt from adhering to the proce-
dural protections of the Penal Code. Defendants may be represented by counsel but
seldom see their attorneys before the actual day oi arraignment. Convictions may
be based solely on confessions and police evidence or testimony that may be intro-
duced in secret. The defense cannot review the evidence against the defendant prior
to trial proceedings. Defense lawyers complain that they rarely are given sufficient
time to develop witnesses. There is no right to judicial review of the legality of ar-
rests. There is no judicial appeal of a State Security Court verdict, but the defend-
ant may request clemency from the Amir. In March the Security Court tried 59 indi-
viduals on charges of being members of a terrorist organization aimed at overthrow-
ing the Government. The Security Court ultimately convicted 33 individuals and ac-
quitted 24.
The number of political prisoners is difficult to determine because the Govern-
ment does not release data on security cases, such cases are not tried in open court,
and visits to prisoners convicted of security offenses are strictly restricted. The Gov-
ernment denies that there are any political prisoners, and claims that all inmates
incarcerated for committing security offenses were convicted properly of subversive
acts such as espionage, espousing or committing violence, or belonging to terrorist
organizations.
In accordance with tradition, the Government releases and grants amnesty to
some prisoners, including individuals imprisoned for political activities, on major
holidays. The Government pardoned over 150 prisoners in April during the Eid Al-
Adha holiday.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Under
the law, the Ministry of Interior is empowered to authorize entry into private prem-
ises without specific judicial intervention. Domestic and international telephone
calls and correspondence are subject to monitoring. Police informer networks are ex-
tensive and sophisticated.
1418
During the year, the Government frequently infringed on citizens' right to privacy,
using illegal searches and arbitrary arrests as tactics to control political unrest. Se-
curity forces frequently raided villages at night, entered private homes without war-
rants, and took mto custody residents who were suspected of either participating in
or having information regarding antigovemment activities. While conducting these
raids, security forces frequently confiscated, damaged, or destroyed personal prop-
erty, for which owners were not compensated by the Government. Security forces
also frequently set up checkpoints at the entrances to villages, requiring vehicle
searches and proof of identity from anyone seeking to enter or exit. Whenever pos-
sible, the Government jams either in whole or in part foreign broadcasts that carry
antigovemment programming or commentary. A government-controlled proxy pro-
hibits user access to Internet sites considered to be antigovemment or anti-Islamic
(see Section 2. a.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Although the Constitution provides for the ri^t
"to express and propagate opinions," citizens are not, in practice, free to express
their public opposition to the Government in speech or writing. Press criticism of
ruling family personalities and of government policy regarding certain sensitive sub-
jects— such as sectarian unrest and the dispute with Qatar over the Hawar Is-
lands— are strictly prohibited. However, local press coverage and commentary on
international issues is open, and discussion of local economic and commercial issues
is also relatively unrestricted. Many individuals express critical opinions openly on
domestic political and social issues in private settings but do not do so to leading
government officials or in public forums.
The Information Ministiy exercises sweeping control over all local media. News-
papers are privately owned, but they routinely exercise self-censorship of stories on
sensitive topics. The Government does not condone unfavorable coverage of its do-
mestic policies by the international media and has occasionally revoked the press
credentials of offending journalists. Since the Ministry also sponsors foreign journal-
ists' residence permits, this action can lead to deportation. In July the Government
revoked the press credentials of a resident Deutche Presse-Agentur correspondent
and ordered her out of the country on grounds that she had endangered the coun-
try's national security by filing an unsubstantiated report on local political develop-
ments. The Government generally afforded foreign journalists access to the country
and did not limit their contacts on the island.
The State owns and operates all radio and television stations. Radio and tele-
vision broadcasts in Arabic and Farsi from neighboring countries and Egypt can be
received without interference. However, international news services, including the
Associated Press, United Press International, and Agence France Presse, frequently
complain about press restrictions. The Cable News Network is available on a 24-
hour basis by subscription and the British Broadcasting Corporation world news
service is carried on a local channel 24 hours a day free of cnarge. However, the
Government generally jams wholly or partially foreign broadcasts that carry
antigovemment programming or commentary (see Section l.f.).
Many senior government officials, ruling family members, and major hotels use
satellite dishes to receive international broadcasts, as do well-to-do private citizens.
The Ministry of Information closely controls access to satellite dishes, and the im-
portation or installation of dishes without prior government approval is illegal.
Access to the Internet is provided through the National Telephone Company
(BATELCO). A government-controlled proxy prohibits user access to sites considered
to be antigovemment or anti-Islamic; E-mail access to information is unimpeded, al-
though it may be subject to monitoring (see Section l.f.).
Although there are no formal regulations limiting academic freedom, in practice
academics try to avoid contentious political issues. Universitv hiring and admissions
policies appear to favor Sunnis ana others who are assumed, to be supportive of the
Government, rather than focus on professional experience and academic qualifica-
tions.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Despite the Constitution's pro-
vision for the right of free assembly, the Government prohibits all public political
demonstrations and meetings and controls religious gatherings that may take on po-
litical overtones. Permits are required for most other public gatherings and permis-
sion is not routinely granted. Unauthorized public gatherings of more than five per-
sons are prohibited by law. The Government monitors gatherings that might take
on a political tone and frequently disperses such meetings.
On numerous occasions during the year, the security forces used force, including
tear gas, to disperse gatherings during which protesters called for the reestablish-
ment of an elected parliament and the release of prisoners, objected to Al-Khalifa
1419
rule, denounced police brutality, protested foreigners in the security forces and in
the labor force, or demanded increased employment opportunities. After each of
these incidents, suspected leaders and active participants were arrested.
The Constitution provides for the right of free association; however, the Govern-
ment restricts freedom of association. The Government prohibits political parties
and organizations. Some professional societies and social/sports clubs have tradition-
ally served as forums for discreet political discussion, but they are restricted by law
from engaging in political activity. Only the Bahraini Bar Association is exempt
from the regulations that require that the constitution of all associations include a
commitment to refrain from political activity. The Bar Association successfully ar-
gued that a lawyer's professional duties may require certain political actions, such
as interpreting legislation or participating in a politically sensitive trial. Other orga-
nized discussions and meetings are still actively discouraged.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Islam is the state religion and the population is over-
whelmingly Muslim. However, Christians and other non-Muslims, including Jews,
Hindus, and Baha'is are free to practice their religion, maintain their own places
of worship, and display the symbols of their religion. Bibles and other Christian
publications are displayed and sold openly in local bookstores which also sell Islamic
and other religious literature. Some small groups worship in their homes. Notables
from virtually every religion and denomination visit Bahrain and frequently meet
with government and civic leaders. Religious tracts of all Islamic sects, cassettes of
sermons delivered by Muslim preachers from other countries, and publications of
other religions are readily available.
Proselytizing by non-Muslims is discouraged, anti-Islamic writings are prohibited,
and conversions from Islam to other religions, while not illegal, are not well toler-
ated by society.
Both Sunni and Shi'a are subject to governmental control and monitoring. During
the year, the Government frequently closed mosques and ma'tams (Shi'a community
centers) in certain locations to prevent religious leaders from delivering political
speeches during their Friday prayers and sermons. The High Council for Islamic Af-
fairs is charged with review and approval of all clerical appointments within both
the Sunni and Shi'a communities and maintains program oversight for all citizens
studying religion abroad. Public religious events, most notably the large annual
commemorative marches by Shi'a, are permitted but are closely watched by the po-
lice. There are no restrictions on the number of citizens permitted to make pilgrim-
ages to Shi'a shrines and holy sites in Iran, Iraq, and Syria. However, due to condi-
tions in Iraq, very few citizens make pilgrimages there. The Government monitors
travel to Iran and scrutinizes carefully those who choose to pursue religious study
there. Travel to Iran for pilgrimages, business trips, tourism, and family visits, how-
ever, is not forbidden.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens are free to move within the country and change their place of
residence or work. Passports, however, may be denied on political grounds. Approxi-
mately 3 percent of the indigenous population, the "bidoon," or stateless persons,
mostly Persian-origin Shi'a, do not have passports and cannot readily obtain them,
although they may be given travel documents as Bahraini residents (see section 5).
The Government occasionally grants citizenship to resident non-Bahrainis who are
Sunni Muslims, mostly from the Arabian peninsula and Egypt.
Citizens living abroad who are suspected of political or criminal offenses may face
arrest and trial upon return to Bahrain. Under the 1963 Citizenship Law, the Gov-
ernment may reject applications to obtain or renew passports for reasonable cause,
but the applicant has the right to appeal such decisions before the High Civil Court.
The Government has also issued temporary passports, good for one trip within a
year, to individuals whose travel it wishes to control or whose claim to Bahraini na-
tionality is questionable. Noncitizen residents, including bidoon of Iranian origin,
may also obtain Bahraini laissez passers (travel documents), usually valid for 2
years and renewable at Bahraini embassies overseas. Laissez passer holders also re-
quire visas to reenter Bahrain.
Bahrain does not usually accept refugees due to its small size and limited re-
sources. In practice, however, refugees who arrive in Bahrain are not repatriated
to countries from which they have fled. Many Iranian emigres who fled Iran after
the Iranian Revolution have been granted permission to remain in Bahrain, but
they have not been granted citizenship. Although the Government cooperates with
the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees to the maximum extent possible, it has
not formulated a formal policy regarding refugees, asylees, or first asylum.
1420
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right or ability peacefully to change their government
or their political system, and political activity is strictly controlled by the Govern-
ment. Since the dissolution of the National Assembly in 1975, there have been no
formal democratic political institutions. The Prime Minister malces all appointments
to the Cabinet. All other government positions are filled by the relevant ministries.
About one-third of the cabinet ministers are Shi'a Muslim, although they do not
hold security-related offices. The ordinary citizen may attempt to influence govern-
ment decisions through submission of personal written petitions and informal con-
tact with senior officials, including appeals to the Amir, the Prime Minister, and
other officials at their regularly scheduled public audiences, called majlises.
In 1992 the Amir established by decree a Consultative Council (Majlis Al-Shura).
Its 40 members are divided evenly between Sunni and Shi'a and are appointed by
the Amir. They are selected to represent major constituent groups, including rep-
resentatives from the business, labor, professional, and religious communities. There
are no members of the ruling Al-Khalifa family or religious extremists in the Majlis.
In addition to legislation siibmitted for its review by the Cabinet, the Majlis also
may initiate debate independently on non-political issues. The Majlis may also sum-
mon cabinet ministers to answer questions, but its recommendations are not binding
on the Government. The Majlis held its fifth session from October 1996 to May and
began a new session on October 7.
Li 1997 the Majlis debated a number of contentious social and economic issues,
including unemployment, privatization, and delivery of social services, drafting pro-
gosals on these and other subjects for government consideration. According to the
peaker of the Majlis, the Government responded favorably to the majority of the
Majlis' recommendations by incorporating tnem into legislation or by taking other
appropriate actions. In September the Consultative Council publicly rejected a Euro-
pean Parliament resolution that criticized the human rights situation in Bahrain.
There are no women either in the Consultative Council or at the ministerial levels
of government. The majority of women who choose to work in government are in
a support capacity and only a few have attained senior positions within their respec-
tive ministries or agencies.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no local human rights organizations. Because of the restrictions on free-
dom of association and expression, any independent, domestically-based investiga-
tion or public criticism of the Government's human rights policies faces major obsta-
cles. A number of groups based abroad report on alleged human rights violations.
These include the Damascus-based Committee for the Defense of Human Rights in
Bahrain, the London-based Bahrain Freedom Movement, the Beirut-based Islamic
Front for the Liberation of Bahrain, and the Copenhagen-based Bahrain Human
Rights Organization, formerly the Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners
in Bahrain. These groups are composed of small numbers of emigres living in self-
imposed exile and reportedly receive funding from sources hostile to the Govern-
ment. They are viewed by many local observers as espousing a political, rather than
a purely human rights, agenda.
The Government maintains that it is not opposed to visits by bona fide human
rights organizations. In practice, however, international human rights organizations
have found it difficult to conduct activities in Bahrain. In October 1996 the Govern-
ment invited the ICRC to undertake visits to the country's prisons. The visits con-
tinued throughout 1997 and, while the ICRC has maintained its usual standards
of confidentiality regarding its findings, credible reports indicate that conditions
throughout the penal system have improved.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that "liberty, equality, security, tranquillity, education, so-
cial solidarity, and equal opportunities for citizens shall be pillars of society assured
by the State." It further states that every citizen shall have the right to medical
care, welfare, education, property, capital, and work. In practice, however, these
rights are unevenly protected, depending on the individual's social status, ethnicity,
or sex.
Women. — Violence against women occurs, but incidents are usually kept within
the family. In general there is little public attention to, or discussion of violence
against women. No government policies explicitly address violence against women.
Women's groups and health care professionals state that spouse abuse is common,
1421
particularly in poorer communities. There are very few known instances of women
seeking legal redress for violence. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the courts are
not receptive to such cases.
Cases are not uncommon in which foreign women working as domestic workers
are beaten or sexually abused. Numerous cases have been reported to local embas-
sies and the police. Most victims, however, are too intimidated to sue their employ-
ers. Those who do so appear to be received sympathetically in the courts.
been made.
While both Shi'a and Sunni women have the right to initiate a divorce, religious
courts may refuse the request. Although local religious courts may grant a divorce
to Shi'a women in routine cases, occasionally Shi'a women seeking divorce under un-
usual circumstances must travel abroad to seek a higher ranking opinion than is
available in the country. Women of either sect may own and inherit property and
may represent themselves in all public and legal matters. In the absence of a direct
male heir, Shi'a women may inherit all property. In contrast, Sunni women — in the
absence of a direct male heir — inherit only a portion; the balance is divided among
brothers, uncles, and male cousins of the deceased.
In the event of divorce, the courts routinely grant Shi'a and Sunni women custody
of daughters under the age of 9 and sons under age 7, although custody usually re-
verts to the father once the children reach those ages. In all circumstances except
mental incapacitation, the father, regardless of custody, retains the right to make
certain legal decisions for his children such as guardianship of any property belong-
ing to the child until the child reaches legal age. A non-Bahraini woman automati-
cally loses custody of her children if she divorces their Bahraini father. Women may
obtain passports and leave the country without the permission of the male head of
the household. Women are free to work outside the home, to drive cars without es-
corts, to wear the clothing of their choice, and have increasingly taken jobs pre-
viously reserved for men. The Labor Law does not discriminate against women;
however, in practice, there is discrimination in the workplace, including inequality
of wages and denial of opportunity for advancement. Women constitute over 20 per-
cent of the work force. The Government has encouraged the hiring of women, en-
acted special laws to promote female entry into the work force, and is a leading em-
ployer of women. The Labor Law does not recognize the concept of equal pay for
equal work, and women are generally paid less than men. Generally, women work
outside the home during the years between secondary school or university and mar-
riage. Some women complain that admissions policies at the National University are
aimed at increasing the number of male students at the expense of qualified female
applicants, especially Shi'a women. Nevertheless, women make up the majority of
students at the country's universities.
There are women's organizations that seek to improve the status of women under
both civil and Islamic law. Some women have expressed the view that, despite their
participation in the work force, women's rights are not significantly advancing and
that much of the lack of progress is due to the influence of Islamic religious tradi-
tionalists. Other women, however, desire a return to more traditional values and
support calls for a return to traditional Islamic patterns of social behavior.
Children. — The Government has often stated its commitment to the protection of
children's rights and welfare within the social and religious framework of this tradi-
tional society. It honors this commitment through enforcement of its civil and crimi-
nal laws and extensive social welfare network. Public education for children below
the age of 15 is free. While the Constitution calls for compulsory education at the
primary levels, authorities do not enforce attendance. Limited medical services for
infants and pre-adolescents are provided free of charge.
The social status of children is shaped by tradition and religion to a greater ex-
tent than by civil law. Public discussion of child abuse is rare, and the preference
of the authorities always has been to leave such matters within the purview of the
family or religious groups. The authorities actively enforce the laws against pros-
titution, including child prostitution, procuring, and pimping. Violators are dealt
with harshly and can be imprisoned, or if non-Bahraini, deported. In some cases,
authorities reportedly will return children arrested for prostitution and other non-
ftolitical crimes to their families rather than prosecute them, especially for first of-
enses. Some legal experts have called on the Government to establish a separate
juvenile court. Other citizens, however, insist that the protection of children is a re-
ligious, not a secular, function and oppose greater government involvement. Inde-
gendent and quasi-governmental organizations such as the Bahraini Society for the
rotection of Children and the Mother and Child Welfare Society play an active part
1422
in protecting children by providing counseling, legal assistance, advice, and, in some
cases, shelter and financial support to distressed children and families.
Detentions and arrests of juveniles, some as young as 7 years old, were numerous
during the year in connection with the political unrest. These children were gen-
erally released without charges within several days of their arrests. However, those
juveniles charged with security offenses received the same treatment as adult pris-
oners, i.e., incommunicado detention and trial before a State Security Court.
People with Disabilities. — The law protects the rights of people with disabilities
and a variety of governmental, quasi-governmental, and religious institutions are
mandated to support and protect disabled persons. The regional (Arabian Gulf) Cen-
ter for the Treatment of the Blind is headquartered in Bahrain and a similar Center
for the Education of Deaf Children was established in 1994. Society tends to view
f>eople with disabilities as special cases in need of protection rather than as fully
iinctioning members of society. Nonetheless, the Government is required by law to
f)rovide vocational training for disabled persons wishing to work and maintains a
ist of certified, trained disabled persons. The Labor Law of 1976 also requires that
any employer of over 100 people must engage at least 2 percent of its employees
from the Government's list of disabled workers. The Ministry of Labor and Social
Affairs works actively to place people with disabilities in public sector jobs, such as
in the public telephone exchanges. The Grovemment's housing regulations require
that access be provided to disabled persons. Greater emphasis nas oeen given in re-
cent years to public building design that incorporates access for the disabled.
Religious Minorities. — ^Although there are notable exceptions, the Sunni Muslim
minority enjoys a favored status in Bahrain. Sunnis generally receive preference for
employment m sensitive government positions and in the managerial ranks of the
civil service. Shi'a citizens are not allowed to hold significant posts in the Bahrain
defense and internal security forces. In the private sector, Shi'a tend to be employed
in lower paid, less skilled jobs.
Educational, social, and municipal services in most Shi'a neighborhoods, particu-
larly in rural villages, are inferior to those found in Sunni urban communities. In
an effort to remedy social discrimination, the Government has built numerous sub-
sidized housing complexes open to all citizens on the basis of financial need. In an
effort to ease both the housing shortage and strains on the national budget, in 1997
the Government revised its policy in order to permit lending institutions to finance
mortgages on apartment units.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — A group of approximately 9,000 to 15,000
persons, mostly Shi'a of Persian-origin, but including some Christians, are stateless.
They are commonly known as bidoon and enjoy less than full citizenship under the
Citizenship Act of 1963. Many of the bidoon are second- or third-generation resi-
dents whose ancestors emigrated from Iran. Although they no longer claim Iranian
citizenship, they have not been granted Bahraini nationality. Without citizenship
these individuals officially are unable to buy land, start a business, or obtain gov-
ernment loans, although in practice many do. The law does not address the citizen-
ship rights of persons who were not registered with the authorities prior to 1959,
creating a legal problem for such persons and their descendants and resulting in
economic and other hardships. The Government maintains that many of those who
claim to be bidoon are actually citizens of Iran or other Gulf states who have volun-
tarily chosen not to renew their foreign passports. Bidoon and Bahrainis who speak
Farsi, rather than Arabic, as their first language also face significant social and eco-
nomic obstacles, including difTiculty finding employment.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The partially suspended 1973 Constitution recog-
nizes the right of workers to organize, but internationally afTiliated trade unions do
not exist. The Constitution provides for "freedom to form associations and trade
unions on national bases and for lawful objectives and by peaceful means," in ac-
cordance with the law, and states that "No person shall be compelled to join or re-
main in any a.ssociation or union."
In response to labor unrest in the mid-1950's, 1965, and 1974, the Government
passed a series of labor regulations, which, among other things, allow the formation
of elected workers' conunittees in larger companies. Worker representation is based
on a system of Joint Labor-Management Conunittees (JLC's) established by ministe-
rial decree. Between 1981 and 1984, 12 JLC's were established in the major state-
owned industries. Four new JLC's were established in 1994 in the private sector,
including one in a major hotel. The Government is considering the further expan-
sion of the JLC system into the tourism and banking sectors.
The JLC's are composed of equal numbers of appointed management representa-
tives and worker representatives elected from and by company employees. Each
1423
committee is chaired alternately by the management and worker representative.
The selection of worker representatives appears to be fair; under the law the Min-
istry of Interior may exclude worker candidates with criminal records or those
deemed a threat to national security.
The elected labor representatives of the JLC's select the 11 members of the Gen-
eral Committee of Bahrain Workers (GCBW), established in 1983 by law, which
oversees and coordinates the work of the JLC's. The committee also hears com-
plaints from Bahraini and foreign workers and assists them in bringing their com-
plaints to the attention of the Ministry of Labor or the courts. In 1995 elections
were held for 3-year terms for representatives to the GCBW. Workers from all types
of occupations were elected to the body in 1995, including Sunni and Shi'a Muslims,
foreign workers, and, for the first time, a woman. These elections, which were by
secret ballot and appeared to be free, were carried out during the worst of the dem-
onstrations.
Although the Government and company management are not represented on the
GCBW, the Ministry of Labor closely monitors the body's activities. It approves the
GCBW's rules and the distribution of GCBW funds. The JLC-GCBW system rep-
resents nearly 70 percent of the island's indigenous industrial workers, although
both government and labor representatives readily admit that nonindustrial work-
ers and foreign workers are clearly underrepresented in the system. The Ministry
of Labor and Social Affairs supports the formation of JLC's in all public and private
sector companies that employ more than 200 workers.
Although foreign workers constitute 67 percent of the work force, they are under-
represented in the GCBW. Foreign workers can and do participate in the JLC elec-
tions, and five foreign workers currently serve on JLC's. None, however, currently
sits on the board oi the GCBW. It is a longterm goal of both the Government and
the GCBW to replace foreign workers with citizens throughout all sectors of the
economy and to create new jobs for citizens seeking employment.
The Labor Law is silent on the right to strike, and there were no strikes during
the year. Actions perceived to be detrimental to the "existing relationship" between
employers and employees or to the economic health of the State are forbidden by
the 1974 Security Act. There are no recent examples of major strikes, but walkouts
and other job actions have been known to occur without governmental intervention
and with positive results for the workers.
The GCBW represents workers in the Arab Labor Organization, but does not be-
long to any international trade union organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — As in the case of strikes, the
Labor Law neither grants nor denies workers the right to organize and bargain col-
lectively outside the JLC system. While the JLC's are empowered to discuss labor
disputes, organize workers' services, and discuss wages, working conditions, and
productivity, the workers have no independent, recognized vehicle for representing
their interests on these or other labor-related issues. Minimum wage rates for public
sector employees are established by Council of Ministers' decrees. Private businesses
generally follow the Government's lead in establishing their wage rates.
There are two export processing zones. Labor law and practice are the same in
these zones as in the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is pro-
hibited by law. In practice, the labor laws apply for the most part only to citizens,
and abuses, particularly of domestic workers and those working illegally, are known
to occur. In some cases, workers arrive in Bahrain under the sponsorship of an em-
?loyer and then switch jobs, while continuing to pay a fee to their original sponsor,
he Government has announced its intention to abolish this illegal practice, which
makes it difficult to monitor and control the employment conditions of domestic and
other workers. However, no substantive action has yet been taken.
Labor law amendments passed in 1993 stiffened the penalties for job switching
to include jail sentences of up to 6 months for the sponsor of every illegally-spon-
sored worker. In such cases, tne workers involved are likely to be deported as illegal
immigrants after the case is concluded. During the summer and fall, the Govern-
ment conducted an amnesty program under which undocumented foreign workers
were permitted either to legalize their status or leave the country without penalty.
As many as 38,000 workers opted to participate in the amnesty program.
The sponsorship system leads to other abuses as well. There are numerous reports
that employers withhold salaries from their foreign workers for months, even years,
at a time, and may refuse to grant them the necessary permission to leave the coun-
try. The Government and the courts generally work to rectify those abuses brought
to their attention, but fear of deportation or employer retaliation prevents many lor-
eign workers from making complaints to the authorities.
1424
Labor laws do not apply to domestic servants. There are credible reports that do-
mestic servants, especially women, are sometimes forced to work 12- or 16-hour
days, given little time off, and are subjected to verbal and physical abuse.
The law also prohibits force and bonded child labor, and the Gk)vemment enforces
this prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits force and bonded child labor, and the Government enforces this prohibition
effectively (see Section 6.C.). The minimum age for employment is 14 years of age.
Juveniles between the ages of 14 and 16 may not be employed in hazardous condi-
tions or at night and may not work more than 6 hours per day or on a piecemeal
basis. Child labor laws are effectively enforced by Ministry of Labor inspectors in
the industrial sector; child labor outside that sector is less well monitored but is not
believed to be significant outside family operated businesses.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Minimum wage scales, set by government de-
cree, exist for public sector employees and generally afford a decent standard of liv-
ing for workers and their families. The minimum wage for the public sector is
$278.25 (105 dinars) a month. Wages in the private sector are determined on a con-
tract basis. For foreign workers, employers consider benefits such as annual trips
home and housing and education bonuses as part of the salary.
The Labor Law, enforced by the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, mandates
acceptable conditions of work for all adult workers, including adequate standards
regarding hours of work (maximum 48 hours per week) and occupational safety and
health.
The Ministry enforces the law with periodic inspections and fines routinely im-
{)osed on violators. The press often performs an ombudsman function on labor prob-
ems, reporting job disputes and the results of labor cases brought before the courts.
Once a complaint has been lodged by a worker, the Ministry of Labor opens an in-
vestigation and often takes remedial action. The Fourth High Court (Labor) has ju-
risdiction over cases involving alleged violations of the Labor Law.
Complaints brought before the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs that cannot
be settled through arbitration must, by law, be referred to the court within 15 days.
In practice, most employers prefer to settle such disputes through arbitration, par-
ticularly since the court and labor law are generally considered to favor the em-
ployee. Under the Labor Law, workers have the right to remove themselves from
dangerous work situations without jeopardy to their continued employment. In 1993
the Government strengthened the Labor Law by Amiri decree, announcing that sig-
nificant fines and jail sentences would be imposed upon private-sector employers
who fail to pay legal wages. This law applies equally to employers of citizens and
foreign workers and is intended to reduce abuses against foreign workers who have
sometimes been denied legal salaries (see Section 6.c.). The law provides equal pro-
tection to Bahraini and foreign workers, but all foreign workers still require spon-
sorship by Bahrainis or Bahrain-based institutions and companies. Foreign woriiers,
particularly those from developing countries, are often unwilling to repwrt abuses for
fear of losing residence rights and having to return to their native countries. Spon-
sors are able to cancel the residence permit of any person under their sponsorship
and thereby block them for 1 year from obtaining entry or residence visas from an-
other sponsor, although the sponsor may be subject to sanctions for wrongful dismis-
sal.
The Labor Law specifically favors citizens over foreign workers, and Arab expatri-
ates over other foreign workers, in hiring and firing. Because employers include
housing and other allowances in their salary scales, foreign workers legally can be
paid lower regular wages than their Bahraini counterparts, although they some-
times receive the same or a greater total compensation package because of home
leave and holiday allowances. Western foreign workers and Bahraini workers are
paid comparable wages, with total compensation packages often significantly greater
for the former. Women are entitled to 60 days oi paid maternity leave and nursing
periods during the day. However, women are generally paid less than men.
EGYPT
According to its Constitution, Egypt is a social democracy in which Islam is the
state religion. However, the National Democratic Party (NUP), which has governed
since its establishment in 1978, has used its entrenched position to dominate na-
tional politics, and it maintains an overriding majority in the popularly elected Peo-
Ele's Assembly and the partially elected Snura (Consultative) Council. President
[osni Mubarak was reelected unopposed to a third 6-year term by the People's As-
1425
sembly in 1993. The Cabinet and the country's 26 governors are appointed by the
President and may be dismissed by him at his discretion. The judiciary is independ-
ent.
There are several security services in the Ministry of Interior, two of which are
primarily involved in combating terrorism: The State Security Investigations Sector
(SSIS), which conducts investigations and interrogates detainees; and the Central
Security Force (CSF), which enforces curfews and bans on public demonstrations,
and conducts paramilitary operations against terrorists. The use of violence by secu-
rity forces in the campaign against suspected terrorists appeared more limited than
in 1996. The security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses.
Egypt is in transition from a government-controlled economy to a free market sys-
tem. The Gk)vemment continued its privatization program, although key sectors of
the economy remain under government control. Agriculture remains the largest em-
()loyer and is almost entirely in private hands. The tourism sector generated the
argest amount of foreign currency, although earnings fell off sharply after terrorists
massacred 58 foreign tourists in Luxor in November. Petroleum exports and remit-
tances from approximately 2 million Egyptians working abroad are the two other
principal sources of foreign currency. In tne past 7 years, the Government has en-
acted significant economic reforms, which have reduced the budget deficit, stabilized
the exchange rate, reduced inflation and interest rates significantly, and built up
substantial reserves. The success of the reform efforts has resulted in an increase
in annual economic growth rates to 5 percent for fiscal year 1996-97. The per capita
gross domestic product (GDP) is about $1,000 per year. Official statistics place 34.4
percent of wage earners in the agricultural sector, and knowledgeable observers es-
timate that perhaps 3 to 5 percent of those engage in subsistence farming. The an-
nual population increase is 2.1 percent. Adult literacy rates are 63 jjercent for males
and 3^4 percent for females.
The Government continued to commit numerous serious human rights abuses, al-
though its record improved somewhat over the previous year. The ruling NDP domi-
nates the political scene to such an extent that citizens do not have a meaningful
ability to change their government. The Emergency Law, which has been in enect
since 1981, was renewed on February 23 for another 3 years and continues to re-
strict many basic rights. The security forces and terrorist groups continued to en-
gage in violent exchanges. In fighting the terrorists, the security forces continued
to mistreat and torture prisoners, arbitrarily arrest and detain persons, hold detain-
ees in prolonged pretrial detention, and occasionally engage in mass arrests. In ac-
tions unrelated to the antiterrorist campaign, local police abused criminal suspects.
Prison conditions are poor. During the year, the Government arrested and detained
hundreds of individuals for opposition to the implementation of the Agrarian Reform
Law, which ended artificially low rents for farmland. The activities that provoked
government action ranged from possession of documents about the Agrarian Reform
Law to attacks on government-owned property. In civil unrest related to the imple-
mentation of the new law, an estimated 28 persons were killed in ensuing clashes.
The Government took disciplinary action against police officers accused of abusing
detainees, but it did not pursue most cases or seek adequate punishments.
The use of military courts to try civilians continued to iniringe on a defendant's
right to a fair trial before an independent judiciary. The Government used the
Emergency Law to infringe on citizens' privacy rights. Although citizens generally
express themselves freely, the Government continued to place some restrictions on
freedom of the press. State prosecutors brought libel charges in civilian courts
against several journalists for criticizing corruption and abuse of authority among
fovemment officials and their fanulies. The Government restricts freedom of assem-
ly and association. Although the Government does not legally recognize local
human rights groups, these groups are allowed to operate openly. The Government
places limits on the freedom of religion.
Women and Christians face discrimination based on tradition and some aspects
of the law. Violence against women is a problem. Terrorist violence against Chris-
tians is a problem. The Child Labor Law approved in 1996 increased protections for
children, but child labor remains widespread despite the Government's efforts to
eradicate it. Abuse by employers continues, and the Government does not enforce
the law effectively. The 1996 government decree banning the practice of female geni-
tal mutilation (FGM) was challenged in the courts on the grounds that the ban was
unconstitutional. The Government ban was upheld by the Supreme Administrative
Court on December 28. The Government limits worker rights.
Terrorist groups committed numerous serious abuses. Terrorist groups seeking to
overthrow the Government and establish a purportedly Islamic state continued their
attacks on police, Coptic Christians, and tourists. Terrorist groups were responsible
for the majority of the 155 civilian and police deaths. Major actions included a ter-
1426
rorist attack in February on youths who were attending a church meeting in Abu
Qurqas in upper (southern) Egypt; 13 persons were killed and 5 wounded. In March
terrorists attacked a village in upper Egypt, and fired on a passing train, killing
14 persons and wounding 21 others. In September a politically-motivated gunman
killed 9 tourists and 1 Egyptian in Cairo. In October terrorists killed 11 police and
security officials, binding their hands and feet prior to shooting them. In November
6 terrorists attacked foreign tourists at Hatshepsut's temple in Luxor, killing 58
tourists, 2 police, and 2 Egyptian civilians before being killed themselves when sur-
rounded by police.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings; however, extrajudicial killings may nave occurred in certain antiterrorist
operations.
There were no total figures for deaths in custody from government or human
rights sources by year's end. The press reported 3 deaths under suspicious cir-
cumstances in police custody. According to these reports, Mahmoud Abdel Hamid
Abu Al Ela'a died in February following his detention at Boulaq Al Dakrour police
station in Giza; Bekheet Abdel Rahman Salem died in March at Fayoum prison; and
Kamel Mohammed Zayed died in March at Wadi Natroun prison. Human rights
groups are investigating the deaths to determine whether they involved medical
negligence. In October the Human Rights Center for the Assistance of Prisoners is-
sued a report describing the deaths of seven prisoners detained in Al-Wadi Al-Jadid
prison between 1994 and 1996. Other human rights groups continue to investigate
outstanding cases, including 13 prison deaths related to medical negligence (see Sec-
tion I.e.).
In antiterrorist campaigns, security forces killed 41 suspected terrorists; there
were no reports of excessive use of lethal force. No suspects died while attempting
to escape arrest. There were no reports of killings of relatives of suspected extrem-
ists by security forces in apparent vendettas.
The case against a policeman charged with torture and use of excessive force in
the 1994 death of a detainee remained pending (see Section I.e.).
In civil unrest related to the implementation of the Agrarian Reform Law, an esti-
mated 28 persons were killed in ensuing clashes (see Section l.d.).
Terrorist groups were responsible for the majority of the deaths in civil unrest.
They killed 155 persons, compared with 132 in 1996. This total included 41 police
and security officers and 114 civilians (which includes foreign tourists).
On March 13, a group of armed terrorists emerged from the sugar cane fields near
the village of Bahgoura and indiscriminately fired on the residents, killing 13 per-
sons and wounding 15 others. Nine of the dead were Coptic Christians. Apparently
while fleeing the Bahgoura massacre, the group fired bursts of automatic fire at the
Luxor-Cairo train, killing one female passenger and wounding six other passengers
slightly. On September 18, two men attacked and killed nine German tourists and
their Egyptian driver outsides Cairo's Egyptian Museum. On October 13, terrorists
in the province of Al-Minya setup a roadblock, stopped vehicles in a search for secu-
rity officers, and captured and killed 11 policemen and one government employee.
One civilian was wounded in these shootings. On October 29, a military court sen-
tenced to death the two perpetrators of the September 18 attack. In addition, six
other defendants were sentenced to prison terms varying in length from 1 to 10
years for supplying a weapon and ammunitions. One other defendant was acquitted.
On November 17, six terrorists attacked foreign tourists at the site of Hatshepsut's
temple in Luxor. They killed 58 tourists, 2 Egyptian civilians, and 2 policemen be-
fore they were killed by police.
Terrorist attacks directed specifically against Christians continued, resulting in
the death of at least 23 persons, including a group of 13 people in Abu Qurqas in
February. Terrorist entered a church during a youth prayer meeting, shot and killed
some participants, and attacked other villagers later. Thirteen persons were killed
and 5 wounded. Terrorists also attacked churches and other properties owned by
Christians.
In September a military court sentenced defendants charged with killing a senior
state security officer in 1995 (see Section I.e.).
In January four Muslim militants were convicted on charges relating to attacks
in 1993 and 1994. One of the four, Ali Mohammed Farahat, was convicted for gre-
nade attacks on two Cairo movie theaters that a police guard killed and wounded
six civilians, and for an attack on a tourist bus that wounded eight Austrians and
1427
eight Egyptians. All four were convicted of plotting to kill senior state officials and
tourists. The four were sentenced to death; the sentence was carried out in October.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
The Human Rights Center for the Assistance of Prisoners issued a report describ-
ing the cases of 11 individuals who disappeared during the period between 1992 and
1996. The Egypt Organization of Human Rights (EOHR) continues to investigate
eight other disappearances. The Government has not responded to queries irom
human rights monitors regarding these outstanding cases.
The case of Marwa Al Sayeed Metwalli Hafez, who was reported to have dis-
appeared in 1995, was resolved. She had eloped and been out of contact with her
family.
There were credible reports that former Libyan Foreign Minister Mansur Kikhiya,
who disappeared from Cfairo in 1993, had been kidnaped by Libyan agents, taken
to Libya, and executed there in early 1994. Possible involvement by Egyptian gov-
ernment officials remains under investigation.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits the infliction of "physical or moral harm" upon persons
who have been arrested or detained. However, abuse and torture of detainees by po-
lice, security personnel, and prison guards is common.
Under the Penal Code, torture of a defendant or orders to torture are felonies
punishable by temporary hard labor or 3 to 10 years' imprisonment. If the defendant
dies, the crime is one of intentional murder punishable by a life sentence at hard
labor. Arrest without due cause, threatening d!eath, or using physical torture is pun-
ishable by temporary hard labor. The use of cruelty against people by relying on
one's position is punishable by imprisonment of no more than 1 year or a fine of
no more than $65. Victims may bring a criminal or civil action for compensation
against the responsible government agency. There is no statute of limitations in
such cases.
Despite these legal safeguards, there were numerous credible reports, including
statements by government officials, that security forces mistreated and tortured citi-
zens. Reports of mistreatment and torture at police stations remain frequent.
In an interview published in April, the Minister of Interior stated that he had
placed 128 police omcers "on reserve," a step that precedes dismissal, for abuses in-
volving excessive use of force. He also stated that 12 police officers had been re-
ferred to criminal courts and 44 to disciplinary courts for crimes of torture. He said
that "many" officers had been convicted of torture and are serving prison sentences.
The EOHR reported that three police officers and six policemen accused of torture
in 1993 were acquitted in June.
While the Government has investigated torture complaints in criminal cases and
punished some oflending officers, the punishments are not in line with the serious-
ness of the offense. However, government officials have stated that administrative
punishments can be severe enough to prevent further career advancement, and that
some police officers have opted to face criminal charges instead. The Government
has said that it will not disclose further details of individual cases of police abuse
for fear of harming the morale of law enforcement officers involved in
counterterrorism operations.
Human rights groups believe that the SSIS continues its practices. Torture takes
place in SSIS offices, including its headquarters in Cairo, and at Central Security
Force camps. Torture victims usually are taken to an SSIS ofiice where they are
handcufTed, blindfolded, and questioned about their associations, religious beliefs,
and political views. Torture is used to extract information, coerce the victims to end
their antigovernment activities, and deter others from such activities.
Egyptian human rights groups and victims reported a number of torture methods.
Detainees are frequently stripped; hung by their wrists with their feet touching the
floor or forced to stand for prolonged periods; doused with hot or cold water; beaten;
forced to stand outdoors in cold weather; and subjected to electrical shocks. Some
victims, including female detainees, report they have been threatened with rape.
While the law requires security authorities to keep written records of detained
citizens, human rights groups report that such records often are not available, not
found, or the police deny any knowledge of the detainee when they inquire about
specific cases, effectively blocking the investigation of torture complaints.
The EOHR issued a report in March presenting 57 cases of torture of "ordinary
citizens" in police stations. The report states that torture is also used against the
relatives of detainees. The Center for Human Rights Legal Aid (CHRLA) reported
that five political activists — Hamdeen Sabahy, Mohammed Abdu, Mohammed As-
sayed Sulayman, Mohammed Bayyoumi, and Hamdy Heikal — were tortured in June
at the prison known as the "Scorpion," part of the Tora prison complex. The men
were arrested for nonviolent opposition to the Agrarian Reform Bill (see Section
1428
l.d.). The CHRLA also reported the torture of Khaled Hagag Sayeed in May at Al
Wayli police station in Cairo after he was arrested for suspected car theft.
&curity forces used tear gas and physical force to break up a strike in June at
Zagazig University (see Section 6. a.). Two cases of torture from previous years, the
1994 charge of torture by a policeman in the case of Fateh Al-Bab Abdel Moneim,
and the 1995 charge of torture by police in the case of Famal El-Shazly, remain
under investigation.
Prison conditions remain poor. Government authorities reported the renovation or
construction of 14 prisons during the past 4 years. Nonetheless, human rights
groups report that overcrowding and unhealthy conditions continue. Cells reportedly
are poorly ventilated, food is inadequate in quantity and nutritional value, and med,-
ical services were not always available. The use of torture and mistreatment contin-
ues to be common, and relatives of prisoners and their lawyers are often unable to
obtain access to prisons for visits. The Human Rights Center for the Assistance of
Prisoners issued a report in October on conditions in the Al-Wadi Al-Jadid prison,
including 61 case studies of prisoners who are suffering from inhuman conditions,
including inadequate medical treatment. Health conditions in the Al-Wadi Al-Jadid
prison and in the maximum security prison, the "Scorpion," part of the Tora prison
complex, reportedly included widespread tuberculosis among the inmates. Human
rights groups are investigating 13 prison deaths related to medical negligence.
On July 15, an administrative court issued a ruling canceling a decree by the
Minister of Interior that prohibits visits of both family and lawyers to the Fayoum
and Tora prisons. The Interior Minister is contesting this judgment. Since 1994
there have been six court orders directing the Interior Ministry to open these pris-
ons for visits. Human rights groups report, however, that visits have been refused
at several prisons. At others, restrictions have been placed on visits to prisoners in-
carcerated for political or terrorist crimes, limiting the number of visits allowed each
prisoner, and the total number of visitors allowed in the prison at any one time.
In principle, human rights monitors are allowed to visit prisoners in their capacity
as legal counsel, but in practice they often face considerable bureaucratic obstacles
that prevent them from meeting with prisoners.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — As part of the Government's antiterrorist
campaign, security forces have conducted mass arrests and detained hundreds of in-
diviauals without charge after specific terrorist incidents. While terrorist groups
stated that more than 1,000 persons were arrested, there are no confirmed reports
of such claims. Under the provisions of the Emergency Law, which has been in ef-
fect since 1981, the police may obtain an arrest warrant from the Ministry of Inte-
rior upon showing that an individual poses a danger to security and public order.
This procedure nullifies the constitutional requirement of obtaining a warrant from
a judge or prosecutor upon showing that an individual has likely committed a spe-
cific crime.
The Emergency Law allows authorities to detain an individual without charge.
After 30 days, a detainee has the right to demand a court hearing to challenge the
legality of the detention order and may resubmit his motion for a hearing at 1-
month intervals thereafter. There is no maximum limit to the length of detention
if the judge continues to uphold the legality of the detention order, or if the detainee
fails to exercise his right to a hearing.
In addition to the Emergency Law, the Penal Code also gives the State wide de-
tention powers. Under the Penal Code, prosecutors must bring charges within 48
hours or release the suspect. However, tney may detain a suspect for a maximum
of 6 months, pending investigation. Arrests under the Penal Code occur openly and
with warrants issued by a district prosecutor or judge. There is a system of bail.
The Penal Code contains several provisions to combat extremist violence. These pro-
visions broadly define terrorism to include the acts of "spreading panic" and "ob-
structing the work of authorities."
During the year the Government arrested and detained hundreds of people under
the Penal Code for opposition to implementation of the Agrarian Reform Bill. One
local human rights group claimed that up to 1,000 persons had been arrested. Ac-
tivities by the detainees included photocopying statements opposing the law, distrib-
uting leafiets opposing the law, meeting to discuss concerns about the law, and ef-
forts to collect signatures and to organize demonstrations opposing the law. Some
detainees were involved in demonstrations that included attacks on government-
owned property. The majority of detainees were released after a short period of de-
tention. However, some 200 individuals remained in detention at year's end. Dr.
Ahmed Al Ahwany, a professor of nuclear energy at Cairo University, was detained
on April 24 for possessing papers opposing the law. He was released on May 21
after paying a fine of $58.82 (200 Egyptian pounds.) Five opponents— Hamdeen
Sabahy, Monammed Abdu, MohammeaTAssayed Sulayman, Mohammed Bayyoumi,
1429
and Hamdy Heikal — were detained for 3 months at the Tora prison complex without
trial and then released 1 week prior to the bill's implementation on October 6. They
were charged with possessing documents that opposed the law and thereby encour-
aged unrest.
In January state security forces arrested some 80 young people devoted to heavy
metal rock music and its trappings; all were released without charge in about 2
weeks (see Section 2.a.). Human rights groups reported that hundreds, and accord-
ing to one report, thousands, of people detained under the Emergency Law have
been incarcerated for several years without charge. The courts have ordered the re-
lease of several of these detainees, but prison omcials have reportedly ignored the
orders. Frequently, the Ministry of Interior reissues detention orders, sending de-
tainees back to prison.
On August 9, security forces and police in Alexandria arrested 33 alleged mem-
bers of the Muslim Brotherhood (an Islamist opposition organization). The charges
included organizing a training camp for instruction on how to infiltrate the student
body of Alexandria University, possessing illegal leaflets, and membership in an ille-
gal organization. More than half were later released while the remainder are still
in detention. On September 23, security forces and police in Alexandria arrested 60
alleged members of the Muslim Brotherhood and released them 2 days later.
Neither the Government nor human rights groups were able to provide firm fig-
ures for the total prison population. One human rights group cited a government
figure of 12,0(X) registered and serving sentences, but provided a rough estimate of
32,000 for the total prison population, including those being held pending sentenc-
The (jovemment does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is independent; however, cases in-
volving national security or terrorism may be handled by military or Emergency
State Security courts, where constitutional protections may not be observed. The
Constitution provides for the independence and immunity of judges and forbids in-
terference by other authorities in the exercise of their judicial functions. The Presi-
dent appoints all judges upon recommendation of the Higher Judicial Council, a con-
stitutional body cornposed of senior judges, and chaired by the President of the
Court of Cassation. The Council regulates judicial promotions and transfers. In the
last few years, the Government has added lectures on human rights and other social
issues to its training courses for prosecutors and judges.
There are three levels of regular criminal courts: primary courts, appeals courts,
and the Court of Cassation, the final stage of criminal appeal. The iudicial system
is based on the Napoleonic tradition; hence, there are no juries. Misdemeanors that
are punishable by imprisonment are heard at the first level by one judge; at the
second level by three judges. Felonies that are punishable by imprisonment or exe-
cution are heard in criminal court by three judges. Contestations of rulings are
heard by the Court of Cassation. A lawyer is appointed at the court's expense if the
defendant does not have one. The appointment of lawyers is based on a roster cho-
sen by the Bar Association; however, expenses are incurred by the State. Any denial
of this right is cause for contestation of the ruling. However, detainees in certain
high security prisons alleged that they were denied access to counsel or that such
access was delayed until trial, thus denying counsel the time to prepare an adequate
defense.
Defense lawyers generally agree that the regular judiciary respects the rights of
the accused and exercises its independence. In the past, criminal court judges have
dismissed cases where confessions were obtained by coercion. However, while the ju-
diciary generally is credited with conducting fair trials, under the Emergency Law,
cases involving terrorism and national security may be tried in military or State Se-
curity Emergency courts, in which the accused do not receive all the constitutional
protections of the civilian judicial system.
In the past, human rights groups and defense lawyers have claimed that the Gov-
ernment intimidated lawyers representing terrorist suspects by detaining and ques-
tioning them on the activities of their clients. There were no such reports during
the year.
In 1992, following a rise in extremist violence, the Government began trying cases
of persons accused of terrorism and membership in terrorist groups before military
tribunals. In 1993 the Supreme Constitutional Court ruled that the President may
invoke the Emergency Law to refer any crime to a military court. This use of mili-
tary and State ^curity Emergency court under the Emergency Law has deprived
hundreds of civilian defendants of their constitutional right to be tried by an ordi-
nary judge.
The Government defends the use of military courts as necessary in terrorism
cases, maintaining that trials in the civilian courts are protracted and that civilian
1430
iudges and their families are vulnerable to terrorist threats. Some civilian judges
nave confirmed their fear of trying high visibility terrorism cases because of possible
reprisal. The Government claims that civilian defendants receive fair trials in the
military courts and enjoy the same rights as defendants in civilian courts.
However, the military courts do not ensure civilian defendants due process before
an independent tribunal. While military judges are lawyers, they are also military
officers appointed by the Minister of Defense and subject to military discipline. TTiey
are not as independent or as qualified as civilian judges in applying the civilian
Penal Code. There is no appellate process for verdicts issued by military courts; in-
stead, verdicts are subject to a review by other military judges and confirmed by
the President, who in practice usually delegates the review function to a senior mili-
tary officer. Defense attorneys have complained that they have not been given suffi-
cient time to prepare defenses and that judges tend to rush cases with many defend-
ants.
During the year, the Government referred 280 civilian defendants to the military
courts in 6 separate cases. In January, 19 defendants accused of the 1994 bombing
of the Magda theater were brought to trial before a military court. The court acquit-
ted 2, sentenced 4 to death, and sentenced 13 to prison terms of various lengths
(see Section l.a.). In July a military court sentenced Ramzy Al Muwafy to 31 years'
imprisonment for belonging to a terrorist group, for having links with terrorist
groups in Afghanistan and Pakistan, for forging documents, and for providing ter-
rorist groups in Egypt with information that assisted them in perpetrating their ter-
rorist activities. In September a military court handed down sentences in the case
of 98 defendants accused of bombing 9 banks and killing a senior state security offi-
cer in 1995. The court acquitted 25 and sentenced 4 to death, 8 to life imprisonment,
and 60 to hard labor or prison terms of various lengths. The court dropped charges
against one defendant who died during the trial.
On October 15, a military court handed down sentences in the case involving 84
defendants accused in 1995 of planning to revive the activities of the "Jihad" terror-
ist group, including plans to bomb tourist areas. The court acquitted 31 persons and
sentenced 3 to death, 2 to life imprisonment, and 51 to prison terms varying in
length from 2 to 15 years. In October a military court sentenced eight defendants
ana acquitted one in connection with the September 18 attack on German tourists
(see Section l.a.).
The State Security Emei^ency Courts share jurisdiction with military courts over
crimes affecting national security. The President appoints judges to these courts
from the civilian judiciary upon tne recommendation of the Minister of Justice and,
if he chooses to appoint military judges, the Minister of Defense. Sentences are sub-
ject to confirmation by the President but cannot be appealed. The President may
alter or annul a decision of a State Security Emergency Court, including a decision
to release a defendant.
During the year, 8 cases were referred to State Security Emergency Courts involv-
ing 123 defendants charged with terrorist acts.
There are no reliable statistics on the number of political prisoners, but observers
estimate that the total may be in the thousands.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Under
the Constitution, homes, correspondence, telephone calls, and other means of com-
munication "shall have their own sanctity, and their secrecy shall be guaranteed."
Police must obtain warrants before undertaking searches and wiretaps. Courts have
dismissed cases in which warrants were issued without sufficient cause. Police offi-
cers who conduct searches without proper warrants are subject to criminal pen-
alties, although these are seldom imposed.
However, the Emergency Law has abridged the constitutional provisions regard-
ing the ri^t to privacy. The Emergency Law empowers the Government to place
wiretaps, intercept mail, and search persons or places without warrants. Security
agencies frequently place political activists, suspected subversives, journalists, for-
eigners, and writers under surveillance, screen their correspondence (especially
international mail), search them and their homes, and confiscate personal property.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and the press. However, the Government continued to place some limitations on
these rights. Citizens openly speak their views on a wide range of political and so-
cial issues, including vigorous criticism of the Government.
The Government owns stock in the three largest daily newspapers, and the Presi-
dent appoints their editors-in-chief. However, although these newspapers generally
follow the government line, they frequently criticize government policies. The Gov-
ernment also enjoys a monopoly on the printing and distribution of newspapers, in-
1431
eluding the opposition parties' papers. The Gk)vemment has been known to use its
monopolistic control of newsprint to limit the output of opposition publications.
Opposition political parties publish their own newspapers but receive a subsidy
from the Government and, in some cases, subsidies from foreign interests as well.
Most are weeklies, with the exception of the daily Al Wafd, the daily Al-Ahrar, and
Al-Shaab, the semiweekly of the Islamist-oriented Socialist Labor Party. All have
small circulations. Opposition newspapers frequently publish criticism of the Gov-
ernment, inspiring rejoinders from the g vemment-owned press. They also give
greater prominence to human rights abuses than the state-run newspapers. All
party newspapers are required by Taw to reflect the platform of their party.
The Press Law, the Publications Law, and the Penal Code govern press issues.
The laws stipulate fines or imprisonment for criticism of the President, members of
the Government, and foreign heads of state. The Constitution restricts ownership
of newspapers to public or private legal entities, corporate bodies, and political par-
ties. However, there are numerous restrictions on legal entities that wish to estab-
lish their own newspapers. Following implementation of the Press Law in 1996, the
Government issued licenses for four new newspapers. Newspapers published outside
Eg/pt can be distributed with government permission.
Xioel laws provide protection against malicious rumor-mongering and unsubstan-
tiated reporting. Financial penalties increased substantially in 1996 when relevant
provisions of the Penal Code were revised. However, the judicial process remains
long and costly, creating a bar to realistic legal recourse for those wrongly defamed.
In recent years, opposition party newspapers have, within limits, published articles
critical of the President and foreign heads of state without being charged or har-
assed. Most libel cases are brought by the Government, usually involving rumors
or charges of corruption against members of the families of government oflicials. On
several occasions in 1996, the public prosecutor interrogated editors and journalists
for publishing allegations of omcial misconduct and corruption. In one instance the
Government confiscated an issue of the newspaper, Sawt Al Umma which contained
an article critical of the Information Minister.
In 1996 the People's Assembly approved a revised Press Law, following criticism
of a more restrictive revision that had been approved in 1995. In related action, the
People's Assembly also revised certain articles in the Penal Code pertaining to libel
and slander. In addition, in February the Supreme Constitutional Court declared
unconstitutional Article 195 of the Penal Code under which an editor-in-chief could
have been considered criminally responsible for libel contained in any portion of the
newspaper. The Court ruled tnat tne correct standard of respxjnsibility should be
"negligence." This lesser standard was subsequently applied by the courts in sepa-
rate cases.
During the year, family members of senior government officials sued for libel in
two high-profile cases. In July an appeals court upheld an earlier conviction of
Magdy Ahmad Hussein, editor of the Islamic fundamentalist newspaper, Al Shaab,
for libeling Ala'a Alfi, a son of Interior Minister Hassan Alfi. This conviction in-
volved a 3-year sentence and a fine of $4,411.76 (15,000 Egyptian pounds). Hussein
has appealed to the Court of Cassation. Separately, other members of the Alfi family
also sued Hussein and fellow Al Shaab journalist Mohammed Hillal for libel. In Jan-
uary a misdemeanor court combined the cases and sentenced the two men to a sus-
pended sentence of 1 year. Hussein and Hillal are appealing this ruling.
On September 13, a misdemeanor court convicted six journalists from the I^ndon-
based newspaper Al-Sharq al-Awsat for libel of President Mubarak's sons, Gamal
and Alaa. On December 10, an appellate court judge dismissed this judgment after
Mubarak's sons dropped the charges following an out-of-court settlement in which
the newspaper agreed to reopen its Cairo ofiice and rehire its Egyptian employees.
Government officials also filed suit against 16 journalists in 6 cases during the
year.
On occasion, based on authority granted to him by law, the public prosecutor may
issue a temporary ban on the publication of news pertaining to cases involving na-
tional security and order so as to protect the confidentiality of the cases. During the
year, the public prosecutor banned publication of news in at least four instances,
including reporting on the Interior Minister's libel suit against Al Shaab editor Hus-
sein and the September 18 attack on tourists visiting the Egyptian museum. The
length of the ban is based on the length of time required for the prosecution to pre-
pare its case.
Various ministries are legally authorized to ban or confiscate books and other
works of art, upon obtaining a court order. The Islamic Research Center at Al Azhar
University has legal authority to censor, but not to confiscate, all publications deal-
ing with the Koran and Islamic scriptural texts. In recent years the Center has
passed judgment on the suitability oi nonreligious books ana artistic productions.
1432
In January 1995, an administrative court ruled that the sole authority to prohibit
publication or distribution of books and other works of art resides with the Ministry
of Culture. This decision voided a 1994 advisory opinion by a judiciary council that
had expanded Al-Azhar's censorship authority to include visual and audio artistic
works. The same year. President Mubarak stated that the Government would not
allow confiscation of books from the market without a court order, a position sup-
ported by the then-Grand Mufti, who is now the Grand Imam of Al Azhar.
There were no court-ordered confiscations during the year. However, one book
written by Islamist thinker Sayyed Al Qimny was seized by police on August 16
without a court order, after omcials at the Islamic Research Center at Al Azhar
ruled that it should be banned for violating religious laws and norms. On September
15, a court ruled in favor of lifting the confiscation and releasing all copies of the
book, "The God of Time."
On May 25, an appeals court upheld a previous decision by a lower court to sen-
tence author Ala'a Hamed to 1 year in prison and a fine of $58.82 (200 Egyptian
pounds) for the pornographic content of his book, "The Bed." Hamed appealed to the
Court of Cassation; on August 3, an appeals court suspended implementation of his
sentence and released him from jail pending a final ruling.
The Ministry of Interior regularly confiscates leaflets and other works by Muslim
fundamentalists. It also has the authority, which it exercises sporadically, to stop
specific issues of foreign-published newspapers from entering the country on the
grounds of protecting public order. The Ministry of Defense may ban works about
sensitive security issues.
The Council of Ministers may order the banning of works that it deems offensive
to public morals, detrimental to religion, or likely to cause a breach of the peace.
Plays and films must pass Ministry of Culture censorship tests as scripts and as
final productions. Many plaj^ and films, highly critical of the Government and its
policies, are not censored. The Ministry oi Culture also censors foreign films for
viewing in theaters, but it is more lenient when the same films are released in video
cassette format. Government censors ensure that foreign films made in Egypt por-
tray Egypt in a favorable light. Censors review scripts before filming, are present
during filming, and have the right to review the film before it is sent out oiE^'pt.
On August 3, a court dismissed all lawsuits filed against the film, "The Emi-
grant," ending a 2-year legal battle. Still pending before an appeals court is the case
against the film, "Birds of Darkness." Tne plaintiffs charge that it is insulting to
lawyers. Two related cases against the movie were dropped during the year. On
March 21, a court rejected an attempt to ban the distribution of the film, "Sleeping
in Honey." A group of lawyers filed suit against film director Youssef Chahine on
May 21, charging him with neglecting to obtain the approval of Al Azhar's Islamic
Research Center prior to distribution of his film, "Destiny." On May 19, an appeals
court acquitted two actors formerly convicted of pornography for their work in the
film, "Father of GJold," and augmented the fine assessed against the producer to
$1,470.59 (5,000 Egyptian pounds). 1
The Ministry of Information owns and operates all domestic television produc- /
tions. In the past, it has censored artistic works that criticized the Government or |
dealt with social problems from a nongovernmental perspective. The Ministry also ;
censored 10 articles of the English-language weekly The Middle East Times during i
the year. Some of the articles had contained allegations of human rights violations. ■
The Government also expelled the weekly's publisher, Thomas Cromwell, but cited
reasons unrelated to his position as a journalist for the action. Moderate Muslims
and secularist writers continue to find themselves under legal attack by Islamic ex-
tremists. Cairo University professor Nasr Abu Zeid and his wife continue to live
abroad following the 1996 Court of Cassation ruling that affirmed lower court judg-
ments that Abu Zeid is an apostate because of his controversial interpretation of
Koranic teachings. In May a member of the Al Azhar's Islamic Research Center pub-
licly attacked the writings of Dr. Hassan Hanafy, a professor of philosophy at Cfairo
University; however, the Center took no action against Hanafy. The courts have also
ruled against Islamic extremists. On June 29, a misdemeanor court dismissed a libel
suit brought against the magazine Rose Al Yussef for alleged violations of Islamic
norms, and awarded the magazine $5,882.35 (20,000 Egyptian pounds) as com-
pensation. On August 30, a misdemeanor court dismissed the $500 million suit
against the Cable News Network (CNN); the plaintiffs had accused CNN of defam-
ing Egypt's reputation in the network's 1994 news report depicting the performance
of female genital mutilation (PGM) on an Egyptian girl.
In January state security forces carried out raids in which they arrested some 80
middle and upper-class young people, mostly private school and university students,
devoted to heavy metal rock music and its trappings. According to rumors, they
were involved in Satan worship, marijuana use, and animal sacrifices. Forty-four of
1433
those picked up were remanded to custody, but all were released without charge
after aoout 2 weeks.
The Government does not directly restrict academic freedom at universities. How-
ever, some university professors claim that the Government tightened its control
over universities in 1994 in a law authorizing university presidents to appoint the
deans of the various faculties. Under the previous law, faculty deans were elected
by their peers. The Government has justihed the measure as a means to combat
Islamist influence on campus.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government continues to
maintain substantial restrictions on freedom of assembly. Under a 1923 law, citi-
zens must obtain approval from the Ministry of Interior before holding public meet-
ings, rallies, and protest marches. The Interior Ministry selectively obstructs meet-
ings scheduled to be held on private oroperty, including university campuses. Ac-
cording to human rights groups, the Government canceled or disrupted more than
40 meetings during the year, most of which were related to opposition to the Agrar-
ian Reform Law.
The Government continues to maintain substantial restrictions on freedom of as-
sociation. Under law 32 of 1964, the Ministry of Social Affairs has extensive author-
ity over associations and private foundations, including the right to license and dis-
solve them, confiscate their properties, appoint members to their boards, and inter-
cede in other administrative matters. Licenses may be revoked if such organizations
engage in political or religious activities. The law authorizes the Ministry to "merge
two or more associations to achieve a similar function," a provision that may be
used to merge an undesirable organization out of existence.
Since 1985 the Government has refused to license the Egyptian Organization for
Human Ri^ts (EOHR) and the Arab Organization for Human Rights (AOHR) on
grounds that they are political organizations. Nevertheless, both continue to operate
openly (see Section 4). Under 1993 legislation on professional syndicates, an associa-
tion must elect its governing board by at least 50 percent of its general membership.
Failing a quorum, a second election must be held in which at least 30 percent of
the membership votes for the board. If such a quorum is impossible, the judiciary
may appoint a caretaker board until new elections can be set. The law was adopted
to prevent well-organized minorities, specifically Islamists, from capturing or retain-
ing the leadership of professional syndicates. Members of these syndicates have re-
ported that Islamists have used such irregular electoral techniaues as physically
blocking polling places and limiting or changing the location of polling sites.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of belief and the
practice of religious rites. However, the Government places clear restrictions on this
right. Most Egyptians are Muslim, but at least 10 per cent of the population, 6 mil-
lion people, belong to the Coptic Orthodox Church. There are other small Christian
denominations, as well as a Jewish community numbering fewer than 50 persons.
For the most part, members of the non-Muslim minority worship without harass-
ment and maintain links with coreligionists abroad. Under the Constitution, Islam
is the official state religion and primary source of legislation. Accordingly, religious
firactices that conflict with Islamic law are prohibited. However, in most matters of
amily law. Christians are subject to church law. While neither the Constitution nor
the Civil and Penal Codes prohibit proselytizing. Christians have been arrested on
charges of violating Article 98f of the Penal Code, which prohibits citizens from ridi-
culing or insulting heavenly religions or inciting sectarian strife. There were no re-
ports of such arrests during the year. Some Christians have complained that the
Government and security forces are lax in protecting Christian lives and property
(see Section 5). There are no legal restrictions on the conversion of non-Muslims to
Islam. However, Muslims may Face legal problems if they convert to another faith.
Authorities have charged a few Muslim converts to Christianity under Article 98f
of the Penal Code. In other cases, authorities have charged converts with violating
laws prohibiting the falsification of documents. In such instances, Muslim converts
to Christianity, who fear government harassment if they seek an official modifica-
tion, have themselves altered their identification cards and other official identity
documents to reflect their new religious affiliation. There were no confirmed reports
of individuals detained or charged during the year under these laws. In January
human rights activist Mamdouh Nakhlah filed suit seeking removal of the religious
afliliation category from identification cards (see below).
An 1856 Ottoman Decree still in force requires non-Muslims to obtain what is
now a presidential decree to build or repair a place of worship. In addition. Interior
Ministry regulations issued in 1934 specify a set of 10 conditions that the Govern-
ment must consider prior to issuance of a presidential decree permitting construc-
tion or renovation of a church. These conditions include the location of the proposed
site, the religious composition of the surrounding community, and the proximity of
1434
other churches. Although President Mubarak has approved all requests for permits
presented to him (reportedly a total of 230 during his 16-year tenure), Christians
maintain that the Interior Ministry delays, in some instances indefinitely, submis-
sion to the President of their requests. They also maintain that security forces have
blocked them from utilizing permits that have been issued. In January 1996, human
rights activist Mamdouh Nakhla filed a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of
the Ottoman Decree and the Interior Ministry regulations. The case remains before
the court.
As a result of these restrictions, some communities use private buildings and
apartments for religious services. During the 1990's, the Grovernment increased the
number of building permits issued to Christian communities to an average of more
than 20 per year, compared with the average of 5 permits issued annually in the
1980's. However, in 1997 the Government issued only 3 permits for the construction
of new churches and another 3 for repairs and reconstruction. Construction and ren-
ovation approved by previously issued permits continued throughout the year.
In 1994 the Alexandria government closed two buildings near the city that had
been used by evangelical Christians since 1990 for church activities. The Govern-
ment claimed that the church lacked a building permit. Lawyers for the church ar-
gued that the closures violated previous court rulings upholding the right to conduct
religious services in private buildings without prior government approval. They also
pointed out that the closed buildings were located in an area where unlicensed
buildings are common. On September 1, an administrative court in Alexandria
upheld the Government's decision to close the buildings, stating that the construc-
tion of the buildings without permits violated the building code. The court did not
address the issue of freedom of worship in its decision. The plaintiffs are appealing
this decision.
The Government continued its efTorts to extend legal controls to all mosques,
which by law must be licensed. The Government appoints and pays the salaries of
the imams officiating in mosques, and proposes themes for and monitors sermons.
Of the country's approximately 70,000 mosques, nearly half remain unlicensed and
operate outside the control of government authorities. In an effort to combat Islamic
extremists, the Government announced its intention to bring 10,000 unauthorized
mosques under its control during the year.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens and foreigners are free to travel within Egypt except in certain
military areas. Males who have not completed compulsory military service may not
travel abroad or emigrate, although this restriction can be deferred or bypassed. Un-
married women under the age of 21 must have permission from their fathers to ob-
tain passports and travel; married women require the same permission from their
husbands. Citizens who leave the country have the right to return.
The Constitution forbids the deportation of citizens and aliens granted political
asylum. Egypt grants first asylum for humanitarian reasons or in the event of inter-
nal turmouin neighboring countries. Asylum seekers generally are screened by rep-
resentatives of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR),
whose recommendations regarding settlement are forwarded to the Ministries of In-
terior and Foreign Affairs for final determination. Refugees accepted by the Govern-
ment are permitted to live and work but cannot acquire Egyptian citizenship, with
rare exceptions. During the year, the (jovernment accepted more than 6,000 refu-
gees, including more than 3,000 Somalis and more than 1,500 Sudanese, for tem-
porary resettlement. Although there is no pattern of abuse of refugees, the Govern-
ment temporarily detained some refugees (who had earlier been accorded protection
status) during random security sweeps. Following intervention by the UNHCR, the
refugees were released.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) dominates the 454-seat People's As-
sembly, the Shura Council, local governments, the mass media, labor, the large pub-
lic sector, and the licensing of new political parties, newspapers, and private organi-
zations to such an extent that, as a practical matter, citizens do not have a mean-
ingful ability to change their government.
In 1993 President Hosni Mubarak was elected unopposed to a third 6-year term
by the People's Assembly. In October of that year, his reelection was approved by
96 percent of the voters in a national referendum. Under the Constitution, the elec-
torate is not presented with a choice among competing presidential candidates. Two
opposition parties urged the public to boycott the referendum, and two other parties
urged the public to vote against the President. The other opposition parties en-
dorsed the President's candidacy.
1435
More than 100 losing candidates in the fall 1995 legislative elections filed com-
plaints in the administrative courts, alleging ballot-rigging and other irregularities.
The courts agreed with most of these claims. Although the judiciary has the author-
ity to determine whether or not irregularities took place, it does not have the au-
thority to remove an elected member of the Assembly, a right that the Assembly
claims solely for itself, citing the concept of parliamentary sovereignty. The Assem-
bly has not called for any new by-elections in response to the court's judgment, nor
is it expected to do so.
The Assembly debates government proposals, and members exercise their author-
ity to call cabinet ministers to explain policy. The executive initiates almost all leg-
islation. Nevertheless, the Assembly maintains the authority to challenge or re-
strain the executive in the areas of economic and social policy, out it may not modify
the budget except with the Government's approval. The Assembly exercises limited
influence in the areas of security and foreign policy, and there is little oversight of
the Interior Ministry's use of emergency law powers. Many executive branch initia-
tives and policies are carried out by regulation through ministerial decree without
legislative oversight. The military budget is prepared by the executive and not de-
bated publicly. Roll-call votes in the Assembly are rare. Votes are generally reported
in aggregate terms of yeas and nays, and thus constituents have no independent
method of checking a member's voting record.
There are 13 recognized opposition parties. The law empowers the Government
to bring felony charges against those who form a party without a license. New par-
ties must be approved by the Parties Committee, a semiofficial body including a
substantial majority of members from the ruling NDP and some members from
among the independents and opposition parties. Decisions of the Parties Committee
may be appealed to the civil courts. No new parties sought approval during the
year. Sixteen parties whose applications have been previously denied are contesting
the decisions.
According to the law, which prohibits political parties based on religion, the Mus-
lim Brotherhood is an illegal political organization. Muslim Brothers are publicly
known and openly speak their views, but are subject to government pressure (see
Section l.d.). Some have served in the Assembly as independents or as members of
other recognized parties.
In the April elections to local councils, which range in size from the smallest gov-
ernment administrative unit to the governorate level, the NDP won more than 95
percent of the seats. Prior to the actual voting, the NDP had gained more than 50
percent of the seats by default. Some opposition parties boycotted the elections,
which were characterized by a low turnout. Local council elections are held every
4 years.
Women and minorities are underrepresented in government and politics. The Con-
stitution reserves 10 assembly seats for presidential appointees, which the President
traditionally has used to assure representation for Coptic Christians and women.
Five women and no Copts were elected in 1995; of the 10 presidential appointments,
6 were Copts and 4 were women. The ruling NDP nominated no Coptic candidates
in the 1995 parliamentary elections. Two women and 2 Copts serve among the 32
ministers in the Cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government refuses to license local human rights groups as private entities
under Law 32 of 1964 (see Section 2.b.). Since 1986 the Government has refused
to license the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights on grounds that it is a polit-
ical organization and duplicates the activities of an existing, although moribund,
human rights group (see Section 2.b.). The EOHR has appealed the denial in the
courts, and continues to conduct activities openly, pending a final judicial deter-
mination of its status.
The Arab Organization for Human Rights, EOHR's parent organization, has a
longstanding request for registration as a foreign organization with the Ministry of
Foreign Afi'airs. The Ministry has not approved the request thus far, stating that
the issue is dependent on the outcome of efforts within the League of Arab States
to establish a human rights body.
Despite their nonrecognition, the EOHR and other groups sometimes enjoy the co-
operation of government officials. The Government allows EOHR field workers to
visit prisons in their capacity as legal counsel, to call on some government officials,
and to receive funding from foreign human rights organizations. Many local and
international human rights activists have concluded, however, that government re-
strictions on the activities of NGO's have significantly inhibited reporting on human
rights abuses.
1436
There were no reports during the year that the Government banned meetings of
human rights groups, although the Gk)vemment on occasion makes the holding of
such meetings difficult. For example, some human rights organizations have found
requests for conference space turned down for "security reasons" or reservations
later canceled for "maintenance reasons." Other human rights organizations, such
as the Center for Human Rights Legal Aid, are registered with the Government as
corporations under commercial or civil law, thus avoiding the obstacles posed by
Law 32 (see Section 2.b.).
In 1995 the Ministry of Justice issued a nonbinding advisory ruling stating that
such organizations properly should be considered nongovernmental organizations as
defined by Law 32 and registered accordingly, or face punitive action. However, the
Government did not close down any group during the year.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equality of the sexes and equal treatment of non-
Muslims, but aspects of the law and many traditional practices discriminate against
women and Christians.
Women. — Family violence against women occurs and is reflected in press accounts
of specific incidents. According to recent statistics, one of every three women who
have ever been married has been beaten at least once during marriage. Among
those who have been beaten, less than half have ever sought help. In general, neigh-
bors and extended family members intervene to limit incidents of domestic violence.
Abuse within the family is rarely discussed publicly, due to the value attached to
privacy in this traditional society. Several NGO's have begun offering counseling,
legal aid, and other services to women who are victims of domestic violence. Rape
is known to occur, but reliable statistics are not available. When "honor killings"
(a man murdering a female relative for her perceived lack of chastity) occur, per-
petrators generally receive lighter punishments than those convicted in other cases
of murder. The law provides for equality of the sexes, but aspects of the law and
many traditional practices discriminate against women. By law, unmarried women
under the age of 21 must have permission from their fathers to obtain passports
and travel; married women of any age require the same permission from their hus-
bands (see Section 2.d.). Only males can confer citizenship. In rare cases, this means
that children bom to Egyptian mothers and stateless fathers are themselves state-
less. A woman's testimony is equal to that of a man's in Egyptian courts.
Laws affecting marriage and personal status generally correspond to an individ-
ual's religion, which is Islam for most citizens. A 1979 liberalization of the Family
Status Law strengthening a Muslim woman's rights to divorce and child custody
was repealed in 1985 after it was found unconstitutional for conflicting with Islamic
law. A new marriage contract for Muslim women was proposed in 1995 to replace
the current one drafted in 1931. It stipulates premarital negotiations on a wide vari-
ety of issues, including the woman's right to work, study and travel abroad, and di-
vorce settlements. (Jovemment approval is still pending.
Under Islamic law, non-Muslim males must convert to Islam to marry Muslim
women, but non-Muslim women need not convert to marry Muslim men. Muslim fe-
male heirs receive half the amount of a male heir's inheritance, while Christian wid-
ows of Muslims have no inheritance rights. A sole female heir receives half her par-
ents' estate; the balance goes to designated male relatives. A sole male heir inherits
all his parents' property. Male Muslim heirs face strong social pressure to provide
for all family members who need assistance. However, this assistance is not always
provided.
Women have employment opportunities in government, medicine, law, academia,
the arts, and, to a lesser degree, in business. According to government figures,
women constitute 17 percent of private business owners, and occupy 25 percent of
the managerial positions in the four major national banks. Social pressure against
women pursuing a career is strong, and some women's rights advocates say that a
resurgent Islamic fundamentalist trend limits further gains. Women's rights advo-
cates also point to other discriminatory traditional or cultural attitudes and prac-
tices such as female genital mutilation and the traditional male relative's role in
enforcing chastity and chaste sexual conduct.
A number of active women's rights groups work in diverse areas, including re-
forming the Personal Status Code, educating women on their legal rights, combating
FGM, and rewriting the marriage contract.
Children. — The Government remains committed to the protection of children's
welfare within the limits of its budgetary resources. Many of the resources for chil-
dren's welfare are provided by international donors, especially in the field of child
1437
immunization. Child labor is widespread, despite the Government's commitment to
eradicate it (see Section 6.d.).
The Government provides public education, which is compulsory for the first 9
academic years (typically until the age of 15). In education the Government treats
boy^ and girls equally at all levels of education.
The Government enacted a new Child Law in 1996. The law provides for more
privileges, protection, and care for children in general. Six of the law's 144 articles
set advantageous rules for working children (see Section 6.d.). (Dther provisions in-
clude: Employers are to set up or contract with a child care center if they employ
more than 100 women; the right of rehabilitation for disabled children; defendants
between the ages of 16 and 18 may not be sentenced to capital punishment, hard
labor for life, or temporary hard labor; and defendants under the age of 15 may not
be placed in preventive custody, although the prosecution may order that they be
lodged in an t)b8ervation house" and be summoned upon request.
The Government remains committed to eradicating the practice of female genital
mutilation, which is widely condemned by international health experts as damaging
to both physical and psychological health. Despite strong government and commu-
nity efforts to eradicate FGM, government and private sources agree that it is com-
mon. Traditional and family pressures remain strong; a recent study places the per-
centage of Egyptian women who have undergone FGM at 97 percent. FGM is gen-
erally performed on girls between the ages of 7 and 10, with equal prevalence
among Muslims and Coptic Christians.
The 1996 decree by the Minister of Health and Population Planning banning the
practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) was challenged in the courts on the
grounds that the ban was unconstitutional. On December 28, the Supreme Adminis-
trative Court, the court of last resort in this matter, upheld the Government's ban.
The Government also supports a range of efforts to educate the public. A discussion
of FGM and its dangers has been added to the curriculum of the school system. The
Government broadcasts television programs condemning the practice. The Minister
of Awqaf (religious endowments) and the Minister of Health met with 6,500 new
imams (Muslim preachers) on August 25 and advised them that FGM is a bad habit
unrelated to Islam. Senior religious leaders also support efforts to stop the practice.
The Sheikh of Al Azhar, the most senior Islamic figure in the country, and the lead-
er of the Coptic Christian community. Pope Shenouda, have stated repeatedly that
FGM is not required by religious doctrine. A number of NGO's also work actively
to educate the public about the health hazards of the practice.
In December a provincial court in Qalyub found Dr. Rabie Ibrahim Mahgoub
guilty of "immense medical negligence" in the death of a 14-year-old girl on whom
he performed FGM in April. The court sentenced Mahgoub to 1 year on jail and a
$150 (510 Egyptian pounds) fine for causing her death.
People With Disabilities. — There are approximately 5.7 million disabled persons,
of whom 1.5 million are severely disabled. The (government makes serious efforts
to address their rights. It works closely with United Nations agencies and other
international aid donors to design job-training programs for the disabled. The (jov-
emment also seeks to increase the public's awareness of the capabilities of the dis-
abled in television programming, the print media, and in educational material in
public schools.
By law, all businesses must designate 5 percent of their jobs for the disabled, who
are exempt from normal literacy requirements. Although there is no legislation
mandating access to public accommodations and transportation, the disabled may
ride government-owned mass transit buses without charge, are given priority in ob-
taining telephones, and receive reductions on customs duties for private vehicles.
Religious Minorities. — The Constitution provides that all citizens are equal before
the law and prohibits discrimination basea on religion. For the most part these con-
stitutional protections are upheld by the (government. However, discrimination
against Christians still exists.
The approximately 6 million Coptic Christians are the objects of occasional violent
assaults oy Muslim extremists. During the year, extremists were responsible for
killing at least 23 Egyptian Christians, most in the Minya and Assiyut govenorates,
where about 30 to 40 percent of the inhabitants are Christian (see Section l.a.). Acts
of violence also were reported against churches and Coptic-owned businesses; some
carried out by extremists, but others committed by ordinary citizens. Rumors of
church repairs or building without permits occasionally resulted in anti-Christian
rioting by citizens. In one incident in the delta village of Greis, local newspapers
reported that two members of the Muslim Brotherhood claimed that a priest was
building a monastery without government permission. This false rumor, repeated at
evening prayer, incited local residents to set fire to the house on June 18.
1438
Some Christians have complained that the Government is lax in protecting Chris-
tian lives and property. Security forces arrest extremists who perpetrate violence
against Christians, but some members of the Christian conmiunity do not believe
that the Government is sufficiently vigorous in its efforts to prevent attacks. They
also maintain that the Government does little to correct nonviolent forms of dis-
crimination, including its own.
In general, security forces responded rapidly to attacks against Christians during
the year. The Government also thoroughly investigated the incidents, filing charges
as appropriate. Following the deadly attack on church youths in Abu Qurqas in Feb-
ruary, the Minister of Awqaf and senior Islamic figures traveled to the site to con-
demn the action and to express condolences.
There were reports of forced conversions of Coptic children to Islam, but even
human rights groups find it extremely difficult to determine the actual degree of
compulsion used, as most cases involve a Coptic girl converting to Islam to marry
a Muslim boy. According to the Government, the girl in such cases must meet with
her family, with her priest, and with the head of her church before she is allowed
to convert. However, there are credible reports of government harassment of Chris-
tian families attempting to regain custody of their daughters, and of the failure of
the authorities to uphold the law that states that a marriage of a girl under the
age of 16 is prohibited and between the ages of 16 and 21 is illegal without the ap-
proval and presence of her guardian.
Government discriminatory practices include: Suspected statistical underrepresen-
tation of the size of the Christian population; anti-Christian discrimination in edu-
cation; failure to admit Christians into schools of Arabic studies to become Arabic
teachers as the curriculum involves study of the Koran; job discrimination in the
public sector — the police, the armed forces, and other government agencies; reported
discrimination against Christians in staff appointments at universities; and their
under representation in government. There are no Coptic governors and no Copts
in the upper ranks of the military or police. There were no anti-Christian television
programs during the year.
In November more than 100 leading Egyptians, including university professors,
members of the People's Assembly and Shura Council, journalists, artists, and NGO
activists, signed a public statement that acknowledged discrimination against Chris-
tians. This "Declaration to the Nation" ran in Al-Shaab, an opposition newspaper
often critical of the Government, which is published by the minority Labor Party.
The statement, which Al-Shaab ran for free with 50 signatures on November 7, and
again with an additional 50 signatures on November 21, acknowledged that Chris-
tians suffer from discrimination, but it stated that the Egyptian people and authori-
ties had to resolve these problems within an "Egyptian framework." The statement
also rejected foreign criticism and interference in this area.
Anti-Semitism in the Egyptian press is found primarily, but not exclusively, in the
nonofficial press of the opposition parties. The Government has condemned anti-
Semitism and advised journalists and cartoonists to avoid anti-Semitism. There
have been no anti-Semitic incidents in recent years directed at the tiny Jewish com-
munity.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers may join trade unions but are not required
to do so. A union local, or workers' committee, may be formed if 50 employees ex-
press a desire to organize. Most union members, about 27 per cent of the labor force,
are employed by state-owned enterprises. The law stipulates that "high administra-
tive" oflicials in government and the public sector may not join unions.
There are 23 trade unions, all required to belong to the Egyptian Trade Union
Federation (ETUF), the sole legally recognized labor federation. The International
Labor Organization's Committee of Experts repeatedly has emphasized that a law
requiring all trade unions to belong to a single federation infringes on the freedom
of association. The Government has shown no sign that it intends to accept the es-
tablishment of more than one federation. The ETUF leadership asserts that it ac-
tively promotes worker interests and that there is no need for another federation.
ETIJF officials have close relations with the NDP, and some are members of the
People's Assembly or the Shura Council. They speak vigorously on behalf of worker
concerns, but public confrontations between the ETUF and the Government are
rare. Disputes are more often resolved by consensus behind closed doors.
The labor laws do not adequately provide statutory authorization for the rights
to strike and to engage in collective bargaining. Even though the right to strike is
not provided, strikes occur. The Government considers strikes a form of public dis-
turbance and hence illegal.
1439
A limited number of strikes took place in the public sector during the year, mainly
over wage and dismissal questions. Local security forces used tear gas and physical
force on June 18 to break up a strike involving hundreds of employees at Zagazig
University, located 50 miles east of Cairo. One employee was reportedly seriously
harmed by exposure to tear gas, but the person recovered.
Some unions within the ETUF are affiliated with international trade union orga-
nizations. Others are in the process of becoming affiliated.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Under the law, unions may
negotiate work contracts with public sector enterprises if the latter agree to such
negotiations, but unions otherwise lack collective bargaining power in the state sec-
tor. Under current circumstances, collective bargaining does not exist in any mean-
ingful sense because the Government sets wages, benefits, and job classifications by
law.
Firms in the private sector generally do not adhere to such government-mandated
standards. Although they are required to observe some government practices, such
as the minimum wage, social security insurance, and official holidays, they often do
not adhere to government practice in non-binding matters, including award of the
annual Labor Day bonus.
Labor law and practice are the same in the export processing zones (EPZ's) as in
the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^Article 13 of the Constitution pro-
hibits forced labor. However, the Criminal Code authorizes sentences of hard labor
for some crimes. Although the law does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded
labor by children, such practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.d.).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Under the
Child Law approved in 1996 (see Section 5), the minimum age for employment is
14 in nonagricultural work. Provincial governors, with the approval of the Minister
of Agriculture, can authorize seasonal work for children between the ages of 12 and
14, provided that duties are not hazardous and do not interfere with schooling.
Preemployment training for children under the age of 12 is prohibited. It is prohib-
ited for children to work for more than 6 hours a day, including one or more breaks
totaling at least 1 hour. Children are not to work overtime, during their weekly day
off, between 8 p.m. and 7 a.m., or more than 4 hours continuously. Education is
compulsory for the first 9 academic years (typically until the age of 15). Ministry
of Health figures indicate that 2 million children between the ages of 6 and 15 are
employed. A 1989 study estimated that perhaps 720,000 children work on farms.
However, children also work as apprentices in repair and craft shops, in heavier in-
dustries such as brick making and textiles, and as workers in leather and carpet
making factories. While local trade unions report that the Ministry of Labor ade-
quately enforces the labor laws in state-owned enterprises, enforcement in the pri-
vate sector, especially in family-owned enterprises, is lax. Many of these children
are abused and overworked by their employers, and the restrictions in the new
Child Law have not improved their condition due to lax enforcement on the part
of the Government. Although the law does not specifically prohibit forced and bond-
ed labor by children, such practices are not known to occur (see Section 6.c).
Two accidents involving child agricultural workers during the year highlighted
the problem of enforcement. On September 21, 29 children were drowned and 56
were injured when a truck crashed into a canal in Kfar Sheikh. More than 100 chil-
dren, ranging in age from 5 to 15, were being transported in the truck to pick cot-
ton. On October 1, six children were drowned in a similar truck accident in
Dakhaliya. Ranging in age from 5 to 15, they too were harvesting cotton.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — For government and public-sector employees,
the minimum wage is approximately $28 (about 95 Egyptian pounds) a month for
a 6-day, 42-hour workweek. Base pay is supplemented by a complex system of fringe
benefits and bonuses that may double or triple a worker's take-home pay. The aver-
age worker and family could not survive on a worker's base pay at the minimum
wage rate. The minimum wage is also legally binding on the private sector, and
larger private companies generally observe the requirement and pay bonuses as
well. Smaller firms do not always pay the minimum wage or bonuses.
The Ministry of Labor sets worker health and safety standards, which also apply
in the export processing zones, but enforcement and inspection are uneven. The law
prohibits employers from maintaining hazardous working conditions, and workers
have the right to remove themselves from hazardous conditions without risking loss
of employment.
1440
IRAN
The Islamic Republic of Iran ^ was established in 1979 after a populist revolution
toppled the monarchy. The Government is dominated by Shi'a Miislim clergy. Aya-
tollah Ali Khamenei is the Leader of the Islamic Revolution and functions as the
Chief of State. He is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. President
Seyed Mohammad Khatami was inaugurated in August, following a landslide vic-
tory in elections held on May 23. The Constitution establishes a 270-seat unicameral
Islamic Consultative Assembly, or Majles. The Government seeks to conform public
policy to its political and socio-religious values, but serious difierences exist within
the leadership and within the clergy. The Government maintains power through
widespread repression and intimidation. The judiciary is subject to government and
religious influence.
Several agencies share responsibility for internal security, including the Ministry
of Intelligence and Security, the Ministry of Interior, and the Revolutionary Guards,
a military force established after the revolution. Paramilitary volunteer forces
known as Basijis, and gangs of street thugs, known as the Ansar-e Hezbollah (Help-
ers of the Party of God), who are often aligned with specific conservative members
of the clergy, act as vigilantes. Both regular and paramilitary security forces com-
mitted numerous, serious human rights abuses.
Iran has a mixed economy. The Government owns the petroleum and utilities in-
dustries and the banks. Large charitable foundations called bonyads, most with
strong connections to the Government, control properties expropriated from the
former Shah and figures associated with his regime. The bonyads exercise consider-
able influence in the economy. Oil exports are the primary source of foreign ex-
change. Mismanagement and corruption have created serious economic problems.
Unemployment in 1997 was estimated to be at least 25 percent, and inflation was
an estimated 20 percent.
The Government's human rights record remained poor. The Government restricts
the right of citizens to change their government. Systematic abuses include
extrajudicial killings and summary executions; disappearances; widespread use of
torture and other degrading treatment; harsh prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and
detention; unfair trials; infringement on citizens' privacy; and restriction of the free-
doms of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement. The Govern-
ment manipulates the electoral system and represses political dissidents. However,
during the presidential election campaign however, a lively debate on political, eco-
nomic, and social issues occurred, although the Government closed several news-
papers, disqualified candidates, and intimidated opposition campaigners by encour-
aging vigilante attacks. Supreme Leader Khamenei, in a break with precedent,
backed one candidate, Majles Speaker Ali Akbar Nateq-Nuri. Nonetheless,
Khatami's election victory, with nearly 70% of the vote, was not disputed and the
regime apparently did not engage in election fraud. Khatami's election appeared to
demonstrate a strong desire among his supporters, primarily women, youtn, and the
middle class, for greater social and cultural freedom and increased economic oppor-
tunity. Women face legal and social discrimination. The Government discriminates
against minorities and restricts important worker rights.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — U.N. representatives, including the
U.N. Special Representative on Human Rights in Iran, Maurice Copithorne, and
independent human rights organizations continue to comment on the absence of pro-
cedural safeguards in criminal trials. Inhuman punishments are used in some cases,
including stoning (see Section I.e.). In 1992 the domestic press stopped reporting
most executions; however, executions appear to continue in substantial numbers.
Amnesty International (AI) reported that at least 110 persons were executed in
1996, a substantial increase over the previous year's total of 50 executions. Special
Representative Copithorne reported 137 executions through November.
Iranian journalist Ebrahim Zalzadeh, editor of Mayar literary magazine, had criti-
cized government censorship and persecution of writers, and was arrested in Feb-
ruary. His body was found on March 29 with multiple stab wounds to the chest,
according to Human Rights Watch (HRW). It is widely believed that the regime is
responsible. Attorney Mohammed Assadi was executed on August 9 on charges that
^The United States does not have an embassy in Iran. This report draws heavily on non-U.S.
Government sources.
1441
included taking part in a 1980 coup attempt, visiting Israel before the 1979 Iranian
revolution, and being a Freemason and a member oi the International Lions organi-
zation.
Exiles and human rights monitors allege that many of those executed for criminal
offenses, primarily narcotics charges, are actually political dissidents. A November
1995 law criminalized dissent and applied the death penalty to offenses such as "at-
tempts against the security of the State, outrage against high-ranking Iranian offi-
cials, ana insults against the memory of Imam Khomeini and against the Leader
of the Islamic Republic."
Two Baha'i men reportedly died under circumstances that led some observers to
believe that the men were killed because of their religious beliefs.
Investigations of the killing of political dissidents abroad continued in 1997. A
verdict issued on January 24 oy the seventh Criminal Court of Istanbul sentenced
an Iranian citizen to more than 32 years in prison with hard labor for his role —
under the supervision of the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence and Security — in the
murders of two members of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran, according
to the U.N. Special Representative.
On April 10, in its official verdict, the Berlin Superior Court stated that the Su-
preme Leader, President and Minister of Intelligence and Security had ordered the
1992 killings of three Kurdish Iranian dissidents and their translator at the
Mykonos restaurant in Berlin. The trial revealed persuasive evidence that govern-
ment agents were responsible for the killings and that senior Iranian government
officials had ordered them.
In June a Swiss judge voiced suspicions that Iranian authorities ordered the 1990
murder of Kazem Kajavi, a member of the National Council of Iranian Resistance.
The announcement was made after IV2 years of close collaboration with German ju-
dicial authorities.
The U.N. Special Rapporteur noted that a total of 91 mostly Kurdish
oppositionists based in Iraq were reported to have been killed by the Iranian regime
in 1997, as a result both of targeted killings and armed clashes.
The Government took no action to repudiate the fatwa, or religious ruling, calling
for the murder of British author Salman Rushdie or anyone associated with his
book, "The Satanic Verses."
b. Disappearance. — No reliable information is available on the number of dis-
appearances. In the period immediately following arrest, many detainees are held
incommunicado.
Faraj Sarkuhi, who disappeared for 2 months in 1996, was arrested in February
and convicted of spreading antigovemment propaganda (see Section 2. a.).
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Credible reports indicate that security forces continue to torture detainees and pris-
oners. Common methods include suspension for long periods in contorted positions,
burning with cigarettes, and, most frequently, severe and repeated beatings with ca-
bles or other instruments on the back and on the soles of the feet. A July 1996 law
strengthens Islamic punishments such as flogging, stoning, amputations, and public
executions. Four people were reported to have been stoned in 1997. According to
Amnesty International, in August a 20-year-old woman, Zoleykhah Kadkhoda, was
arrested on charges of adultery and stoned on the same day, but survived.
Prison conditions are harsh. Some prisoners are held in solitary confinement or
denied adequate food or medical care in order to force confessions. Female prisoners
have reportedly been raped or otherwise tortured while in detention. In the past,
prison guards have intimidated the family members of detainees and have some-
times tortured detainees in their presence. Special Representative Copithorne met
privately in 1996 with detainee Abbas Amir Entezam, a former deputy minister in
the government of Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan. Amir Entezam reported that
the conditions in Evin prison improved after 1989, but that political prisoners still
were housed with violent criminals and denied regular family visits. Amir Entezam
claimed that he was beaten so severely that he lost the hearing in his left ear. There
is no indication that conditions in the prisons have improved substantially since
Copithorne's visit.
The Government does not permit unrestricted visits to imprisoned dissidents by
human rights monitors. During the 1996 visit the U.N. Special Representative was
not able to see all the dissidents he asked to see.
In September 1994, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) issued
a report on "unresolved humanitarian issues" from the Iran-Iraq war. The ICRC
noted that the Government failed to identify combatants killed in action and failed
to exchange information on those killed or missing. The report criticized the Govern-
ment for obstructing ICRC efforts to register and repatriate prisoners of war
(POW's). The ICRC estimated in August that more than 13,000 Iraqi POWs had not
1442
been repatriated. Iran released 46 POW's in September in what it called a humani-
tarian gesture. In late November, Iran released 500 Iraqi POW's, describing it as
a "philanthropic" action. The governments of Iran and Iraq made little progress dur-
ing the year on resolving the issue of those missing in action.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Although the Constitution prohibits arbi-
trary arrest and detention, it remains a problem. There is reportedly no legal time
limit on incommunicado detention, nor any judicial means to determine the legality
of detention. Suspects may be held for questioning in jails or in local Revolutionary
Guard offices.
The security forces often do not inform family members of a prisoner's welfare and
location. Even if these circumstances are known, the prisoner still may be denied
visits by family and legal counsel. In addition, families of executed prisoners do not
always receive notification of the prisoner's death. Those that do receive such infor-
mation may be forced to pay the Government to retrieve the body of their relative.
On December 14, Ebrariim Yazdi, Secretary-General of the Freedom Movement
(IFM) since 1995, was arrested on unknown charges and detained in Evin prison
in Tehran. Yazdi was Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Islamic Republic's first gov-
ernment after the 1979 revolution. He tried to run in recent presidential and par-
liamentary elections but was denied permission by the regime. Yazdi had made pub-
lic statements that may have been considered insulting to the Supreme Leader and
joined some 50 others in signing an open letter to President Khatami urging the
regime to respect the rights of dissident clerics. He was released on December 25,
but faces charges of "desecrating religious sanctities," according to press reports.
Although the Government claimed to have released Abbas Amir Entezam early
in 1996, he is still detained. Initially arrested in 1979 on charges of espionage and
condemned to life in prison, he is now held under house arrest.
Adherents of the Baha'i faith continue to face arbitrary arrest and detention. The
Government appears to adhere to a practice of keeping a small number of Baha'is
in detention at any given time. According to the Special Representative and Baha'i
groups, at least 21 Baha'is are currently in Iranian prisons, including 2 men con-
victed of apostasy and sentenced to death. Two other Baha'i men are in prison and
sentenced to death for espionage and Zionist activities. Eleven Baha'is were arrested
between May and Decemoer, two on unknown charges, one for proselytizing a Mus-
lim, four for holding Baha'i meetings, and four for working without permits (see Sec-
tion 2.C.).
Although reliable statistics are not available, observers believe that scores or hun-
dreds of Iranians are currently imprisoned for their political beliefs.
The Government does not use forced exile, but many dissidents leave Iran because
they feel threatened. Amnesty International reported in June that at least three dis-
sident senior religious figures have been held under house arrest. The clerics in-
clude Ayatollah Hassan Tabataei-Qomi, under house arrest for more than 13 years;
AyatoUah Mohammad SadeqRowhani, under house arrest for more than 12 years;
and Ayatollah Yasub al-Din Rastgari, under house arrest since late 1996. Addition-
ally, the ayatoUahs' followers reportedly have been detained and tortured.
e. Denial- of Fair Public Trial. — The court system is not independent and is sub-
ject to government and religious influence.
Iran has two court systems: The traditional courts, which adjudicate civil and
criminal offenses; and the Islamic Revolutionary Courts, established in 1979 to try
political offenses, narcotics crimes, and "crimes against God."
Many aspects of the prerevolutionary judicial system survive in the civil and
criminal courts. For example defendants have the right to a public trial, may choose
their own lawyer, and have the right of appeal. Trials are adjudicated by panels of
judges. There is no jury system. If a situation is not addressed by statutes enacted
after the 1979 revolution, the Government advises judges to give precedence to Is-
lamic law rather than rely on statues enacted during the Shah's regime. The courts
are subject to political innuence. The Revolutionary Courts may consider cases nor-
mally in the jurisdiction of the civil and criminal courts, and also may overturn
their decisions. Criteria for assigning cases to either system of courts appear to be
arbitrary and unsystematic. The Supreme Court has limited authority to review
cases.
Trials in the Revolutionary Courts are not fair. A law authorizes judges to act as
prosecutor and judge in the same case, and judges are appointed for their ideological
beliefs. Often, pretrial detention is prolonged and defendants lack access to attor-
neys. When legal help is available, attorneys are rarely given time to prepare an
effective defense. Indictments are often for undefined offenses such as
"antirevolutionary behavior," "moral corruption," and "siding with global arrogance."
Defendants do not have the right to confront their accusers or to appeal. Secret or
summary trials of 5 minutes are not uncommon. Others are show trials intended
1443
to highlight a coerced public confession. A women's testimony is worth only half that
of a man making it difiicult for a woman to prove a case against a male defendant.
In addition, the families of female victims of violent crime reportedly must pay the
assailant's court costs.
The Government often charges members of religious minorities with crimes such
as drug offenses or apostasy. Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi, the head of the judiciary,
stated in 1996 that Baha'ism was an espionage organization. In January it was
learned that the Supreme Court of Iran had confirmed the death sentences against
Zabihullah Mahrami and Musa Talabi, two Baha'is convicted of apostasy (see Sec-
tions 2.C. and 5). In January HedayatoUah Zendehdel, a Jewish businessman who
converted to Islam, was hanged, having been charged in July 1996 with espionage
and economic fraud during the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war.
No estimates are available on the number of political prisoners. However, the
Government often arrests persons on questionable criminal charges, usually drug
trafficking or espionage, when their actual "offenses" are political.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution states that "reputation, life, property, (and) dwelling(s)'' are protected
from trespass except as "provided by law." However, security forces enter homes and
offices, monitor telephone conversations, and open mail without court authorization.
The Basijis, other security forces, and the Ansar-e Hezbollah monitor the social
activities of citizens. Such organizations may harass or arrest women whose clothing
does not cover the hair and all of the body except the hands and face, or those who
wear makeup. Vigilante violence may include attacks on young people believed to
be too foreign in their dress or activities, invading private homes, and abusing un-
married couples. Women also have been beaten if caught without proper clothing
in public or in private houses when men are present. Enforcement appears to be
very arbitrary, varying widely with the political climate and the individuals in-
volved.
In the past, prison guards have intimidated family members of detainees (see Sec-
tion I.e.). Iranian opposition figures living abroad have reported harassment of their
relatives in Iran.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for the freedom of the
press, except when published ideas are "contrary to Islamic principles, or are det-
rimental to public rights." In practice the Government restricts freedom of speech
and the press. However, since his August inauguration. President Khatami has pub-
licly stated his intention to loosen constraints on freedom of expression, and some
signs of this have been observed.
The Government exerts strong control over most media, particularly publications.
Some newspaf>ers are associated with factions in the Government. They reflect dif-
ferent views and criticize the Government, but are prohibited from criticizing the
concept of velayat-e faqih, or rule by a supreme religious leader, or from promoting
the rights of ethnic minorities.
Complaints against journalists, editors, and publishers are frequently levied by
public officials and even rival publications, and the offending writer is often subject
to a trial, with fines, suspension from journalistic activities, lashings, and imprison-
ment being common punishments if found guilty of offenses ranging from propa-
ganda against the State to insulting the leadership of the Islamic Republic. Ansar-
e Hezbollah have in the past attacked the offices of liberal publications and book-
stores without interference from the police or prosecution by the courts.
The record on freedom of expression has been mixed this year. President Khatami
has publicly stated his intention to loosen constraints on freedom of expression, and
in October, after his inauguration, it was reported that a year-long ban on the Ira-
nian-Armenian monthly Araz had been lifted. The journal was to resume publication
in Tehran with the support of the Ministry of Islamic Culture and Guidance. Also
in October, the 2V2-year ban on Jahan-e Eslam newspaper was lifted, and the Min-
istry of Culture and Islamic Guidance blocked the reissue of the blacklist Hoviyyat,
citing it as hostile to Iranian intellectuals..
Faraj Sarkuhi, a magazine editor who had been critical of the Government and
who disappeared in November 1996 while traveling to Germany, reappeared in Iran
in late December 1996. He was subsequently arrested and detained in February on
charges of espionage and attempting to leave the country illegally. Sarkuhi was de-
nied permission to meet with lamily members, lawyers, or foreign diplomats who
requested to see him, according to Human Rights Watch. In September he was con-
victed of "spreading antigovernment propaganda" and sentenced to a year in jail,
including time already served. This sentence, lighter than some observers had ex-
1444
pected, was variously interpreted as being influenced by Khatami's emphasis on
openness, or by strong international pressure on Sarkuhi's behalf.
Despite Khatami's public commitment to increased openness, many constraints re-
main. In particular, criticism of the Supreme Leader or of the principle of rule by
a religious leader tend to generate a stem, immediate response from the Govern-
ment. In November, Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri called into question the Su-
preme Leader's authority. In the past, Khamenei had been attacked by other clerics
on the px)unds that he does not f>ossess sufficient religious credential to serve as
the senior Iranian religious authority. Montazeri's remarks sparked attacks on his
residence by Ansar-e Hezbollah mobs. These events prompted Ebrahim Yazdi and
49 others to issue an open letter calling for the Government to respect Montazeri's
rights (see Section 2.d.). Montazeri remains under house arrest.
At least nine publications were banned during the year, most before Khatami's
inauguration. In March the Esfahan-based cultural magazine, Zayendeh Rud, was
closed down. No reason was cited for this action. In May Ya Sarat al-Hoseyn was
banned for insulting then-candidate Khatami, who had initially lodged the com-
plaint against the publication. In July Sobh magazine was suspended for a month
after its publisher was accused of scandalous reporting. In a July letter published
in a newspaper, publisher and writer Abdolkarim Soroush confirmed that he had
been banned from leaving the country and that his passport had been confiscated.
In November Ansar-e Hezbollah thugs attempted to break up at least one of
Soroush's lectures.
The Ministry of Islamic Culture and Guidance is also charged with vetting books
prior to publication to ensure that thev do not contain offensive material. However,
some books and pamphlets critical of the Government are published without re-
prisal. It was announced in July that regulations on book censorship would be made
available to publishers to help them "overcome potential problems more easily." The
Ministry inspects foreign printed materials prior to their release on the market.
Human Rights Watch reports that in January Karamollah Tavahodi, a Kurdish
writer living in Mashhad, was detained and sentenced to 1 year in prison because
of the content of one of the volumes of his work, "The Historical Movement of Kurds
in Khorassan." The book had been banned prior to his detention.
Government restrictions on the film industry were tightened during the year. In
August new regulations were announced requiring that film producers get official
permission before they can sell international distribution rights to their films. Films
produced in Iran already needed Ministry approval before they could be produced
or screened. However, the Foreign Ministry intervened in May to overturn a ban
imposed by the Ministry of Islamic Culture and Guidance on Abbas Kiarostami's
"The Taste of the Cherry," so that it could be shown at the Cannes Film Festival.
In addition, since Khatami's inauguration, the Government has released at least
two previously-banned films despite the protests of religious conservatives.
The Government owns all broadcasting facilities, and their programming reflects
its political and socio-religious ideology.
The Government took no action to repudiate the fatwa, or religious ruling, calling
for the murder of British author Salman Rushdie or anyone associated with his
book, "The Satanic Verses." Also, the Government has failed to demand that the 15
Khordad Foundation rescind the bounty olTered for Rushdie's murder. Moreover, it
was announced by the head of the 15 Khordad Foundation, Ayatollah Sane'i, a
member of the council of senior clerics that oversees legislation, that anyone who
carried out the execution of Rushdie during the 10-day Dawn of the Victory of the
Islamic Revolution would receive an increased bounty; after the 10-day period, the
bounty was decreased to its former amount.
Academic censorship persists. In his 1996 interim report the U.N. Special Rep-
resentative noted the existence of a campaign to bring about the "Islamization of
the universities," which seemed to be a movement to purge persons "who fight
against the sanctities of the Islamic system."
Government informers are said to be common on university campuses and mon-
itor classroom material. Admission to universities is politicized; all applicants must
pass "character tests" in which officials screen out applicants critical of the Govern-
ment's ideology. To achieve tenure, professors must cooperate with government au-
thorities over a period of years.
An academic, HabiboUah Peyman, was not allowed to leave the country in Feb-
ruary.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution permits as-
semblies and marches "provided they do not violate the principles of Islam." In prac-
tice, the Government restricts freedom of assembly. The Special Representative in
1996 noted the tendency of government police and military forces not to intervene
when Ansar-e Hezbollah attempted to break up opposition or cultural gatherings.
1445
The Constitution provides for the establishment of political parties, professional
associations, and religious groups provided that they do not violate the principles
of "freedom, sovereignty, and national unity," or question Islam or the Islamic Re-
public. In practice, most independent organizations are banned, co-opted by the Gov-
ernment, or moribund.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution declares that the "official religion of
Iran is Islam and the sect followed is Ja'fari Shi'ism." It also states that "other Is-
lamic denominations shall enjoy complete respect," and specifically mentions "pro-
tected religious minorities' including Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians. However,
the Government restricts freedom of religion, particularly for those religious minori-
ties not recognized by the Constitution. The Government is profoundly influenced
by Shi'a Islam. The President and many top officials, including the Speaker of the
Parliament and many parliamentary deputies, are Shi'a clergymen.
Approximately 90 percent of the population are Shi'a Mushms. Aside from slightly
over 1 percent who are not Muslims, the rest of the population are Sunni Muslims,
drawn largely from Kurdish, Arab, Turkoman, Baluchi, and other ethnic minorities.
Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians are legally permitted to practice their religion
and instruct their children, but may not proselytize Muslims. The Gfovemment
interferes with the administration of their schools, and harassment by government
officials is common (see Section 5).
Oppression of evangelical Christians continued in 1997. In January two visiting
Christian evangelists, Daniel Baumann and Stuart Timm, were arrested and de-
tained under suspicion of espionage, a charge often levied against persons who pros-
elytize. Both eventually were released without having been charged.
In January HedayatoUah Zendehdel, a Jewish businessman who converted to
Islam, was hanged, having been charged in July 1996 with espionage and economic
fraud during the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war. Zendehdel is widely oelieved to have been
targeted because he was a wealthy member of the Jewish community.
The Government regards the Baha'i community, with 300,000 to 350,000 mem-
bers, as a "misguided sect." Baha'is may not teach or practice their faith or main-
tain links with coreligionists abroad. The Government appears to adhere to a prac-
tice of keeping a small number of Baha'is in arbitrary detention at any given time.
According to the Special Representative, at least 12 Baha'is are currently in Iranian
prisons, including 2 men sentenced to death for apostasy and two others sentenced
to death for espionage. Two Bahai men reportedly died in circumstances that led
some observers to believe that the men were killed because of their religious beliefs
(see Section l.a.).
The Government continues to persecute Baha'is. Broad restrictions on the Baha'is
appear to be geared to destroying them as a community (see Section 5). For exam-
ple, Baha'i marriages are not recognized by the Government, leaving Baha'i women
open to charges of prostitution. Children of Baha'i marriages are not recognized as
legitimate and, therefore, are denied inheritance rights. Baha'i sacred and historical
groperties have been systematically confiscated and some have been destroyed,
rroup meetings and religious education are severely curtailed. Universities continue
to deny admittance to Baha'i students. Baha'is regularly are denied compensation
for injury or criminal victimization. Government authorities claim that only Muslim
plaintiffs are eligible for compensation in these circumstances. Baha'is are prohib-
ited from government employment. A 1993 law prohibitsgovernment workers from
membership in groups that deny the "divine religions." The Government uses such
terminology to describe members of the Baha'i mith. The law also stipulates pen-
alties for government workers who do not observe "Islamic principles and rules."
The Government often charges members of religious minorities with crimes such
as drug offenses or apostasy (see Section l.d.)
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens may travel to any part of Iran, although there have been re-
strictions on travel to Kurdish areas during times of heavy fighting. There were no
reports of heavy fighting in these areas in 1997. Citizens may change their place
of residence without obtaining official permission. The Government requires exit
permits for draft-age males and citizens who are politically suspect. Some citizens,
particularly those whose skills are in short supply and who were educated at gov-
ernment expense, must post bonds to obtain exit permits.
The Government permits Jews to travel abroad, but often denies them the mul-
tiple-exit permits normally issued to other citizens. The Government does not nor-
mally permit all members of a Jewish family to travel abroad at the same time. Ba-
ha'is often experience difliculty getting passports. The Government prevented at
least one academic from leaving the country (see Section 2. a.).
The Government and the LTN. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) esti-
mate that there are approximately 1.3 million Afghan refugees in Iran. Of this total.
1446
only about 21,800 are accommodated in refugee camps administered by the Govern-
ment. The rest live seminomadic lives or reside in settlements. In 1996 about 8,000
refugees repatriated to Afghanistan; none were repatriated in 1997. This was far
fewer than the UNHCR had predicted would return and resulted from continued in-
stability in Afghanistan.
The UNHCR estimates that there are about 580,000 Iraqi Kurdish and Shi'a Mus-
lim refugees in Iran who were displaced by the Gulf War. There were no substantial
changes in the population of Kurdish refugees in Iran in 1997. Most Kurdish refu-
gees who fled fighting in northern Iraq in 1996 have returned there.
The Government generally cooperates with the UNHCR and other humanitarian
organizations in assisting refugees. Although the Government generally provides
first asylum (and provided it to a large number of Afghan and Iraqi refugees), there
have been instances, most recently in 1996, where pressure was applied to force ref-
ugees to return to their home countries.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The right of citizens to change their government is severely compromised by the
leadership of the Government. The Supreme Leader, who exercises decisive power,
is not elected and cannot be removed. The Government efTectively manipulates the
electoral system to its advantage. There is no separation of state and religion, and
clerics dominate all branches of government. The Government represses any move-
ment seeking to separate state and religion, or to alter the State's existing theo-
cratic foundation. The selection of candidates for elections is effectively controlled
by the ruling clerics.
The Constitution provides for a Council of Guardians composed of six Islamic cler-
gymen and six lay members who review all laws for consistency with Islamic law
and the Constitution. The Council also screens political candidates for ideological
and religious suitability. It accepts only candidates who support a theocratic state,
but clerics who disagree with government policies also have been disqualified.
Regularly scheduled elections are held for the President, members of the Majles,
and members of the Assembly of Experts, a body responsible for selecting the suc-
cessor to the Supreme Leader. The decisions of the Majles are reviewed by the
Council of Guardians, which must approve legislation before it enters into force.
Vigorous parliamentary debates take place on various issues. Most deputies are as-
sociated with powerful political and religious officials, but often vote independently
and shift from one faction to another.
A new president was elected in May. The Interior ministry estimated that over
90 percent of the eligible population voted in the May presidential election. During
the campaign, there was considerable government intervention and censorship. The
Council of Guardians reviewed 238 candidates, including a women, but only allowed
4 individuals to run. Three were clerics; all were men. Seyyed Mohammad Khatami
garnered nearly 70% of the vote, his greatest support coming from the middle class,
youth, minorities, and women.
The election results were particularly notable because Khatami was not the re-
gime's preferred candidate. In a break with precedent. Supreme Leader Khamenei
let it be known that he preferred Majles Speaker Ali Akbar Nateq-Nuri. Prayer
leaders also supported Nateq-Nuri in their sermons. The regime attempted to censor
public debate by restricting the campaign coverage of some technocratic and modem
left publications, particularly the pro-Khatami daily, Salam. As the election neared,
Khatami was evicted from his campaign headquarters. Despite the regime's clear
preference for Nateq-Nuri, the election results were not disputed, and the regime
does not appear to have engaged in election fraud — possibly due to Khatami's early
and overwhelming lead. The results appear to indicate that citizens demanded
change within the limits allowed by government control of the electoral process.
The CJovemment continued in early 1997 to nullify election results from the
Ering 1996 Majles elections in several districts, including Malayer, Astara, and
ifahan. Women are underrepresented in government. They hold only 13 of 270
Majles seats, and there are no female cabinet members. President Khatami ap-
pointed the first female vice president since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Masoumeh
Ebtekar, following his in auguration. Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance
Ata'ollah Mohajerani appointed a second woman to a senior post, Azam Nouri, when
he chose her in August as his deputy. A woman was also appointed as a district
mayor of Tehran.
Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians elect deputies to reservedd Majles seats.
1447
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government continued to repress local human rights groups. In 1996 the
Government established a human rights committee in tne Majles and a human
rights commission in the judiciary, but observers believe that they lack independ-
ence. The ICRC and the UNHCR both operate in Iran.
In 1997 the Government did not allow U.N. Special Representative for Human
Rights in Iran, Mr. Copithome, to visit the country, and complained that his annual
report to the U.N. Human Rights Commission was biased. Iran denies the uni-
versality of human ri^ts and has stated that separate "Islamic" standards of
human rights should apply to Islamic countries.
La April a Foreign Ministry spokesman complained that Copithome had exploited
the goodwill of the Government and published lies and rumors in his reports. The
spokesman also claimed that the issue of human rights was being used as a political
tool and was manipulated by Zionist and foreign interests. Although the Special
Representative reported that the Government was generally cooperative during his
February 1996 visit, following the release of his findings he was refused permission
to go back to Iran in late 1996 and early 1997 to gather fresh material for an up-
dated review. In his October report, Copithome stated that he was disappointed by
the difficulty in getting information from the Government on specific cases.
A newspaper close to the regime advised that allowing members of the UNHRC
to visit Iran would "in fact enable them to abuse Iran's goodwill to publish their
pre-planned reports," and further stated that the criteria for assessing human rights
'should undergo a drastic change."
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
In general the Government does not discriminate on the basis of race, disability,
language, or social status. The Government does discriminate on the basis of reli-
gion and sex.
Women. — Although domestic violence is known to occur, little is known about its
extent. Abuse in the family is considered a private matter and seldom discussed
publicly. There are no official statistics on the subject.
Discrimination against women has increased since the revolution. In general
women suffer discrimination in the legal code, particularly in family and property
matters. It is difficult for many women, particularly those residing outside large
cities, to obtain any legal redress. Under tne legal system, a woman s testimony as
a witness is worth only half that of a man, (see Section I.e.)
Although women may be educated and employed in the professions, social con-
straints tend to inhibit their opportunities. Illiteracy and lack of university degrees
also affect their standing. The enforcement of conservative Islamic dress codes has
varied considerably since the death of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989. Such dress codes
persist, although reports from human rights organizations and individual citizens
indicate that enforcement varies with the political climate and the location. Women
are often subject to harassment by the Ansar-e Hezbollah or the authorities if their
dress or behavior is considered inappropriate.
Under legislation passed in 1983, women have the right to divorce, and regula-
tions promulgated in 1984 substantially broadened the grounds on which a woman
may seek a divorce. However, a husband is not required to cite a reason for divorc-
ing his wife. In 1986 the Majles passed a 12-article law on marriage and divorce
that limited the privileges accorded to men by custom and traditional interpreta-
tions of Islamic law. The 1986 law also recognized divorced women's rights to a
share of the property that couples acquire during their marriage and increased ali-
mony rights.
Although the Government permitted women to attain the rank of judge in 1995
for the first time since the 1979 revolution, until May they were not allowed to issue
judicial verdicts. They may now do so, but only in cases relevant to women.
Children. — Most children have access to education through the 12th grade, and
to some form of health care. There is no known pattern of child abuse.
People With Disabilities. — There is no available information regarding whether
the Government has legislated or otherwise mandated accessibility for the disabled.
However, the Cable News Network reported in 1996 on the harsn conditions in an
institution for retarded children who had been abandoned by their parents. The film
showed children tied or chained to their beds, in filthy conditions, without appro-
priate care. It is not known to what extent this represents the typical treatment of
the disabled in Iran.
Religious Minorities. — The Christian, Jewish, Zoroastrian, and Baha'i minorities
sufiier varying degrees of ofiicially sanctioned discrimination, particularly in the
45-909 98-47
1448
areas of employment, education, and public accommodations (see Section 2.d.). Mus-
lims who convert to Christianity also suffer discrimination.
University applicants are required to pass an examination in Islamic theology. Al-
though public-school students receive instruction in Islam, this requirement limits
the access of most religious minorities to higher education. Applicants for public-sec-
tor employment are similarly screened for their adherence to Islam.
Religious minorities suffer discrimination in the legal system, receiving lower
awards in iinury and death lawsuits, and incurring heavier punishments than Mus-
lims. Sunni Muslims encounter religious discrimination at the local level.
In 1993 the U.N. Special Representative reported the existence of a government
policy directive on the Baha'is. According to the directive, the Supreme Revolution-
ary Council instructed government agencies to block the progress and development
of the Baha'i community, expel Baha'i students from universities, cut the Baha'is'
links with groups outside Iran, restrict the employment of Baha'is, and deny Baha'is
"positions of influence," including those in education. The Grovemment claims that
the directive is a forgery. However, it appears to be an accurate reflection of current
government practice.
Property belonging to the Baha'i community as a whole, such as places of worship,
remains confiscated. Other government restrictions have been eased, so that Baha'is
may currently obtain food ration booklets and send their children to public schools.
However, the prohibition against the admission of Baha'is to universities appears
to be enforced. Thousands of Baha'is dismissed from government jobs in the early
1980's receive no unemployment benefits and have been required to repay the Gov-
ernment for salaries or pensions received from the first day of employment. Those
unable to do so face prison sentences (see Sections l.d. and 2.c.).
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The Kurds seek greater autonomy and con-
tinue to suffer from government discrimination.
In February the Special Representative contacted the Government on two occa-
sions regarding questionable detentions of persons reported to be sympathetic to
Azeri nationalism.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^Although the Labor Code ^ants workers the ri^t
to establish unions, there are no independent unions. A national organization known
as the Worker's House, founded in 1982, is the sole authorized national labor orga-
nization. It serves primarily as a conduit for the Government to exert control over
workers. The leadership of the Worker's House coordinates activities with Islamic
labor councils, which are organized in many enterprises. These councils also func-
tion as instruments of government control, although they have frequently been able
to block layoffs and dismissals. Moreover, a network of government-backed guilds
issues vocational licenses, funds financial cooperatives, and helps workers find jobs.
The Government does not tolerate any strike deemed to be at odds with its eco-
nomic and labor policies. In 1993 the Parliament passed a law that prohibits strikes
by government workers. It also prohibits government workers from having contacts
with foreigners and stipulates penalties for failure to observe Islamic dress codes
and principles at woric.
In February oil refinery workers in Tehran went on strike to protest pay and
working conditions. There were several reports of mass arrests.
There are no known affiliations with international labor organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers do not have the
right to organize independently and negotiate collective bargaining agreements. No
information is available on mechanisms used to set wages.
It is not known whether labor legislation and practice in the export processing
zones differ from the law and practice in the rest of the country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Penal Code provides that the
Government may require any person wno does not have work to take suitable em-
Sloyment. This provision has been criticized frequently by the International Labor
•rganization (ILO) as contravening ILO Convention 29 on forced labor. There is no
information available on the Government's policy on forced and bonded labor by
children.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The labor
law prohibits employment of minors under 15 years of age and places special restric-
tions on the employment of minors under age 18. Education is compulsory until age
11. The law permits children to work in agriculture, domestic service, and some
small businesses. By law women and minors may not be employed in hard labor or,
in general, in night worit. Information on the extent to which these regulations are
enforced is not available. There is no information available on the Government's pol-
icy on forced and bonded labor by children.
1449
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code empowers the Supreme Labor
Council to establish annual minimum wage levels for each industrial sector and re-
E'lon. It is not known if the minimum wages are adjusted annually or enforced. The
abor Code stipulates that the minimum wage should be sufficient to meet the liv-
ing expenses of a family and should take inflation into account. Under current poor
economic conditions, many middle-class citizens must work two or even three jobs
to support their families. The daUy minimum wage was raised in March to $2.80
(8,500 rials). It is unlikely that minimum wage laws alone can ensure a decent
standard of living for a woricer and family. Information on the share of the working
population covered by minimum wage legislation is not available.
According to press reports, the Ministry of Labor in December 1996 announced
that employers nad 1 month in which to fire foreign workers and replace them with
Iranians. It is believed that approximately 1 million foreign workers, mostly Afghan
refugees, would have been aftected. The Gtovemment apparently hoped to alleviate
high unemployment by pressuring foreigners to leave. However, repatriation num-
bers appear to be low due to continuing unrest in Afghanistan.
The Labor Code establishes a 6-day workweek of 48 hours maximum, with 1
weekly rest day, normally Fridays, and at least 12 days of paid annual leave and
several paid public holidays.
According to the Labor Code, a Supreme Safety Council, chaired by the Labor
Minister or his representative, is responsible for promoting workplace safetv and
health. The Council reportedly has issued 28 safety directives, and oversees the ac-
tivities of 3,000 safety committees established in enterprises employing more than
10 persons. It is not known how well the Ministry's inspectors enforce regulations.
It is not known whether workers can remove themselves from hazardous situations
without risking the loss of employment.
IRAQ
Political power in Iraq ^ lies exclusively in a repressive one-party apparatus domi-
nated by Saddam Hussein and members of his extended family. The provisional
Constitution of 1968 stipulates that the Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party (ABSP) governs
Iraq through the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), which exercises both exec-
utive and legislative authority. President Saddam Hussein, who is also Prime Min-
ister, Chairman of the RCC, and Secretary General of the Regional Command of the
ABSP, wields decisive power. Saddam Hussein and his regime continued to refer to
an October 1995, nondemocratic "referendum" on his presidency in which he re-
ceived 99.96 percent of the vote. This "referendum" included neither secret ballots
nor opposing candidates, and many credible reports indicated that voters feared pos-
sible reprisal for a negative vote.
Ethnically and linguistically, the Iraqi population includes Arabs, Kurds,
Turkomen, Assyrians, Yazidis, and Armenians. Historically, the religious mix is
likewise varied: Shi'a and Sunni Muslims (both Arab and Kurdish), Christians (in-
cluding Chaldeans and Assyrians), and Jews (most of whom have emigrated). Ethnic
divisions have resulted in civil uprisings in recent years, especially in the north and
the south. The Government has reacted against those who revolt with extreme re-
pression. The judiciary is not independent, and the President can override any court
decision.
The Government's security apparatus includes militias attached to the President,
the Ba'ath Party, and the Interior Ministry. The security forces play a central role
in maintaining the environment of intimidation and fear on which government
power rests. Security forces committed widespread, serious, and systematic human
rights abuses.
The (jovemment owns all major industries and controls most of the highly cen-
tralized economy, which is based largely on oil production. The economy was dam-
aged by the Gulf War, and Iraq has been subjected to United Nations sanctions
since its 1990 invasion of Kuwait. As a result, the economy has been stagnant.
Sanctions ban all exports, except for oil sales under U.N. Security Council Resolu-
tion (UNSCR) 986, and allow imports only of food, medicine, and other humani-
tarian goods for essential civilian needs. Tne (jovemment's failure to comply with
U.N. Security Council resolutions has resulted in the maintenance of the sanctions.
In December 1996, after a nearly a year and a half of obstruction and delay, the
Government began to implement UNSCR 986. A significant part of the UNSCR 986
^The United States does not have diplomatic representation in Iraq. This report draws to a
large extent on non-U.S. Government sources.
1450
"oil for food" program was delayed during 1997 because the Government refused to
pump oil for extended periods. The Government interfered with the international
community's provision of humanitarian assistance to the Iraqi people routinely by
placing a higher priority on importing industrial items than on food and medicine,
diverting goods to benefit the regime, and restricting the work of U.N. personnel
and relief workers. U.N. and European Union observers attribute the country's poor
economic conditions to the Government's actions, not to the sanctions regime.
Human rights abuse remained difficult to document because the Government's ef-
forts to conceal the facts, including its persistent refusal to permit visits by human
rights monitors and continued restrictions designed to prevent dissent. Max Van der
Stoel, the Special Rapporteur for Iraq of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights,
based reports on interviews with recent emigres from Iraq and other sources, and
opposition groups with contacts still in Iraq published reports.
There was no improvement in the Government's extremely poor human rights
record. Citizens do not have the right to change their government. The Government
continued to summarily execute perceived political opponents, and reports of such
sununary executions increased significantly during the year. More than 2,000
killings were reported. Several dozen of these reported executions followed specific
allegations of coup attempts in February and August. However, reports suggest that
far more people were executed merely because of their association with an opposi-
tion group or in an effort to clear out of the prisons anyone with a sentence of 15
to 20 years or more. The Government continued to kill and torture persons accused
of economic crimes, military desertion, and a variety of other charges. Prison condi-
tions are poor. The authorities routinely used arbitrary arrest and detention. The
judiciary is not independent, and the F*resident can override any court decision, and
the Government continues to deny citizens the right to due process. The Govern-
ment continues to deny citizens the right to privacy. The Government made use of
civilians, including small children, as "human shields." The U.N. Special Rapporteur
for Iraq confirmed in his November report that freedom of speech, the press, assem-
bly, and association do not exist, except in some parts of the north under the control
of Kurdish factions. The Government severely limits freedom of religion and move-
ment, and discriminates against women, children, religious minorities, and ethnic
groups. The Government also restricts worker rights.
Iraqi military operations continued to target Shi'a Arabs living in the southern
marshes. The Government maintained a partial internal embargo against Iraq's
northern provinces, blocking shipments of food, medicine, and other goods, except
those provided by the U.N. "oil-for-food" program.
In northern Iraq, fighting continued between the two main Iraqi Kurdish groups,
the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).
In addition, attacks on civilians by the Turkish Kurd terrorist organization, the
Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), resulted in many deaths, particularly among the
vulnerable Assyrian minority and villagers who supported the KDP. Turkish forces
entered Iraq several times during the year to combat the PKK. These separate con-
flicts converged in November, when Turkish air and ground elements joined the
KDP to force the PUK and the PKK to return to the established intra-Kurdish
ceasefire line. The fighting left, over a thousand persons dead and forced thousands
of civilians from their homes. A ceasefire established on November 24 ended the
fighting for the remainder of the year, albeit with a few sporadic clashes.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — The Government has a long record
of executing perceived opponents. The U.N. Special Rapporteur, the international
media, and other groups all reported an increased number of extrajudicial killings
during the year. The Special Rapporteur has stated that "the country is run through
extrajudicial measures," In a 1996 report. Amnesty International (AI) noted that
various decrees expanding the use of the death penalty in 1994 and 1995 have not
been sufficiently clarified to ensure fair and just applicability, a problem
compounded by the lack of an independent judiciary. The list of ofTenses requiring
a mandatory death penalty has grown substantially in recent years, and now in-
cludes forgery, smuggling cars, and "sabotaging the national economy." The Special
Rapporteur noted tnat membership in certain political parties is punishable by
death, that there is a pervasive fear of death for any act or expression of dissent,
and that there are recurrent reports of the use of the death penalty for such offenses
as "insulting" the President or the Ba'ath Party. These killings occur with total im-
punity and without due process.
1451
The Baghdad regime periodically eliminated large numbers of political detainees
en masse. In February and March, some 200 to 650 persons were said to have been
executed in Abu Ghuraib prison, near Baghdad. The Special Rapporteur related in
detail allegations that filtered out of Iraq about the killings. According to these re-
gorts, by order of Qusay Hussein, one of Saddam Hussein's sons and chief of Special
ecurity, a 'fudges committee" drew up a timetable for killing all detainees sen-
tenced to death. Executions were carried out on Sundays and Wednesdays.
There were many other credible reports of mass executions; on August 31, ap-
proximately 170 persons arrested by the Government during its brief 1996 occupa-
tion of Irbil were executed on the one-year anniversary of the Iraai attack on that
city; in September 600 prisoners were killed in Abu Ghuraib; on November 9, ap-
proximately 100 persons were executed at an undisclosed site; on November 12, 568
people were executed at Abu Ghuraib; on November 15, approximately 80 Iraqi ofli-
cers and Iranian prisoners of war (POW's) were executed at the Mosul prison.
The total number killed at Abu Ghuraib prison and the Radwaniyah detention
center in late November and early December may have reached 800 to 1,500 per-
sons. Opposition groups alleged that all political prisoners with sentences of more
than 15 to 20 years were summarily executed. Qusay Hussein again was named as
instrumental in this program of executions, allegedly ordering that the prisons be
"cleaned out."
As in previous years, there also were numerous credible reports that the regime
executed persons allegedly involved in plotting against Saddam or the Ba'ath party,
including high-ranking civilian, military, and tribal leaders. In February, eleven
members of the Al-Nadha movement were killed by the Special Security forces.
Fourteen intelligence and special forces ofTicers were executed in September, alleg-
edly for plotting to assassinate Saddam Hussein. Also in September, 10 members
of the Bani-Hujaym tribe were executed after they attacked the Ba'ath party head-
quarters in Al-Samawah. On November 12, six or seven Wahabis (menibers of the
conservative Sunni Islamic sect centered in Saudi Arabia) were executed at al-Anbar
in the Rumadi area. Also on November 12, 11 people who allegedly attacked a
Ba'athist political office were executed at Dakuk.
Economic crimes may also be punishable by death. For example, on December 7,
two Iranian Kurdish refugees attempting to smuggle fuel from Kirkuk to
Suleymaniyah province were arrested by Iraqi security forces at Chamchamal.
While in custody — in the presence of the chief of eastern sector military security —
they allegedly were killed oy being doused with gasoline and set on fire. On Decem-
ber 8, four Jordanian students who allegedly had smuggled about $850 worth of
spare auto parts from Jordan to Iraq were executed. On December 13, a group of
omcers and men of the 4th corps were executed on charges of smuggling weapons
into Iraqi Kurdistan.
Reports of deaths due to poor conditions in prisons and detention facilities also
increased during the year. According to the U.N. Special Rapporteur, many pris-
oners in Amarah province were reported as near death because of lack of adequate
food and health care. Ten refugees returning from Saudi Arabia in May allegedly
were poisoned while in jail in Baghdad. All of them reportedly died after their re-
lease in June, after sufiering from paralysis and severe bleeding. In November the
opposition Iraqi National Congress alleged that the regime had plotted to murder
U.N. Special Commission (UNSCOM) executive commissioner Rolf Ekeus by poison-
ing him with thallium. Sixty Iranian Kurds at the Bazan refugee camp near
Suleymaniyah reported that they had been poisoned with thallium in their drinking
water, however, they attributed the poisoning to Iranian agents.
There are persistent reports that, even as he recovers from wounds suffered in
a 1996 assassination attempt, Uday Hussein, Saddam Hussein's eldest son, has re-
mained active in extrajudicial killings. In a July incident, he allegedly killed one of
his bodyguards, for reasons that remain unclear.
Indications persist that the Government has offered "bounties" to anyone who
kills United Nations or other international relief workers in northern Iraq. The Gov-
ernment has repeatedly charged that foreign relief organizations working in north-
em Iraq are engaged in espionage, making their employees liable to the death pen-
altv.
As in previous years, the regime continued to deny totally the widespread killings
of Kurds in northern Iraq during the "Anfal" Campaign of 1988 (see Sections l.b.
and l.g.). Both the Special Rapporteur and Human Rights Watch have concluded
that the Government's policies against the Kurds raise issues of crimes against hu-
manity and violations of the 1948 Genocide Convention.
Political killings and terrorist actions continued in northern Iraq. Throughout the
year, elements oithe PKK remained active in northern Iraq, reportedly killing local
residents in an effort to control a territorial base. Assyrian groups reported several
1452
instances of mob violence by Muslims against Christians in the north, allegedly re-
sulting in several deaths. Intra-Kurdish fighting in October and November resulted
in the deaths of over 1200 fighters and an undisclosed number of civilians. On De-
cember 8, five members of an Iranian Kurdish group were killed in PUK-held terri-
tory.
b. Disappearance. — During the year, the Special Rapporteur continued to receive
reports of widespread disappearances. The Government continued to ignore the
more than 15,000 cases conveyed to it in 1994 and 1995 by the U.N. Workmg Group
on Enforcement on Involuntary Disappearances, as well as requests from the Gov-
ernments of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia on the whereabouts of those missing from the
1990-1991 occupation of Kuwait and from Iran on the whereabouts of POW's Iraq
captured in the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq war.
The United Nations has documented over 16,000 cases of persons who had dis-
appeared. According to the Special Rapporteur, most of these cases occurred during
the Anfal Campaign. He estimates that the total number of Kurds who disappeared
during Anfal could reach the tens of thousands. Human Rights Watch estimates
that the total at between 70,000 and 150,000, and Amnesty International (AI) at
more than 100,000. Many individuals who disappeared in the wake of the 1996 Gov-
ernment attack on Irbil may have been killed late in the year, in the alleged govern-
ment campaign to "cleanse the prisons" (see Section l.a.).
In an October report. Amnesty International documented the repeated failure of
the Government to respond to requests for information about persons who had dis-
appeared. The report oetails unresolved cases dating from the early 1980's through
the mid-1990's, particularly the disappearances of Aziz al-Sayyid Jassem, Sajryid
Muhammad Sadeq Muhammad Ridha al-Qazwini, Mazin Abd al-Munim al-
Samarra'i, the six su-Hashimi brothers, the four al-Sheibani brothers, and numerous
persons of Iranian descent or Shi'a religious belief. The report concludes that few
of these victims became targets of the regime for anything tney had allegedly done.
Rather, they were arrested as "hostages" in order to force a relative who may have
escaped abroad to surrender, because of their family link to a political opponent, or
simply for their ethnic origin.
In other cases, individuals arrested or taken prisoner in specific circumstances
have disappeared while in government custody. For example, the status of six mem-
bers of the Assyrian community of Baghdad, arrested in October 1996, is unknown.
Hundreds are still missing in the aftermath of the brief Iraqi military occupation
of Irbil in August 1996. Many of these persons may have been killed surreptitiously
late in 1997, in the reported regime campaign to 'cleanse the prisons" (see Section
l.a.). Thirty-three members of the Yazidi community of Mosul, who were arrested
in July 1996, are still unaccounted for.
The Special Rapporteur and several human rights groups continued to request
that the Government provide information about the arrest in 1991 of the late Grand
Ayatollah Abdul Qasim Al-Khoei and 108 of his associates. The AyatoUah died while
under house arrest in Al-Najaf. Others arrested with him have not been accounted
for, and the Government refuses to respond to queries regarding their status.
The Government failed to return, or account for, a large number of Kuwaiti citi-
zens and citizens of other countries detained during the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait.
Government officials, including military leaders known to have been among the last
to see the disappeared during the occupation, have refused to respond to the hun-
dreds of outstanding inquiries about the missing. Of 609 cases of missing Kuwaiti
citizens under review by the Quadrilateral Commission on Gulf War Missing, only
two have been resolved. The Iraqi Government denies having any knowledge of the
others and claims that any relevant records were lost in the aftermath of the Gulf
War.
Iran reports that 5,000 Iranian POWs from the Iran-Iraq War (1981-88) are unac-
counted lor by Iraq. On November 26, Iran unilaterally released 500 Iraqi POWs
from that war. Possibly in response, on December 4, Iraq released two Iranians who
had been arrested in Iraq in 1991.
In May an Iraqi engineer seeking refuge in Western Europe reported that many
Iraqi chemical and biological warfare workers had disappeared or died under mys-
terious circumstances, some after contracting unknown diseases.
In addition to the tens of thousands of reported disappearances, human rights
groups reported in 1997 that the Government continued to hold thousands of other
Iraqis in incommunicado detention (see Section l.d.).
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture, however, the security services routinely tortured
detainees. According to former detainees, torture techniques included branding, elec-
tric shocks administered to the genitals and other areas, beating, burning with hot
irons, suspension from rotating ceiling fans, dripping acid on the skin, rape, break-
1453
ing of limbs, denial of food and water, and threats to rape or otherwise harm rel-
atives. The security forces killed many of their torture victims and mutilated their
bodies before returning them to the victims' families. There are persistent reports
that the families are made to pay for the costs of the execution, before the bodies
are returned to them. Iraqi refugees arriving in Europe often reported instances of
torture to the receiving governments and — as was the case with a group of refugees
arriving in Italy in June — displayed scars and mutilations to substantiate tneir
claims. Amnesty International notes that Iraqi authorities have failed to investigate
these reports. There were no reports of amputations or brandings during the year.
The Special Rapporteur, human rights organizations, and opposition groups con-
tinued to receive numerous reports of women suffering severe psychological trauma
after they were raped while in custody. The security forces allegedly raped women
captured during the Anfal Campaign and during the occupation of Kuwait. The Gov-
ernment has never acknowledged these reports of rape or conducted any investiga-
tion. Although the Government made a variety of pronouncements against rape and
other violent crimes during the year, it took no action against those who committed
this abuse.
Prison conditions are poor. Certain prisons are notorious for routine mistreatment
of prisoners. Abu Ghuraib prison west of Baghdad may hold as many as 15,000 per-
sons, many of whom are reportedly subjected to torture. Al-Rashidiya prison, on the
Tigris River north of Taji, reportedly has torture chambers. The Al-Shamma'iya
pnson, located in east Baghdad, holds the mentally ill and is reportedly the site of
both torture and disappearances. The Radwaniyah detention center is a former pris-
oner-of-war facility near Baghdad and reportedly the site of torture as well as mass
executions. This prison was the principal detention center for persons arrested fol-
lowing the civil uprisings of 1991. Human Rights Watch and otners have estimated
that Radwaniyah holds more than 5,000 detainees; Iraqi opposition groups say it
is located within a "presidential" compound, from which the regime precludes in-
spections by the U.N. Special Commission charged with eliminated Iraqi weapons
01 mass destruction. Radwaniyah is where Uday Hussein is alleged to have had the
Iraqi national soccer team caned on the soles of their feet after a World Cup qualify-
ing loss to Khazakstan, a charge being investigated by the International Football
Association (FIFA).
There were no details on the condition of prisoners in northern Iraq.
The (jovernment does not permit prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Although the Constitution and the Legal
Code explicitly prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention, the authorities routinely en-
gaged in these practices. The Special Rapporteur stated that arbitrary arrests are
still common throughout the country, and many times lead to detention for often
long periods of time without access to a lawyer or being brought before a court.
The military and security services, rather than the ordinary police, carried out
most cases of arbitrary arrest and detention. During the year, security forces report-
edly arrested hundreds of persons perceived as security tnreats, mainly on the basis
of an individual's personal association or family connection with opponents of the
Government. On July 15, in Baghdad dozens of Shi'a youths were reported to have
been arrested and held incommunicado, and 84 merchants were arrested in an
"anti-fraud" sweep in February. Sometimes, those arrested were reportedly killed
while in custody (see Section l.a.).
According to international human rights groups, numerous foreigners arrested ar-
bitrarily in previous years remain in detention.
It has also been reported that there is a widespread practice of holding family
members and close associates responsible for the alleged actions of others. The Spe-
cial Rapporteur notes that "guilt by association" is facilitated by administrative re-
quirements on relatives of deserters or other perceived opponents of the regime. For
example, relatives who did not report deserters could lose their ration cards for pur-
chasing government-controlled food supplies or be evicted from their residences. .
Anmesty International reported in October that relatives often do not inauire about
the whereabouts of arrested family members for fear of being arrested tnemselves.
Mass arrests are also reportedly commonplace; the Special Rapporteur learned of
at least 3 such instances in southern Iraq in 1997. Twenty-five families are reported
to have been interred in Al-Fajir prison in Nassariyah province; 30 persons (women,
children, and old men) from Al-Ghizlah reportedly were arrested and taken to Bagh-
dad; on April 3, a large number of persons reportedly were arrested in the Bani Said
area and have yet to oe released.
The Government reportedly continued to target Shi'a Muslim clergy and their
supporters for arbitrary arrest and other abuses. It also reportedly continued forc-
ibly to move Shi'a populations from the south to the north, and other minority
1454
groups such as Assyrians and Turkomen from the north to government-controlled
territory.
There was no substantive evidence that the Government was implementing two
"amnesty" decrees issued in 1995. Human rights monitors remain concerned that
Iraqi authorities may be attempting to bring deserters and government opponents
out of hiding in order to penalize them.
Although no statistics are available, observers estimate the number of political de-
tainees in the tens of thousands.
The Government is not known to practice forced exile. However, 1 to 2 million
self-exiled Iraqis are fearful of returning to Iraq.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is not independent, and there is no
check on the President's power to override any court decision. The Special
Rapporteur and international human rights groups all observed during the year
that the repressive nature of the political and legal systems precludes any concept
of rule of law. Numerous laws lend themselves to continued repression, and the
Government uses extrajudicial methods to extract confessions or coerce cooperation
with the regime.
There are two parallel judicial systems: the regular courts, which try common
criminal offenses; and special security courts, whicn generally try national security
cases, but may also try criminal cases. There is a Court of Appeal and the Court
of Cassation, which is the highest court.
Procedures in the regular courts theoretically provide for many protections. How-
ever, the regime often assigns to the security courts cases which, on their merits,
would app>ear to fall under the jurisdiction of the regular courts. Trials in the regu-
lar courts are public, and defendants are entitled to counsel, at government expense
in the case of indigents. Defense lawyers have the right to review the charges and
evidence brought against their clients. There is no jury system; panels of three
judges try cases. Defendants have the right to appeal to the Court of Appeal and
then to the Court of Cassation.
The Government shields certain groups from prosecution for alleged crimes. A
1992 decree grants immunity from prosecution to members of the Ba'ath Party and
the security forces who kill anyone while in pursuit of army deserters. Unconfirmed
but widespread reports indicate that this aecree was applied in 1997 to prevent
trials or punishment of government officials. Nevertheless, Saddam Hussein's per-
sonal decree clearly supersedes any legal proceedings — including those designed to
shield his family. For example, in May the President reportedly seized the assets
of his half brother Sabawi Ibrahim Al-Hassan. A 1990 decree grants immunity to
men who commit "honor crimes," i.e., kill their female family members for a per-
ceived lack of chastity.
Special security courts have jurisdiction in all cases involving espionage and trea-
son, peaceful political dissent, smuggling, currency exchange violations, and drug
trafficking. According to the Special Rapporteur and other sources, military officers
or civil servants with no legal training head these tribunals, which hear cases in
secret. Authorities often hola defendants incommunicado and do not permit contact
with lawyers. The courts admit confessions extracted by torture, which often serve
as the basis for conviction. There are reports that individuals who have cooperated
with U.N. weapons inspectors have been subjected to secret trials.
Many cases appear to end in summary execution, although defendants may ap-
peal to the President for clemency. Saddam Hussein may grant clemency in any
case that apparently suits his political goals. There are no Shari'a, or Islamic law,
courts as such. Regular courts are empowered to administer Islamic law in cases
involving personal status, such as divorce and inheritance.
Because the Government rarely acknowledges arrests or imprisonments and fami-
lies are afraid to talk about arrests, it is difTicult to estimate the number of political
prisoners. Many of the tens of thousands of persons who have disappeared or been
killed in recent years were originally held as political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government frequently disregarded the constitutional right to privacy, particularly
in cases allegedly involving national security. The law defines security offenses so
broadly that authorities are virtually exempt from the legal reauirement to obtain
search warrants. The authorities frequently conduct searches without warrants. The
regime routinely ignored constitutional provisions safeguarding the confidentiality of
mail, telegraphic correspondence, and telephone conversations. The Government pe-
riodically jammed news broadcasts, including those of opposition groups, from out-
side Iraq.
In Kirkuk the regime periodically sealed off whole districts and conducted day-
long, house to house searches, evidently as part of its campaign to harass and expel
ethnic Kurds and Turkomen from the city (see Section 2.d.).
1455
The security services and the Ba'ath Party maintain pervasive networks of in-
formers to deter dissident activity and instill fear in the public. For example, the
Special Rapporteur reported that an operator was arrested and executed in 1993 for
having warned a person not to use a wiretapped telephone line. The authorities also
hold lamily members and close associates responsible for the alleged actions of oth-
ers (see Section l.d.).
In September Iraqi expatriates in Amman reported a new government effort for
surveillance of university students. Worried about antigovernment pamphlets that
appeared at Basrah and Qadisiyah Universities in 1996, the regime used the Min-
istry of Education to move undercover military intelligence and Special Security offi-
cers onto campuses around the country.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— As in previous years, the armed forces conducted deliberate artillery attacks
against Shi'a civilians in the southern marshes and against minority groups in
northern Iraq. In 1992 the Gulf War allies imposed "no-fly zones" over both north-
em and southern Iraq. The no-fly zones contmued to deter aerial attacks on the
marsh dwellers in southern Iraq and residents of northern Iraq, but they did not
prevent artillery attacks on villages in either area, nor the military's large-scale
burning operations in the southern marshes.
For example, in April heavy artillery attacks on the towns of Al-Ghizlan in
Nasseriyah province and Al-Eliwa, Abu Ashra, Al-Adil, and Al-Salam in Amarah
province reportedly resulted in substantial civilian casualties, including women and
children. In May the same sort of attack occurred at Al-Tar and Al-Shiukh in
Nasariyah province. On November 1, a week-long operation in the marshes con-
ducted by the Third Corps was led off by similar heavy artillery assaults. Several
civilians were reportedly wounded in another shelling incident in the Al Zoor area
of Naseriyah province on November 18 and 19.
During the year. Government also continued its water-diversion and other
projects in the south, accelerating the process of large-scale environmental destruc-
tion. The Government claimed that the drainage is part of a land reclamation plan
to increase the acreage of arable land, spur agricultural production, and reduce salt
pollution in the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. However, the evidence of large-scale
human and ecological destruction appears to belie this claim, and other credible re-
fiorts confirmed the ongoing destruction of the marshes. The Supreme Council of the
slamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) claimed to have obtained government documents
describing its long-range plans to drain the marshes completely. The army contin-
ued to construct canals, causeways, and earthen berms to divert water from the wet-
lands. Hundreds of square kilometers have been burned in military operations.
Moreover, the regime's diversion of supplies in the south limited the population's ac-
cess to food, medicine, drinking water, and transportation.
According to the U.N. Special Rapporteur and opposition sources, thousands of
persons in Nasseriyah and Basrah provinces were denied rations under UNSCR
986. In these provinces and in Amarah province, access to food is allegedly used to
reward regime supporters and silence opponents. Shi'a opposition groups report
that, due to the continuing fighting, the condition of the Shi'a in the south has con-
tinued to deteriorate even after the institution of the U.N."s "oil for food" program.
The Government maintained a partial internal embargo against the three prov-
inces in northern Iraq for most of the year. These provinces are populated primarily
by Kurds, Assyrians, Turkomen, and other ethnic minorities. Tne embargo pre-
vented the free movement of food, medicine, and other humanitarian supplies to
that area. Beginning in 1993, the embargo also included the cutoff of electric power
in specific areas, causing the disruption of water and sanitation systems, and inter-
fering with the delivery of food and fuel. Indications of loosened restrictions for the
territory controlled by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan appeared to be tied to politi-
cal concessions, such as accepting school textbooks praising Saddam Hussein and
the Iraqi regime.
A multinational coalition continued enforcement of a "no-fly zone" to inhibit gov-
ernment aerial activity to repress citizens in northern Iraq. The Government contin-
ued to Arabize certain areas, such as the urban centers of Kirkuk and Mosul,
through the forced movement of local residents from their homes and villages and
their replacement by Arabs from outside the area (see Section l.d.).
The PKK also committed numerous abuses against civilians in northern Iraq
throughout the year. For example, on August 4, five persons were reportedly kid-
napea from the village of Gunda Jour by a PKK band. Iraqi Kurds reported that
on October 23, a PKK unit killed 14 civilians (10 of them children) and wounded
9 others in attacks on the villages of Korka, Chema, Dizo, and Selki. On December
13, seven Assyrian civilians reportedly were ambushed and killed near the village
of Mangeesh. Many villagers in Dohuk and Irbil provinces, particularly those from
1456
isolated areas, were reported to have abandoned their homes and temporarily relo-
cated to cities and lager towns to escape PKK attacks.
On several occasions in 1997, Turkish armed forces entered northern Iraq in pur-
suit of PKK terrorists and bases. In November Turkish and KDP forces fought
pitched battles against the PUK and the PKK. These operations resulted in some
civilian deaths and destruction of residences. The Government of Turkey denied al-
legations that Turkish forces used air-delivered incendiary bombs and intentionally
targeted civilian populations in their operations; independent observers on the scene
found no evidence of such actions. Turkish government authorities stressed that the
operations sought to avoid civilian casualties and that much of the fighting took
place in unpopulated areas.
Land mines in northern Iraq, mostly planted by the Government before 1991, con-
tinued to kill and maim civilians. Many of the mines were laid during the Iran-Iraq
War, but the army failed to clear them before it abandoned the area. The mines
appear to have been haphazardly planted in civilian areas. Land mines are also a
problem all along the Iraq-Iran Dorder throughout central and southern Iraq, but
there is no information on civilian casualties or the efforts, if any, to clear old mine-
fields in areas under the central Government's control. The Special Rapporteur re-
peatedly has reminded the Government of its obligation under the Land Mines Pro-
tocol to protect civilians from the effects of mines. Various nongovernmental organi-
zations CNGO's) continued efforts to remove mines from the area and increase mine
awareness among local residents.
After the 1991 Gulf War, victims and eyewitnesses described war crimes per-
petrated by the Iraqi regime — deliberate killing, torture, rape, pillage, hostage-tak-
ing, and associated acts — directly related to the Gulf War. Many governments con-
tinue to urge the U.N. Security Council to establish an international commission to
study evidence of a broader range of war crimes, as well as crimes against humanity
and possible genocide. Human Rights Watch (HRW) and other organizations have
worked with various governments to bring a genocide case at the International
Court of Justice against the Government for its conduct of the Anfal campaign
against the Kurds in 1988.
In September the Iranian Air Force attacked two camps of the Iranian terrorist
Cup Mujahedin Al-Khalq (MEK) in Iraq. There were reports of casualties among
qi civilians.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, but also stipulates that " the State ensures the considerations nec-
essary to exercise these liberties, in compliance with the revolutionary, national and
progressive trend." In practice, freedom of speech and of the press do not exist, and
political dissent is not tolerated in areas under the Government's control. The Spe-
cial Rapporteur noted that "the people live in a climate of fear in which whatever
they or their family members may say or do, particularly in the area of politics, in-
volves the risk of arrest and interrogation by the police or military intelligence."
The Government and the Ba'ath Party own all print and broadcast media and op-
erate them as propaganda outlets. They generally do not report opposing points of
view that are expressed either domestically or abroad. According to the Special
Rapporteur, iournalists are under regular pressure to join the Ba'ath party and
must follow tne recommendations of the Iraqi Union of Journalists, headed bv Uday
Hussein. The Special Rapporteur reported tnat one journalist was sentenced, to life
imprisonment for telling a joke about Saddam Hussein, while another was arrested
on charges of "collaboration with foreign countries," possibly a reference to a nega-
tive report on the economic situation.
The Special Rapporteur reported that the Ministry of Culture and Information pe-
riodically holds meetings at which general guidelines for the press are provided.
Foreign journalists must work from offices located within the ministry building and
be accompanied everywhere they go by ministry ofiicers, who reportedly restrict the
reporters movements and make it impossible for them to interact freely with the
populace. Since Western news services have not been permitted to establish perma-
nent bureaus in Iraq, they are represented in Baghdad by Iraqi stafTers who are
based in the Ministry of Information and Culture.
Several statutes and decrees suppress freedom of speech and the press. These in-
clude Revolutionary Command Council decree no. 840 of November 1986, which pe-
nalizes free expression and stipulates the death penalty for anyone insulting the
President or otner high government officials; Section 214 of the Penal Code, which
prohibits singing a song nkely to cause civil strife; and the Press Act of 1968, which
prohibits the writing oi articles on 12 specific subjects, including those detrimental
to the President, the Revolutionary Command Council, and the Ba'ath Party.
1457
Books can be published only with the authorization of the Ministry of Culture and
Information. The Ministry of Education often sends textbooks with pro-regime prop-
aganda to Kurdish regions; the Kurds routinely remove propaganda items from the
books. In October the Minister of Education "warned these cliques that we hold
them responsible" for altering the books.
The Government regularly jammed foreign news broadcasts (see Section l.f.). In
an effort to interdict further any foreign reports on Iraq, the Government also
banned satellite dishes. The penalty for possessing a satellite dish reportedly is an
indefinite term of imprisonment in solitary confinement and confiscation of all
household effects.
In northern Iraq, several newspapers have apf)eared over the past 5 years, as
have opposition radio and television broadcasts. The absence of central authority
permits some freedom of expression, although most journalists are influenced or
controlled by various political organizations.
The Government has no respect for academic freedom, exercising strict control
over academic publications. University staff is hired or fired depending on their sup-
port for the Government.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, but, except in Kurdish-controlled northern areas, citizens may
not assemble legally other than to express support for the regime. The Government
regularly orchestrates crowds to demonstrate support for the regime and its policies
through financial incentives for those who participate and threats of violence
against those who do not.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, but the Government controls
the establishment of political parties, regulates their internal affairs, and monitors
their activities. Several parties are specifically outlawed, and membership in them
is a capital offense. A 1974 law prescribes the death penalty for anyone "infiltrating"
the BaVth Party.
In Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq, the situation is mixed. For example, 120,000
people reportedly participated in a protest march in Irbil in October, demanding
that the PUK restore electrical power to the city. . On the other hand, both the KDP
and the PUK intimidated, seized the property of, and forcibly expelled members and
alleged supporters of the rival organization from the territory they control (see Sec-
tion 2.d.).
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, but
also notes that "Islam is the religion of the State." In practice, the Government se-
verely limits freedom of religion. The Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs
monitors places of worship, appoints the clergy, and approves the publication of reli-
gious literature.
Although Shi'a Muslim Arabs, who compose between 60 and 65 percent of the
population, are the largest religious group, Sunni Arabs (composing only about 12
to 15 percent of the population) traditionally have dominated economic and political
life. Despite legal protection of sectarian equality, the regime has in recent years
repressed the Shi'a clergy and followers of the Shi'a faith. Security forces have dese-
crated Shi'a mosques and holy sites, particularly in the aftermath of the 1991 civil
uprisings.
The following government restrictions on religious rights remained in effect
throughout 1997: a ban on the Muslim call to prayer in certain cities; a ban on the
broadcast of Shi'a programs on government radio or television; a ban on the publica-
tion of Shi'a books, including prayer books; a ban on funeral processions; and the
prohibition of certain processions and public meetings commemorating Shi'a holy
days. In June serious clashes were reported between Shi'a pilgrims traveling to
Karbala for the Arba'in commemoration and security forces and government-backed
Sunni civilians. Reports of casualties varied widely, indicating that between 40 to
500 pilgrims were killed. The Government cut off food, water, and electricity to the
city of Karbala. Some pilgrims were allegedly kidnaped and their families were
forced to pay a ransom to the Gk)vernment to efTect their release.
The Government continues to insist that its own appointee replace the late Grand
Ayatollah Abul Qasim Al-Khoei, formerly the highest ranking Iraqi Shi'a clergyman,
who died in government custody in 1992 (see Section l.b.). The Shi'a religious estab-
lishment refuses to accept the Government's choice. The Government also continued
to harass and threaten members of the late Ayatollah Al-Khoei's family (see Sec-
tions l.a. and l.b.). In Najaf on November 25, government agents allegedly attacked
the house of Mohammed Rida Sistani, the son of Ayatollah Syed Ali Sistani, one
of the most senior Shi'a leaders in Iraq. Sistani was wounded, a colleague was
killed, and Sistani's home was ransacked, according to a SCIRI report.
1458
As far as is known, the security forces still were encamped in the shrine to Imam
Ali at Al-Najaf, one of Shi'a Islam's holiest sites, and the former Shi'a theological
school in Al-Najaf.
The Special Rapporteur and others reported that the Government has engaged in
various abuses against the country's 350,000 Assyrian Christians. Most Assyrians
traditionally live in the northern govemorates, and the Government often has sus-
pected them of "collaborating" with Kurds. Military forces destroyed numerous As-
syrian churches during the Anfal Campaign and reportedly tortured and executed
many Assyrians (see Section 4). Accoroing to Human Rights Watch and Assyrian
sources, the Government continues to harass and kill Assyrians throughout the
country by forced relocations, terror, and artillery shelling.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government controls the movement within the country of citizens
and foreigners. Persons who enter sensitive border areas and numerous designated
security zones are subject to arrest. Police checkpoints are common on major roads
and highways.
In November, at the height of the Government's defiance of U.N. resolutions re-
Quiring inspections for weapons of mass destruction, the Government announced
tnat hundreds of patriotic citizens had volunteered to serve as "human shields" in
the event of a coalition air strike on Saddam Hussein's palaces and military-indus-
trial sites. However, reports from opposition sources in Iraq claimed that Ba'ath
Party functionaries had been issued quotas of "volunteers" to recruit to serve in this
capacity. When bribes of increased food rations failed to generate the required num-
ber of persons, the Ba'ath Party, in conjunction with the security services, report-
edly coerced civilians to serve as "human shields."
'The Government requires citizens to obtain specific government authorization and
expensive exit visas for foreign travel. Citizens may not make more than two trips
abroad annually. Before traveling abroad, citizens are required to post collateral
with the Government, which is refundable only upon their return to Iraq. There are
restrictions on the amount of currency that may be taken out of the country. Women
are not permitted to travel outside Iraq alone; male relatives must escort them.
Each student wishing to travel abroad must provide a guarantor who is liable if the
student fails to return. Students abroad who refuse to return to Iraq are required
to reimburse any of their expenses that were paid by the Government.
The Government prohibits foreign travel by journalists, authors, and all the em-
ployees of the Information Ministry. Security authorities interrogate all media em-
ployees, journalists, and writers who travel outside Iraq.
Foreign spouses of citizens who have resided in Iraq for 5 years (1 year for
spouses of government employees) are required to apply lor naturalization as Iraqi
citizens. Many foreigners thus become subject to travel restrictions. The penalties
for noncompliance include, but are not limited to, loss of the spouse's job, a substan-
tial financial penalty, and repayment for any governmental educational expenses.
The Government prevents many citizens who also hold citizenship in another coun-
try— especially the children of Iraqi fathers and foreign-born mothers — from visiting
the country of their other nationality.
The Government continued to pursue its discriminatory resettlement policies, in-
cluding demolition of villages and forced relocation of ethnic Kurds, Turlcomen, As-
syrians, and other minorities. Human rights monitors reported that the Government
continued to force Kurdish and Turkomen residents of Kirkuk to move to other
areas in the north or to the south. In their place, ethnic Arab families were moved
in, evidently in an effort to "Arabize" this oil-rich city. Another motive may have
been simple thefl; the Special Rapporteur described the alleged expropriation of
Turkomen agricultural land near Kirkuk by high-level regime oTficials and members
of Saddam Hussein's family. Typically the displaced persons reported that they were
fiven at most 1 week to leave, and that they ollen were not allowed to bring their
elongings with them. In many cases, Iraqi security officials reportedly seized food
coupons issued to displaced persons under the U.N. "oil-for-food" program. Amnesty
International reported that, according to some sources, family members, including
children, are sometimes taken hostage by the Government to ensure that families
do not resist the order to move.
The U.N. Secretary General estimates that there are more than half a million in-
ternally displaced persons in the three northern provinces (Irbil, Dohuk, and
Suleymaniyah). Well over 100,000 were added in 1997, due to expulsion by govern-
ment forces, expulsion by competing Kurdish groups, and intra-Kurdish fighting.
There were constant reports of forced expulsions of Kurds and Turkomen from
Kirkuk and Khanaquin: 1,500 persons in April; 1,300 families in May; 440 families
in July; 1,000 families in September; and 1,750 families in December. The Kurdish
factions added greatly to this problem by expelling each other's political supporters
1459
from areas that they control and by their renewed fighting. The KDP estimated that
58,000 KDP supporters were expelled from Suleymaniyah and other PUK-controlled
areas from October 1996 to October 1997; the PUK says that more than 49,000 of
its supporters were expelled from Irbil and other KDP-controlled areas from August
1996 through December 1997. The U.N. reports that more than 10,000 persons were
forced from their homes when fighting broke out between the Kurdish factions along
their cease-fire line in October 1997.
According to the Special Rapporteur, security forces continued to relocate Shi'a in-
habitants of the southern marshes to major southern cities. Many have been trans-
ferred to detention centers and prisons in central Iraq, primarily in Baghdad, or
even to northern cities like Kirkuk as part of the Government's attempt to Arabize"
traditionally non-Arab areas.
The Government does not provide first asylum or respect the rights of refugees.
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), hun-
dreds of thousands of Iraqi refugees remain abroad. Apart from those suspected of
sympathizing with Iran, most fled after the Government's suppression of the civil
uprising of 1991; others are Kurds who fled the Anfal Campaign of 1988.
Of the 1.5 million refugees who fled following the 1991 uprisings, the great major-
ity, particularly Kurds, have repatriated themselves to northern Iraq in areas where
the allied coalition has prohibited overflights by Iraqi aircraft. Several hundred
thousand Kurds remain unsettled in northern Iraq because political circumstances
do not permit them to return to their former homes in government-controlled terri-
tory. According to the Special Rapporteur, many of these families still live in tent
camps under extremely harsh conditions, which result in many deaths, particularly
among the elderly and young children.
Approximately 12,000 Turkish Kurds remain in the north who have fled civil
striie in southeastern Turkey. The UNHCR is treating these displaced persons as
refugees until it reaches an official determination of their status. The Atrush refu-
fee camp was closed in early 1997 and about 1,000 of its residents returned to Tur-
ey. A total of 6,000 refugees from Atrush reportedly have moved to the Ayn Sifni
facility, with most of the remainder relocating to KDP-controlled areas of northern
Iraq.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. Although the Govern-
ment has taken steps to increase the perception of democracy, the political process
still was controlled firmly by the State. The 1995 "referendum" on Saddam Hus-
sein's presidency was not free and was dismissed as a sham by most international
observers. It included neither voter privacy nor opposing candidates, and many cred-
ible reports indicated that voters feared possible reprisal for a negative vote. A total
of 500 people reportedly were arrested in Karbala, Baghdad, and Ramadi provinces
for casting negative ballots, and a member of the intelligence services reportedly
was executed for refusing to vote for the President.
There are strict qualifications for electoral candidates; the candidates for the Na-
tional Assembly, by law, must be over 25 years old and "believe in God, the prin-
ciples of the July 17-30 revolution, and socialism." Out of the 250 seats, 160 depu-
ties reportedly belong to the Ba'ath Party, 60 are independent, and Saddam Hussein
appointed 30 deputies to represent the northern provinces. According to the Special
Rapporteur, the Ba'ath Party allegedly instructed a number of its members to run
as nominally "independent" candidates.
Full political participation at the national level is confined to members of the
Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party, estimated at about 8 f)ercent of the population. The po-
litical system is dominated by the Party, which governs through the Revolutionary
Command Council, headed by President Saddam Hussein. However, the RCC exer-
cises both executive and legislative authority. It overshadows the National Assem-
bly, which is completely subordinate to it and the executive branch.
The President wields decisive power over all instruments of government. Almost
all powerful officials are either members of his family or are family allies from his
home town of Tikrit.
Opposition political organizations are illegal and severely suppressed. Member-
ship in certain political parties is punishable by death (see Section 2.b.). In 1991
the RCC adopted a law that theoretically authorized the creation of political parties
other than the Ba'ath Party; in practice the law is used to prohibit parties that do
not support Saddam Hussein and the Government. New parties must be based in
Baghdad and are prohibited from having any ethnic or religious character.
The Government does not recognize the various political gi-ou pings and parties
that have been formed by Shi'a Muslims, as well as Kurdish, Assyrian, Turkomen,
1460
and other Iraqi communities. These political groups continued to attract support de-
spite their illegal status.
Women and minorities are underre presented in government and politics. The law
provides for the election of women and minorities to the National Assembly, but
they have only token representation.
In northern Iraq, all central government functions have been performed by local
administrators, mainly Kurds, since the Government withdrew its military forces
and civilian administrative personnel from the area after the 1991 uprising. A re-
gional parliament and local government administrators were elected in 1992. This
fiarliament last met in May 1995. Discussions among Kurdish and other northern
raqi political groups continue on the reconvening of parliament, but fighting be-
tween the PUk and KDP continue to prevent normal parliamentary activity.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not permit the establishment of independent human rights
organizations. It operates an official human rights group that routinely denies alle-
gations of abuses. Citizens have established several human rights groups abroad
and in northern areas not under government control. Monitors from foreign and
international human rights groups are not allowed in Iraq.
As in previous years, the Government did not allow the U.N. Special Rapporteur
to visit Iraq, nor did it respond to his requests for information. The Government
continued to defy various calls from U.N. bodies to allow the Special Rapporteur to
visit the southern marshes and other rerions.
For the fifth consecutive year, the United Nations Human Rights Commission
(UNHRC) called on the U.N. Secretary General to send human rights monitors to
"help in the independent verification of reports on the human rignts situation in
Iraq." The U.N. Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of
Minorities made a similar request. The Government has continued to ignore these
calls for the entry of monitors.
The Special Rapporteur nonetheless was able to gather more evidence, in part due
to interviews with current and past government officials, which shed new light on
the systemic nature of human rights violations. He dispatched members of his staff
to Kuwait, Jordan, and other locations to interview victims of government human
rights abuses.
The Government harassed and intimidated relief workers and U.N. personnel
throughout the country, maintained a threat to arrest or kill relief workers in the
north, staged protests against U.N. ofTices in the capital, and may have arranged
for the bombing of a U.NT headquarters in Baghdad (see Sections l.g. and 2.a.).
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution and the legal system provides for some rights for women, chil-
dren, and minorities. However, in practice, the Government systematically violates
these rights.
Women. — Domestic violence against women occurs but little is known about its ex-
tent. Such abuse is customarily addressed within the tightly knit family structure.
There is no public discussion of the subject, and the Government issues no statistics.
Spousal violence constitutes grounds for divorce and criminal charges, but suits
brought on these charges are Believed to be rare. Men who kill female family mem-
bers for "immoral deeds" may receive immunity from prosecution under a 1990 law
(see Section l.d.).
The Special Rapporteur has noted that there is an unusually high percentage of
women in the Kurdish areas, purportedly caused by the disappearances of tens of
thousands of Kurdish men during the Anfal Campaign. The Special Rapporteur has
reported that the widows, daughters, and mothers of the Anfal Campaign victims
are economically dependent on their relatives or villages because they may not in-
herit the property or assets of their missing family members.
Evidence concerning the Anfal Campaign indicates that the Government killed
many women and children, including infants, by firing squads and in chemical at-
tacks.
The Government claims that it is committed to equality for women, who make up
about 20 percent of the work force. It has enacted laws to protect women from ex-
ploitation in the workplace and from sexual harassment; to permit women to join
the regular army, Popular Army, and police forces; to require education for girls;
and to equalize women's rights in divorce, land ownership, taxation, and suffrage.
It is difficult to determine to what extent these protections are afforded in practice.
However, reports indicate that the application of these laws has declined as Iraq's
1461
political and economic crisis persists. Women are not allowed to travel outside Iraq
alone (see Section 2.d.).
Children. — No information is available on whether the Government has enacted
specific legislation to promote the welfare of children. However, the Special
Rapporteur and several human rights groups have collected a substantial body of
evidence pointingto the Government's continuing disregard for the rights and wel-
fare of children. This may include government officials taking children from minor-
ity groups hostage in order to intimidate their families to leave cities and regions
where the regime wishes to create a Sunni Arab majority (see Section l.d.).
The Government's failure to comply with relevant U.N. Security Council resolu-
tions has led to a continuation of economic sanctions. Exacerbating this situation,
the regime's implementation of the "oil-for-food" arrangement under UNSCR 986 en-
sures that those who accede to the regime's policies benefit, while the need of vul-
nerable demographic groups are ignored. During the year, more than 3 million tons
of food reached Iraq under UNSCR 986, but the quantity and nutritional content
of the "food basket" that the Government sells to needy families actually was de-
creased by government decree. There are widespread reports that food that should
have been made available for the general public was in fact stockpiled in ware-
houses to replenish stocks held by the military. The Government management of the
program did not take into account the special requirements of children ages 1 to
5, despite the U.N. Secretary General's specific injunction that the Government
modify its implementation procedures to address this vulnerable group. The (jovem-
ment twice refused to pump oil during 1997 (for a total of 3 months), causing major
disruptions in the smooth flow of goods to Iraq. In November there were credible
firess reports that pharmaceutical supplies that should have been directed to sick
raqi children instead were exported or reexported for sale in Jordan, and that $300
million in medicine and medical supplies that the Government said was needed des-
perately by children had been delayed because of regime members' demands for
bribes from suppliers. As a result, health conditions have deteriorated and children
have been particularly susceptible, except the children of regime supporters.
In August the Government announced for the fourth year a 3-week training
course in weapons use, hand-to-hand fighting, rappelling from helicopters and infan-
try tactics for children 10 to 15 years of age. Camps for these "Saddam Cubs" oper-
ated throu^out the country, with 8,(X)0 children participating in Baghdad alone.
Senior military officers who supervised the course noted that the children held up
under the "physical and psychological strain" of tough training for as long as 14
hours each day.
People With Disabilities. — No information is available on the Government's policy
towards people with disabilities.
Religious Minorities. — Iraq's cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity are not re-
flected in the country's political and economic structure. Various segments of the
Sunni Arab community, which itself constitutes a small minority of the population,
have effectively controlled the Government since independence in 1932. Shi'a Arabs,
the majority of the population, have long been economically, politically, and socially
disadvantaged. Like the Sunni Kurds and other ethnic and religious groups in the
north, the Shi'a Arabs of the south have been targeted for particular discrimination
and abuse, ostensibly because of their opposition to the Government.
National/ Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — Kurds, who make up approximately 20 per-
cent of the population, historically have suffered political and economic discrimina-
tion, despite the token presence of a small number of Kurds in the national Govern-
ment (see Sections l.a., l.b., and l.g.).
Assyrians are an ethnic group as well as a Christian community (see Section 2.c.).
They speak a distinct language — Syriac. Public instruction in Syriac, which was to
have been allowed under a 1972 decree, has never been implemented. Numerous re-
ports indicated continued systemic discrimination against Assyrians throughout
1997, especially in terms of forced movements from northern areas and repression
of political rights there.
'Turkomen and Assyrian volunteers form the backbone of the Peace Monitoring
Force (PMF) which patroled the cease-fire line between the Kurdish factions. On
January 23, the semi-official Baghdad newspaper Babel, owned by Uday Hussein,
warned that the Turkomen and Assyrian communities could "suffer harm" if PMF
activities continued. The PUK reported in November that families and relatives of
PMF members living in government-controlled areas have been threatened directly
by the regime, causing many PMF members to desert from the force. Other sources
reported that PKK terrorists also had threatened members of the PMF and con-
ducted attacks on the offices of Turkomen organizations.
1462
Citizens considered by the Government to be of Iranian origin must carry special
identification and are often precluded from desirable employment. Over the years,
the Government has deported hundreds of thousands of citizens of Iranian origin.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Trade unions independent of government control do
not exist. The Trade Union Organization Law of 1987 establisned the Iraqi General
Federation of Trade Unions (IGFTU), a government-dominated trade union struc-
ture, as the sole legal trade federation. The IGFTU is linked to the Ba'ath Party,
■ which uses it to promote party principles and policies among union members.
Workers in private and mixed enterprises — but not public employees or workers
in state enterprises — have the right to join local union committees. The committees
are affiliated with individual trade unions, which in turn belong to the IGFTU.
The Labor Law of 1987 restricts the right to strike. No strike has been reported
over the past two decades. According to the International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions, the severe restrictions on the ri^t to strike include penal sanctions.
The IGFTU is affiliated with the International Confederation of Arab Trade
Unions and the formerly Soviet-controlled World Federation of Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right to bargain collec-
tively is not recognized. Salaries for public sector workers (the majority of the em-
ployed) are set by the Government. Wages in the much smaller private sector are
set by employers or negotiated individually with workers. Government workers fre-
quently are shifted from one job and work location to another to prevent them from
forming close associations with other workers. The Labor Code does not protect
workers from antiunion discrimination, a failure that has been criticized repeatedly
by the International Labor Organization's (ILO) Committee of Experts.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Compulsory labor theoretically is
prohibited by law. However, the Penal Code mandates prison sentences, incluaing
compulsory labor, for civil servants and employees of state enterprises accused of
breaches of labor "discipline," including resigning from a job. According to the ILO,
foreign workers in Iraq have been prevented from terminating their employment to
return to their native countries because of government-imposed penal sanctions on
persons who do so. There is no information available on forced and bonded labor
by children.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum, Age for Employment. — The em-
ployment of children under age 14 is prohibited except in small-scale family enter-
prises. Children reportedly increasingly are encouraged to work in order to support
their families, in view of the country's harsh economic conditions. The law stipulates
that eniployees between the ages of 14 and 18 work fewer hours per week than
adults. Each year the Government enrolls children as young as 10 years of age in
a paramilitary training program (see Section 5). There is no information available
on forced and bonded labor by children (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Theoretically, most workers in urban areas
work a 6-day, 48-hour workweek. Hours for government employees are set by the
head of each ministry. Working hours for agricultural workers vary according to in-
dividual employer-employee agreements. Occupational safety programs are in effect
in state-run enterprises. Inspectors theoretically inspect private establishments, but
enforcement varies widely. There is no information on workers' ability to remove
themselves from work situation that endanger their health or safety, or on those
who complain about such conditions.
ISRAEL AND THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES
Israel ^ is a parliamentary democracy with a multiparty system and free elections.
There is no constitution; a series of "basic laws" provide for fundamental rights. The
legislature, or Knesset, has the power to dissolve the Government and limit the au-
thority of the executive branch. Likud Party leader Benyamin Netanyahu is Prime
Minister and heads a center-right coalition government. The judiciary is legally
independent but, in practice, it usually acquiesces with the Government's position
in security cases.
Since its founding in 1948, Israel has been in a state of war with most of its Arab
neighbors. It concluded a peace treaty with Egypt in 1979 and with Jordan in 1994.
^The human rights Bituation in the occupied territories is discussed in the annex appended
to this report.
1463
As a result of the 1967 War, Israel occupied the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, East
Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. The international community does not recognize
Israel's sovereignty over any part of the occupied territories. Tnroughout its exist-
ence, Israel has experienced numerous terrorist attacks.
An historic process of reconciliation between Israel and its neighbors began with
the Madrid Conference in 1991 and continued with the September 1993 signing of
the IsraeH-Palestinian Declaration of Principles (DOP). In September 1995, Israel
and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed the Interim Agreement on
the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which provided for the election and establish-
ment of a Palestinian self-governing authority, transfer of civil authority, Israeli re-
deployment from major Palestinian population centers in the West Bank, security
arrangements, and cooperation in a variety of areas. In January Israel and the PLO
concluded the Hebron Agreement, which established security arrangements for the
withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Palestinian-populated areas of Hebron, and set
out a road map for mutual implementation of other Interim Agreement commit-
ments. However, in March Israel began construction in the Har Homa/Jebel Abu
Ghanaim neighborhood of east Jerusalem and on March 7 announced a minimal
first-phase further redeployment of its forces from the occupied territories. At the
same time the Palestinian Authority (PA) slackened security cooperation. A suicide
bombing in Tel Aviv on March 21 was followed by two more in Jerusalem on July
30 and September 4; 24 persons were killed and hundreds were injured. As a result
of these (kvelopments, negotiations on Interim Agreement implementation issues
were broken off between March and October, and the two parties had not agreed
to resume final status talks at year's end.
Internal security is the responsibility of the General Security Service (GSS) —
(Shin Bet, or Shabak), which is under the authority of the Prime Minister's office.
The police are under the authority of the Minister of Internal Security. The Israel
Defense Forces (IDF) are under the authority of a civilian Minister of Defense. The
IDF includes a significant portion of the adult population on active duty or reserve
status and plays a role in maintaining internal security. The Foreign Affairs and
Defense Committee in the Knesset reviews the activities of the IDF and the GSS.
Members of the security forces committed human rights abuses.
Israel has an advanced industrial economy, and citizens enjoy a high standard of
living, with a per capita income of $17,000. Unemployment among citizens rose to
7.6 percent by mid-1997 but was substantially higher in the country's peripheral re-
gions and among lower-skilled workers. Along with rapid economic growth in recent
years, there has been a tendency toward increasing income inequality. The long-
stanc^ng gap in levels of income between Jewish and non-Jewish citizens continues.
Region^ income disparities appear to be growing, with unemployment in some
areas reaching more than douole the national average. Israel's neavy reliance on
foreign workers, principally from Asia and Eastern Europe, represents a growing
economic and social issue. Such workers are generally employed in agriculture and
the construction industry and constitute about 10 percent of'^the labor force. Since
the implementation of an economic stabilization plan in 1985, Israel has moved
gradually to reduce state intervention in the economy. The Netanyahu Government
IS committed to market-oriented structural reforms, especially deregulation and
rapid privatization of the economy. In 1997 the Government successfully privatized
Israel's largest bank and continued the process of privatizing and deregulating the
telecommunications sector. Despite the Government's continued dominant role in
the economy, individuals generally are free to invest in private interests and own
property. The Government owns 78percent of the country's land area, and as a mat-
ter of poHcy it does not sell land. The Government, its entities, and the Jewish Na-
tional Fund, (an organization established in 1897 for the purchase and management
of land for the Jewish people) own 93 percent of the country's land area. As a matter
of policy, the Government and its entities do not sell land. The Jewish National
Fund has a statute prohibiting sale or lease of land to non-Jews (although excep-
tions are sometimes made), foreigners are allowed freely to purchase or lease land
in the remaining 7 percent of Israel.
The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens, who enjoy a
wide range of civil and other rights. Israel's main human rights problems have aris-
en from its policies and practices in the occupied territories and from its fight
against terrorism. The redeployment of the IDF from most major Palestinian popu-
lation areas in the West Bank in December 1995, and its previous withdrawal from
Gaza and Jericho, have significantly reduced the scope of these problems.
Nonetheless, there continued to be problems in some areas. Security forces abused
Palestinians suspected of security offenses. During the year, the High Court of Jus-
tice heard 46 abuse-related cases (almost all asking for an injunction to halt the tor-
ture of a specific individual). In no case did the High Court issue an injunction pro-
1464
hibitin^ the use of "moderate physical pressure." The Government continues to de-
tain without charge numerous Palestinians. Detention and prison conditions, par-
ticularly for Palestinian security detainees held in Israel, in some cases do not meet
minimum international standards. However, new legislation took effect in May that
set titter limits on the length and grounds for pretrial detention. During the year,
discussion continued on proposed legislation to define the basis for and limits of
GSS activities after a 1996 version was widely criticized by human rights groups
and legal experts because it authorized the Government to use force during interro-
gation and to issue secret guidelines defining the methods of interrogation. The re-
vised le^slation, which had not been formally submitted to the Knesset by year's
end, omits this clause. Although there continues to be no explicit legal basis for the
use of "special measures," i.e., force during interrogation, the Government justifies
such practices as necessary in "special circumstances" when thought necessary to
save lives in the fight against terrorism.
The Government responded to terrorist and security incidents by periodically
tightening existing restrictions on movement across borders with the West Bank
and Gaza and between Palestinian Authority-controlled areas inside the West Bank,
detaining hundreds of Palestinians without charge and demolishing the homes of
some suspected terrorists and their families in the occupied territories.
The Government took steps to address discrimination and violence against
women, although the Attorney General's decision not to file charges against a
Knesset member accused of abusing his wife was widely criticized in the media by
women's groups and human rights advocates. Despite government pledges to elimi-
nate the wide social and economic gap between Israel s Arab and Jewish citizens,
there was little progress in this direction. Israel's Arab minority continues to suffer
from institutionalized discrimination and does not share fully in the rights granted
to, and the obligations imposed on, Jewish citizens.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings by government forces. In September Israeli agents in Amman, Jordan failed
in an attempt to kill the political director of the extremist group Hamas. One Pal-
estinian was beaten to death while in government custody.
Extremist Palestinian groups carried out three suicide bombings in Tel Aviv and
Jerusalem as part of a concerted effort to derail the Israeli-Palestinian peace proc-
ess. These included a March 21 attack in a Tel Aviv cafe that killed 3 persons and
wounded 48, a July 30 attack in a crowded Jerusalem market that killed 16 persons
and wounded 178, and a September 4 attack in a Jerusalem pedestrian mall that
killed 5 persons and woundea 181.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although laws and administrative regulations prohibit the physical abuse of detain-
ees, they are freauently not enforced in security cases. The GSS was responsible for
the widespread abuse of Palestinians suspected of security offenses. The nead of the
GSS is empowered by government regulation to authorize security ofTicers to use
"moderate physical and psychological pressure" (which includes violent shaking)
while interrogating detainees. These practices often led to excesses (for further in-
formation see Section I.e. in the annex).
Despite repeated challenges, the High Court of Justice has avoided ruling on the
legality of the practices of "shaking" and other forms of coercion. The (jovernment
claims that these practices are justified as "special measures" to be used in "special
circumstances" in the fight against terrorism. During the year, the High Court of
Justice heard 46 abuse-related cases (almost all asking for an injunction to halt the
torture of a specific individual). In addition, the High Court dropped numerous cases
before beginning formal hearings when the GSS announced that it no longer needed
to use "special measures." Human rights groups believe that the great maiority of
cases alleged to involve torture do not reach the court. In some cases, the High
Court of Justice issued injunctions prohibiting the use of certain forms for physical
pressure after hearing evidence presented in secret by the GSS and not made avail-
able to defense attorneys; however, according to Israeli human rights advocates and
legal experts, it routinely lifted them at the request of the GSS. In no case did the
High Court overrule a GSS decision to use "moderate physical pressure." According
to GSS records released to his attorney, Ahma Abu Hamed, who was arrested on
April 14, was hooded and shackled to a low chair in a painfully contorted position
for almost 13 hours over a period of 31 days, including 4 hours over 12 days after
he confessed to membership in, and acting on behalf of; an illegal organization. Ac-
1465
cording to the same GSS records, Abu Hamed was subjected to "shaking" six sepa-
rate times, including twice after his confession. In addition, Abu Hamed was de-
prived of sleep for extended periods of time. His attorney appealed to the High
Court on June 1 for an injunction to halt these methods of interrogation. On June
2, the Court declined to hear the case after the GSS announced that it was no
longer using force in the interrogation.
Asam Halman was detained without charge on July 25, and his attorney was de-
nied permission to meet with him until July 28. Halman alleged that during his in-
terrogation he was hooded, shackled to a low chair in a painfully contorted position,
and forced to listen to loud music for extended periods of time. He also alleged that
he was allowed to sleep for less than 5 hours over a 4-day period, and that his hand-
cuiTs were overly tightened, causing great pain and an infected wound. On July 30,
Halman's attorney asked the High Court of Justice for an injunction to prevent the
GSS from using torture. On the same day, the attorney was informed that the GSS
would stop using force in the interrogation. Halman was subsequently released
without charge on August 21.
Conditions vary in incarceration facilities in Israel and the occupied territories,
which are administered by the Israeli Prison Service (IPS), the Israel Defense
Forces (IDF), or the national police. IPS prisons, which generally house Israeli citi-
zens convicted of common crimes, usually meet minimum international standards.
Generally, IPS inmates are not subject to physical abuse by guards, food is ade-
quate, and prisoners receive basic necessities. Inmates receive mail, have television
sets in their cells, and receive regular visits. Prisoners receive wages for prison work
and benefits for good behavior. Many IPS prisons have drug treatment, educational,
and recreational programs. The IPS has established an investigatory committee to
look into charges of violence by guards against inmates.
Since the closure in 1995 of the main IDF detention camps in the occupied terri-
tories, all security detainees (i.e., those detained and held without charge by secu-
rity forces) from the occupied territories who are held for more than a few days are
transferred to facilities within Israel. Security detainees in 1997 were usually held
in IDF camps in Israel, but also in IPS facilities and in special sections of police
detention facilities. Prisoners incarcerated for security reasons are subject to a dif-
ferent regimen, even in IPS facilities. They are often denied certain privileges given
to prisoners convicted on criminal charges. Security detainees include some minors.
Detention camps administered by the IDF are limited to male Palestinian detainees
and are guarded by armed soldiers. The total number of Palestinian prisoners and
administrative detainees held by Israel, approximately 3,800 at the beginning of the
year, fell to 3,565 by year's end. The numoer of administrative detainees (held with
neither charge nor trial) varied between 293 and 573 during the year, and stood at
382 at year's end. Some of these detainees have been held for periods exceeding 2
years.
Conditions in IDF detention camps have been criticized repeatedly over the years.
Conditions at the Russian Compound in Jerusalem (which houses a combination of
security and common-law prisoners and detainees) were criticized as "not fit to serve
as lock -up" by the High C5ourt of Justice President Aharon Barak after an August
visit to tne facility. Conditions in other IDF facilities improved in some respects,
with inmates given more time for exercise outside their cells. Nevertheless, rec-
reational facilities remain minimal, and there are strict limitations on family visits
to detainees. Visits were prevented for long periods during closures of the borders
with Gaza and the West Bank.
Conditions at some national p>olice detention facilities can fall below minimum
international standards. Such facilities are intended to hold criminal detainees prior
to trial but often become de facto prisons. Those held include some security detain-
ees and some f>ersons who have been convicted and sentenced. Inmates in the na-
tional police detention facilities are often not accorded the same rights as prisoners
in the IPS. Moreover, conditions are worse in the separate facilities for security de-
tainees maintained both in police facilities and in IPS prisons.
In 1996 the Government began a reform program for the country's detention fa-
cilities. Thus far, improvements in prison conditions have been limited in scope, and
dilapidation and overcrowding (the latter aggravated by the closure of IDF detention
facilities in the occupied territories in 1995) are still problems. New legislation that
took effect during the year provided for: The right to live in conditions that would
not harm the health or dignity of the detainee; access to adequate health care; the
right to a bed for each detainee; and access to exercise and fresh air on a daily
basis. While the legislation is a positive step, authorities expect implementation to
require time and additional resources; there was little immediate improvement in
1997.
1466
Children's rights groups have expressed particular concern over the separate sec-
tions of holding facilities set aside for the aetention of children. Overcrowding, p>oor
physical conditions, lack of social workers, and denial of visits by parents are among
the key problems. In addition to some Israeli minors held in criminal cases, there
are juveniles among Palestinian detainees. Children's rights activists have rec-
ommended the construction of a separate detention facility for children.
All incarceration facilities are monitored by various branches of the Government,
by members of the Knesset, and by the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) and other human rights groups. While monitoring is judged to be effective
overall, in some instances human rights groups and diplomatic officials were denied
timely access to specific detainees, usually Palestinians held without charge or trial
for alleged security offenses (see Section l.d. of the annex).
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest of citi-
zens, and the Government generally observes this prohibition. Defendants are con-
sidered innocent until proven guilty and have the right to writs of habeus corpus
and other procedural safeguards. However, a 1979 law permits detention without
charge or trial, which is used in security cases. The Minister of Defense may issue
a detention order for a maximum of 1 year. Within 24 hours of issuance, detainees
must appear before a district judge who may confirm, shorten, or overturn the
order. If the order is confirmed, an automatic review takes place afler 3 months.
Detention orders were confirmed in all cases during the year. Detainees have the
right to be represented by counsel and to appeal detention orders to the High Court
of Justice; however, the security forces may delay notification of counsel with the
consent of a judge. According to human rights groups and legal experts, there were
cases in which a judge denied the Government the right to delay notification of
counsel. At detention hearings, the security forces may withhold evidence from de-
fense lawyers on security grounds. The Government may also seek to renew admin-
istrative detention orders. However, the security services must "show cause" for con-
tinued detention, and, in some instances, individuals were released because the
standard could not be met.
In felony cases, a district court judge may postpone for 48 hours the notification
of arrest to the detainee's attorney. The postponement may be extended to 7 days
by the Minister of Defense on national security grounds or by the police inspector
general to conduct an investigation. Moreover, a judge may postpone notification for
up to 15 days in national security cases.
New legislation took effect in 1997, defining more narrowly the grounds for pre-
trial detention and reducing to 24 hours the length of time a person may be held
without charge. Children's rights activists have recommended separate legislation to
define when and how a child may be arrested and how long children may be de-
tained.
Most of the protections afforded by law are not extended to Palestinian detainees,
who fall under the jurisdiction of military law even if they are detained in Israel.
With IDF redeployment on the West Bank, detention centers there were closed in
1995. As a result, all Palestinian detainees held for longer than 1 or 2 days are in-
carcerated in Israel (see Section l.d. Of the annex).
The Government detains 80 non-Palestinian Arabs. This total is a mixture of com-
mon prisoners, administrative detainees, and security detainees. The Government
continues to deny ICRC access to two Lebanese citizens. Sheikh Mustafa Dirani
(held without charge since 1994) and Sheikh Obeid (held without charge since
1989). These two cases appear linked to government efforts to obtain information
on Israeli military personnel believed to be prisoners of war or missing in Lebanon.
In addition, the Government detains 19 other Lebanese citizens without charge, in-
cluding 11 who have completed prison sentences of up to 10 years but are still being
held without charge.
The law prohibits forced exile of citizens, and there is no indication that the Gov-
ernment engaged in such practices.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The law provides for an independent judiciary,
and the Government respects this provision in practice. In practice, however, the ju-
diciary usually acquiesces to the Government's position in security cases. The judici-
ary provides citizens with a fair and efficient judicial process.
The judicial system is composed of civil, military, religious, labor relations, and
administrative courts, with the High Court of Justice (Supreme Court) at the apex.
The Hiffh Court of Justice is an appellate court. Each of the cited courts, including
the High Court of Justice, have appellate courts or jurisdictions.
The law provides for the right to a hearing with representation by counsel, and
authorities observe this right in practice. A planned regional and national system
of public defenders operated by the Ministry of Justice was inaugurated in 1996
1467
with the opening of a Tel Aviv ofiice, although that office has suffered serious budg-
et shortages.
All nonsecurity trials are public except those in which the interests of the parties
are deemed best served by privacy. Cases involving national security may be tried
in either military or civil courts and may be partly or wholly closed to the public.
The Attorney General determines the venue m such cases. The prosecution must
justify closing the proceedings to the public. Adult defendants have the right to be
represented by counsel even in closed proceedings but may be denied access to some
evidence on security grounds. Convictions may not be based on any evidence denied
to the defense. Nevertheless, in the 1995 case of Mohammed Salah, he was denied
access to some evidence, but it is not clear that he was convicted on the basis of
that evidence.
The legal system often hands out far stiffer punishments to non-Jewish persons
than to Jewish citizens. For example, human rights advocates claim that Palestin-
ians and Arab Israelis convicted of murder usually receive life sentences, while Jew-
ish Israelis often receive significantly shorter sentences. To the extent that Palestin-
ians are tried in Israeli courts, they receive harsher punishments than Jewish Israe-
lis. Noam Freidman, a Jewish extremist who lightly wounded six Palestinians after
opening fire in a crowded Hebron market on January 1, had charges against him
dropped after a military court ruled that he was not mentally fit to stand trial. This
ruling was reached despite a decision by a psychiatric board that he was mentally
competent to stand trial. On February 11, Israel released 30 Palestinian women
prisoners, 5 of whom were serving sentences for murder or for being an accomplice
to murder, as part of the accord on Hebron redeployment. On October 1, Sheikh
Ahmed Yassin, founder of the HAMAS movement, was released by Israel from a
maximum security prison and flown to Jordan.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Al-
though privacy of the individual and the home are generally protected by law, au-
thorities sometimes interfere with mail and monitor telephone conversations. In
criminal cases, the law permits wiretapping under court order; in security cases, the
order must be issued by the Ministry of Defense. Under emergency regulations, au-
thorities may open and destroy mail on security grounds (see Section l.f. of the
Annex).
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Con-
flicts.— Israeli forces and the Israeli-sponsored South Lebanese Army (SLA) and
Hizballah (and to a lesser extent the Lebanese army) engaged in a recurring cycle
of violence in southern Lebanon. Hizballah attacked SLA forces and Israeli troops
deployed on Lebanese soil. Hizballah (and possibly armed Palestinian groups) also
launched rocket attacks against northern Israel. Israeli forces conducted repeated
air strikes and artillery barrages on Hizballah, Lebanese army, and Palestinian po-
sitions inside Lebanon.
An undetermined number of Lebanese civilians were killed in south Lebanon;
however, the total was lower than in 1996, primarily due to the April 26, 1996 un-
derstanding between Israel and Lebanon, which commit the two sides to end the
targeting oT civilians or the launching of attacks from civilian-populated areas.
Politically motivated killings continued as Palestinian extremists sought to dis-
rupt the Israel-Palestinian peace process. On March 21 a suicide bomber killed 3
Israelis and wounded 48 in an attack on a Tel Aviv cafe. On July 30, two suicide
bombers killed 16 persons and wounded 178 in an attack on a Jerusalem market.
On September 4, 3 suicide bombers killed 5 persons and wounded 181 in an attack
on a Jerusalem pedestrian shopping mall (see Section l.g. of the Annex).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law provides for freedom of the press, and
the Government generally resjjects this right in practice. The law authorizes the
Government to censor any material reported from Israel or the occupied territories
regarded as sensitive on national security grounds. A new censorship agreement
signed in 1996 between the Government and media representatives continues the
trend to broaden liberalization of Israel's censorship regime. The agreement pro-
vides that military censorship is to be applied only in cases involving national secu-
rity issues that have a near certainty of harming Israel's defense interests, and it
now applies to all media organizations in Israel, including local and Arabic-language
newspapers. All media organizations can appeal the censor's decision to the High
Court of Justice. Moreover, a new clause abolishes the right of the censor to shut
down a newspaper for a censorship violation and eliminates the ability of the office
of the censor to appeal a decision against it. News printed or broadcast abroad may
1468
be reported without censorship, which permits the Israeli media to run censored sto-
ries by attributing them to foreign sources.
Emergency regulations prohibit anyone from expressing support for illegal organi-
zations. On occasion in the past, the Government has prosecuted persons for speak-
ing or writing on behalf of terrorist groups. No such cases were filed in 1997.
Individuals, organizations, the press, and the electronic media freely debate public
issues and criticize government officials and policies. In October the High Court of
Justice upheld the conviction for sedition of two members of the extremist Jewish
Zo Artsenu movement. For the most part, however, the Attorney General, while con-
denming hate speech, has concluded that such speech cannot be prosecuted.
AU newspapers are privately owned and managed. Newspaper licenses are valid
only for Israel; separate licenses are reouired to distribute publications in areas in
the occupied territories still under Israel s authority.
Directed by a government appointee, the quasi-mde pendent Israel Broadcast Au-
thority (IBA) controls television Channel 1 and Kol Israel radio, both major sources
of news and information. Six cable companies operate under franchises granted by
government councils. Privatelv-owned Channel 2 Television, the first commercial
television channel, is operated by three franchise companies. There are 13 private
radio outlets. The Second Television and Radio Authority, a public body, supervises
both Channel 2 and the regional radio stations.
The Government respects academic freedom.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for the right
of as.«tembly, and the Government generally respects this provision in practice.
The law provides for the right of association, and the Government generally re-
spects this provision in practice. After the Hebron massacre in 1994, the Cabinet
invoked the 1948 Ordinance for the Prevention of Terror to ban the ultranationalist
Kach and Kahane Chai organizations, a ban that remains in effect. The decision
stipulates imprisonment for anyone belonging te, or expressing support for, either
organization.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^The law provides for freedom of religion, and the Govern-
ment generally respects this right. Approximately 81 percent of citizens are Jewish.
Muslims, Christians, Druze, and members of other religions make up the remaining
19 percent. Each recognized religious community has legal authority over its mem-
bers in matters of marriage and divorce. Secular courts have primacy over questions
of inheritance, but parties, by mutual agreement, may bring cases to religious
courts. Jewish and Druze families may ask for some family status matters, such as
alimony and child custody in divorces, to be adjudicated in civil courts as an alter-
native to religious courts. Christians may only ask that child custody and child sup-
Eort be adjudicated in civil courts, while Muslims have no recourse to civil courts,
legislation passed in 1996 allows the rabbinical courts to sanction either party who
is not willing to grant a divorce.
Many citizens object to the Orthodox Jewish religious authorities' exclusive con-
trol over marriage, divorce, and burial, whether Jews are Orthodox or not. These
authorities do not recognize marriages or conversions to Judaism performed in Is-
rael by Conservative or Reform rabbis. These issues have been a source of sharp
division within society, particularly in recent years, as thousands of Jewish immi-
grants from the former Soviet Union have brought with them family members not
recognized as Jewish by Orthodox authorities.
A large number of Jews who wish to be married in secular or non-Orthodox reli-
gious ceremonies do so abroad. The Ministry of Interior recognizes such marriages.
The Government provides greater financial support to institutions in the Jewish
sector to those in the non-Jewish sector, i.e., Muslim, Christian, and Druze. For ex-
ample, only 2 percent of the Ministry of Religious AfTairs budget goes to the non-
Jewish sector, despite the fact that Muslims, Christians, and Druze constitute 19
percent of the population. The High Court of Justice heard a case in February alleg-
ing that this constitutes discrimination. The Court refused to rule on the case in
1997 and suggested that the petitioners refile the case after the passage of the 1998
budget, which the petitioners have done.
Missionaries are allowed to proselytize, although Mormons are specifically prohib-
ited from doing so by mutual agreement between the Church of Jesus Christ of the
Latter-Day Saints and the Government. A 1977 anti-proselytizing law prohibits any-
one from offering or receiving material benefits as an inducement to conversion, but
the law has not been applied for several years. A bill that would impose even more
stringent restrictions on proselytizing, including banning the distribution of written
materials encouraging conversions, was presented to the Knesset in 1997 but was
not expected to be approved.
Jehovah's Witnesses have sufTered both threats and attacks, apparently by ultra-
Orthodox groups. Jehovah's Witnesses complain that despite police investigations,
1469
no f>erpetrators have been prosecuted. A March 8 attack on a Jehovah's Witnesses
meeting house in Lod caused extensive property damage.
The Government has recognized only Jewish holy places under the 1967 Protec-
tion of Holy Sites law, therefore denying government funding for the preservation
and protection of Christian, Druze, Muslim, Baha'i, and other religious sites. A Jan-
uary challenge to this practice led the Ministry of Religious Affairs to agree to con-
sider funding requests for non-Jewish sites.
A 1995 High Court of Justice ruling allows small numbers of Jews under police
escort to prav on the Temple Mount, which is the site of two Muslim holy places
and also the location of the First and Second Jewish Temples.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The law provides for these rights, and the Government respects them
in practice for citizens, except with regard to military or security zones or in in-
stances where citizens may oe confined by administrative order to their neighbor-
hoods or villages. In 1996 rabbinical courts asserting jurisdiction over divorce cases
refused at least two visiting U.S. citizens permission to depart the country until
their cases were tried. While both men managed to depart Israel, their cases remain
open (see Section 5). The Government continued to restrict the movements of two
Jewish settlers living in the occupied territories who belonged to extremist Kach or
Kahane Chai groups, through the use of administrative orders issued by the IDF
central command (see Section 2.d. of the Annex). The (jovemment prevented an ad-
ditional three members of a Jewish ultranationalist organization from entering the
occupied territories.
Citizens are free to travel abroad and to emigrate, provided they have no out-
standing military obligations and are not restricted by administrative order. In 1997
the Government again permitted Muslim citizens over 30 years of age to perform
the religious pilgrimage to Mecca, but it denied permission to Muslim citizens under
30 years of years of age on security grounds. The (Jovernment asserts that travel
to Saudi Arabia, which is still in a state of war with Israel, is a privilege and not
a right.
The (jovemment welcomes Jewish immigrants, their families, and Jewish refu-
gees, on whom it confers automatic citizenship and residence rights under the Law
of Return. This law does not apply to non-Jews or to persons of Jewish descent who
have converted to another faith. Other than the Law of Return, which applies only
to Jews, and the family reunification statutes, which mainly apply to Arabs who fled
Israel in 1948—49, Israel has no immigration law that provides for immigration to
Israel, or for political asylum. The law does allow individuals to live in Israel as
permanent residents.
The issue of first asylum did not arise in 1997. The Government cooperates with
the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other humani-
tarian organizations in assisting refugees.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The law provides citizens with the right to change peacefully their government,
and citizens exercise this right in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections
held on the basis of universal sufTrage for adult citizens. The last national elections
were held in May 1996, when voters elected the Prime Minister by direct ballot for
the first time.
Israel is a parliamentary democracy, with an active multiparty system in which
a wide range of political views are represented. Relatively small parties, including
those whose primary support is among Israeli Arabs, regularly win seats in the
Knesset. Elections are by secret ballot.
While there are no legal impediments to the participation of women and minori-
ties in government, they are underrepresented. Women hold 9 of 120 Knesset seats,
compared with 11 female members in the previous Knesset. There are 11 Arab and
1 Druze in the new Knesset, compared with 7 and 2 prior to the May 1996 election;
most represent parties deriving their support largely or entirely from the Arab com-
munity. Of the Knesset's 12 committees, 2 (including the Committee on the Status
of Women) are chaired by a woman, and another is chaired by the Druze member
of the legislature. There is one woman in the Cabinet, and no Arab or Druze min-
isters or deputy ministers. Three women, but no Arab or Druze citizens, serve on
the 14-memDer High Court of Justice.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A wide variety of human rights groups operate without government restriction,
investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. (Government offi-
1470
cials generally cooperate with investigations. However, the Government withheld its
cooperation from tne U.N. Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affect-
ing the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied
Territories. The Special Committee reported in October that the Government did not
respond to its communications. In 1996 Human Rights Watch activist Bashar
Tarabieh was detained, held without charge, physically abused, and then released
without charge.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The law prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, or marital status. The law
also prohibits discrimination by both government and nongovernmental entities on
the basis of race, religion, political beliefs, and age. Local human rights groups are
concerned that resources for implementing those laws, or mechanisms for their en-
forcement, are sometimes lacking.
Women. — There continued to be action, both in and out of government, to deal
with the issue of violence against women in Jewish and Arab communities. The
Government has allocated funds for a special campaign to combat such violence.
Groups that focus on domestic violence include a committee established by the Min-
istry of Labor and Social Affairs that includes Jewish and Arab nongovernmental
organizations (NGO's) as well as government representatives, and a coalition of
human rights organizations. Approximately 23 women were killed by their hus-
bands or other male relatives during the year. Women's organizations protested an
October decision by the Attorney General not to press charges against a Knesset
member accused of abusing his wife. According to the most recent estimates, some
200,000 women suffer from domestic violence each year, and some 7 percent of these
are abused on a regular basis.
Arab human rights advocates also have formed a coalition to raise public aware-
ness of so-called family honor killings, a term commonly used for the murder of a
female by a male relative for alleged misconduct. At least 9 of the 23 women killed
in 1997 were killed in family honor cases.
The Government supports 10 shelters for battered women, including 1 exclusively
for Arab women and 1 for both Arab and Jewish women. Women's rights advocates
consider this number inadequate.
According to the 1991 Domestic Violence law, a district or magistrate court may
prohibit access by violent family members to their property. Women's groups cooper-
ate with legal and social service institutions to provide women's rights education.
While sentences handed down to men convicted of rape have increased in recent
years, women's rights activists argue that the penalties are not sufficiently harsh.
Civil rights groups also expressed concern about an increased incidence of phys-
ical attacks by Jewish religious extremists, particularly in Jerusalem, against
women whom they consider to be immodestly dressed in public.
Women's advocacy gT^oups report that women routinely receive lower wages for
comparable work, are promoted less often, and have fewer career opportunities than
their male counterparts. In 1996 the Equal Pay Law, which required employers to
pay male and female workers equal wages for equal work, was replaced by new leg-
islation that redefines compensation to include important side benefits, and allows
for class action suits. An amendment to the social security law allowed housewives
some access to the nation's social security pension system.
Legislation in 1993, reinforced by a 1994 ruling of the High Court of Justice, has
increased the percentage of women on the boards of two-thirds of government-owned
companies. However, their numbers remain low overall. One study reported that in
1996 women made up more than 30 percent of the boards in only 39 of 118 govern-
ment-owned companies.
The adjudication of personal status law in the areas of marriage and divorce is
left to religious courts, where Jewish and Muslim women are subject to restrictive
interpretations of their rights (see Section 2.c.). I^egislation passed in 1995 broad-
ened the civil sanctions made available to rabbinical courts in cases where a wife
has ample grounds for divorce — such as abuse — but the husband refuses to agree.
In some cases, however, rabbinical courts have failed to invoke these sanctions. In
some cases where a wife has failed to agree, a husband has been allowed to re-
marry; this permission is not given to wives. Such imbalances have been used by
husbands to extort concessions from their wives in return for agreeing to divorce.
Rabbinical courts may exercise jurisdiction over non-Israeli persons present in Is-
rael. In two cases during the year, U.S. citizens were barred legally from leaving
Israel as a result of divorce proceedings. Although both men managed to depart the
country, their cases remain open.
1471
Religious law can be even more restrictive for Muslims: Some Islamic law courts
have held that Muslim women may not request a divorce, but that women may be
forced to consent if a divorce is granted to a man.
Jewish women are subject to the military draft but have been barred from combat
positions. In response to a High Court of Justice ruling, the Israeli Air Force since
1996 has permitted women to enter pilot training. This would qualify them for com-
bat aviation positions, though none has completed the training successfully to date.
Children. — The Government is committed to the rights and welfare of children.
However, resources are sometimes insufficient to put that commitment into practice,
particularly for low-income families. Education is compulsory to the age of 15, or
until the child reaches the 10th grade, whichever comes first. Government min-
istries, children's rights groups, and members of the legislature often cooperate on
children's rights issues. The Government provides an extensive health care program
for children. There is a broad networic of mother and child clinics, which provide
prenatal care as well as postnatal follow-up.
The Government has legislated against sexual, physical, and psychological abuse
of children and has mandated comprehensive reporting requirements. Although
there has been a sharp increase in reported cases of child abuse in recent years,
activists believe that this is largely due to increased awareness of the issue rather
than a growing pattern of abuse. There are now five shelters for children at risk.
The Ministry of Justice formed a committee with police and NGO representatives
that is attempting to assess the scope of child prostitution. Children's rights activ-
ists estimate that there may be several hundred prostitutes among the nation's chil-
dren, and they warn that the phenomenon is unlikely to be eradicated until the so-
cial problems that give rise to it — including child abuse and schools that give up
too readily on dropouts — are addressed.
NGO's in the field of children's welfare concentrate their efforts on public edu-
cation, on promoting the concept of children's rights as citizens, on improving legal
representation for minors, and on combating the problems of poverty, which are
most notable for the Bedouin children of the south. There has been concern about
the children of the country's growing population of foreign workers, many of them
in the country illegally. Children of such families, believed to number in the thou-
sands, exist in a legal and social limbo, without access to schools or adequate health
services.
Privately funded children's ri^ts information centers have been established in
some communities, and the Government assists in funding additional centers in
other cities.
People With Disabilities. — The Government provides a range of benefits, including
income maintenance, housing subsidies, and transportation support for disabled per-
sons, who comprise about 10 percent of the population. Existing antidiscrimination
laws do not prohibit discrimination based on disability, and these citizens continue
to encounter difficulties in areas such as employment and housing. A law requiring
access for the disabled to public buildings is not widely enforced. There is no law
providing for access to public transportation for people with disabilities. A 1996 law
extended disability assistance for deaf children from the age of 14 to maturity.
Religious Minorities. — Tensions between secular and religious elements of Israeli
society grew in 1997. The non-Orthodox Jewish community in particular has com-
plained of discrimination and intolerance. A kindergarten operated by the Reform
community in Mevasseret Ziyyon was firebombed in August. A police investigation
has not uncovered any suspects.
In June Jewish militant Tatyana Suskin put up posters in Hebron that depicted
the Prophet Mohammed as a pig, triggering riots by Arab residents of the city. On
December 30, a Jerusalem court convicted Suskin of committing an act of racism
and trying to offend religious feelings. She was sentenced to 2 years in prison.
In civic areas where religion is a determining criterion, such as the religious
courts and centers of education, non-Jewish institutions routinely receive less state
support than their Jewish counterparts. The status of a number of Christian organi-
zations with representation in Israel has heretofore been defined by a collection of
ad hoc arrangements with various government agencies. Several of these organiza-
tions seek to negotiate with the Government in an attempt to formalize their status.
National/ Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — The Government does not provide Israeli
Arabs, who constitute 19 percent of the population, with the same quality of edu-
cation, housing, employment, and social services as Jews. In addition, government
spending is far lower in predominantly Arab areas than in Jewish areas. Govern-
ment efforts to close the gaps between Israel's Jewish and Arab citizens have re-
sulted in an estimated 160 percent increase in resources devoted to Arab commu-
nities between 1992 and 1996. Nevertheless, significant differences remain. Israeli-
Arab organizations have challenged the Government's "Master Plan for the North-
1472
em Areas of Israel," which listed as priority goals increasing the Galilee's Jewish
population and blocking the territorial contiguity of Arab villages and towns, on the
grounds that it discriminates against Arab citizens.
Relative to their numbers, Israeli Arabs are underrepresented in the student bod-
ies and faculties of most universities and in higher level professional and business
ranks. Well-educated Arabs are often unable to find jobs commensurate with their
level of education, with Arab Ph.D.'s suffering the greatest problems. A small num-
ber of Israeli Arabs have risen to responsible positions in the civil service, generally
in the Arab departments of government ministries. In 1994 a civil service commis-
sion 3-year affirmative action program to expand that number, but it has had only
modest results. The Government has allocated only very limited resources to enforce
Landmark 1995 legislation prohibiting discrimination in employment.
In practice, Israeli Arabs are not allowed to work in companies with defense con-
tracts or in security-related fields. The Israeli Druze and Circassian communities
are subject to the military draft, and although some have refused to serve, the over-
whelming majority accept service willingly. Some Bedouin and other Arab citizens
who are not subject to the draft serve voluntarily. Those not subject to the draft
have less access than other Israelis to those social and economic benefits for which
military service is a prerequisite or an advantage, such as housing, new-household
subsidies, and government or security-related industrial employment. Under a 1994
government policy decision, the social security child allowance for parents who did
not serve in the military and did not attend a Yeshiva (including Arabs) was in-
creased to equal the allowance of those who had done so.
Israeli Arab groups allege that many employers use the prerequisite of military
service to avoid hiring non-Jews. For example, a Haifa employment agency ran ads
seeking Arabic-speaking telephone operators and listed military service as a pre-
requisite. An Israeli Arab group noted that there was no clear justification for this
requirement, and it threatened to file a civil suit under a law prohibiting employ-
ment discrimination, and defining requirements unrelated to actual work as dis-
criminatory. At year's end, the employment agency agreed to change the advertise-
ment and run it again.
The Government has yet to fulfill its commitment to resolve the legal status of
unrecognized Arab villages. Eight villages have been recognized since 1994, but
nearly a hundred more, of varying size and with a total population of nearly 70,000
people, remain in limbo. Such villages have none of the infrastructure, such as elec-
tricity, provided to recogriized villages and towns. Private efforts have supplied some
with water. In June residents of unrecognized villages petitioned the Hign Court of
Justice to order the Government to list their place of residence as their address on
their identity cards and as their mailing address. In the Negev, a government pro-
gram to provide housing for thousands of Bedouin in seven concentrated settlements
has been criticized as akely to aggravate the severe poverty there and disrupt the
indigenous culture.
Arab children make up about a quarter of Israel's public school population, but
government resources for them are not equal to those for Jewish children. Many
schools in Arab communities are dilapidated and overcrowded, lack special edu-
cation services and counselors, have poor libraries, and have no sports facilities.
Arab groups also note that the public school curriculum stresses Israel's Jewish cul-
ture and heritage.
Israeli-Arab students also are not eligible to participate in a special education pro-
gram to provide academic assistance to students from disadvantaged backgrounds.
A petition was filed with the High Court of Justice in May charging that the Min-
istry of Education's refusal to provide this pro-am to Israeli-Arab students was dis-
criminatory. The Court recognized the petition's merit by ordering the Attorney
General's office to respond to the petition. The Attorney General's omce agreed that
the policy constituted impermissible discrimination but asked for 5 years to expand
the program to Israeli-Arab students. The petitioners rejected this proposal as being
too slow. The Court formed a special committee to study the problem.
Unresolved problems of many years' standing also include claims by Arab groups
that land expropriation for public use has affected the Arab community dispropor-
tionately; that Arabs have been allowed too little input in planning decisions that
afiect their schools and municipalities; that mosques and cemeteries belonging to
the Islamic Waqf (religious endowment) have been unjustly expropriated for piTblic
use; and that successive governments have blocked the return of persons displaced
in the early years of Israel's history to their homes. The Government has yet to
agree with the pre-1948 residents of the northern villages of Bir Am and Ikrit, and
their descendants, regarding their long-time demand to be allowed to rebuild their
houses; in the meantime, permission nas been given to Jewish settlements to in-
crease their land holdings in the disputed areas.
1473
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers may Join and establish labor organizations
freely. Most unions belong to Histadrut (the General Federation of Labor in Israel),
or to a much smaller rival federation, the Histadrut Haovdim Haleumit (National
Federation of Labor.) These organizations are independent of the Government.
Histadrut members democratically elect national and local officers, and officials of
its affiliated women's organization Na'amat, from political partv lists of those al-
ready in the union. Plant or enterprise committee members are elected individually.
During the year, the Histadrut administration continued its drastic reshaping of
the labor federation, with further reductions in staff and services, as Histadrut
shifted its concentration to those areas directly related to employment. At year's
end, membership — which once reached 1.65 million people — stood at to about
650,0(X).
The ri^t to strike is exercised regularly. Unions must provide 15 days' notice
Erior to a strike unless otherwise specified in the collective bargaining agreement,
[owever, unauthorized strikes occur. Strike leaders — even those organizing illegal
strikes — are protected by law. If essential public services are affected, the Govern-
ment may appeal to labor courts for back-to-work orders while the parties continue
negotiations. There were a number of strikes in both public and private sectors dur-
ing the year by employees protesting the effects of privatization. Worker dismissals
and the terms of severance arrangements were often the central issues of dispute.
The September general strike was of 1 day duration; the December general strike
lasted 6 days.
Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip who work in Israel may not join
Israeli trade unions or organize their own unions in Israel. Palestinian trade unions
in the occupied territories are not permitted to conduct activities in Israel (see Sec-
tion 6. a. oi the annex). However, nonresident workers in the organized sector are
entitled to the protection of Histadrut work contracts and grievance procedures.
They may join, vote for, and be elected to shop-level workers' committees if their
numbers in individual establishments exceed a minimum threshold. Palestinian par-
ticipation in such committees is minimal.
Labor laws apply to Palestinians in East Jerusalem and to the Syrian Druze liv-
ing on the Golan Heights.
Unions are free to affiliate with international organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Israeli workers fully exercise
their legal rights to organize and bargain collectively. While there is no law specifi-
cally prohibiting antiunion discrimination, the law against discrimination could be
cited to contest discrimination based on union membership. No antiunion discrimi-
nation has been reported.
Nonresident workers may not organize their own unions or engage in collective
bargaining, but they are entitled to oe represented by the bargaining agent and pro-
tected by collective bargaining agreements. They do not pay union membership fees,
but are required to pay a 1 percent agency fee, which entitles them to union protec-
tion by Histadrut's collective bargaining agreements. The Ministry of Labor may ex-
tend collective bargaining agreements to nonunionized workplaces in the same in-
dustrial sector. The Ministry of Labor also oversees personal contracts in the unor-
ganized sectors of the economy.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor. Neither citizens nor nonresident Palestinians working in Israel are
subject to this practice. Civil rights groups charge that unscrupulous employers
often take advantage of illegal workers lack of status (see Section 6.e.) to hold them
in conditions amounting to involuntary servitude. The Government specifically pro-
hibits forced child labor, and it does not occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Children
who have attained the age of 15 years, and who are liable to compulsory education
under the compulsory education law, may not be employed unless they work as ap-
prentices under the apprenticeship law. Notwithstanding these provisions, children
who are 14 years old may be employed during official school holidays. Employment
of those 16 to 18 years of age is restricted to ensure time for rest and education.
There are no reliable data on illegal child workers. They are concentrated among
Israel's Arab population and its newest Jewish immigrants. Illegal employment is
found primarity in urban, light-industrial areas. Children's riehts groups have called
for more vigorous enforcement of child labor laws, combined with a parallel effort
to deal with the causes of illegal child labor. The Government specifically prohibits
forced child labor, and it does not occur (see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Legislation in 1987 established a minimum
wage at 45 percent of the average wage, calculated periodically and adjusted for cost
1474
of living increases. At year's end, the minimum wage stood at about $620 (roughly
2,100 new Israeli shekels) per month. The minimum wage is often supplemented by
special allowances and is generally sufficient to provide workers and their families
with an acceptable standard of living. Union officials have expressed concern over
enforcement of minimum wage regulations, particularly with respect to employers
of illegal nonresident workers, who sometimes pay less than the minimum wage.
By Taw the maximum hours of work at regular pay are 47 hours a week, 8 hours
per day, and 7 hours on the day before the weekly rest, which must be at least 36
consecutive hours and include the Sabbath. By national collective agreements, the
private sector established a maximum 45-hour workweek in 1988. The public sector
moved to a 5-day, 42V'2 hour workweek in 1989, while the military adopted it in
1993.
Employers must receive a government permit to hire nonresident workers from
the occupied territories, certifying that no citizen is available for the job. AH Pal-
estinians from the occupied territories are employed on a daily basis and, unless
they are employed on shiftwork, are not authorized to spend the night in Israel. At
the end of the year, the Government was considering a change in tnis provision to
allow Palestinian workers to remain overnight for a week at a time. Palestinians
without valid work permits are subject to arrest.
Nonresident workers are paid through the Employment Service of the Ministry
of Labor, which disburses wages and benefits collected from employers. The Min-
istry deducts a 1 percent union fee and the workers' required contributions to the
National Insurance Institute (Nil), the agency that administers the Israeli social se-
curity system, unemployment benefits, and other benefits. Despite these deductions,
Palestinian workers are not eligible for all Nil benefits. They continue to be insured
for injuries occurring in Israel and the bankruptcy of a worker's employer. They do
not have access to unemployment insurance, general disability payments, low-in-
come supplements, or child allotments. By contrast Israeli settlers in the occupied
territories who work in Israel have the same benefits as other Israeli workers. The
International Labor Organization (ILO) has long criticized this inequality in entitle-
ments. The Government agreed to transfer the Nil fees collected from Palestinian
workers to the Palestinian Authority, which is to assume responsibility for all the '
pensions and social benefits of Palestinians working in Israel. Implementation of
this change is still under way.
Along with union representatives, the Labor Inspection Service enforces labor,
health, and safety standards in the workplace, although resource constraints affect
overall enforcement. Legislation protects the employment rights of safety delegates
elected or appointed by the workers. In cooperation with management, these dele-
fates are responsible for the safety and health of the workplace. Workers do not
ave the legal right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations without
jeopardy to continued employment. However, collective bargaining agreements pro-
vide some workers with recourse through the work site labor committee. Any worker
may challenge unsafe work practices through government oversight and legal agen-
cies.
There was increased public debate over the role in the workplace and society of
foreign workers, who are estimated to number 200,000 or more, perhaps half of
them undocumented and illegally employed. The majority of such workers come
from eastern Europe and southeast Asia, and most are employed in the construction
and agricultural sectors. The law does not allow such workers citizenship or perma-
nent residence in Israel. As a result, they and their families live in a legal and so-
cial limbo. Government deportations of such workers take place without benefit of
due process.
THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES (INCLUDING AREAS SUB-
JECT TO THE JURISDICTION OF THE PALESTINIAN
AUTHORITY)
Israel occupied the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Golan Heights, and East Jerusalem
during the 1967 War. The West Bank and Gaza Strip are now administered to vary-
ing extents by Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). Pursuant to the May 1994
Gaza-Jericho agreement and the September 1995 Interim Agreement, Israel trans-
ferred most responsibilities for civil government in the Gaza Strip and parts of the
West Bank to the PA, including responsibility for education, culture, health, tour-
ism, taxation, social welfare, statistics, local government, insurance, commerce, in-
dustry, fuel, gas, agriculture, and labor. Israel continues to retain responsibility in
the West Bank and Gaza Strip for external security, foreign relations, the overall
1475
security of Israelis, including public order in the Israeli settlements, and certain
other matters. Negotiations on the final status of the occupied territories as well as
of Jerusalem, boroers, Israeli settlements, refugees, and other matters began in May
1996 but were immemately adjourned and have not been resumed. According to the
timetable set out in the 1993 Israel-PLO Declaration of Principles, the interim pe-
riod is to conclude in May 1999.
In addition to most of the Gaza Strip and the Jericho area, which was turned over
to the PA in May 1994, Israel began redeploying its forces in the West Bank and
turning over major towns and villages to the PA in late 1995. Pursuant to the In-
terim Agreement and the "Protocol Concerning Redeployment in Hebron," concluded
on January 15, Israel also redeployed its forces in Hebron. Israel continues to con-
trol some civil functions and is responsible for all security in portions of the occupied
territories categorized as Zone C, which includes the Israeli settlements. The PA nas
Iurisdiction over civil affairs and shares security responsibilities with Israel in areas
Lnown as Zone B, and the PA has control over civil affairs and security in Zone A.
The PA also has jurisdiction over some civil affairs in Zone C. Accordingly, this re-
port discusses the policies and practices of both the Israeli Government and the PA
in the areas where they exercise jurisdiction and control.
Israel continues to exercise civil authority in some areas of the West Bank
through the Israeli Ministry of Defense's Office of Coordination and Liaison, known
by the Hebrew acronym MATAK, which replaced the now defunct Civil Administra-
tion (CIVAD). The approximately 150,000 Israeli settlers living in the West Bank
and Gaza Strip are subject to Israeli law and are better treated by Israeli authori-
ties than are Palestinians. The body of law governing Palestinians in the Israeli-
controlled portions of the territories derives from Ottoman, British Mandate, Jor-
danian, and Egyptian law, and Israeli military orders. In Palestinian- controlled
areas, laws and regulations promulgated by the PA are also in force. The United
States and the international community considers Israel's authority in the occupied
territories to be subject to the Hague Regulations of 1907 and the 1949 Geneva Con-
vention Relating to the Protection of Civilians in Time of War. The Israeli Govern-
ment considers the Hague Regulations applicable and states that it observes the Ge-
neva Convention's humanitarian provisions.
In January 1996, Palestinians chose their first popularly elected government in
democratic elections, which were generally well- conducted. The 88-member Council
and the Chairman of the Executive Authority were elected. The PA also has a cabi-
net of 20 appointed ministers who oversee 23 ministries. PA Chairman Yasir Arafat
continues to dominate the affairs of government and to make major decisions. Most
senior government positions in the PA are held by individuals who are members of,
or loyal to, Arafat's Fatah faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLC)).
The Council meets regularly and discusses a range of issues significant to the Pal-
estinian people and the development of an open, democratic society in the Gaza
Strip and West Bank. Pursuant to the agreements signed between the PLO and Is-
rael, the PA has full or partial control over most major Palestinians population cen-
ters in the Gaza Strip and West Bank.
Israeli security forces in Israeli-controlled parts of the West Bank and Gaza Strip
consist of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF); the General Security Service (GSS or
Shin Bet); the Israeli National Police (INP); and the paramilitary border police. Is-
raeli military courts try Palestinians accused of committing security crimes in Is-
raeli-controlled areas. Members of the Israeli security forces committed human
rights abuses.
The Palestinian Police Force (PPF) was established in May 1994 and includes the
Palestinian Public Security Force; the Palestinian civil police; the Preventive Secu-
rity Force (PSF); General Intelligence Service, or Mukhaoarat; the Palestinian Pres-
idential Security Force; emergency services and rescue; and the Palestinian Coastal
Police. Other quasi-military security organizations, such as military intelligence,
also exercise law enforcement powers. Palestinian police are responsible for security
and law enforcement for Palestinians and other non-Israelis in PA-controlled areas
of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Israeli settlers in the occupied territories are not
subject to PA security force jurisdiction. Members of the PA security forces commit-
ted human rights abuses.
The economy of the West Bank and Gaza Strip is small, poorly developed, and
highly dependent on Israel. According to U.N. estimates, Palestinian per capita
gross national product (GNP) fell by 36 percent between 1992 and 1996 due prin-
cipally, but not entirely, to Israeli restrictions on the free movement of people and
products into Israel. These restrictions imposed for lengthy periods following terror-
ist attacks are collectively referred to as "closure." The economy relies on agri-
culture, services, and to a lesser extent, light manufacturing. Many West Bank and
Gaza workers are employed at day jobs in Israel and Jerusalem, making their em-
1476
ployment vulnerable to disruption due to tightened closures. In the wake of terrorist
bombings in March, July, and September, Israel tightened the existing closure, vir-
tually sealing off the West Bank and Gaza Strip from Israel, prohibiting most travel
between towns and villages within the West Bank (an "internal" closure), denying
Palestinian workers access to jobs in Israel, and hampering the flow of goods ana
people between Israel and the Occupied Territories. The "internal closure" was lifted
m each case after about 2 weeks. The "tightened closures" of Gaza and the West
Bank followed a pattern of being eased after a period, but lasted longer, and were
enforced more strictly than in previous years.
There were some improvements in the human rights situation in the Occupied
Territories. However, both Israel and the PA were responsible for serious human
rirfits abuses.
Two militant groups, the Islamic Resistance Movement (HAMAS) and the Pal-
estine Islamic Jmad (PIJ), continued to try to undermine the authority of the PA
and halt progress in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process by killing Israeli civilians
in a number of deadly suicide bombing attacks in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. The most
serious incident occurred on July 30 when two suicide bombers attacked an open
air produce market in Jerusalem. Sixteen persons were killed, including 1 U.S. citi-
zen; 178 were injured. On September 4, three suicide bombers attacked a crowded
Jerusalem pedestrian mall, killing 5 people, including a 14-year-old American girl;
181 were injured. On March 21, a suicide bomber attacked an outdoor cafe in Tel
Aviv. The blast killed 3 Israelis and injured 48, including a 6-month-old child.
In the aftermath of the terrorist bombings, Israeli authorities arrested hundreds
of Palestinians suspected of afliliation with extremist Islamic opposition groups, to
obtain information on fiirther terrorist attacks. Israeli security forces abused!, and
in some cases tortured, Palestinians suspected of security offenses. In May an al-
leged HAMAS activist from the West Bank village of Surif, Omar Ghanimat, was
allowed to testify in open court about such torture, and to show his cuts and bruises
to the Israeli and Arabic press.
Israel also tightened its existing closure of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, sealing
off the occupied territories from Israel and imposing an "internal closure.' When it
was discovered that a terrorist cell based in Surif was responsible for the March
21 cafe bombing in Tel Aviv, Israel imposed a targeted closure on the village (13,000
residents were unable to leave the town). During the 7 weeks of the closure resi-
dents were also under a curfew (i.e., they were unable to leave their homes except
during designated hours to purchase household necessities). Israeli authorities de-
molished six homes of suicide bombers; four in the village of Surif and two in the
village of Assira Shamaliyya. In the latter village, two other homes were perma-
nently sealed by filling them with concrete from floor to ceiling. Israel also imposed
a targeted closure on the northern West Bank village of Assira Shamaliyyah in Sep-
tember, when it determined that four of the five suicide bombers in the Jerusalem
attacks were from that town.
There was one credible report that on February 25, an Israeli undercover unit,
operating in the village of Hizma, shot and killed a Palestinian. Israeli officials ac-
knowledged that the unit acted in a negligent manner without prior planning; how-
ever, the members of the unit received only administrative reprimands. In a second
incident, an Israeli undercover unit shot and killed a youth on April 30 in Ras Al
Amud. The unit was investigating alleged terrorist attacks when a skirmish broke
out and the youth was killecT There has been a marked decrease in this kind of ac-
tivity by Israel in the past 2 years. There were also credible reports from human
rights groups that Israeli authorities continue to abuse and torture Palestinian de-
tainees and prisoners. In May a Palestinian prisoner undergoing treatment at a Je-
rusalem hospital was beaten to death by Israeli police and private hospital security
guards. The Israeli Government investigated the incident, but has not revealed the
results. Prison conditions are poor, and Israeli authorities arbitrarily arrest and de-
tain persons. Prolonged detention, limits on due process, and infringements on pri-
vacy rights remained problems.
PA security forces committed a number of serious human rights abuses during the
year. Seven detainees died in prison; the PA acknowledged that two died after being
tortured. One was tortured by Military Intelligence personnel in February, and the
other by members of the Presidential Security Force in June. The other detainees
died after suffering medical emergencies, and it remains unclear whether the PA
provided prompt medical attention.
In the wake of the three terrorist bombings in 1997, PA security forces made
fewer mass arrests than in the past, and there were fewer complaints of human
rights abuses. PA authorities arrested approximately 200 people on suspicion of in-
volvement in terrorist activity. PA security forces subjected some of the detainees
to torture and repeated beatings. Although the PA claims to respect its citizens'
1477
right to express themselves freely, the PA limited freedom of speech and the press.
The PA continued to harass, detain, and abuse journalists. PA Harassment has lead
many Palestinian commentators, reporters, and critics to practice self-censorship.
Fathi Sobh, a prominent university professor, and Daoud Kuttab, a well-known jour-
nalist who criticized the PA, were both imprisoned without charge during the year
and Sobh was tortured. PA prison conditions are very poor. PA security forces arbi-
trarily arrest and detain persons. Prolonged detention and lack of due process are
problems. The courts are inefficient, lack staff and resources, and do not ensure fair
and expeditious trials. PA security forces infringed on the right to privacy, and there
were reports that the PA placed some limits on the freedom of association. Discrimi-
nation against women ana the disabled is a problem.
In March Israel began constructing a controversial housing project at Har Homa/
Jebel Abu Ghanaim on the southeastern outskirts of Jerusalem. The move sparked
demonstrations by angry Palestinians throughout the spring. However, unlilce the
demonstrations that followed the 1996 opening of the controversial tunnel in Jerusa-
lem's old city, these demonstrations dia not result in violence between Israeli and
PA security forces. The demonstrations did result in charges that Israeli security
forces, in several instances, used excessive force against Palestinian protesters. Dur-
ing the year, 10 Palestinian demonstrators, including a deaf and mentally-impaired
14-year-old boy in Gaza and an 8-year-old boy in Bethlehem, were killed in incidents
involving the IDF's use of both five ammunition and rubber-coated metal bullets.
No Israeli civilians or security personnel were killed or seriously wounded by dem-
onstrators.
Israeli settlers continued to harass and threaten Palestinians in the West Bank
and Gaza Strip. For example, on January 1, a settler in the IDF reserve opened fire
on a crowded Hebron market place, injuring nine Palestinians. In 1996 settlers
killed three Palestinians. After two separate stonethrowing incidents in April, three
Palestinians were shot by settlers near Ramallah and Hebron. In general settlers
are not prosecuted for these crimes and rarely serve prison sentences even when
convictea of a crime.
In November an unidentified gunman shot two Jewish religious students in Jeru-
salem, killing one and seriously wounding the other.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — In February members of a 3-man Is-
raeli undercover unit, disguised as Arabs, entered the Palestinian village of Hizma
north of Jerusalem. Villagers detected the unit, and during the subsequent alterca-
tion 57-year-old Mohanuned Abdel Aziz al Hilu was shot and beaten. His death was
attributed to the beating and delayed medical treatment for the gunshot wound to
his le^. Three other Palestinians were wounded, one seriously, during the incident.
A senior IDF officer attributed the incident to a miscalculation by the commander
who sent the unit to the village without sufficient backup. The spokesman said that
the unit acted in a negligent manner, without prior organized planning. According
to the IDF, three officers received a reprimand for the way in which the training
exercise was prepared and "internal meeisures" were taken against the force com-
mander, including prohibiting him from holding future command positions. The Is-
raeli investigation aid not include interviews with any Palestinian eyewitnesses.
In another incident, an Israeli undercover unit shot and killed 17-year-old Samer
Jawdat Shweiki in Ras Al Amud on April 30 during a skirmish that broke out when
unit was investigating alleged terrorist attacks.
Although there are credible reports of other Israeli undercover activity in PA
areas, there were no other reports of death. The number of Palestinian deaths at-
tributed to Israeli undercover units in 1996 (one) and 1997 (two) is a marked de-
crease from the trend in earlier years.
Israeli authorities acknowledge that undercover units conduct operations among
Palestinians wanted for investigation, but claim that such units observe the same
rules of engagement as other IE)F units. They also claim that all killings and allega-
tions of misbehavior by undercover units are investigated fully. However, the inves-
tigations rarely lead to serious punishment. The IDF does not readily announce the
findings of its investigations.
One Palestinian was beaten to death while in Israeli government custody.
On May 21, Khalil Abu Daiya, a Palestinian prisoner who was being treated for
medical problems, died in Israeli custody. An Israeli pathologist conducted an au-
topsy and concluded that Abu Daiya had been beaten to death. Israeli officials con-
tend that Abu Daiya, who was being guarded while in an Israeli hospital for medical
treatment, attacked those guarding him, and that the force needed to restrain him
1478
caused his death. Abu Daiya's hands and feet were culTed to a bed at the time of
the beating, according to accounts given by hospital personnel. The autopsy revealed
deep cuts on Abu Daiya's wrists and ankles. Abu Daiya's family requested an in-
quiry be carried out by an Israeli magistrate's court. That inquiry was not concluded
by year's end.
Members of the Israeli security forces killed four Palestinians at military check-
points and roadblocks inside the occupied territories. In these cases, Israel stated
that the individuals were shot after failing to obey orders to halt or after trying to
attack the soldiers manning the checkpoints. For example, on April 1, a Kamel Sidqi
Al-Zaru was shot by the IDF after getting out of his car and trying to run away
from a checkpoint near Kiryat Arba. On July 13, Israeli border police shot 17-year-
old Ashraf Al Jaber at a checkpoint in Beit Sahour. On July 29, Israeli security
forces shot 19-year-old Mua'di Alaune, when in fled a checkpoint near Nablus,
claiming that ne had tried to stab a border police officer. Palestinian Jimmy
Kanawati, was shot and killed by border police on November 22 after failing to stop
at the Bethlehem checkpoint.
During the year, violent clashes between Palestinian demonstrators and Israeli
security forces resulted in 10 Palestinian deaths. IDF regulations permit the use of
both rubber-coated metal bullets and live ammunition only when a soldier's life is
in immediate danger, to halt fleeing suspects, to disperse a violent demonstration,
or to fire on an "individual unlawfully carrying firearms." According to policy, sol-
diers should direct fire at the legs only and may fire at a fleeing suspect only if they
believe that a serious felony has occurred and they have exhausted other means to
apprehend the suspect. It is forbidden to open fire in the direction of children or
women, even in cases of severe public disorder, unless there is an immediate and
obvious danger to a soldier's life. However, Israeli soldiers and police sometimes
used live ammunition or rubber-coated metal bullets, which can be lethal, in situa-
tions other than when their lives were in danger and sometimes shot suspects in
the upper body and head. On March 29, a Palestinian was shot and killed by the
IDF auring demonstrations in Ramallah protesting the Israeli construction on Har
Homa. On April 1, an off-duty PA police officer was killed at a demonstration out-
side of Nablus. Two Palestinians were shot and killed when IDF forces fired rubber-
coated metal bullets in Hebron during April 8 demonstrations sparked by news of
Israeli settlement expansion.
On April 27, a 20-year-old Palestinian was shot and killed near Hebron after an
IDF patrol fired live ammunition at youths throwing stones. A 14-year-old Palestin-
ian boy was severely wounded during a June protest in Rafah over Israeli settle-
ment expansion, when a rubber-coated metal bullet fired by an IDF member struck
him in the head.
In July a deaf and mentally-impaired Palestinian youth died after being struck
in the heart by IDF fire, as Israeli security forces attempted to quell a violent dem-
onstration near Morag settlement in the Gaza Strip. A Palestinian human rights or-
ganization charged that the IDF used live ammunition; an IDF spokesman stated
that the boy was hit by a rubber-coated metal bullet meant to be fired at the leg.
On July 21, a 13-year-old Hebron youth died of a gunshot wound to the head dur-
ing clashes with IDF troops on July 11
On August 14, a 16-year-old Hebron youth died of wounds inflicted during clashes
with IDF troops on July 4.
On November 11, IDF soldiers killed an 8-year-old Palestinian boy with a rubber-
coated metal bullet during demonstrations at Rachel's Tomb in Bethlehem. The IDF
says that soldiers were trying to disperse adult demonstrators and that the child
was accidentally hit in the head. Credible eyewitnesses at the scene said that they
saw only 9- to 12-year old boys demonstrating at the site, that no IDF lives were
threatened by the rock- and bottle-throwing youths, and that the children were flee-
ing when the IDF fired upon them.
Another victim of the September 1996 rioting at the Ramallah checkpoint, Yasser
Abdul Ghani Abdul Rahim, died from injuries on February 6.
During 1997 two Palestinians died in PA custody, after being tortured. In 1996
two Palestinians who died in PA custody also were tortured. In the most egregious
case, Yusif Baba, who was being held without charge in Nablus, died on January
31 after being tortured by PA Military Intelligence officials. Baba's autopsy showed
contusions from repeated blows to the head, rope burns around his head and feet,
cigarette bums on the right shoulder, and burns caused by an electrical instrument
on many parts of his bocfy. The PA admitted that Baba had been tortured to death,
but never charged any of the security officials involved with a crime.
On June 30, 28-year-old Nasser Abed Radwan from the Gaza Strip was killed in
detention while being held without charge by PA Presidential Security (Force 17).
Force 17 authorities told Radwan's family that he banged his head on the wall, but
1479
a PA autopsy concluded that Radwan had been tortured to death. A PA military
court sentenced three of the Force 17 bodyguards involved to death and three others
to prison terms ranging from 6 months to 5 years. The wife of Hakim Qamhawi,
who died in PA custody in June, told the press that his body showed signs of torture
(see Section I.e.).
In April five undercover members of the Palestinian Intelligence Service shot and
killed a Palestinian woman outside of Ramallah when the vehicle she was riding
in failed to heed the agents'signal to stop. In a subsequent trial, a PA court con-
victed the five security officials involved of causing a death through negligence. The
intelligence official who fired the shot that killed the women was sentenced to 5
years in prison, the commander of the unit was sentenced to a 1-year prison term
lor failing to maintain discipline among his unit, the three other men in the unit
were sentenced to 2 months each for failing to prevent a crime.
On May 5, PA Justice Minister Freih Abu Middein announced that the death pen-
alty would be imposed on anyone convicted of ceding "one inch" to Israel. Later that
month, two Arab land dealers were killed. Farih Bashiti, a real estate dealer from
Jerusalem who was accused of selling land to Jews, was found dead in Ramallah.
Two persons were arrested in the case. In another incident, Harbi Abu Sara was
shot and killed in Ramallah 8 days after Bashiti's body was found. PA ofTicials deny
any involvement in the killings. The PA has arrested and continues to hold several
suspected land dealers for violating the Jordanian law (in force in the West Bank),
which prohibits the sale of land to loreigners.
In early January, Israel released Nahum Koorman, an Israeli settler charged with
kicking a Palestinian boy to death in 1996 for throwing stones at his car, after 8
months in detention. Koorman is awaiting trial. In 1996 settlers killed three Pal-
estinians.
On November 20, an unidentified gunman shot two Jewish religious students in
Jerusalem, killing one and seriously wounding the other. The Israeli investigation
into the case is ongoing, but no suspects have been arrested at year's end.
A security court sentenced the principal killers of two Israeli settlers, Etta Tsur
and her 12-year-old son Ephraim, (killed on December 11, 1996) to 25 years' impris-
onment and an accomplice to 15 years' imprisonment.
b. Disappearance. — ^There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances
attributed to the Israeli security services. In November an Israeli court convicted
Palestinian Preventive Security officer Moussa Mustafa of abducting a suspected
Arab informer for Israel from Jerusalem, torturing him, and holding him for 5
months (see Section I.e.).
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Israeli security forces abuse, and in some cases torture, Palestinians suspected of
security oflenses. There continue to be a high number of complaints of mistreatment
and torture during interrogation, especially from Palestinians suspected of belonging
to Islamic groups. Interrogation sessions are long and severe, and solitary confine-
ment is used frequently for long periods. The GSS systematically uses interrogation
methods that do not result in detectable traces of mistreatment of the victims, or
which leave marks that disappear after a short period of time. Common interroga-
tion practices include hooding; forced standing or squatting for long periods of time;
prolonged exposure to extreme temperatures; tying or chaining the aetainee in con-
torted and painful positions; blows and beatings with fists, sticks, and other instru-
ments; confinement in small and often filthy spaces; sleep and food deprivation; and
threats against the detainee's life or family. Israeli interrogators continued to sub-
ject prisoners to violent "shaking," which in at least one past case resulted in death.
In May an alleged HAMAS activist Omar Ghanimat was allowed to show his cuts
and bruises to the Israeli High Court. In June the Court rejected Ghanimat's plea
to halt the use of physical pressure.
In 1987 the Israeli government-appointed Landau Judicial Commission con-
demned torture but allowed for the use of "moderate physical and psychological
pressure" to secure confessions and obtain information. In addition, although the Is-
raeli Penal Code prohibits the use of force or violence by a public official to obtain
information, the GSS chief is permitted by law to allow interrogators to employ
"special measures" that exceed the use of "moderate physical and psychological pres-
sure" when it is deemed necessary to obtain information that could potentially save
Israeli lives in certain "ticking bomb" cases. The GSS first permitted interrogators
"greater flexibility" in applying the guidelines shortly after a bus bombing in Tel
Aviv in October 1994 that killed 22 Israelis. The Government has not defined the
meaning of "greater flexibility" or what might constitute a "ticking bomb" case. At
roughly quarterly intervals, the Government has approved the continued use of
"special measures." On August 22, Israel's ministerial committee on GSS interroga-
tions authorized the continued use of "special measures," including shaking.
45-909 98-48
1480
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) declared in 1992 that such
{)ractices violate the Geneva Convention. Human rights groups and attorneys chal-
enged the use of "special measures," especially shaking, before the Israeli High
Court a number of times during the year. In each case the court either rejected the
petition or ruled in favor of the GSS.
Israeli authorities maintain that torture is not condoned but acknowledge that
abuses sometimes occur and are investigated. However, the Government does not
generally make public the results of such investigations. Israel has conducted two
oflicial investigations into the 35 complaints received in 1997.
In 28 of the cases, Israeli authorities determined that findings did not justify any
steps to be taken. Seven complaints are still being investigated.
Most convictions in security cases before Israeli courts are based on confessions.
A detainee may not have contact with a lawyer until after interrogation, a process
that may last days or weeks. The Government does not allow ICRC representatives
access to detainees until the 14th day of detention. This prolonged incommunicado
detention contributes to the likelihood of abuse. Detainees sometimes claim in court
that their confessions are coerced, but judges rarely exclude such confessions. It is
likely that some Palestinian detainees fail to make complaints either from fear of
retribution or because they assume that such complaints would be ignored. Of the
35 complaints filed during the year, there were no known cases in which a confes-
sion was disqualified because of improper means of investigation or interrogation.
Israeli authorities also frequently treat Palestinians in an abusive manner at
checkpoints. Two Palestinians were shot and killed at checkpoints (see Section l.a.).
The human rights group B'tselem reported that severe beatings often occur when
Israeli border police deal with Palestinians. Dozens of incidents have been reported
of excessive beatings and unjustified abuse. In some cases, victims were denied med-
ical attention after being beaten. Israeli authorities investigated and punished the
perpetrators. B'tselem believes that the steps taken were insufficient to deter fur-
ther incidents. In March a border police officer was demoted and sentenced to a 3-
week military prison term, and another was confined for 3 weeks for beating two
Palestinian children in Hebron who had cursed them. In April two border police offi-
cers were dismissed for abusing a 17-year-old Palestinian after he refused to obey
the oflicers demand to remove rocks from the road near Surif Four other border
police oflicers are being investigated for dragging a Palestinian behind their jeep
near Bethlehem. Israeli security forces assigned to checkpoints often act capriciously
in honoring permits and travel passes held by Palestinians.
Prison conditions in Israeli facilities are poor, according to credible human rights
lawyers. Facilities are overcrowded, sanitation is poor, and medical care is inad-
equate. Palestinian inmates held strikes and protests in support of a number of
causes and to protest prison conditions throughout the year. Palestinians in Israeli
f>risons also held several strikes to protest being held in administrative detention
detention without trial), lack of visits by family members or lawyers, and to protest
abuse by prison officials.
Israel permits independent monitoring of prison conditions, although human
rights groups and diplomats sometimes encounter difficulties gaining access to spe-
cific detainees.
Israeli settlers have continued to harass and threaten Palestinians in the West
Bank and Gaza Strip. On January 1, a settler in the IDF reserve opened fire on
a crowded Hebron market place, injuring nine Palestinians. On April 7, two Pal-
estinians were shot by settlers after a stonethrowing incident near Ramallah. The
settlers were questioned but never charged over the incident. On April 8, a yeshiva
student in Hebron shot a Palestinian after a stone throwing incident; the student
was never charged with a crime. In general settlers are not jprosecuted for these
crimes and rarely serve prison sentences even when convicted oi a crime.
In November an Israeli court convicted a Palestinian security official of abducting
and torturing a suspected Arab informer for Israel. The court sentenced Moussa
Mustafa, a member of the Palestinian Preventive Security Service, to 5 years' im-
prisonment. Mustafa took the suspected informer by force from Jerusalem to a PA
compound in Jericho, where he was held for 5 months and tortured.
PA security forces reportedly abused, and sometimes tortured, Palestinian detain-
ees. Such abuse generally took place after arrest and during interrogation. The PA
does not prohibit by law the use of force or torture against detainees. In 1995 the
Gaza Civil Police commander issued to police oflicers in the West Bank and Gaza
a directive forbidding torture during interrogation and directing the security forces
to observe the rights of all detainees. However, the directive does not have the force
of law; Palestinian security officers have not been issued formal guidelines on the
proper conduct of interrogations.
1481
PA security officials abuse prisoners by hooding, beating, tying in painful posi-
tions, sleep and food deprivation, threats, and burning detainees with cigarettes and
hot instruments. International human rights monitoring groups have documented
widespread arbitrary and abusive conduct by the PA. Gaza University professor
Fathi Sobh reported that he was subjected to torture by sleep deprivation, being
forced to stand for long periods, and being shackled.
During the year, seven Palestinians died in PA custody, two after being tortured
(see Section l.a.). In 1996 two of the four Palestinians who died in PA custody also
were tortured. In December the Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group
(PHRMG) reported that the PA has not sufficiently investigated deaths in custody.
The PHRMGr added that the PA has tried to cover up incidents by claiming that
several deaths were the result of heart attacks or suicides. In mid-June Hakam
Qamhawi died while in PA General Intelligence custody in Jericho. PA officials said
that Qamhawi committed suicide and died on the way to the hospital, but his wife
told the press that his body showed signs of torture. A PA forensic expert stated
that Qamhawi died of a heart attack. No official autopsy was conducted.
Prison conditions in PA facilities are very poor. Facilities are overcrowded and di-
lapidated. Food and clothing for prisoners is inadequate and must be supplemented
by donations from families and humanitarian groups. Palestinian inmates held peri-
odic strikes and protests throughout the year in support of a number of causes and
to protest prison conditions.
in January Fayez Qamsieh died while in the custody of PA Military Intelligence
in Bethlehem. The PA claimed that Qamsieh, who had a history of heart trouble,
died of a heart attack. Doctors observing the autopsy on behalf of Qamsieh's rel-
atives agreed that he died of a heart attack, but bruises on his body suggest that
mistreatment may have triggered his death. There were complaints that Qamsieh
had not received prompt medical attention. The PA said that it would investigate
this charge, but has never published the results of its investigation.
Sami Abed Rabbo, held in Saraya prison in Gaza without charge, died on July
4, also under the custody of PA General Intelligence. Family members were told he
died of a heart attack. Despite demands from numan rights groups for an official
autopsy, there has been no official response. The PHRMG stated that his death does
not appear to be the result of torture or denial of medical treatment, his lengthy
illegal detention may have contributed to his illness (liver disease and mental ill-
ness).
On October 14, Ibrahim Al-Sheikh died of a heart attack while serving a prison
sentence in Nablus for involvement in a murder. On November 9, Nafea Mardawi
died in a Nablus prison also of an apparent heart attack. He was serving a sentence
for selling land illegally to Israelis. Human rights groups concur that both men had
preexisting medical conditions that support the PA's assertion that they died of
heart attacks. However, concerns linger that the prisoners were not provided the
most prompt or thorough preventive medical care.
The PA permits independent monitoring of its prisons, although human rights
groups and lawyers encountered difficulties arranging visits or gaining access to
specific detainees. Pursuant to an agreement signed in September 1996, the ICRC
conducts prison visits but can be denied access to a detainee for 14 days. If abuses
occur, they frequently happen during this 2-week period.
In December West Bank Intelligence (Mukhabarat) Chief Tawfiq Tirawi lifted a
6-month ban on visits to Mukhabarat prisons by representatives oi the Palestinian
Society for the Protection of Human Rights and the Environment (LAWE). Tirawi
promised to appoint a special liaison officer to coordinate relations with human
ri^ts groups.
There were a number of attacks on Israelis during the year. For example, in No-
vember an unidentified gunman shot two Jewish religious students in Jerusalem,
killing one and seriously wounding the other.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Any Israeli policeman or border guard
may arrest without warrant a person who has committed, or is suspected of having
committed, a criminal or security offense in the occupied territories, except for areas
under exclusive PA control.
Israeli soldiers also may arrest without warrant Palestinians and hold them for
?|uestioning for the same reasons. Most of these arbitrary arrests and detentions are
or alleged security ofTenses. Persons arrested for common crimes are usually pro-
vided with a statement of charges and access to an attorney and may apply for bail.
However, these procedures are sometimes delayed.
Israeli authorities issue special summonses for security offenses. Israeli Military
Order 1369 stipulates a 7-year prison term for anyone who does not respond to a
special summons delivered to a family member or posted in the MATAK oifice near-
est the suspect's home address. Bail is rarely available to those arrested for security
1482
offenses. Although Israeli law does not allow Israelis between the ages of 13 and
16 to be tried as adults, Israeli courts treat Palestinians over the age of 12 as
adults.
Israeli authorities may hold persons in custody without a warrant for 96 hours;
they must be released unless a warrant is issued. Prearraignment detention can last
up to 11 days for Palestinians arrested in the occupied territories and up to 8 days
for minors and those accused of less serious offenses. Authorities must obtain a
court order for longer administrative detentions — ^up to 6 months from the date of
arrest. At hearings to extend detention for interrogation purposes, detainees are en-
titled to be represented by counsel, although the defense attorney is often not al-
lowed to see or hear the evidence against his client. Detainees are either released
at the end of the court-ordered detention or sent to administrative detention if they
are not indicted. If there is an indictment, a judge may order indefinite detention
until the end of the trial. Israeli regulations permit detainees to be held in isolation
during interrogation. Detainees have the right to appeal continued detention.
Although a detainee generally has the right to consult with a lawyer as soon as
Bossible, in security cases authorities may delay access to counsel for up to 15 days,
[igher-ranking oflicials or judges may extend this period. Access to counsel is rou-
tinely denied while a suspect is being interrogated, which sometimes can last sev-
eral weeks. Authorities must inform detainees of their right to an attorney and
whether there are any orders prohibiting such contact.
A number of factors hamper contacts between lawyers and their clients in Israeli
prison and detention facilities. Israel's policy of transferring detainees from the oc-
cupied territories to prisons in Israel, makes visits of lawyers and family members
dimcult, and in some cases, impossible. Israeli authorities have been known to
schedule appointments between attorneys and their detained clients, only to move
the clients to another prison prior to the meetings. Authorities reportedly use such
tactics to delay lawyer-client meetings for as long as 90 days. Palestinian lawyers
also have trouble traveling to see their clients during Israeli-imposed closures. Is-
rael does not allow Palestinian attorneys who do not nave East Jerusalem identity
cards and licenses issued by the Israeli Bar Association or by an official Israeli gov-
ernmental body such as MATAK to visit detainees in Israeli prisons.
Israeli authorities claim that they attempt to post notification of arrest within 48
hours. Nevertheless, Palestinian suspects are often kept incommunicado for longer
than 48 hours. Even if an arrest becomes known, it is often difficult to get informa-
tion on where a detainee is being held or whether he has access to an attorney. Pal-
estinians generally locate detained family members through their own efforts. Pal-
estinians can check with a local ICRC office to determine whether it has information
on the whereabouts of a family member. A senior officer may delay for up to 12 days
notification of arrest to immediate family members, attorneys, and diplomatic offi-
cials. A military commander may appeal to a judge to extend this period in security
cases for an unlimited time. Israeli district military commanders may order admin-
istrative detention for up to 6 months without formal charges, but the original de-
tention order may be extended indefinitely.
At the end of the year, there were 382 Palestinians in administrative detention
in Israel, compared with 270 at the end of 1996. A total of 138 Palestinian adminis-
trative detainees have been imprisoned for over a year, without being officially
charged of any wrongdoing; 45 of them have been held for more than 2 years. There
are 40 children below the age of 16 being held in administrative detention.
Many Palestinians under administration detention during the past 2 years have
had their detention orders renewed repeatedly without meaningful chance of appeal.
Evidence used at hearings for administrative detentions is secret and unavailable
to the detainee or his attorney. During hearings to appeal detention orders, the de-
tainee and defense lawyer are required to leave the courtroom when secret evidence
is presented. Israeli authorities maintain that they are unable to present evidence
in open court because doing so would compromise the method of acquiring the evi-
dence. Detainees may appeal detention orders, or the renewal of a detention order,
before a military judge, but their chances for success are very limited. During the
year, there were no successful appeals requesting the cancellation of administrative
detention orders.
At year's end, 3,565 Palestinian prisoners and detainees were incarcerated in Is-
raeli prisons, military detention centers, and holding centers, a decrease from 3,800
in 1996. The Israeli Government routinely transfers Palestinians arrested in Israeli-
controlled areas of the occupied territories to facilities in Israel, especially Megiddo
military detention center near Afula.
Families, human rights organizations, and lawyers have encountered barriers try-
ing to gain access to Palestinian detainees and prisoners held in facilities in Israel
as a result of closures of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. F^'amily access to Palestin-
1483
ian prisoners held in Israeli jails has improved slightly improved in 1997 compared
with the sharp decline in 1996. Only parents and female family members are al-
lowed to visit relatives in facilities in Israel. Male family members between 16 and
40 years of age and family members with security records are barred from visiting.
The transfer of prisoners between facilities also makes it difilcult for families, law-
yers, and human rights organizations to locate and visit detainees. Due to travel
restrictions, the ICKC suspended its family visits program to detainees in Israeli
prisons several times during the year.
Israeli security forces conducted several mass arrests of Palestinians in response
to acts or threats of violence against Israelis. Israel arrested 87 Palestinians sus-
gected of affiliation with terrorist groups after suicide bombings in March, July, and
eptember. Of these, more than 66 were still being held in administrative detention
at year's end.
Israel did not forcibly deport any Palestinians from the occupied territories in
1997.
The PA does not have a uniform law on administrative detention, and security
oflicials do not always adhere to the existing laws in the West Bank and Gaza. Strip.
Laws applicable in Gaza, which are not observed in the West Bank, stipulate that
detainees held without charge be released within 48 hours. These laws allow the
Attorney General to extend the detention period to a maximum of 90 days during
investigations. Human rights organizations and the PA Ministry of Justice assert
that PA security officials do not always adhere to this regulation. Prevailing law in
the West Bank allows a suspect to be detained for 24 hours before being charged.
The Attorney General can extend the detention period.
PA authorities generally permit prisoners to receive visits from family members,
attorneys, and human rignts monitors, except for prisoners held for alleged security
offenses. PA security officials are not always aware that lawyers have a right to see
their clients. In principle detainees may notify their families of their arrest, but this
is not always permitted.
PA security services have overlapping or unclear mandates that often complicate
the protection of human rights. Under existing law in the West Bank, only the PA's
civil police force is authorized to make arrests. In practice all security forces are
known to detain people at various times. The operating procedures and regulations
for conduct of PA security personnel in the various services are not well developed
and have not yet been made fully available to the public.
There are many detention facilities in the West Bank and Gaza Strip adminis-
tered by the overlapping PA security services, a situation that complicates the abil-
ity of families, lawyers, and even the Ministry of Justice to track detainees' where-
abouts. Security services including Preventive Security, General Intelligence, mili-
tary intelligence, and the coast guard have their own interrogation and detention
facuities. In general these services do not, or only sporadically, inform families of
a relative's arrest. Most PA security officers remain ignorant of proper arrest, deten-
tion, and interrogation procedures, as well as basic human rights standards. Human
rights groups continue to provide basic human rights training to PA security serv-
ices. During 1997 human rights groups provided training to representatives of all
the PA security services, including tne PA military intelligence service. In 1997
more than 60 PA security officials participated in human rights courses, bringing
the total number of security officials who have graduated from human rights
courses to almost 700, according to human rights groups.
PA security forces continued to arrest arbitrarily and detain journalists, profes-
sors, political activists, and human rights advocates, who criticized the PA, includ-
ing journalist Daoud Kuttab and university professor Fahti Sobh (see Sections I.e.
and 2.a.).
PA security services in Gaza and the West Bank arrested dozens of Palestinians
in the wake of the three 1997 suicide bombing attacks, a more targeted campaign
than in past years. The majority of arrests were conducted without warrants; most
of those arrested in these campaigns remain in detention without being charged.
Human rights organizations estimate that the PA has held approximately 120
people for more than a year without charge, and the total number of Palestinians
in PA jails reached 725 by November.
e. Denial of Fair Public TVial. — Palestinians accused by Israel of security offenses
in Israeli-controlled areas of the occupied territories are tried in Israeli military
courts. Security offenses are broadly defined and may include charges of political ac-
tivity, such as membership in outlawed organizations. Charges are brought by mili-
tary prosecutors. Serious charges are tried before three-judge panels; lesser ofrenses
are tried before one judge. Defendants have the right to counsel and to appeal ver-
dicts to the Court of*^ Military Appeals, which may accept appeals based on the law
applied in the case, the sentence, or both. The right of appeal does not apply in all
1484
cases and sometimes requires court permission. The Israeli military courts rarely
acquit Palestinians of security ofTenses, but sentences are sometimes reduced on ap-
peal.
Trials are sometimes delayed for several reasons: Witnesses, including Israeli
military or police officers, do not appear; the defendant is not brought to court; files
are lost; or attorneys fail to appear, sometimes because they have not been informed
of the trial date or because of travel restrictions on Palestinian lawyers. These
delays add pressure on defendants to plead guilty to minor ofTenses; if they do, an
"expedited" trial may be held, in which a charge sheet is drawn up within 48 hours
and a court hearing scheduled within days.
By law most Israeli military trials are public, although access is limited. Dip-
lomats are allowed to attend military court proceedings involving foreign citizens,
but there have been delays in gaining admission. Most convictions in military courts
are based on confessions.
Evidence that is not available to the defendant or his attorney may be used in
court to convict persons of security offenses. There is frequently no testimony pro-
vided by Palestinian witnesses either for or against Palestinians on trial. Israeli au-
thorities maintain that this is due to the reiusal of Palestinians to cooperate with
the authorities. Physical and psychological pressures and reduced sentences for
those who confess can induce security detainees to sign confessions. Confessions are
usually spoken in Arabic but translated into Hebrew for the record because, authori-
ties maintain, many Israeli court personnel speak Arabic but few read it. Palestin-
ian detainees seldom read Hebrew and therefore often sign confessions that they
cannot read.
Crowded facilities and poor arrangements for attorney-client consultations in pris-
ons hinder legal defense efforts. Appointments to see clients are difficult to arrange,
and prison authorities often fail to produce clients for scheduled appointments.
Israeli settlers in the West Bank and Gaza Strip accused of security and ordinary
criminal offenses are tried under Israeli law in the nearest Israeli district court. Ci-
vilian judges preside, and the standards of due process and admissibility of evidence
are governed by the laws of Israel, not military occupation decrees. Settlers con-
victed in Israeli courts of crimes against Palestinians regularly receive lighter pun-
ishment than Palestinians convicted in Israeli courts of similar crimes against ei-
ther Israelis or other Palestinians.
The PA inherited a court system based on structures and legal codes predating
the 1967 Israeli occupation. The Gaza legal code derives from British Mandate law,
Egyptian law, and PA directives and laws. Pre-1967 Jordanian law applies in PA-
controlled areas of the West Bank. Bodies of law in the Gaza Strip and West Bank
have been substantially modified by Israeli military orders. According to the DOP
and the Interim Agreement, Israeli military decrees issued during the occupation
theoretically remain valid in both areas and are subject to review pursuant to spe-
cific procedure. The PA states that it is undertaking efforts to unify the Gaza and
West Bank legal codes, but in 3 years little progress has been made.
The court system in general is recovering from years of neglect; many of the prob-
lems predate PA jurisdiction. Judges and staff are underpaid and overworked and
suffer from lack of skills and training; court procedures and record-keeping are ar-
chaic and chaotic; and the delivery of justice is often slow and uneven. The ability
of the courts to enforce decisions is extremely weak, and there is administrative con-
fusion in the appeals process.
The PA Ministry of^ Justice appoints all civil judges for 10-year terms. The Attor-
ney General, an appointed ofTicial, reports to the Minister of Justice and supervises
judicial operations in both the Gaza Strip and West Bank.
In 1995 the PA established state security courts in Gaza and the West Bank to
try cases involving security issues. Three military judges preside over each court.
A senior police official heads the state security court in Jericho, and three judges
preside over it. There is no right of appeal, but verdicts may be either ratified or
repealed by the PA Chairman, Yasir Arafat. The PA Ministry of Justice has no ju-
risdiction over the state security courts, which appear to be subordinate only to the
Chairman of the PA. In 1997 PA security courts sentenced 14 defendants: 3 received
death sentences, bringing the total number of Palestinians sentenced to death to 13.
To date none of these death sentences has been carried out; Chairman Arafat has
not commuted any death sentences.
The PA usually ignores the legal limits on the length of prearraignment detention
of detainees suspected of security offenses. Defendants are often Drought to court-
without knowledge of the charges against them or sufTicient time to prepare a de-
fense. Defendants are typically represented by court-appointed lawyers. Court ses-
sions often take place on short notice in the middle of the night and without lawyers
present, all violations of defendants' right to due process. In some instances, secu-
1485
rity courts try cases, issue verdicts, and impose sentences in a single session lasting
several hours.
Palestinian Attorney General Fayez Abu Rahme acknowledged that at least 100
political prisoners are being held by the PA.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Israeli
military authorities in areas of the West Bank under their control may enter private
Palestinian homes and institutions without a warrant on security grounds when au-
thorized by an officer of the rank of lieutenant colonel. In conducting searches, the
IDF has forced entry and has sometimes beaten occupants and destroyed property.
Israeli authorities say that forced entry may lawfully occur only when incident to
an arrest and when entry is resisted. Authorities say that beatings and arbitrary
destruction of property during searches are punishable violations oimilitary regula-
tions, and that compensation is due to victims in such case. The Israeli Government
states that it does not keep consolidated information on the claims against the Min-
istry of Defense for damages resulting from IDF actions.
Israeli security forces may demolisn or seal the home (owned or rented) of a Pal-
estinian suspected of terrorism without trial. The decision to seal or demolish a Pal-
estinian's house is made by several high-level Israeli oflicials, including the Coordi-
nator of the MATAK (formerly CFVAD) and the Defense Minister. Residents of
houses ordered demolished have 48 hours to appeal to the area commander; a final
appeal may be made to the Israeli High Court. A successful appeal generally results
in the conversion of a demolition order to sealing. After a house is demolished, mili-
tary authorities prohibit the owner from rebuilding or removing the rubble. Israelis
suspected of terrorism are subject to Israeli law and do not face the threat of home
demolition.
Israeli authorities destroyed eight Palestinian homes in 1997, compared with
eight in 1996, and one in 1995. In Surif four homes were demolished. In Assira
Shamaliyya, two homes were demolished and two filled with concrete.
Since 1994 the Israeli Government has allowed owners to apply to regional mili-
tary commanders for permits to rebuild or unseal homes closea or demolished due
to security offenses committed by themselves or a family member after their re-
lease— or the release of their family member — from prison. In 1997 the Israeli Gov-
ernment did not allow any homes to be rebuilt or unsealed. In 1996 the Israeli Gov-
ernment allowed one home to be unsealed.
In the Gaza Strip and PA-controlled areas of the West Bank, the PA requires the
Attorney General to issue warrants for entry and searches of private property.
These requirements are frequently ignored by Palestinian security services. PA po-
lice have searched homes without consent of their owners. In some cases, police
have forcibly entered premises and destroyed property.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Israeli Government generally respects free-
dom of speech in the occupied territories but prohibits public expressions of support
for Islamic extremist groups, such as HAMAS and other groups dedicated to the de-
struction of Israel. Continuing a policy it began in 1994, the Israeli Government
generally did not enforce its prohibition on the display of Palestinian political sym-
bols, such as flags, national colors, and graffiti, acts that are punishable by fines
or imprisonment.
Overall, Israeli censorship of specific press pieces continued to be low. Israeli au-
thorities continue to monitor the Arabic press based in Jerusalem for security-relat-
ed issues. Military censors review Arabic publications for material related to the
public order and security of Israel. Reports by foreign journalists are also subject
to review by Israeli military censors for security issues, and the satellite feed used
by many foreign journalists is monitored.
Israel often closes areas to journalists when it has imposed a curfew or closure.
Israeli authorities have denied entry permits to Palestinian journalists traveling to
their place of work in Jerusalem during closures of the territories.
The IDF requires a permit for publications sold in the occupied territories still
under its control. Publications may be censored or banned for anti-Semitic or anti-
Israeli content. Possession of banned materials is punishable by a fine and impris-
onment. In 1997 Israel refused to allow publications, including newspapers, into the
Gaza Strip during closures.
Israeli-imposed closures also severely disrupted the operations of West Bank and
Gaza universities, colleges, and schools during the year. Educational institutions in
the West Bank and Jerusalem closed for periods oi time as a result of internal clo-
sures in the West Bank. Significant numbers of students and staff could not travel
to the schools from neighboring towns and villages. Gaza students experience dif-
ficulty obtaining permits to attend West Bank universities.
1486
The PA has a generally poor record on freedom of expression and freedom of the
press, although it professes to tolerate varying political views and criticism. In gen-
eral PA authorities do not permit criticism oi Yasir Arafat or his policies or style
of government. Press freedom in PA-controUed areas is subject to a 1995 Press Law
that does not adequately protect the press. PA security services further stifle the
independence of the press by periodically harassing or detaining media members.
PA officials imf>osed restrictions on the press in several instances, including closing
some opposition newspapers. In May PA security officials detained Palestinian-
American journalist Daoud Kuttab for over a week. He was never charged but came
to the attention of the PA when he broadcast a Palestinian Council session that dis-
cussed PA corruption.
The PA has authority over all levels of education in the West Bank and Gaza
Strip. PA security services in the Gaza Strip arrested prominent university profes-
sor Fahti Sobh in July after he allegedly asked students, as a final exam question,
what they would do about PA corruption. Sobh reported that he was subjected to
torture. He did not pay a fine. He faces a fine up to approximately $7,000 (5000
Jordanian dinars) if he is apprehended again. This detention was the only instance
of PA interference in academic freedom during the year.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Israeli military orders ban
public gatherings of 10 or more persons without a permit. Since the 1993 signing
of the Declaration of Principles, Israel has relaxed enforcement of this rule except
in cases of Palestinian demonstrations against land seizures or settlement expan-
sions.
Private Palestinian organizations are required to register with the Israeli authori-
ties in areas under Israeli control, though some operate without licenses. The au-
thorities permit Palestinian charitable, community, professional, and self-help orga-
nizations to operate unless their activities are viewed by Israeli authorities as a se-
curity problem. Israeli authorities have forced some Palestinian organizations in
East Jerusalem to close because of alleged links to the PA.
The PA does not impose restrictions on freedom of assembly, although it does re-
quire permits for rallies, demonstrations, and large cultural events. These permits
are rarely denied. In Gaza police approval is required for "political" meetings at sev-
eral specific large meeting halls. Written permission is also required for buses to
transport passengers to attend political meetings. In West Bank cities, the PA re-
quires permits for outdoor rallies and demonstrations and prohibits calls for vio-
lence, a display of arms, and racist slogans, although this is not always enforced.
There were periodic complaints during the year from Palestinian political parties,
social and professional groups, and other NGO's that the PA tried to limit their abil-
ity to act autonomously.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Israeli Government respects freedom of religion and
does not ban any group or sect on religious grounds. It permits all faiths to operate
schools and institutions. Religious publications are subject to the publications laws
(see Section 2. a.). In 1997 the IDF temporarily closed at least five mosques in the
course of investigating communities in which terrorist suspects were believed to be
operating.
The PA does not restrict freedom of religion. There are periodic credible allega-
tions that a small number of Muslim converts to Christianity are subject to societal
discrimination and sometimes harassment by PA ofiicials. The PA investigates such
complaints. There was no pattern of PA discrimination and harassment against
Christians.
d. Freedom of Movement within the Occupied Territories, Foreign Travel, Emigra-
tion, and Repatriation. — Israel requires that all West Bank and Gaza residents ob-
tain identification cards to qualify for permits to enter Israel and Jerusalem. How-
ever, Israel often denies applicants permits with no explanation, and does not allow
effective means of appeal. Palestinian officials with VIP passes, including PA cabi-
net officials and members of the Palestinian Council, were subjected to long delays
and searches at Israeli checkpoints in the West Bank, even though they were travel-
ing on special passes issued by Israel. In general Palestinians in the West Bank and
Gaza Strip find it difficult to obtain permits to work, visit, study, obtain medical
care, or attend religious services outside of the West Bank or Gaza. Palestinian resi-
dents of Jerusalem are sometimes prohibited from entering PA-controUed areas of
the West Bank, and they require written permits from Israel to travel to the Gaza
Strip. Residents of the Gaza Strip are rarely able to obtain permission to travel to
the West Bank, or residents of the West Bank to enter the Gaza Strip; this is even
true of residents of the West Bank and Gaza Strip who regularly receive permission
to enter Israel. Israeli authorities do not permit (}azans to bring vehicles into Israel
and rarely permit West Bank vehicles to enter Jerusalem or Israel. Except for sen-
ior PA olTicials, Palestinians of all ages entering (or exiting) the Gaza Strip from
1487
(or into) Israel are not permitted to travel by car across the main checkpoint. In-
stead, they must travel along a narrow walkway almost a mile long. Israelis moving
into and out of the Gaza Strip are permitted to use their cars. Israel and the PA
have yet to establish "safe passage" to facilitate travel between the West Bank and
Gaza Strip as set out in the 1995 Interim Agreement.
Israel continues to apply its policy, begun in 1993, of closure of the West Bank
and the Gaza Strip, following terrorist attacks. On occasion Israel also imposes a
tightened version of closure in the wake of terrorist incidents. During these times
Israel tends to cancel all travel permits and prevents Palestinians, even those with
valid work permits, from entering Israel or Jerusalem. Israel often imposes an "in-
ternal closure" during the "an initial limited period." An "internal closure" prohibits
Palestinians from traveling between West Bank towns and villages. Tightened clo-
sures, especially those that include an internal closure, severely hamper the flow
of food, medicine, students, doctors, and patients into and out of the occupied terri-
tories, and they seriously disrupt commercial activity. A tightened closure was im-
posed after the March 21, July 30, and September 4 terrorist bombings. Tightened
closures imposed during the year lasted longer and were more strictly enforced than
those from past years. After both the July 30 and September 4 bombings, an "inter-
nal" closure was imposed for almost 2 weeks, while the tightened closure lasted for
about a month.
As a security precaution, Israel also routinely tightens the closure of the West
Bank and the Gaza Strip during major Jewish or Muslim holy days, as well as dur-
ing times of political sensitivity for Israel.
Israel continued to impose periodic curfews in areas of the West Bank under its
jurisdiction in response to its security concerns, in anticipation of incidents, or as
part of ongoing security operations. Israelis are generally tree to move about during
curfews, while Palestinians are confined to their homes. A curfew was imposed on
the southern West Bank village of Surif in March and on the northern West Bank
village of Assira Shamaliyyah in September. During periods of tightened closure, Is-
raeli settlers were prevented from entering Palestinian-controlled zones.
The Israeli Government restricted travel for some Israeli settlers, prohibiting
them from entering sensitive locations in the West Bank. The Yesha Council, an
umbrella group of settler organizations, reported that six Israelis were placed under
administrative detention during the year.
The Israeli Government requires all Palestinian residents in areas under its con-
trol to obtain permits for foreign travel and has restricted the travel of some politi-
cal activists. Bridge-crossing permits to Jordan may be obtained at post offices with-
out a screening process. However, in the case of East Jerusalem Palestinians, the
fear of losing one s residency is an obstacle to travel. Palestinian males between the
ages of 16 and 25 who cross into Jordan must remain outside the occupied terri-
tories for 9 months. Restriction on residence, tourist visas, reentry, and family re-
unification apply only to Palestinian residents of the occupied territories. Israeli au-
thorities sometimes refuse to renew the laissez-passers oi Palestinians from the oc-
cupied territories who live or work abroad, on the grounds that they have aban-
doned their residences.
Palestinians who live in the part of Jerusalem that was occupied during the 1967
War generally do not accept Israeli citizenship. They are, therefore, issued a resi-
dence permit, or Jerusalem ID card, by the Israeli Government. Israel applies the
1952 Law of Permanent Residency ana its 1974 amendments to Jerusalem identi-
fication card holders. This law stipulates that a Jerusalem resident loses the right
of residence if the resident leaves Israeli territory for more than 7 years, acquires
nationality of another country, or acquires permanent residence in another country.
Such persons are permitted to return only as tourists and are sometimes denied
entry. The Israeli Government does not apply these same restrictions to Israeli citi-
zens. Israeli government oflicials deny that more stringent enforcement of the Jeru-
salem residency requirements in 1997 refiects a concerted policy to decrease the Pal-
estinian population in the city. Human rights groups estimate that approximately
5,000 Palestinian residents had their residency permits revoked in 1996 and 1997.
Invoking the 1952 law, Israeli officials routinely tell Palestinian residents of Jeru-
salem who possess other nationalities that they have to renounce their other nation-
alities in order to retain the right to live in Jerusalem. Over 175 Palestinian-Ameri-
cans have been told that they must renounce their U.S. citizenship in order to retain
their Jerusalem residency.
Israeli authorities also place restrictions on family reunification. Most Palestin-
ians who were abroad before or during the 1967 War, or who have lost their resi-
dence permits for other reasons, are not permitted to reside permanently with their
families in Jerusalem or the occupied territories. Foreign-bom spouses and children
of Palestinian residents also experience difficulty in obtaining permission to reside
1488
with their family members. Only 1,500 family reunification permits have been is-
sued since the Interim Agreement was signed in 1995.
Israeli security singles out young (often unmarried) Palestinian males for more
stringent restrictions than other Palestinians, citing them as more likely to be secu-
rity risks. They are generally prohibited from working in Israel.
The PA issues passports and identification cards for Palestinians residing in the
West Bank and Gaza. Bearers of Palestinian passports do not need special exit per-
mits from the PA, but do require reentry permits. They can travel both over the
Allenby Bridge to Jordan and via Ben Gurion Airport in Israel. Palestinians who
are Jerusalem residents may not obtain Palestinian passports and must obtain trav-
el documents from the Government of Israel to travel abroad. Those wishing to trav-
el to Jordan must leave their ID documents with Israeli authorities at the Allenby
Bridge. There is also a requirement that Jerusalem Palestinians have a special per-
mit to cross the Allenby Bridge, available for $40 (125 New Israeli Shekel — nis)
from the Ministry of Interior. Palestinians, including Palestinian-Americans who are
residents of the West Bank, the Gaza strip, or Jerusalem, are not allowed to cross
at the Sheikh Hussein or Arava crossings with Jordan.
Palestinians with passports from other countries are required by Israel to exit and
enter (either via Ben Gurion or via land crossings) with a Palestinian passport. Is-
rael asserts that the requirement results from the Interim Agreement. Palestinian
officials dispute this interpretation and characterize this requirement as "harass-
ment." On several occasions in 1997 following terrorist incidents, Israel has re-
stricted foreign travel of all those who hold Palestinian passports. This has some-
times resulted in Palestinians being unable to leave or to enter Israel. At all times,
West Bank and Gazan Palestinians require a sf)ecial permit, issued by Israel, to
enter Jerusalem.
The PA does not control its borders. All persons entering PA-controlled areas
must be granted permission by Israel. The issue of Palestinian refugees is a matter
to be discussed between Israel and the PA in final status negotiations.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Palestinian residents of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Jerusalem chose their
first popularly-elected government in 1996. They elected an 88-member Council and
the Ra'ees (IVesident or Chairman) of the Executive Authority of the Council. Yasir
Arafat won almost 89 percent of the vote in a two-person race for Chairman. Some
700 candidates ran for council seats. Council members were elected in multimember
electoral districts. As many as 35 of the elected members were independent can-
didates or critics of Arafat and his Fatah faction. International observers concluded
that the election could be reasonably regarded as an accurate expression of the will
of the voters, despite some irregularities. During the year, the Council debated nu-
merous draft laws and some 168 resolutions. Some members of the Council com-
plained of its relative lack of power in relation to the executive branch of govern-
ment; the Council and the Executive Authority work within the boundaries set out
in the 1995 Interim Agreement. The Council's mandate runs to mid-1999, the end
of the interim period set out in the accords.
Most Palestinians in Jerusalem do not recognize the jurisdiction of the Municipal-
ity of Jerusalem. I^ess than 7 percent of Jerusalem's Palestinian population voted
in the 1993 municipal elections. No Palestinian resident of Jerusalem sits on the
city council.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. There are 5 women in
the 88-member Council, and 2 women serve in ministerial-level positions.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Many local groups — Israeli, Palestinian, and international — monitored the Israeli
Government's human rights practices. The Israeli Government normally cooperates
with human rights organizations; officials normally agree to meet with human
rights monitors. The Israeli Grovernment permits human rights groups to publish
and hold press conferences.
However, some individual human rights workers have been subjected to inter-
ference. A fieldwork coordinator for the Palestinian human rights organization Al-
Haq was arrested by Israel and has been detained without charge since F'ebruary
1996.
The Israeli Government withheld its cooperation from the U.N. Special Committee
to Investigate I*ractices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and
Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories. The Special Committee was unable to visit
1489
the occupied territories and reported that the Govornmonl of Israel did not respond
to communicationH addressed to it on the matter.
Many hx-al human rights (jroups mostly Palestinian^ — as well as several inter-
national human rights organizations moniton'd the I'A's human riglils practices.
The PA generally r(K)p«*rates with these organi/atioiis and PA oHuMals normally
meet with their rn'pn'sentatives. Several i'alestinian human rights organizations
work behind the scenes with the PA to overcome abusive practices in certain an>as.
They also publi.sh criticism if they believe that the PA is not responding adequately
to private entreaties. In December tlie West Hank intelligence service lilted a (>-
month ban on visits to its prisons by lawyers of one human rights gn)ui).
The ICK(/ operates in the PA an'as under the terms of a memorandum of under-
Htanding signed in September 199(> In-tween the 1(^K(' and the PIX). 'I'he memoran-
dum accords the 1('K(^ access to all d«'tainees held by the PA and allows regular
inspt'ctions of prison conditions. In atx'ordance with tfu* agix'ement, the l("K(, con-
ducted routine visits of PA-run pri.son facilities and to PA-held prisonei-s thnnighout
the year.
Section 5. Discrimination Hased on Race, Sex, licliffion, Disahility, hirif^unj^c, or So
cinl Status
Under the complex mixtun^ of laws and regulations that apply l-o th<' otxupied ter-
ritories, Palestinians are disadvantaged under Isra<'li law and practices compared
with the treatment received by Israeli settK-r-s. This includes discrimination in resi-
dency, land use, and atxess to health and social servitx's.
Women. — The pn)blems of rajx', domestic violence, and violence ri'Iated to "family
honor" have gained greater pn)minence in the Palestinian community, but public
discussion is generally muted. Victims aix' oRen encouraged by relativ<'s to remain
quiet and are them.selves punished or bliuned for the "shame" that has Ix-en bnnight
upon them and their families. Women's groups nvvk to i-ilucale women on these
problems, but women's rights advcxates claim that few resources aix- available to
shelter the victims of viol«-nce. They also maintain that society has not In-en recep-
tive to pn)viding counseling or outreach st-rvices to victims of problems that tlu>y
see as more widespread than is acknowledged. Accxirding to women's g»x)ups, thert»
are no reliable data on the incidence of vioK-nce against women. S[K)usal abuse, sex-
ual abus<>, and "honor killings" occur, but societal nressiires nrevent most incidentH
fn)m being rej)orted, and most ca.ses are d<'alt with informally by family members.
Palestinian women in lx)th the Israeli- and PA-controlU-d aix-as of the oixupied
territories endure various forms of social pixjudice and repix-ssion within their own
society. Because of early marriage, girls frequently <lo not linish the mandatory level
of schooling. (Cultural restrictions sometimes prevent them from attending colleges
and univi'rsities. While there is an active women's movement in the Wi-st nank, at-
tention has only recently shifled from nationalist aspirations to issues that greatly
aflect women sucli as domestic violeiux-, ecjual acc<*ss to education and employment,
and laws concerning marriage and inlu-ritance.
A gn)wing numlH>r of i'alestinian women work outside th«' home, where they tend
to encounter discrimination. There are no sjx'cial laws providing for women's rights
in the workplacxv Women are underrepix'sented in most aspects of nrofessional life.
Despite the fact that there is a small group of women who are prominent in politics,
medicine, law, teaching, and in nongovernmental organizations, wonuMi for the most
part an* seriously underrepix-sented in the decisionmaking positions in these fields.
Personal status law for Palestinians is based on religious law. For Muslim Pal-
estinians, p<'rsonal status law is derived from Shari'a (Islamic law). In the W«"st
Hank and (laza, Shari'a law jH-rtaining to women is part of tlu' .Jordanian Status
l^aw of 197(j, which includes inheritance and marriage laws. Under the law, women
inherit less than male memlx-rs of the family. The marriage law allows men to take
more than one wife, although few do so. Women are permitted to make "stipula-
tions" to pn)tect them against divorce and (piestions of child custody. However, only
an estimated 1 |X'rcent of women take advantage of this .section of the law, leaving
most women at a disadvantage when it comes to divorxx' or child custody. Following
legal pn)tests, the I'A Ministry of ('ivil Adairs in 1!)9() rescinded a law reciuiring
women to obtain the written consent of a male family member before it would issue
them a travel document.
Children. Thv PA requires ojmpulsory education up to 12 years of age. Current
British Mandate, Jordanian, and military laws, fn)m which W<'st Bank and Uaza
law is derived, offer pn)te<-tion to children under the l,alK)r and Pi-nal (^odes. While
there is no juvenile court system, judges s|x>cializing in children's cas<'s generally
sit for juvenile offenders. In cases where the child is the victim, judges have the dis-
crt'tion to remove the child from a situation deemed harmful. Iiowever, the system
is not advanced in the protection afforded children.
1490
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children among Palestinians.
People With Disabilities. — There is no mandated accessibility to public facilities in
the occupied territories under either Israeli or Palestinian authority. Approximately
130,000 Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza are disabled. Some Pafestinian in-
stitutions care for and train disabled persons; their efforts, however, are chronically
underfunded. Many Palestinians with disabilities are segregated and isolated from
Palestinian society; they are discriminated against in most spheres, including edu-
cation, employment, transportation, and access to public buildings and facilities.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Labor affairs in the West Bank came under Palestin-
ian responsibility with the signing of the Interim Agreement in September 1995.
Until a new law being drafted by PA authorities comes into effect, labor affairs in
the West Bank are governed by Jordanian Law 21 of 1965, as amended by Israeli
military orders, and in Gaza by PA decisions. The law permits workers to establish
and join unions without government authorization. The earlier Israeli stipulation
that all proposed West Bank unions apply for a permit is no longer enforced. No
new unions were established in 1997. Israeli authorities previously have licensed
about 35 of the estimated 185 union branches now in existence. There are almost
30 licensed trade unions in the West Bank and 6 in Gaza.
Palestinian workers in Jerusalem are governed by Israeli labor law. They are free
to establish their own unions. Although the Government restricts Jerusalem unions
from joining West Bank trade union federations, this restriction has not been en-
forced. Palestinian workers in Jerusalem may belong simultaneously to unions affili-
ated with West Bank federations and the Israeli Histadrut Labor Federation.
West Bank unions are not affiliated with the Israeli Histadrut federation. Pal-
estinians who work in Israel or Jerusalem are not full members of Histadrut, but
they are required to contribute 1 percent of their wages to Histadrut. Negotiations
between Histadrut and West Bank union officials to return half of this fee to the
Palestinian Union Federation were completed in 1995, but funds have yet to be
transferred.
Palestinians who work in Israel are required to contribute to the National Insur-
ance Institute (Nil), which provides unemployment insurance and other benefits.
Palestinian workers are eligible for some, but not all. Nil benefits. According to the
Interim Agreement, Palestinians working in Israel continue to be insured for inju-
ries occurring in Israel, the bankruptcy of a worker's employer, and allowances for
maternity leave. The Israeli Government agreed to transfer the Nil fees collected
from Palestinian workers to the PA, which is to assume responsibility for the pen-
sions and social benefits of Palestinians working in Israel. Implementation of this
change is still underway.
The great majority of West Bank unions belong to the Palestinian General Fed-
eration of Trade Unions (PGFTU). The PGFTU acted as the informal coalition in
the completion of the negotiations with Histadrut regarding workers' fees. The reor-
ganization of unions under the PGFTU is intended to enable the West Bank unions
and Gaza unions to better represent the union members' interests; the reorganiza-
tion had not yet been finalized at year's end.
An estimated 86,000 workers are members of the PGFTU, the largest union bloc.
The PGFTU estimates actual organized membership, i.e., dues-paying members, at
about 30 percent of all Palestinian workers.
No unions were dissolved by administrative or legislative action during the year.
Palestinian unions seeking to strike must submit to arbitration by the PA Ministry
of Labor. If the union disagrees with the final arbitration and strikes, a tribunal
of senior judges appointed by the PA decides what, if any, disciplinary action is to
be taken. There are no laws in the territories that specifically protect the rights of
striking workers, and in practice, such workers have little or no protection from an
employer's retribution.
In March 25 members of the teachers union, who went on strike over low wages,
were imprisoned for 40 days in Nablus and Ramallah.
The PGFTU has applied for membership in the International Confederation of
Free Trade Unions (ICFTU).
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — A majority of workers in the
occupied territories are self-employed or unpaid family helpers in agriculture or
commerce. Only 35 percent of employment in the territories consists of wage jobs,
most with the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the PA, or in
municipalities. Collective bargaining is protected. Labor disputes are adjudicated by
committees of 3 to 5 members in businesses employing more than 20 workers.
Existing laws and regulations do not offer real protection against antiunion dis-
crimination. One industrial zone is being developed in the Gaza Strip.
1491
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — PA law does not specifically pro-
hibit forced or compulsory labor, including by children.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum working age in the West Bank and Gaza is 14 years, but most observers agree
that a significant number of Palestinian children under the age of 16 years, and
many under the age of 12 years, are engaged in some work activities. Most of this
employment is beueved to involve work on family farms, in family shops, or as
urban street hawkers. Some employment of children is also reported to occur in
small manufacturing enterprises, such as shoe and textile factories. The law does
not specifically prohibit forced or compulsory labor by children (see Section 6.c.).
The PA's capacity to enforce existing laws is limited, with only 40 labor inspectors
to inspect an estimated 65,000 enterprises. The International Labor Organization
and UNICEF are working with the PA to study the nature and extent oi the prob-
lem and to develop the capacity to enforce and update child labor laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is currently no minimum wage in the
West Bank or Gaza areas. In the West Bank, the normal work week is 48 hours
in most areas; in Gaza the work week is 45 hours for day laborers and 40 hours
for salaried employees. There is no effective enforcement of maximum work week
laws.
The PA Ministry of Labor is responsible for inspecting work places and enforcing
safety standards in the West Bank and Gaza. The Ministry of Labor says that
newer factories and work places meet international health and safety standards but
that older ones fail to meet minimum standards. There is no specific legal protection
afibrded workers that allows them to remove themselves from an unhealthy or un-
safe work setting without risking loss of employment.
JORDAN
The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is a constitutional monarchy that has been
ruled by King Hussein since 1952. The Constitution concentrates a high degree of
executive and le^slative authority in the King, who determines domestic and for-
eign policy. The Prime Minister and the Cabinet manage the daily affairs of govern-
ment. The Parliament consists of the 40-member Senate appointed by the King and
the 80-member Chamber of Deputies, which is elected by the people every 4 years.
After the 1989 elections and tne lifting of martial law in 1991, the lower house
began to assert itself on domestic and foreign p)olicy issues. The Parliament elected
in 1993, however, was less assertive than its predecessor. Over 500 candidates com-
peted in the October parliamentary elections, despite a boycott by the Islamist and
other parties. The election was marred by reports of registration irregularities,
fraud, and restrictions on the press and on campaign materials. According to the
Constitution, the judiciary is independent of other l)ranches of government; how-
ever, in practice, it is susceptible to outside influences.
General police functions are the responsibility of the Public Security Directorate
(PSD). The PSD, the General Intelligence Directorate (GID), and the military share
responsibility for maintaining internal security and have authority to monitor the
activities of persons believed to be security threats. The State Security Court and
broad police powers are vestiges of martial law, which was in place from 1967 to
1991. The security forces continue to commit human rights abuses.
Jordan has a mixed economy, with significant government participation in indus-
try, transportation, and communications. The country has few natural resources and
relies heavily on foreign assistance and remittances from citizens working abroad.
The economy has suffered from chronically high uneniployment since the late
1980's. As part of a structural adjustment program, the Government has removed
subsidies on several staple goods and lifted price controls on bread, soft drinks,
fruits, and vegetables. While consumer prices and interest rates have risen, wages
have remained stagnant, eroding the purchasing power of most citizens. Exporters
have not yet found adequate replacement markets for those lost as a result of Unit-
ed Nations sanctions against Iraq. Additional trade with Iraq under "food for oil"
arrangements has not significantly afiiected the economy. High expectations that sig-
nificant markets would develop in the West Bank, Gaza, and Israel following the
1994 signing of the Jordan-Israel peace treaty have not been realized. Per capita
gross domestic product in 1996 was $1,632.
Since the revocation of martial law in 1991, there has been noticeable improve-
ment in the human rights situation, however, problems remain, including: abuse
and mistreatment of detainees; arbitrary arrest and detention; lack of accountability
within the security services; prolonged detention without charge; lack of due proc-
1492
ess; infringements on citizens' privacy rights; harassment of opposition political par-
ties; and restrictions on the freedom of speech, press, assemoly, and association.
Citizens do not have the right to change their form of government, although they
can participate in the political system tnrough political parties and municipal and
parliamentary elections. New restrictions on the press decreed by the King in May
shutdown many smaller publications and led the others to practice increased seli-
censorship. In reaction to these limitations and to the "one-man, one-vote" change
in the election process, the Islamist and other parties boycotted the October par-
liamentary elections. Abuse of foreign servants is a problem. Restrictions on wom-
en's rights, violence against women, and abuse of children are also problems. The
Government imposes some limits on freedom of religion, and there is official dis-
crimination against adherents of the Baha'i faith.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and other Extrajudicial Killing. — There continues to be a reluctance
on the part of the security services to transparently investigate allegations of wrong-
ful death in police custody. In one incident, family members accused police of killing
Samer Mohammed Ziyad. on June 23. The 29-year-old man was wanted for theft,
fraud, and arson. According to relatives, police first assaulted Samer's brother out-
side of the family home. After the injured brother left to seek medical attention, two
police officers entered the house, found Samer, and escorted him to a bedroom.
There, according the family members who witnessed events, a policeman struck
Samer twice on the head with a heavy wooden baton causing him to collapse, uncon-
scious, to the floor. Samer was instructed to get up by police. When he remained
motionless, the same policeman sprayed a mace-like substance into his face. The
fumes were so strong that the policemen and family members left the house and
remained outside for approximately 90 minutes. At that time an officer arrived and,
after assessing the situation, instructed family members to take Samer to the hos-
pital. Samer was pronounced dead on arrival. Police officials claim that Ziyad had
already collapsed when police arrived to arrest him. A government autopsy reported
the cause of death to have been a heart attack caused by blockage in the coronary
arteries. Family members countered that Ziyad had no history oi medical problems
and demanded a second autopsy. A second autopsy was performed by a panel of five
independent physicians. While the second autopsy did not directly contradict the
first autopsy's stated cause of death, it did descrioe two severe wounds to the vic-
tim's head and surrounding brain tissue. Police officials claim to have conducted an
investigation of the incident and the allegation of wrongful death but have refused
to release any findings. The policemen involved in the incident have not been cen-
sured and remain on active duty.
In March a member of the army border guard member, Ahmed Daqamseh, shot
and killed seven Israeli schoolgirls and wounded three others on Naharayim Island
in the Jordan River. In June he was tried in military court, convicted, and sen-
tenced to life in prison. The Government immediately condemned the act and the
King made an unprecedented trip to visit the schoolgirls' families.
There were no developments in the investigation of police officers involved in the
alleged wrongful deaths of Younis Mahmoud Abu Dawlah, who died in December
1996, and Mahmoud Khalifah, who died in June 1995. Both men died while in police
custody.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearance.
c. Torture And Other Cruel, Inhuman, Or Degrading Treatment Or Punishment. —
Although the legal code provides prisoners with the right to humane treatment, se-
curity and police forces sometimes abuse detainees physically during interrogation.
Torture allegations are difficult to verify because security officials irequently deny
detainees timely access to lawyers. The most frequently alleged methods of torture
are sleep deprivation, beatings, and extended solitary confinement. Defendants in
high-profile cases before the state security court occasionally claim to have under-
gone physical and psychological abuse while in detention. Government officials re-
ject allegations of abuse.
In May Fahd Rimawi, editor of the weekly tabloid Al Majd, publicly alleged that
he was slapped in the face, insulted, and threatened by officers of the General Intel-
ligence Directorate. Rimawi had been called in for questioning after publishing an
editorial in which he stated that it was "unfortunate' that an Israeli stabbing victim
in Jordan survived the attack. The Minister of State for Information Affairs said
that Rimawi was summoned and interrogated for publishing "erroneous news" about
changes in the security forces' leadership. The Government denied that Rimawi was
abused and said that he was released with a warning.
1493
During the June military trial of Ahmed Daqamseh, an army border guard con-
victed 01 killing seven Israeli schoolgirls and wounding three others (see Section
l.a.), the defendant displayed bruises to his face and back. Daqamseh's lawyer
claimed that Daqamseh was beaten by the soldiers guarding him. The director of
the military prosecutor's office alleged that Daqamseh beat himself against his cell
door "in an attempt to escape from captivity." Court was adjourned for 3 days so
Daqamseh could be examined and the source of the injuries determined, but the re-
sults of the examination were not made available to Daqamesh's attorneys.
Montasser Abu Zaid was hanged in June for murder. Abu Zaid was convicted in
1996 on the basis of a confession that he claimed was extracted under duress. He
alleged that he and his wife were beaten and deprived of sleep in pretrial detention.
These allegations were made during the course of the trial, but no investigation was
conducted.
In May police used force to disperse demonstrating journalists, striking protesters
(see Section 2.b.).
Prisons and local police detention facilities are Spartan but generally meet mini-
mum international standards. Prisoners detained on national security grounds are
often kept in separate prisons maintained by the GID, where conditions are much
the same as other incarceration facilities.
There were reports in April of a hunger strike staged by prisoners at Suwaqah
prison after they were not included in a royal amnesty. Relatives of prisoners told
the Parliament's Public Freedoms Committee that personnel from the PSD entered
the prison and beat those inmates who were participating in the hunger strike.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICR(J) is permitted unrestricted
access to prisoners and prison facilities, including GID facilities.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, Or Exile. — Security forces arbitrarily arrest and de-
tain citizens. Under the Constitution citizens are subject to arrest, trial, and punish-
ment for the defamation of heads of state, dissemination of "false or exaggerated in-
formation outside the country which attacks state dignity," or defamation of public
officials.
The Criminal Code requires legal authorities to file formal charges within 10 days
of arrest. The courts routinely grant requests from prosecutors for 15-day extensions
as provided by law. This practice generally extends pretrial detention for protracted
f)eriods of time. In cases involving state security, the authorities frequently hold de-
endants in lengthy pretrial detention, do not provide defendants with the written
charges against them, and do not allow defendants to meet with their lawyers until
shortly before the trial. Security defendants usually meet with their attorneys 1 to
2 days prior to the trial.
The Grovemment detains persons, including journalists, for varying amounts of
time for what appear to be political reasons. During the year all such detainees
were released witnin 3 months; most were released immediately after questioning.
Approximately 350 people, including journalists, were detained for national security
reasons during the year.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial Of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent ju-
diciary, and court rulings against the (jovernment in past years indicate that the
judiciary can function independently. However, the judiciary is susceptible to out-
side pressure, because a judge's appointment to, and advancement within the judici-
ary, IS determined by a committee whose members are appointed by the King.
TTiere are several types of courts. Most criminal cases are tried in the civilian
courts, which also include appeals courts, the Court of Cassation, and the Supreme
Court. Cases involving sedition, armed insurrection, financial crimes, drug-traffick-
ing, and offenses against the King are tried in the State Security Court, a remnant
of the pre-1991 martial law period. In January Parliament passed amendments to
the law governing the State Security Court efiectively extending its jurisdiction in-
definitely. The amendments had been rejected earlier by the lower house's judicial
committee as "undemocratic" and contrary to the concept of an independent judici-
ary. Islamic, or Shari'a, courts, have jurisdiction over marriage and divorce among
Muslims and inheritance cases involving both Muslims and non-Muslims (see Sec-
tion 5). Under Shari'a, a woman's testimony is only equal to half that of a man (see
Section 5).
Most trials in the civilian courts are open. Defendants are entitled to legal coun-
sel, may challenge witnesses, and have the right to appeal. Defendants facing the
death penalty or life imprisonment must be represented by legal counsel. Public de-
fenders are provided if tne defendant cannot afford to hire legal counsel.
The State Security Court consists of a panel of three judges, who may be either
civilians or military officers. Sessions are frequently closed to the public. Defendants
tried in the State Security Court are often held in pretrial detention without access
1494
to lawyers, although they are visited by representatives of the ICRC. In the State
Security Court, judges have inquired into allegations of that defendants were tor-
tured and have permitted the testimony of physicians regarding these allegations.
To date the Court has not invalidated a confession obtained under duress, but on
review, the Court of Cassation has ruled that the State Security Court cannot issue
a death sentence on the basis of such a confession alone. Defendants in the State
Security Court have the right of appeal to the Court of Cassation, which is author-
ized to review testimony, evidence, and judgment. Appeals are automatic for cases
involving the death penalty.
In the past, defense attorneys have challenged the appointment of military judges
to the State Security Court to try civilian cases as contrary to the concept of an
independent judiciary. Military judges appear to receive adequate training in civil
law and court procedure and State Security Court decisions are reviewed by the
Court of Cassation.
Journalists Nahed Hattar and Abdullah Abu Roman were charged with offenses
against the King in August 1996. The State Security Court dropped charges during
the summer of 1997, but the state prosecutor is appealing the decision. Hattar is
accused of slandering King Hussein and Crown Prince Hassan. The evidence against
him includes published articles that criticize the permanent settlement of Palestin-
ian refiigees in Jordan. Abu Roman is accused of slandering the King. The evidence
against him is based on articles seized when police raided his office. The two are
also being tried in civil court on charges including propagating material that "harms
relations l>etween Jordan and Palestine, sows sectarianism and ethnicism, instigates
violence, terror, and hatred, and undermines national unity."
The press routinely carries details of the security court cases.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, Or Correspondence. — The
Constitution dictates that security forces must obtain a warrant from the Prosecutor
General or a judge before conducting searches or otherwise interfering with privacy,
family, home, or correspondence. The security services generally respect these con-
stitutional restrictions; nowever, in security cases, authorities sometimes — in viola-
tion of the law — obtain warrants retroactively or obtain preapproved warrants. Se-
curity officers reportedly monitor telephone, read correspondence, and engage in
surveillance of persons who may pose a threat to the Government or national secu-
rity. While these practices are not believed to be widespread, the law permits them
if the Government obtains a court order.
Section 2. Respect For Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom Of Speech And Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of
speech and of the press; however, the Government imposes some restrictions on
these rights. Freedom of the press was curtailed by restrictive new amendments to
the Press Law. The Government also intimidates journalists to encourage self-cen-
sorship. Private citizens can be prosecuted for slandering the royal family, the Gov-
ernment, or foreign leaders and for sowing sedition. Citizens generally do not hesi-
tate to criticize the Government openly, but are more circumspect in regard to the
King and the royal family.
The Press and Publications Law was amended by royal decree — i.e., without par-
liamentary approval — in May. The amendments gave daily and weekly newspapers
3 months to meet greatly increased capitalization requirements, ranging from
$70,000 to $840,000 and $21,000 to $420,000, respectively. The amended law further
prohibits the publication of news, opinion, information, reports, caricatures, or
photos that: offend the King or the royal family; pertain to the armed forces or secu-
rity services; harm national unity; disparage religion; offend an individual or harm
his reputation; disparage the heads of friendly states; harm the country's relations
with other nations; promote perversion or lead to moral corruption; shake confidence
in the national currency; or leature false news or rumors. Fines for violations of the
law were raised from a maximum of $1,400 to between $21,000 and $35,000. News-
papers deemed to be in violation of the law can be shut down until all fines are
paid.
The Press and Publications Law amendment also mandates that editors must be
citizens, resident in the country, and have 10 years of full-time experience as jour-
nalists. In September chief editor Nabil Al-Sharif of the nation's second largest
daily, Al-Dustur, received a letter from the Ministry of Information ordering him to
resign because he had less than 10 years full-time experience as a journalist. The
Al-Snarif family and the Government each control three seats on the paper's nine-
member board. Mr. Al-Sharif said that the Government was unhappy with Al-
Dustur's editorial policy and that it had been trying use the board of directors to
oust him for some time.
1495
The Government exercises control over the daily print media through its owner-
ship of 61 percent of the Jordan Press Foundation, and 32 percent of the Jordan
Press and Publications Company, which together publish three of the country's five
dailies. The amended Press Law dropped an earlier clause requiring the Govern-
ment to reduce its shares in press establishments to a maximum of 30 percent. The
Government also requires licenses for newspapers and periodicals, but the Press
Law does not prescribe penalties for publishing without a license. Specialized publi-
cations may not publish material other than that for which they are licensed. The
Government may revoke the licenses of periodicals that repeatedly violate the Press
and Publications Law or which fail to publish for an extended period of time. The
Government licensed one new publication in 1997. No licenses were revoked.
The Government also requires licenses for journalists, editors, and publishers.
Journalists have long complained about the requirement that they must join the
government-sponsored Jordan Press Association (JPA). However, the Government
has not taken legal action against journalists who refuse to join the association. For-
eign journalists and Jordanians working for foreign news agencies must register
with the Ministry of Information. The Press Law offers limited protection for the
confidentiality of a journalist's sources.
Persons accused of violating the Press and Publications Law are tried in a special
court for press and copyright cases. Journalists are also prosecuted for criminal and
security violations in connection with their work. Most such cases result in acquittal
or are dismissed before coming to trial. No guilty verdicts have been handed down
since the May amendment to the Press and Publications Law. Nevertheless, the
Government routinely uses detention and prosecution or the threat of prosecution
of press and publications cases as a means to intimidate journalists and to encour-
age self-censorship.
Credible observers expect the broad definition of punishable offenses in the
amendments to the Press Law to encourage increased self-censorship. The first
newspaper to close following the press amendments was the satirical weekly Abed
Rabbo, which printed its final issue on June 14. The paper cited the decree's broad
definition of prohibited reporting and the severity of fines as the reasons for its clo-
sure. Two of the paper's editors, Omar Nadi and Yousef Gheishan, had been de-
tained in January, charged with slandering a Member of Parliament and a govern-
ment minister. The paper had called the parliamentary deputy a hypocrite and
printed a cartoon depicting the minister stealing cars.
As a direct result of the new capitalization requirements promulgated in the Press
and Publication Law amendments, 14 of 23 weeklies were forced to cease publica-
tion. Of the nine weeklies still publishing, four are considered party publications
which are not yet subject to the same restrictions. Regarding the new senior editor
qualifications contained in the law, two of the five senior editors of daily news-
papers— i.e., all but one of the dailies not completely controlled by the Govern-
ment— and one of the weekly senior editors have been asked to resign.
In January Abdullah Bani Issa, editor of the weekly Al Hiwar, was sentenced to
6 months in prison and fined $700 for publishing an interview in which Ata Abu
Rishtah, leader of the illegal Tahrir Party, allegedly slandered the King and the
Crown Prince. The sentence cited the Press and Publications Law in imposing the
fine and the Penal Code in passing the jail sentence. The decision was overturned
in April by the Court of Appeals, wnich ruled that the content of the interview was
neither criminal nor slanderous. Abu Rishtah is currently in jail for an earlier 1996
State Security Court conviction for slandering the King.
Also in January, Na'el Salah, editor of the weekly Al Haqiqa, was sentenced to
9 months in prison and fined $21,000 for "spreading false news and publishing por-
nographic material" for reporting on prostitution in Amman. Salah had been de-
tained for 4 days in 1996 in connection with the case.
The editor in chief of the Al-Ahali weekly newspaper Jamil Nimri, and reporters
Basel Tallouzi and Ramadan Rawashdeh were acquitted in February of charges of
"instigating the masses" against the Jordan-Israel peace treaty and harming na-
tional security. The Al-Ahaii newspaper is linked to tne Jordan People's Democratic
Party. In May Osama Rantisi, editor of the Al-Ahali, was detained for 10 days be-
fore being charged with lack of accuracy and objectivity in reporting, and slandering
individuals. The arrest came after Rantisi puolished a story alleging that one of
Amman's private hospitals was failing financially and was going to be purchased by
a CToup 01 Israeli investors.
Zarqa mayor Mustafa Fayyad was detained for 3 days in February for slandering
members of parliament. The Speaker of the lower house of Parliament requested
mayor Fayyad's arrest after he said in an interview that "three quarters of the
Members of Parliament are liars."
1496
Journalists Nahed Hattar and Abdullah Abu Roman faced charges in the State
Security Court, Hattar for slandering the King and the Crown Prince, and Abu
Roman for slandering the King (see Section I.e.).
The Penal Code authorizes the State to take action against any person who incites
violence, defames heads of state, disseminates "false or exaggerated information out-
side the country which attacks state dignity," or defames public officials. Ahmed
Oueidi Abbadi was charged with undermining national unity, inciting people to
criminal acts, and fueling bigotry, for a 1996 editorial in which he called for govern-
ment confiscation of the property of Palestinians living in Jordan. The case was
postponed in April and eventually dismissed. Abbadi was elected to Parliament in
the October elections.
The Government is the sole broadcaster of radio and television programs. Radio
and television news broadcasts are more restricted than the print media. Television
news airs reports critical of the Government but rarely covers alleged human rights
abuses. Opposition parties have complained that Jordan Television (JTV) reports
only the Grovemment's position on controversial matters. International satellite tele-
vision and Israeli and Syrian television broadcasts are available and unrestricted.
In March the Government announced an end to pre-distribution censorship of
publications entering the country. Previously, imported magazines and newspapers
were subject to a pre-distribution check for violations of the press and publications
law. In October, in the period leading up the parliamentary elections, the Govern-
ment resumed pre-distrioution censorship of foreign publications, blocking the dis-
tribution of 54 Arabic language publications and 16 issues of British newspapers.
There were no dismissals of university professors for their political views in 1997.
However, intellectuals believe that there are no safeguards to prevent such dismis-
sals.
b. Freedom Of Peaceful Assembly And Association. — The Government restricts
freedom of assembly. Citizens must obtain permits for public gatherings. Since 1989
the Government has granted some permits for peaceiul demonstrations. The Gov-
ernment denies permits for public protests and rallies that it determines pose a
threat to security.
In January the Government permitted a demonstration at the site of an Israeli
trade fair on the outskirts of Amman. Water cannons were fired over the heads of
the 500 demonstrators to maintain order, and security forces prevented demonstra-
tors from approaching the entrance to the site. Organizers of the demonstration al-
leged that members of the security forces prevented buses full of people arriving
from outside Amman to reach the demonstration site.
The Government issued permits for a large gathering in March "in solidaritv with
the Palestinian people." Opposition figures from political parties, professional asso-
ciations, women s groups, and grass roots organizations took part and addressed the
crowd. Some would-be participants did not make it to the rally site, however, when
police stopped buses hired for the event that had not obtained the appropriate per-
mit for cnanging their routes. The drivers were fined and the buses were im-
pounded, leaving passengers without transportation. The usual penalty for this in-
fraction is a small fine.
Police used force on May 20 during an unlicensed demonstration at the offices of
the Prime Minister by approximately 50 journalists to protest amendments to the
Press and Publications Law. As the demonstrators dispersed, security forces became
involved in a dispute with journalists over the filming of an interview with promi-
nent opposition figure Layth Shubaylat. In the ensuing fracas several people were
pushed, shoved, and struck by police. At least one demonstrator was kicked and hit
several times with batons. Nine people were detained for several hours following the
demonstration. The Government said the police actions were justified because the
protest was unlicensed. The demonstration and the police response were reported
in the print media.
The Government restricts freedom of association. The Government requires and
routinely grants approval for conferences, workshops, and seminars. In January the
Ministry of Culture announced its decision to require Ministry approval, in writing,
for any cultural, scientific or artistic activity. The decision was revoked 3 weeks
later afler public complaints.
The Government routinely licenses political parties and other associations. There
are currently 17 licensed parties. Membership in an unlicensed political party is ille-
gal. The High Court of Justice may dissolve a party if it violates the Constitution
or the Political Parties Law. The Government can deny licenses to parties that it
decides do not meet a list of political criteria contained in the Political Parties Law.
In a July statement to the Minister of Interior, 11 opposition parties complained
that during a government-ordered audit of parties' finances, some parties were
asked to submit unrelated information, including party members' names and ad-
1497
dresses. The Minister responded that the audit was being conducted in accordance
with the law, and that all parties were being treated equally.
c. Freedom Of Religion. — According to the Constitution, Islam is the state religion.
The Constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion and provides for
"f>ersonal freedom." Sunni Muslims constitute over 90 percent of the population. Is-
lamic institutions are managed by the Ministry of Religious AfTairs and Trusts,
which appoints imams and subsidizes certain activities sponsored by mosques. The
Political Parties Law prohibits houses of worship from being used for political party
activity. The law was primarily designed to prevent Islamist parliamentarians from
f)reaching in mosques; however, enforcement of the law has not been consistent. Re-
igious instruction is mandatory for all Muslim students in public schools. Christian
and Baha'i students are not required to attend courses in Islam.
The Grovemment does not interfere with public worship by the country's Christian
minority. Established religious groups, which include Islam, Roman Catholicism,
Greek Orthodoxy, the Baptist Church, the Anglican Church, the Presbyterian
Church, the Assyrian Church, and Armenian Orthodoxy, require official government
recognition in order to register property in the name of the church, but members
may practice their religion without government recognition. The Government does
not recognize the Baha i faith as a religion but does not prohibit the practice of the
faith. The Government does not record the bearer's religion on national identity
cards issued to Baha'is, nor does it register property belonging to the community.
Unlike Christian denominations, the Baha'i conununity does not have its own court
to adjudicate personal status and family matters. Baha'i personal status matters are
heard in Islamic law courts.
The Government does not recognize Jehovah's Witnesses, the United Pentecostal
Church, the Church of Christ, and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints,
but each denomination is allowed to conduct religious services and activities without
interference.
The law prohibits non-Muslims from proselytizing Muslims. Muslims who convert
to other faiths complain of social and government discrimination. The Government
does not fully recognize the legality of such conversions. Under Shari'a, converts are
regarded as apostates and may be legally denied their property and other rights.
In Jordan this principle is not applied. Converts from Islam do not fall under the
jurisdiction of their new religions laws in matters of personal status and are still
considered Muslims under Shari'a, although the reverse is not true. Christians are
also subject to aspects of Shari'a designating how inheritances should be distributed.
d. Freedom Of Movement Within The Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, And
Repatriation. — The law provides for the right oi citizens to travel freely abroad and
within the country except in designated military areas. The law requires that all
women and foreign women married to Jordanians obtain written permission from
their male guardian — usually their fathers or husbands — to apply for a passport. A
woman traveling abroad with children may also be required to show written author-
ization from her spouse before departure. Legal authorities enforce requests from fa-
thers to prevent their children from departing the country, even when traveling
with their mothers.
Following the shooting in March of seven Israeli girls by an army border guard
Ahmed Daqamseh, security forces closed the entrance to Daqamseh s home village
of Ibdir to all except the village's inhabitants. A delegation from a neighboring tribe
coming to inauire about the Daqamseh family's welfare and opposition figures at-
tempting to aeliver the family material support were preventea from doing so by
security forces. Foreign diplomats were also denied entry.
Jordanians with full citizenship receive passports valid for 5 years. Most Palestin-
ian living in Jordan are citizens and receive passports valid for 5 years. However,
approximately 150,000 Palestinian residents — most refugees or children of refugees,
wno arrived from Gaza after 1967 — do not qualify for Jordanian citizenship. They
receive 2-year passports valid for travel only. Following Jordan's administrative and
legal disengagement from the West Bank in 1988, Palestinians residing in the West
Bank received 2-year passports valid for travel only, instead of the 5-year Jordanian
passports they had received previously. In October 1995, King Hussein announced
that West Bank residents without other travel documentation would again be eligi-
ble to receive 5-year Jordanian passports. However, the Government nas stressed
that these passports are for travel only and do not connote citizenship. All Palestin-
ians must obtain permits from the Ministry of the Interior for travel between Jor-
dan and the Israeli-occupied territories. Such permission is routinely granted.
The Constitution prohibits the deportation of citizens; the Government respects
this prohibition.
The Government generally cooperates with the office of the U.N. High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) ana other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
1498
ugees. The Government provides for first asylum. Since 1991 thousands of Iraqis
have sought asylum in Jordan and been given assistance by the UNHCR. There
were two reports of forced expulsion of Iraqis to Iraq. The Government forcibly de-
ported Iraqi national Adnan Karam Tu'ma to Iraq on March 25 despite his plea that
he be granted temporary political asylum based on his claim that he was a member
of the Iraqi opposition. In the second instance, the Jordanian chapter of the Arab
Organization for Human Rights (AOHR) alleged that Iraqi national and opposition
figure Samir Al-Sa'di was detained and then deported to Iraq by security services
in June without having had the chance to file for refugee status with the UNHCR.
Over 1.35 million Palestinian refugees are registered in Jordan with the United
Nations Relief and Works Agency. The Agency counts another 800,000 Palestinians
as either displaced persons from the 1967 War, arrivals following the 1967 War, or
returnees from the Gulf.
Section 3. Respect For Political Rights: The Right Of Citizens To Change Their Gov-
ernment
Citizens do not have the ability to change their system of government. The King
has sole discretionary authority to appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister and the
Cabinet, to dissolve Parliament, and to establish public policy. Appointments made
by the King to high government posts do not require legislative approval. Executive
power is vested in the King, who exercises his powers through his ministers in ac-
cordance with the provisions of the Constitution.
The Parliament is composed of a 40-member Senate appointed by the King and
a popularly elected 80-member Chamber of Deputies. The Parliament is empowered
by the Constitution to approve, reject, and amend legislation proposed by the Cabi-
net. A group of 10 senators or deputies may submit draft bills for consideration,
however, in practice. Members of Parliament ask the Government to initiate legisla-
tion for consideration. Opposition members of Parliament have complained that at-
tempts by members of the lower house to initiate legislation receive no response
from the Gk)vemment. The King proposes and dismisses extraordinary sessions of
Parliament and may postpone regular sessions up to 60 days. By law, if the Govern-
ment amends or enacts a law when Parliament is not in session, it must submit
the law to Parliament for consideration during the next session. However, this does
not always occur.
The Electoral Law and the distribution of parliamentary seats deliberately favor
regions with populations known for their traditional, pro-Hashemite views, i.e.,
rural and southern Jordan.
Over 500 candidates competed in the October parliamentary elections, despite a
boycott by Islamist and other parties. There were many reports of registration irreg-
ularities and fraud on the part of candidates. Restrictions on the press and on cam-
paign materials also had a negative effect on the campaign, which elicited much de-
bate over the fairness of the Electoral Law and its implementation. Voter turnout
was significantly lower in most urban areas than in rural areas. Centrist candidates
with ties to major tribes dominate the new Parliament.
The so-called one-man, one-vote amendment to the Electoral Law was ratified by
Parliament in January, nearly 4 years after it was first promulgated by royal de-
cree. The amendment allows voters to choose only one candidate in multiple-seat
districts. In the largely tribal society, citizens tend to cast their first vote for family
members, and any additional votes in accordance with their political leanings.
Hence, the amendment limits the chances of some non-tribal candidates, including
women, to be elected.
Women have the right to vote, and women's groups encourage women to vote and
to become active in the political process. There is one woman in the cabinet. She
and two other women were appointed to the Senate. Fifteen women were elected
to municipal posts in 1997, bringing the total number of women in such posts to
28, including one as mayor of Khirbet Al Wahadneh, near Ajloun. None of the 17
female candidates won seats in the October parliamentary elections.
Of the 80 seats in the lower chamber, 9 are reserved for Christians, 6 for Bed-
ouins, and 3 for the Circassian or Chechen ethnic minorities.
The Palestinian community, estimated to be slightly over one-half the total popu-
lation, is not represented proportinately in the Government. Only 7 of 24 ministers,
6 of 40 senators, and 11 of 80 lower house deputies are of Palestinian origin. The
electoral system gives greater representation to areas that have few inhabitants of
Palestinian origin.
1499
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International And Nongovernmental In-
vestigation Of Alleged Violations Of Human Rights
Local and international human rights groups investigate allegations of human
rights abuses and publish and disseminate findings critical of government policy.
However, the Press and Publications Law restricts the publication of information
about the military and security services, which, in effect, prevents the publication
by local groups oi reports alleging torture and other abuses committed by the secu-
rity services.
The ICRC is permitted to visit prisoners and assess the condition of security de-
tainees, including those held by the General Intelligence Directorate.
The local chapter of the Arab Organization for Human Rights and the Jordanian
Human Ridits Society (JHRS) are registered with the Government. The AOHR has
drawn public attention to alleged human rights abuses and has pressed the Govern-
ment to bring charces against political detainees or to release them promptly. In
February the AOHK released its annual report detailing human rights abuses in
1996. The Minister of Information called it "more of a political statement than a fac-
tual, realistic, and objective report." The JHRS was licensed in November 1996. It
released a statement in May calling on the Government to expand the freedom of
the press.
In June Human Rights Watch/Middle East issued a report on the amendments
to the Press and Publications Law entitled, A Death Knell for Free Expression?. The
report was covered in the Arabic and English press.
Section 5. Discrimination Based On Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, Or
Social Status
Although the law does not distinguish between citizens on the basis of race,
women and minorities are treated dinerently under the law and may face discrimi-
nation in employment, housing, and other areas.
Women. — Violence against women over the age of 15 is common. Reported inci-
dents of violence against women do not reflect the full extent of the problem. Medi-
cal experts acknowledge that spouse abuse occurs frequently. However, cultural
norms discourage victims from seeking medical or legal help and frustrate an objec-
tive assessment of the extent of such abuse.
Abused women have the right to file a complaint in court against their spouses
for physical abuse, but in practice, familial and societal pressures discourage them
from seeking legal remedies. Marital rape is legal. Nongovernmental organizations
(NGO's) such as the Jordanian Women's Union s, which has a hot-line for victims
of domestic violence, provide assistance in such matters. Wife beating is technically
grounds for divorce, but the husband may seek to demonstrate that he has authority
from the Koran to correct an irreligious or disobedient wife by striking her.
The Criminal Code allows leniency for a person found guilty of committing a
"crime of honor," a euphemism that refers to a violent assault against a female by
a male relative for alleged sexual misconduct. Law enforcement treatment of men
accused of "honor crimes" reflects widespread unwillingness to condemn or take ac-
tion against the problem. The press reported 24 such cases in 1997. However, these
figures likely understate the actual number of cases, as most "crimes of honor" are
not reported by the press. The actual number of "honor crimes" is believed by a local
expert to be 4 times as high. The pxjlice regularly imprison women who are liable
to Decome victims of "honor crimes" "for their own protection."
According to the law, a "crime of honor" defense may be invoked only by the de-
fendant who "surprises his wife or any close female relative" in the act of adultery
or fornication, in which case the male perpetrator of the "honor crime" is not guilty
of murder. Though few defendants can meet the stringent requirements for a "crime
of honor" defense, which require that the defendant must personally have witnessed
the female victim engaging in sexual intercourse, they are not tried for murder and
convicted offenders rarely spend more than 2 years in prison. In contrast to "honor
crimes," the maximum penalty for first-degree murder is death, and the maximum
penalty for second degree murder is 15 years. More commonly, such defenses rely
on the male relative having acted in the heat of passion upon hearing of a female
relative's alleged sexual transgression, usually without any investigation on the part
of the assailant to determine the veracity of the allegation before committing an act
of violence, and murdering his wife, sister, niece, or cousin. Women may not invoke
this defense for murdering a male relative under the same circumstances; nor may
they use it for killing men who attempt to rape, sexually harass, or otherwise
threaten their "honor.'
In May a man who killed his sister invoked an "honor crime" defense and received
a 3-month sentence. In contrast, two women, Amira Salem and Eidah Hussein, who
killed Salem's husband for physically and emotionally abusing her, were sentenced
1500
to death and hanged. In January a man was sentenced to 12 years imprisonment
for killing a man who had harassed and made unwanted sexual advances toward
his sister over a long period of time.
Women experience legal discrimination in matters of pension and social security
benefits, inheritance, divorce, and the value of testimony in court (see Section I.e.).
The Government provides men with more generous social security benefits than
women. The Government continues pension payments of a deceased male civil serv-
ant to his heirs but discontinues payments of a deceased female civil servant.
Under Shari'a, female heirs receive half the amount of a male heir's inheritance,
and the non-Muslim widows of Muslim spouses have no inheritance rights. A sole
female heir receives half her parents' estate; the balance goes to designated male
relatives. A sole male heir innerits all his parents' property. Male Aluslim heirs
have the duty to provide for all family menribers who need assistance. Shari'a re-
gards the testimony of two women to be equal to the testimony of one man. This
technically applies only in religious courts but in the past has been imposed in civil
courts as well, irrespective of religion. Under Shari'a, men are able to divorce their
spouses more easily than women. Marriage and divorce matters for Christians are
adjudicated by special courts for each denomination. The Government bans married
women from applying for diplomatic posts. There are two female judges.
The law requires a married woman to obtain her husband's permission to obtain
a passport (see Section 2.d.). Married women do not have the legal right to transmit
Jordanian citizenship to their children. They may obtain citizenship for their non-
Jordanian husbands who may then confer citizenship on the children. However, in
practice, such an application can take years, and in many cases citizenship may still
ultimately be denied to both husband and children. Civil law grants women equal
pay for equal work, but in practice this law is often ignored.
Social pressures discourage many women from pursuing careers. Nonetheless,
women have employment opportunities in many professions, including engineering,
medicine, education, and the law. Women constitute approximately 14 percent of the
work force. Women's groups stress that the problem of discrimination is not only
one of law but also of women's lack of awareness of their rights or unwillingness
to assert those rights. The United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization re-
{)orted in 1995 that women who work in agriculture average 15-hour days and earn
ess than men. The Jordanian chapter of the Business and Professional Women's
Club gives seminars on women's rights and assists women in establishing small
businesses. Members of the royal mmily work actively to improve the status of
women.
Children. — The (jovemment is committed to children's rights and welfare in the
areas of education and health. However, government efforts in these areas are con-
strained by limited financial resources. Education is compulsory to age 15. The chil-
dren of Iraqi citizens living in Jordan without residence permits are not permitted
to attend school.
The Government safeguards some children's rights, especially regarding child
labor. Although the law prohibits children under the age of 16 from working, child
peddlers work the streets of Amman. The Ministry of Social Development has a
committee to address the problem and in most cases removes the children from the
streets, returns them to tneir families or to juvenile centers, and may provide the
families with a monthly stipend. However, the children often return to the streets.
The law prohibits corporal punishment in schools.
Although the problem is difiicult to quantify, social workers believe that there is
a significant incidence of child abuse in families. The law specifies punishment for
specific abuses against children. Social workers believe that the incidence of sexual
crimes is significantly higher than reported. Rape or sodomy of a child under 15
years of age carries the death penalty.
Illegitimate children are entitled to the same rights under the law as legitimate
children. In practice, however, they sufler severe discrimination in a society that
does not tolerate adultery. Most illegitimate children become wards of the state or
manage a meager existence on the fringes of society. In either case, their prospects
for marriage and other than menial employment are extremely limited.
People With Disabilities. — High unemployment in the general population restricts
job opportunities for the disabled, estimated by the Ministry of Social Development
to number 100,000. Eighty percent of disabled citizens receive monetary assistance
from the Government. The Government passed legislation in 1993 requiring future
public buildings to accommodate the needs of the disabled and the retrofitting of ex-
isting public buildings, but implementation has been slow. Since 1993 the Special
Education Department of the Ministry of Social Development has enrolled approxi-
mately 10,000 mentally and physically disabled persons in public and private sector
training courses. It has placed approximately 400 disabled persons in public and pri-
1501
vate sector jobs. The law requires that 2 percent of the available jobs be reserved
for the physically disabled. Private organizations and members of the royal family
actively promote programs to protect and promote the interests of the disabled. Jor-
dan participates in the Special Olympics with the active encouragement of the royal
family.
Indigenous People. — The country's indigenous people, nomadic Bedouin and East
Bank town dwellers, have traditionally been the backbone of popular support for the
Hashemite monarchy. As a result, they have generally enjoyed considerable influ-
ence within the political system. Thev are disproportionately represented in senior
military, security, and civil service jobs. Nevertheless, the Bedouin face some social
and economic discrimination.
Religious Minorities. — In general Christians do not suffer discrimination. Chris-
tians hold government positions and are represented in the media and academia ap-
proximately in proportion to their presence in the general population, which is esti-
mated at 6 percent. Baha'is face some societal as well as official discrimination.
Christian and Baha'i children in public schools are not required to participate in Is-
lamic religious instruction.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Government granted citizenship to all
Palestinians who fled to Jordan in the period after the 1948 Arab-Israeli war and
to a large number of refugees and displaced persons who arrived as a result of the
1967 War. However, most refugees who fled Gaza after 1967 are not entitled to citi-
zenship and are issued 2-year passports valid for travel only. Following Jordan's ad-
ministrative and legal disengagement from the West Bank in 1988, Palestinians re-
siding in the West Bank received 2-year passports valid for travel only, rather than
the 5-year Jordanian passports they had received previously. In October 1995, King
Hussein announced that West Bank residents without other travel documentation
would again be eligible to receive 5-year Jordanian passports. The Government has
stressed, however, that these passports are for travel only and do not connote citi-
zenship (see Section 2.d.) Palestinians residing in Jordan suffer discrimination in
appointments to positions in the Government and the military, and in the awarding
oi university scholarships.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right Of Association. — Workers in the private sector and in some state-
owned companies have the right to establish and join unions. Unions must be reg-
istered to be considered legal. The law prohibits union membership for non-citizens.
Over 30 percent of the work force is organized into 17 unions. Although union mem-
bership in the General Federation of Jordanian Trade Unions (GFJTU), the sole
trade federation, is not mandatory, all unions belong to it. The Government sub-
sidizes and audits the GFJTU's salaries and activities. Union officials are elected
by secret ballot to 4-year terms. Although the Government cosponsors and approves
the timing of these elections, it does not interfere in the choice of candidates.
Labor laws mandate that workers must obtain permission from the Government
in order to strike. Unions generally do not seek approval for a strike, but workers
use the threat of a strike or wildcat action as a negotiating tactic. Strikes are pro-
hibited if a labor dispute is under mediation or arbitration. If a settlement is not
reached through mediation, the Ministry of Labor may refer the dispute to an indus-
trial tribunal by agreement of both parties. If only one party agrees, the Ministry
of Labor refers the dispute to the Council of Ministers and then to Parliament. The
tribunal is an independent arbitration panel of judges appointed by the Ministry of
Labor. The decisions of the panel are legally binding. Latx)r law prohibits employers
from dismissing a worker during a labor dispute. TTiere were no reported strikes in
1997.
The GFJTU belongs to the Arab Labor Organization, the International Confed-
eration of Arab Trade Unions, and to the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions (ICFTU).
b. The Right To Organize And Bargain Collectively. — Unions have, and exercise,
the right to bargain collectively, the Constitution prohibits antiunion discrimination,
but the ICFTU claims that the Government does not adequately protect employees
from antiunion discrimination and that the Government has dismissed public-sector
employees for political reasons. Workers may lodge complaints of anti-union dis-
crimination with the Ministry of Labor, which is authorized to order the reinstate-
ment of employees discharged for union activities. There were no complaints of
antiunion discrimination lodged with the Ministry of Labor in 1997.
The national labor laws apply in the free trade zones in Aqaba and Zarqa. Private
sector employees in these zones belong to one national union that covers both zones
and have the right to bargain collectively.
1502
c. Prohibition Of Forced Or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution forbids compul-
sory labor, except in a state of emergency such as war or natural disaster. Compul-
sory labor is not practiced. The law does not specifically prohibit forced or compul-
sory labor by children, but such practices are not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Labor law
forbids children under the age of 16 from working except as apprentices. At age 13
children may begin part-time training for up to 6 hours a day, with night work pro-
hibited. Ministry of Labor inspectors attempt to enforce the law on child labor, but
in practice enforcement often does not extend to some small family businesses that
employ underage children. Education is compulsory to age 15. Families in remote
areas frequently keep some school-age children at home to work. Child peddlers
work on the streets of Amman (see Section 5). The law does not specifically prohibit
forced or compulsory labor by children, but such practices are not known to occur
(see Section 6.c.).
e. Acceptable Conditions Of Work. — There is no national minimum wage. The Gov-
ernment periodically adjusts a minimum wage schedule for various trades, based on
the recommendations of an advisory panel representing workers, employers, and the
Government. The lowest minimum wage rate on the schedule is about $112 (80 di-
nars) a month, including allowances. Workers earning the lowest wage find it dif-
ficult to provide a decent living for their families. The Government estimates the
poverty level at a monthly wage of about $91 (65 dinars) per month for a family
of three. A study conducted by the Ministry of Social Development found that
150,000 families, or 21 percent of citizens, live at or below the poverty level. Nine
percent live in "abject" poverty. The Government provides assistance to 33,000 indi-
gent families.
The law prohibits most workers from working more than the customary 48 hours
a week, ana 54 hours for hotel, restaurant, and cinema employees. Workers may not
work more than 16 hours in any continuous period or more that 60 hours of over-
time per month. Employees are entitled to 1 day off each week.
The law does not apply to domestic servants, who do not have a legal forum to
address their labor grievances and have no standing to sue in court for nonpayment
of wages. Abuse of domestic servants, most of whom are foreign, is widespread. Im-
prisonment of maids and illegal confiscation of travel documents by employers is
common. Complaints of beatings, underfeeding, and rape generally are not reported
to officials by victims, who fear losing their work permits and being sent back to
their nation of origin should they file a complaint. Domestic servants are generally
not given a day off.
The law specifies a number of health and safety requirements for workers, includ-
ing the presence of bathrooms, drinking water, and first aid equipment at work
sites. The Ministry of Labor makes an effort to enforce health and safety require-
ments but is hampered by the lack of qualified inspectors. The inspectors do not
have the power to order firms to comply with health and safety standards. The law
does not require employers to report industrial accidents or occupational diseases
to the Ministry of Labor. Workers do not have a statutory right to remove them-
selves from hazardous conditions without risking the loss oi their jobs.
KUWAIT
Amirs, or princes, from the Al-Sabah family have ruled Kuwait in consultation
with prominent community figures for over 200 years. The Constitution, adopted in
1962 shortly after independence, provides for an elected National Assembly and
enumerates the powers of the (jovernment and the rights of citizens. It also permits
the Amir to suspend its articles during periods of martial law. The Amir twice sus-
pended constitutional provisions from 1976 to 1981 and from 1986 to 1992 and ruled
extraconstitutionally auring these periods. Kuwait was occupied by Iraq from Au-
gust 1990 to February 1991, when Iraqi forces were expelled oy an international co-
alition. The National Assembly resumed functioning after the 1992 elections. Na-
tional Assembly elections were held again in 1996. Legislation passed in 1996 grant-
ed the judiciary greater administrative and financial independence, but the Amir
appoints all judges, and renewal of many judicial appointments as subject to govern-
ment approval.
The Ministry of Interior supervises the security apparatus, including the Criminal
Investigation Department (CID) and Kuwait State Security (KSS), two agencies
that, in addition to the regular police, investigate internal security-related onenses.
Some members of the security forces committed human rights abuses.
1503
Richly endowed with oil, in 1997 the country's estimated gross domestic product
(GDP) 18 approximately $17,667 per capita. The decline in per capita GDP from pre-
vious years reflects a si^ificant increase in resident foreign workers rather than
a dechne in economic activity. Costly reconstruction undertaken to recover from the
destruction caused by the Iraqi occupation led the Government to incur a cumu-
lative fiscal deficit of approximately $70 billion, which it covered by liquidating gov-
ernment-owned foreign assets and increasing the public debt. The Grovemment is
gradually reducing the deficit and plans to eliminate it by 2000. Due to high oil rev-
enues in 1997, Kuwait recorded a $1.3 billion budget surplus. Despite its emphasis
on an open market, the Government continues to dominate the local economy
through direct expenditures and government-owned companies and equities. The
Government has initiated a program of disposing of its holdings of stock in private
companies. According to government statistics, 92 percent of the indigenous work
force is employed by the Government. Expatriates constitute 94 f>ercent of the pri-
vate sector work force.
The Government's human rights record improved somewhat, although serious
problems remain in certain areas. Citizens cannot change their head of state. Police
abuse detainees during interrogation. The Government Dans formal political parties
and women do not have the right to vote or seek election to the National Assembly.
The Government restricts freedom of assembly and association, and places some
limits on freedom of religion. Journalists practice self-censorship, and the Govern-
ment uses informal censorship. The Government prevents the return to Kuwait of
stateless persons who have strong ties to the country. Deportation orders may be
issued by administrative order, and hundreds of people are being held in detention
facilities pending deportation. Many have been held for up to 6 years. Discrimina-
tion and violence against women are problems. Domestic servants are not protected
by labor law, and unskilled foreign workers suffer from a lack of a minimum wage
in the private sector, and from failures to enforce labor law.
Although the Government has not found a solution to the human rights problems
of the approximately 114,000 stateless people residing in Kuwait known as the
"bidoon", the Government naturalized a small fraction of the bidoon, and made a
proposal to consider the naturalization of approximately 10 percent of the bidoon
population. The Amir commuted the sentences of 12 individuals who were convicted
of security offenses in 1991 by Martial Law and State Security courts.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
There were no developments in the investigations into the extra- judicial killings
that occurred during the chaotic period afler Kuwait's liberation in February 1991.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
There nave been no developments since 1994 in the cases of disappearance that
occurred following Kuwait's liberation in 1991.
According to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Iraqi authori-
ties have not yet accounted for 598 Kuwaitis and residents of Kuwait, including 6
women, who disappeared during Iraq's occupation of Kuwait. The Government of
Iraq has refused to comply with U.N. Security Council Resolution 687, which stipu-
lates the release of the detainees. Iraq denies that it holds Kuwaiti detainees.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution prohibits torture; however, tnere continue to be credible reports
that some police and members of the security forces abuse detainees during interro-
ffation. Reported abuse includes blindfoldings, verbal threats, slaps, and blows. Po-
ice and security forces were more likely to inflict such abuse on non-Kuwaitis, par-
ticularly citizens of other non-Gulf Arab nations and Asians, than on citizens. There
were credible reports of more serious abuse, including beatings, of several persons
held in custody, although these appear to be isolated incidents.
The Government says that it investigates all allegations of abuse and that it has
punished at least some of the offenders. However, the Government does not make
¥ublic the findings of its investigations or what, if any, punishments are imposed,
his omission creates a climate of impunity, which diminishes deterrence against
abuse.
Defendants have the ri^t to present evidence in court that they have been mis-
treated during interrogation. However, the courts frequently dismiss abuse com-
plaints because defendants are often unable to substantiate their complaints with
physical evidence. Members of the security forces routinely do not reveal their iden-
tity during interrogation, a practice that further complicates confirmation of abuse.
1504
Prison conditions, including conditions for those held for security offenses, meet
minimum international stanaards, in terms of food, access to basic health care,
scheduled family visits, cleanliness, and opportunities for work and exercise. Con-
tinuing problems include overcrowding and the availability of specialized medical
care. In addition, some minor children of female prisoners stay in the prison with
their mothers, where they are provided some access to educational instruction. In
January the Government acted to improve prison conditions by removing contra-
band in the form of illegal drugs and weapons from the prison population £md by
removing prison officials who were implicated in drug smuggling. Some Jordanian
prisoners alleged that they had been abused during a January search and seizure
ojjeration. Investigations of the incident by local and international humanitarian or-
ganizations suggested that it was an isolated event, that the Jordanians were not
specifically targeted, and that it did not characterize overall prison conditions.
The National Assembly's Human Rights Committee continues to monitor prison
conditions, and the Government allows the ICRC access to all detention faalities.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution provides for freedom
from arbitrary arrest and detention. There were no reports of arbitrary arrest dur-
ing the year.
Police officers must obtain an arrest warrant from state prosecutors before mak-
ing an arrest, although in misdemeanor cases the arresting ofiicer may issue them.
Security forces occasionally detain persons at checkpoints in Kuwait City (see Sec-
tion 2.d.).
Under the Penal Code, a suspect may not be held more than 4 days without
charge. Security officers sometimes prevent families from visiting detainees during
this confinement. After 4 days, prosecutors must either release the suspect or file
charges. If charges are filed, prosecutors may remand a suspect to an additional 21
days in detention. Prosecutors may also obtain court orders for further detention
pending trial.
Approximately 1,800 persons are serving sentences or pending trial at the central
prison. Of the 1,800, approximately 200 are being held in the cential prison on secu-
rity-related grounds. At any given time, an additional 600 prisoners are being held
in the Talha detention facility pending deportation. Many deportation orders are is-
sued administratively, without benefit of a trial. The Government may expel nonciti-
zens (including "bidoon", i.e., stateless residents of Kuwait, some oi whom are na-
tive-bom or long-term residents), if it considers them security risks. The Govern-
ment may also expel foreigners if they are unable to obtain or renew work or resi-
dency permits. About 10 percent of the detainees awaiting deportation, especially
Iraqis, stateless Palestinians, Jordanians, and bidoon, have been in detention for
more than 1 year, some for up to 6 years. However, the Government does not deport
such detainees to their country of origin against their will. The Government began
granting bail, upon the sponsorship of a citizen, to prisoners held on non-security
related charges at Talha deportation center. The Government also improved health
and nutritional standards at the center. In November the Government implemented
an amnesty program that allowed illegal residents, if they had no previous charges
pending, to depart the country without penalty through December 16 (see Section
2.d.).
The law protects citizens from exile, and there are no reports of this practice.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution states that '^judges shall not be
subject to any authority," and legislation passed in 1996 granted the judiciary great-
er administrative and financial independence. However, the Amir appoints all
judges, and renewal of many judicial appointments is subject to government ap-
proval.
Judges who are citizens have lifetime appointments, but the (jovernment also em-
ploys many non-citizens as judges. These non-Kuwaiti judges work under 1- to 3-
year renewable contracts, which undermines their independence. The Ministry of
Justice may remove judges for cause, but rarely does so. Foreign residents involved
in legal disputes with citizens frequently complain that the courts show a pro-Ku-
waiti bias.
One court system tries both civil and criminal cases. The Court of Cassation is
the hi^est level of judicial appeal. Sunni and Shi'a Muslims have recourse to courts
of their respective denominations for family law cases; however, there is no Shi'a
appellate court. Shi'a cases are referred to the Sunni court on appeal.
Defendants have the right to confront their accusers and appeal verdicts. The
Amir has the constitutional power to pardon or commute all sentences. Defendants
in felony cases are requirecf by law to be represented in court by legal counsel,
which the courts will provide in criminal cases. In misdemeanor cases, defendants
have the right to waive the presence of legal counsel, and the court is not required
to provide counsel to indigent defendants.
1505
Both defendants and prosecutors may appeal court verdicts to the High Court of
Appeal, which may rule on whether the law was properly applied, as well as on the
guilt or innocence of the defendant. Decisions of the High Court of Appeal may be
presented to the Court of Cassation, which will conduct a limited, formal review of
cases to determine only whether the law was properly applied.
In the regular court system there are no groups, including women, who are barred
from testifying or whose testimony is given lesser weight. However, the Islamic
courts, which nave jurisdiction over family law, apply Snari'a (Islamic) law, which
states that the testimony of two women equals that oi one man.
There are no reported political prisoners. The Government continues to incarcer-
ate persons convicted of collaboration with Iraq during the occupation. By law such
collaboration is a felony. Most of the people convictea in the Martial Law Court in
1991, and the Special State Security Court, which was abolished in 1995, did not
receive fair trials. In February the Amir commuted the sentences of 12 individuals,
two Kuwaitis and ten Jordanians, convicted by the Martial Law and State Security
Courts. This group included 7 of the 16 remaining Jordanian journalists who
worked for the Iraqi publication Al-Nida during the 1990 occupation (see Section
2.a.). In addition, the Amir pardoned a total of 405 prisoners, the largest group ever,
and reduced the sentences of 590 more.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for individual privacy and sanctity of the home. The police
must obtain a warrant to search both public and private property, unless they are
in hot pursuit of a suspect fleeing the scene of a crime, or if alcohol or narcotics
are suspected on the premises. The warrant can be obtained from the state prosecu-
tor or, in the case of private property, from a judge. The security forces occasionally
monitor the activities of individuals and their communications.
By law males must obtain government approval to marry foreign-bom women.
Many citizens comply with this law by validating their foreign marriage certificate
at a Kuwaiti embassy or consulate. Although the Government may advise against
marriage to a foreign national, there are no known cases of the (jovernment refus-
ing permission to marry. The Government also advises women against marrying for-
eign nationals.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution states that "freedom of the
press, printing, and publishing shall be guaranteed in accordance with the condi-
tions and manner specified by law." With a few exceptions, citizens are free to criti-
cize the Government at public meetings and in the media. However, journalists
practice self-censorship. Several laws empower the Government to impose restric-
tions on freedom of speech and of the press, but they are rarely invoked. The Gov-
ernment, through the Ministry of Information, practices informal censorship by plac-
ing pressure on individual publishers and editors believed to have "crossed the line"
in attacking government policies and discussing issues deemed ofTensive to Islam,
tradition, or the interests of the State.
Newspapers are privately owned and free to publish on many social, economic,
and political issues and frequently criticize government policies and officials, includ-
ing tne Crown Prince, who is also the Prime Minister.
The Government ended prepublication censorship in 1992, but journalists still
censor themselves. The Press Law prohibits the puolication of any direct criticism
of the Amir, official government communications with other states, and material
that serves to "attack religions" or "incite people to commit crimes, creates hatred,
or spread dissension among the populace." In April the editor-in-chief and a journal-
ist from Al Hadath were each finea $250 (75 Kuwaiti dinars) for violating the Press
Law's prohibition on publishing "immoral or defamatory" material. The case
stenmied from the publication of comments made by Kuwait University professor
Alia Shuaib on the prevalence of lesbianism among the student body. In 1995 the
Government banned publication of one newspaper, Al Anba, for 5 days under a law
that the media and opposition parliamentarians alleged was unconstitutional. The
fiaper took the Government to court, and has appealed an initial court ruling in
avor of the Government. The case is still pending in the Appeals Court. The Gov-
ernment is reportedly seeking a settlement.
In order to begin publication of a newspaper, a publisher must obtain an operat-
ing license from the Ministry of Information. However, in July, the National Assem-
bly began printing its own weekly newspaper, Al-Dustour (the Constitution), with-
out having obtained a license, but without interference from the executive branch
of government. Publishers may lose their license if their publications do not appear
for 6 months. This 6-month rule prevents publishers from publishing sporadically —
it is not used to suspend or shut down existing newspapers. Individuals must also
1506
obtain permission from the Ministry of Information before publishing any printed
materid, including brochures and wall posters.
The Government does not censor foreign journalists and permits them open access
to the country.
In February the Amir commuted the sentences of 7 of the remaining 16 Jordanian
journalists who worked for the Iraqi publication Al-Nida during the 1990 occupa-
tion. The Jordanians, who were convicted in 1991, argued that their collaboration
was under duress, in response to Iraqi threats.
The Government owns and controls the radio and television companies. The Gov-
ernment does not inhibit the purchase of satellite dishes which are widely available.
Citizens with such devices are free to watch a variety of programs, including those
broadcast from Israel.
The Ministry of Information censors all books, films, videotapes, periodicals, and
other imported publications deemed morally ofTensive. However, the Ministry has
censored political topics as well and does not grant licenses to magazines with a po-
litical focus. The Gleneral Organization of Printing and Publishing controls the
printing, publishing, and distribution of informational materials. In November the
Ministry of Information released for sale at an international Arab book fair in the
country 160 books that previously had been censored.
In May the Government defeated a bill in the National Assembly to ban concerts
and fashion shows. The Ministry of Information, announced that current regulations
already prohibit any performance contrary to Islamic tradition, but that the Min-
istry would tightly regulate such shows. A ministerial decree issued in July reiter-
ated this position by forbidding the issuance of licenses for public musical events
that contradict Shari'a and Kuwaiti traditions.
There is no government censorship of university teaching, research, or publica-
tion. However, academics are subject to the same restraints as the media with re-
gard to criticism of the Amir or Islam. Kuwait University political science depart-
ment chairman Ahmad AI-Baghdadi was charged with violating the Press Law's
prohibition against insulting the Prophet. He faces a maximum penalty of 6-months
imprisonment or a monetary fine if he is found guilty of the ofTense. In 1996 Al-
Bbaghdadi was branded an apostate by private individuals for writing an article
deemed critical of the Prophet. In March a Kuwait University panel recommended
the dismissal of Dr. Alia Shuaib, a professor who commentecf on lesbianism at the
university. The recommendation requires the endorsement of the Minister of Edu-
cation, who has thus far refrained from acting on the panel's recommendation.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — ^Although the Constitution af-
firms the right to assembly, the Government restricts this right in practice. Public
gatherings must receive prior government approval, as must private gatherings of
more than 5 persons that result in the issuance of a public statement. Political ac-
tivity finds its outlet in informal, family-based, almost exclusively male, social gath-
erings known as diwaniyas. Practically every male adult, including the Amir, hosts
and attends diwaniyas, at which every possible topic is discussed. The diwaniya con-
tributes to the development of political consensus and official decision making.
Although the Constitution affirms the right of association, the Government re-
stricts this right in practice. The Government bans political parties. Several infor-
mal blocs, acting much like parties, exist and were active during the 1996 National
Assembly elections. The Government has made no effort to constrain these
groupings, which are organized on the basis of common ideological goals. Many may
be categorized as "opposition" groups.
In May a group of 75 prominent citizens established a self- declared new political
grouping, the National Democratic Association (NDA). Claiming to represent Ku-
wait s moderate "silent majority," the NDA plans to focus on issues such as fran-
chise expansion, education, unemployment, privatization, and other economic issues.
The NDA purports to be the first politicHl grouping to include a woman on its execu-
tive board. The NDA's elaborate launching ceremony was thwarted by the Govern-
ment's non-response to the group's request for a permit to hold a public meeting.
As a result, the NDA's opening session and accompanying press conference were
moved from a hotel ballroom to a private office.
All nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) must obtain a license from the Min-
istry of Social Afi'airs ana Labor. The Government uses its power to license as a
means of political control. The Ministry has registered 55 NGO's, including profes-
sional groups, a bar association, and scientific bodies. These groups receive govern-
ment subsidies for their operating expenses. Their members must obtain permission
from the Ministry before attending international conferences. Since 1985 the Min-
istry has issued only two licenses. The Ministry has disapproved other license re-
quests on the grounds that previously established NGO's already provide services
similar to those proposed by the petitioners.
1507
The Prisoners of War (POW) families organization, a new but as yet unlicensed
NGO, was established in the summer. The license request was still pending at
year's end.
The Government generally overlooks the activities of many unlicensed NGO's, de-
spite a 1993 decree ordering unregistered NGO's to cease activities. No organization
has challenged the 1993 decree in court.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Islam is the state religion. The Constitution states that
Islamic law, Shari'a, is "a main source of legislation." The ruling family and many
prominent Kuwaiti families belong to the denomination of Sunni Islam. However,
30 to 40 percent of the population belong to the Shi'a denomination. They are free
to conduct their traditional forms of worship without government interference. How-
ever, Shi'a figures claim that the Government has not approved the construction of
new Shi'a mosques in recent years.
The Constitution states that "all people are equal in . . . public rights and duties
before the law, without distinction as to . . . religion," and that "freedom of belief
is absolute. The state protects the freedom to practice religion in accordance with
established customs, provided that it does not conflict with public policy or morals."
There are several legally recognized expatriate congregations and churches, includ-
ing a Catholic diocese and several Protestant churches. Expatriates who are mem-
bers of religions not sanctioned in the Koran, e.g., Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists,
may not build places of worship but may worship privately in their homes. The Gov-
ernment prohioits missionaries to proselytize among Muslims; however, thev may
serve expatriate congregations. The law prohibits religious education for religions
other than Islam, although this law is not rigidly enforced. The Government does
not permit the establishment of non-Islamic publishing companies or training insti-
tutions for clergy.
Although there is a small community of Christian citizens, the law prohibits the
naturalization of non-Muslims. A non-Muslim male must convert to Islam when he
marries a Muslim woman if the wedding is to be legal in Kuwait. A non-Muslim
female does not have to convert to Islam to marry a Muslim male, but it is to her
advantage to do so, i.e., failure to do so may mean that the Muslim father will be
granted custody of children should the couple later divorce.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens have the right to travel freely within the country and to
change their workplace as desired. Unmarried women the age of 21 and over are
free to obtain a passport and travel abroad at any time. However, married women
who apply for passports must obtain their husband's signature on the application
form. Once she has a passport, a married woman does not need her husband's per-
mission to travel, but he may prevent her departure from the country by placing
a 24-hour travel ban on her. He can do this by contacting the immigration authori-
ties. After this 24-hour period, a court order is required if the husband still wishes
to prevent his wife from leaving the country. All minor children must have their
father's permission to travel outside of the country. Citizens are free to emigrate
and to return.
The Government has the right to place a travel ban on any citizen or foreigner
who has a legal case pending before the courts.
A serious problem exists in the case of the bidoon, who are stateless persons,
many of Iraqi or Iranian descent, who resided in Kuwait prior to the Iraqi invasion.
The Government argues that many bidoon (the term means "without ") are conceal-
ing their true citizenship in order to remain in Kuwait, become citizens, and enjoy
the generous benefits provided to citizens. Some bidoon have had residency ties to
Kuwait for generations. Others entered Kuwait during the oil boom years. There are
approximately 114,000 stateless persons in Kuwait, down from a prewar level of
about 220,000. The Gtovemment does not wish the return of the bidoon who de-
parted Kuwait during the Gulf War and freauently delays or denies issuing them
entry visas. This policy imposes serious hardships and family separations. In March
the Government naturalized 111 children of bidoon fathers who died in the service
of the country during the Iraoi invasion and occupation. In addition, 300 individuals
were naturalized in July unoer an article of the Nationality Law that pertains to
granting citizenship to the children of Kuwaiti mothers and foreign fathers. Credible
reports sijggest that those naturalized in July were bidoon children of Kuwaiti
mothers. The Government announced in August that approximately 3,400 bidoon
had "found" their citizenship and were permitted to remain in Kuwait using their
original passports. This meant that nationals from Gulf Cooperation Council coun-
tries could remain in Kuwait without residence permits but nationals from all other
countries had to obtain a residence permit to live and work in the country.
The Government continued its postwar policy of reducing the number of nationals
from those countries that supported Iraq during its invasion of Kuwait. The number
1508
of such residents is now only about 10 percent of its prewar total. The Gfovemment
instituted a policy in 1996 to route the residence permit renewals of these nationals
through the State Security Service. As a result, tnere has been a sharp increase in
the number of renewal denials for these nationals, many of whom have no country
of origin to return to or have fears of persecution upon return.
The Government permits the ICRC to verify if a deportee objects to returning to
his country of origin. The Government detains those deportees who have objections
at the main Talha deportation center. Many have been held for 1 year or more;
some have been held for up to 6 years.
Security forces in Kuwait city occasionally set up checkpoints where they may de-
tain individuals. The checkpoints are mainly for immigration purposes and are used
to apprehend undocumented aliens. In November and December, the use of roadside
checkpoints increased considerably as authorities stepped up the number of checks
as part of the illegal resident amnesty program, and in preparation for the 18th an-
nual Gulf Cooperation Council summit, which was held in Kuwait December 20—22.
In November the Government instituted an amnesty program, permitting illegad
residents to depart the country without penalty, provided they had no previous
charges pending against them. The program was scheduled to end on December 15;
however, the Government extended it 1 day. The Government announced that more
than 11,500 illegal foreign residents departed the country and 12,074 legalized their
status during the amnesty program. Officially registered bidoon were exempt from
the program (see Section l.d.).
There is no legislation governing refugees, asylees, or first asylum, and no clear
standard procedure for processing a person's claim to be a refugee. The Constitution
prohibits the extradition of political refugees. The Government states that it does
not deport anyone who claims a fear of persecution in his home country, but it will
often keep such persons in detention rather than grant them permission to live and
work in Kuwait. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
maintains an office in Kuwait and has access to refugees in detention.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens cannot change their head of state. Women and citizens naturalized less
than 20 years earlier may not vote or seek election to the National Assembly. In
addition, members of the armed forces, police, and other uniformed personnel of the
Ministry of Interior are prohibited from voting.
Under the Constitution, the Amir holds executive power and shares legislative
power with the National Assembly. The Prime Minister presides over a 14-member
cabinet. In accordance with the practice of the ruling family, the Prime Minister has
always been the Crown Prince. The Constitution empowers the Amir to suspend its
provisions and to rule by decree. The Amir dissolved the National Assembly from
1976 to 1981, and in 1986 the Amir effectively dissolved the Assembly by suspend-
ing the constitutional provisions on the Assembly's election. The Assembly remained
dissolved until 1992, when elections were held. Members serve 4-year terms, and
National Assembly elections were held on schedule in 1996. The elections were con-
ducted freely and fairly among the minority of citizens who are permitted to vote.
Since the Government prohibits political parties. Assembly candidates must nomi-
nate themselves. Nonetheless, informal political groupings are active in the Assem-
bly. The Constitution empowers the National Assembly to overturn any Amiri de-
crees made during the dissolution, and the Assembly has done so in some cases.
Women are disenfranchised and have little opportunity to influence government.
In the past, a majority of the members of the National Assembly have expressed
opinions favoring women's rights to vote. In January four Members of Parliament
submitted a bill to grant women the right to vote and stand for election to the Na-
tional Assembly. As with women's rights legislation previously submitted, no strong
parliamentary support currently exists for this law, and the Government has made
no effort to persuade the National Assembly to pass the legislation. Women's groups
in Kuwait are divided on the franchise issue.
Members of the Shi'a minority are generally underrepresented in high govern-
ment positions. Currently only one member of the Cabinet, 5 out of 50 National As-
sembly members, and the armed forces chief of staff are Shi'a Muslims.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government has prevented the establishment of local human rights groups
by not approving their requests for licenses (see Section 2.b.). The Government per-
mits international human rights organizations to visit Kuwait and to establish of-
1509
fices. Several organizations conduct field work and report excellent communication
with and reasonable cooperation from the Government.
TTie National Assembly has a Human Rights Committee, which takes testimony
from individuals about abuses, investigates prison conditions, and has made non-
binding recommendations for redress.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, national origin, lan-
guage, or religion. However, laws and regulations discriminate in some cases
agamst women and non-Kuwaitis, who face widespread social, economic, and judi-
cial discrimination.
Women. — According to some local experts, domestic abuse of women occurs in an
estimated 15 percent of all marriages. Each of the country's 50 police stations re-
ceives approximately 1 to 2 complaints of spousal abuse each week. Of the com-
plaints received, approximately 60 percent involve spousal abuse of non-Kuwaiti
women. The police and the courts generally seek to resolve family disputes infor-
mally and may ask the offending spouse to sign a statement affirming that he will
end the abuse. The police refer serious cases to the Psychiatric Department at the
Ministry of Health. The courts have found husbands guilty of spousal abuse. There
are reports of rape of female domestic servants by male employers.
A significant number of employers physically abuse expatriate women working as
domestic servants. The local press gives the problem considerable attention. In Au-
gust the press published a report of alleged abuse of three Sri Lankan maids by
their Kuwaiti employer. Justice officials promised to prosecute the employer if the
abuse allegations are proved true. Foreign-bom servants have the right to sue their
employers for abuse, but few do so owing to both fear of deportation and fear that
the judicial system is biased against them. The Government has designated a police
station to investigate complaints and provide some shelter for runaway maids. Both
the police and the courts have taken action against employers when presented with
evidence of serious abuse.
Runaway servants seek shelter at their country's embassy, where they seek repa-
triation or a change in employers. On several occasions, the Philippine and Sri
Lankan embassies nave each sheltered nearly 300 women. Although most of these
women sought shelter due to contractual or financial problems with their employers,
many also alleged physical and sexual abuse.
Women experience legal and social discrimination. Women are denied the right
to vote (see Section 3); their testimony is not given equal weight to that of males
in the Islamic courts (see Section I.e.), and married women require their husband's
fiermission to obtain a passport (see Section 2.d.). By law only men are able to con-
er citizenship, which means that children bom to Kuwaiti mothers and stateless
fathers are themselves stateless. Inheritance is governed by Islamic law, which dif-
fers according to sects. In the absence of a direct male heir, Shi'a women may in-
herit all property; Sunni women inherit only a portion. The balance is divided
among brother, uncles, and male cousins of the deceased.
Women are traditionally restrained from choosing certain roles in society, and the
law restricts women from working in "dangerous industries" and trades "harmful"
to health. However, almost all citizens work for the State in office jobs, and women
are allowed into most areas of the bureaucracy, including even oil well fire-fighting
units. Educated women maintain that conservative religious trends limit career op-
portunities. Nonetheless, an estimated 28 percent of women of working age are em-
ployed. The law promises "remuneration equal to that of a man provided she does
the same work." This promise is respected in practice. Women work as doctors, engi-
neers, lawyers, bankers, and professors. A few have been appointed to senior posi-
tions in the Ministry of Education and the state-owned Kuwaiti Petroleum Corpora-
tion. However, there are no female judges or prosecutors.
In case of divorce, the Government makes family entitlement payments to the di-
vorced husband, who is expected by law and custom to provide for his children even
though custody of minor children is usually given to the mother. The law discrimi-
nates against women married to foreign men. These women are not entitled to gov-
ernment housing subsidies, which are available to male citizens. The law also re-
quires women to pay residence fees for their husbands and does not recognize mar-
riage as the basis for granting residency to foreign-born husbands. Instead, the law
grants residency only if the husband is employed. By contrast, men married to for-
eign-born women do not have to pay residency fees for their spouses, and their
spouses' right to residency derives from marriage.
Polygyny is legal. A husband is obliged to inform his first wife that he is taking
a second wife. The husband is obligated to provide the first wife a separate house-
1510
hold if that is her preference. It is the second wife's choice to get married. A first
wife who objects to a second marriage can request a divorce, but the court's deter-
mination of divorce and child custody would be made on grounds other than the fact
of the second marriage itself.
There is at least on active women's organization and several other NGO's than
follow women's rights issues.
Children. — The Government is conmiitted to the welfare of children. Both boys
and girls receive a free education up to the university level. The Government pro-
vides free health care and a variety of other services to all children.
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children.
Marriage of girls under the age of 17 is uncommon among the urban population,
but remains a practice of the Bedouins in outlying areas.
People With Disabilities. — There is no institutionalized discrimination against dis-
abled people in employment, education, or in the provision of state services. Legisla-
tion passed by the National Assembly in 1996 mandates accessibility for the dis-
abled to all facilities frequented by the public, and provides an affirmative action
employment program for the disabled. However, this law has not been fully imple-
mented. The Government pays extensive benefits for disabled citizens, which cover
transportation, housing, job training, and social welfare.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Government's failure to improve the
Slight of the 114,000 bidoon remains a significant human rights abuse. The bidoon
ave been the objects of hostile government policy since the mid-1980's. Since 1985
the Government has eliminated the bidoon from the census rolls, discontinued their
access to government jobs and free education, and sought to deport many bidoon.
In 1993 the Government decreed that bidoon males would no longer be allowed to
enlist in the military service. Those presently in the armed forces are being gradu-
ally replaced, although the Government in August allowed 800 bidoon sons of Ku-
waiti mothers to enlist. The CJovernment does not routinely issue travel documents
to bidoon, and if bidoon travel abroad, they risk being barred from returning to the
country unless they receive advance permission from the immigration authorities.
Marriages pose special hardships because the offspring of male bidoon inherit the
father's undetermined legal status.
In May the National Assembly reviewed a proposal by the Government to natural-
ize approximately 10 percent of the bidoon population, i.e., about 10,000 individuals.
The proposal has not been enacted and there are credible reports that naturaliza-
tion of the 10,000 could take a number of years. The proposal did not address the
problem of the remaining approximately 104,000 bidoon. In March the Government
naturalized a small fraction of the bidoon, primarily children of bidoon fathers who
served in the military and were killed during the Iraqi invasion and occupation of
Kuwait. The Government claims that it issues a residency visa, and legal status,
to any bidoon who presents a passport, regardless of the country of issuance. This
has led some bidoon to acquire passports Trom countries with which they have no
tie, but which have liberal "economic citizenship" programs. There are reports that
the Government has denied residency visas to some bidoon who obtained passports,
particularly Iraqis. In some cases the Government has unilaterally decided the
real" nationalities of bidoon without a hearing and without possibility of review.
In August 1996, the Government called on all bidoon to register with the Ministry
of Interior and issued identification cards valid for 1 year or less. The Government
announced in September that the cards would be renewed but did not stipulate the
length of the renewal period.
Since the end of the Gulf War, government policy has been targeted against work-
ers from those nationalities whose leaders supported Iraq, especially Palestinians,
Jordanians, and Yemenis. The Government argues that during the Iraqi occupation
many residents from these places sided with tne Iraqi forces. The Government has
delayed or denied the issuance of work and residency permits to persons in these
groups, and in many cases has hindered those workers that are permitted to reside
in the country from sponsoring their families to join them. Many of these nationals
have also resorted to the purchase of third country passports in order to gain entry
to Kuwait or legalize their status in the country. A government policy to route the
residency visas of these nationals through the State Security Service has led to a
sharp increase in renewal denials (see Section 2.d.).
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Workers have the right, but are not required, to join
unions. Nonetheless, the Government restricts the right of association by prohibiting
all workers from freely establishing trade unions. Tne law stipulates that workers
may establish only one union in any occupational trade, and that the unions may
1511
establish only one federation. The International Labor Organization (ILO) has long
criticized such restrictions.
Approximately 50,000 people of a total work force estimated at 1,100,000 are orga-
nized in 14 unions, 12 of which are alTiliated with the Kuwait Trade Union Federa-
tion (KTUF), the sole, legal trade union federation. The Bank Worker's Union and
the Kuwait Airways Workers Union, constituting approximately 4,500 workers, are
independent of the KTUF. The Government has shown no sign that it would accept
the establishment of more than one legal trade union federation. The law stipulates
that any new union must include at least 100 workers, of whom at least 15 are citi-
zens. Both the ILO and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
(ICFTU) have criticized this reouirement because it discourages unions in sectors
er^loying few citizens, such as the construction industry and domestic sectors.
The Government's pervasive oversight powers further erode union independence.
The Government subsidizes as much as 90 percent of most union budgets, may in-
spect the financial records of any union, and prohibits any union from engaging in
political or religious activities, which the law does not clearly define. The law em-
powers the courts to dissolve any union for violating labor laws or for threatening
public order and morals." Such a court decision may be appealed. The Amir may
also dissolve a union by decree. By law, the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor
is authorized to seize the assets of any dissolved union. The ILO has criticized this
aspect of the law. Although no union has been dissolved, the law subordinates the
legal existence of the unions to the power of the State.
Approximately 955,000 foreigners are employed, constituting most of the work
force but only 10 percent of the unionized work force. The law discriminates against
foreign workers by permitting them to join unions only after 5 years of residence,
and only as nonvoting members. Unlike union members who are citizens, foreign
workers do not have the right to elect their leadership. The law requires that union
officials must be citizens. The ILO has criticized the 5-year residency requirement
and the denial of voting rights for foreign workers. The KTUF says that this re-
quirement is not enforced and foreigners may join unions regardless of their length
of stay. The KTUF administers an Expatriate Labor Office, which is authorized to
investigate complaints of foreign laborers and provide them witTi free legal advice.
However, these services are not widely utilized. Any foreign worker may submit a
grievance to the Labor Office regardless of union status.
The law limits the right to strike. It requires that all labor disputes must be re-
ferred to compulsory arbitration if labor and management cannot reach a solution
(see Section 6.b.). The law does not have any provision ensuring strikers' freedom
from any legal or administrative action taken against them by the State. In May
a group of 180 Indian nursing assistants left their housing camp and moved into
the Indian embassy, protesting the fact that they had not received the wages they
were promised by their recruiting agents in India and Kuwait. By the end of Sep-
tember, most of the nursing assistants had agreed to return to their jobs at the
original salary; the remaining nursing assistants returned to India.
In June pilots and air and ground engineers from the national carrier, Kuwait
Airways, staged a strike to protest a cut in free ticket entitlements and inaction on
increases to some of their allowances.
Ninety-two employees of the Kuwaiti National Petroleum Company walked off the
job for 4 days in late September to protest the imposition of certain promotion and
hiring precepts. After the Government intervened, the workers agreed to suspend
the strike and enter into talks with management.
Unions may affiliate with international bodies. The KTUF belongs to the Inter-
national Confederation of Arab Trade Unions and the formerly Soviet-controlled
World Federation of Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers have the right to or-
fanize and bargain collectively, siobject to certain restrictions (see Section 6. a.),
hese rights have been incorporated in the Labor Law and have, according to all
reports, been respected in practice.
The Labor Law provides for direct negotiations between employers and "laborers
or their representatives" in the private sector. Most agreements are resolved in such
negotiations; if not, either party may petition the Ministry of Social Affairs and
Labor for mediation. If mediation fails, the dispute is referred to a labor arbitration
board composed of officials from the High Court of Appeals, the Attorney General's
ofiice, and the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor.
The Civil Service Law makes no provision for collective bargaining between gov-
ernment workers and their employer. Technically, wages and conditions of employ-
ment for civil service workers are established by the Government, but in practice,
the Government sets the benefit scales after conducting informal meetings with offi-
45-909 98-49
1512
cials from the civil service unions. Union officials resolve most issues at the woricing
level and have regular access to other senior ofTicials.
The Labor Law prohibits antiunion discrimination. Any worker who alleges
antiunion discrimination has the right to appeal to the judiciary. There were no re-
gorts of discrimination against employees, based on their afiiliation with a union.
Employers found guilty of antiunion discrimination must reinstate workers fired for
union activities.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — ^The Constitution prohibits forced
labor "except in cases specified by law for national emergency and with just remu-
neration." The Government does not specifically prohibit lorced and bonded labor by
children, but such practices are not known to occur.
Foreign workers may not change their employment without permission from their
original sponsors unless they have been in the country for over 2 years. Domestic
servants are particularly vulnerable to abuses from this practice because they are
not protected W the Lal)or Law. In many cases employers exercise control over their
servants by holding their passports, although the Government prohibits this prac-
tice and has acted to retrieve passports of maids involved in disputes.
Some foreign workers, especially unskilled or semiskilled south Asian workers,
live much like indentured servants. They frequently face poor working conditions
and some physical abuse (see Section 6.e.).
Domestic servants who run away from their employers may be treated as crimi-
nals under the law. However, the authorities usually do not enforce this provision.
In some reported cases, employers illegally withheld wages from domestic servants
to cover the costs involved in bringing them to Kuwait. The Government has done
little, if anything, to protect domestics in such cases.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The legal
minimum age is 18 years for all forms of work, both lull- and part-time. Employers
must obtain permits from the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor to employ juve-
niles between the ages of 14 and 18 in certain trades. Education is compulsory for
children between the ages of 6 and 15. The (jovemment does not prohibit forced and
bonded labor by children, but such practices are not known to occur (see Section
6.C.). Some small businessmen employ their children on a part-time basis, and there
have been confirmed reports that some south Asian and southeast Asian domestic
servants are under 18, but falsified their ages in order to enter the country.
Juveniles may work a maximum of 6 hours a day on the condition that they work
no more than 4 consecutive hours followed by a 1-hour rest period.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor is re-
sponsible for enforcing all labor laws. An informal two-tiered labor market ensures
high wages for Kuwaiti employees, while foreign workers, particularly unskilled la-
borers, receive substantially lower wages. There is no legal minimum wage in the
private sector. In the public sector, the effective minimum wage is approximately
$774 (226 dinars) per month for citizens and approximately $301 (90 dinars) per
month for non-citizens. The public sector minimum wage provides a decent standard
of living for a worker and family. Wages of unskilled workers in the private sector
do not always permit a decent standard of living. To be eligible to sponsor family
members for residency in Kuwait, government workers must receive a minimum
wage of $1,530 (450 dinars) per month, and private sector workers must make at
least $2,210 (650 dinars) per month.
The Labor Law establishes general conditions of work for both the public and the
private sectors, with the oil industry treated separately. The Civil Service Law also
prescribes additional conditions for the public sector. The Labor Law limits the
standard workweek to 48 hours with 1 full day of rest per week, provides for a mini-
mum of 14 workdays of leave each year, and establishes a compensation schedule
for industrial accidents. Domestic servants, who are specifically excluded from the
Private Sector Labor Law, frequently work long hours, greatly in excess of 48 hours.
The ILO has urged the Government to provide the weekly 24-consecutive-hour
rest period to temporary workers employed for a period of less than 6 months and
workers in enterprises employing fewer than 5 persons. The law pertaining to the
oil industry provides for a 40-hour workweek, 30 days of annual leave, and sick
leave. Laws establishing work conditions are not always applied uniformly to foreign
workers. Labor law also provides for employer-provided medical care and compensa-
tion to workers disabled by injury or disease due to job-related causes. The law also
requires that employers provide periodic medical examinations to workers exposed
to environmental hazards on the job, e.g., chemicals, asbestos, etc. The Government
has issued occupational health and safety standards; however, compliance and en-
forcement appear poor, especially with respect to unskilled foreign laborers. Employ-
ers often exploit workers' willingness to accept substandard conditions. Some foreign
1513
workers, especially unskilled or semiskilled south Asian workers, live much like in-
dentured servants, are unaware of their legal rights and generally lack the means
to pursue a legal remedy. They frequently face contractual disputes, poor working
conditions, ana some physical abuse. Most are in debt to their employers before they
arrive in the country and have little choice but to accept the employer's conditions,
even if they contradict the contractual terms; it is not uncommon for wages to be
withheld for a period of months. Most, if not all, of the foreign workers are forced
to live in "housing camps," which are generally overcrowded and lack adequate cook-
ing and bathroom facilities; they are only allowed ofT the camp compound on com-
pany transport or by permission of the employer.
Workers have the right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations
without jeopardy to their continued employment, and legal protection exists for
workers who file complaints about such concutions. According to the most recent fig-
ures available, the Government had registered about 800 cases involving occupa-
tional injuries during the year. To cut accident rates, the Government periodically
inspects installations to raise awareness among workers and employers and ensure
that they abide by the safety rules, control the pollution resulting from certain dan-
gerous industries, train workers who use new machines in specialized institutes,
and report violations.
LEBANON
Lebanon is a parliamentary republic in which the President is by tradition a
Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim, and the Speaker of the
Chamber of Deputies a Shi'a Muslim. The Parliament consists of 128 deputies,
equally divided oetween Christian and Muslim representatives. The judiciary is gen-
erally independent, but is subject to pwlitical pressure.
Non-Lebanese military forces control much of the country. These include about
25,000 Syrian troops, a contingent of Israeli army regulars and an Israeli-supported
militia in the soutn, and several armed Palestinian factions. All undermine the au-
thority of the central Government and prevent the application of law in the patch-
work of areas not under the Government's control. In 1991 the governments of Syria
and Lebanon concluded a security agreement that provided a framework for security
cooperation between their armed forces. However, Syrian military intelligence units
in Lebanon conduct their activities independently of the agreement.
In 1989 the Arab league brokered a peace settlement at Taif, Saudi Arabia, to end
the civil war in Lebanon. According to the Taif Accord, Syrian troops were to be re-
deployed from their positions in Lebanon's coastal population areas to the Biqa' Val-
ley, with full withdrawal contingent upon fulfillment of other aspects of the Taif Ac-
cord and subsequent agreement by both the Lebanese and Syrian governments. Al-
though the Syrian Grovemment has refused to carry out this withdrawal from the
coastal areas, strong Syrian influence over Lebanese politics and decisionmakers
makes Lebanese oflicials unwilling to press for a complete withdrawal. The relation-
ship with Syria does not reflect the will of most Lebanese citizens.
Israel exerts control in and near its self-proclaimed "security zone" in south Leb-
anon through its surrogate, the South Lebanese Army (SLA), and the presence of
about 1,000 Israeli regular troops. The Iranian-backed Shi'a Muslim faction
Hizballah, with the tacit support of the Government and, to a lesser extent, Pal-
estinian guerrillas continue to be locked in a cycle of attack and counterattack with
Israeli and SLA troops typically. Palestinian groups operate autonomously in refu-
gee camps throughout the country. During the year, the Government continued to
consolidate its authority in the parts of the country under its control, and took ten-
tative steps to extend its authority to the Biqa' Valley and Beirut's southern sub-
urbs. However, it did not attempt to reassert state control over the Palestinian refu-
gee camps, nor to disarm Hizballah and the SLA or dislodge Israel from the south.
The security forces comprise the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), which may arrest
and detain suspects on national security grounds; the Internal Security Forces
(ISF), which enforce laws, conduct searches and arrests, and refer cases to the judi-
ciary; and the State Security Apparatus and the Surete Generale, both of which col-
lect information on groups that may jeopardize state security. The Surete Generale
is also responsible for the issuance of passports and residency permits and for cen-
soring foreign periodicals and movies that treat national security issues. The secu-
rity forces committed serious human rights abuses.
Before the 1975-90 hostilities, Lebanon was an important regional financial and
commercial center. There is a market-based economy in which the majority of the
work force is employed in the services sector, e.g., banking and commerce. There is
1514
a small industrial sector, based largely on clothing manufacture and food processing.
The gross national product is estimated to be approximately $5,000 per capita. A
reconstruction effort, begun in 1992, is moving forward. Lebanon receives substan-
tial remittances from abroad that ofTset its trade deficit and results in a balance
of payments surplus.
Since the end of hostilities, the Government has taken some limited steps to im-
prove human rights conditions and serious problems remain in several areas. Mem-
bers of the security forces used excessive force and tortured some detainees. Prison
conditions remained poor. Government abuses also included the arbitrary arrest and
detention of persons who opposed government policies. Long delays in trials are a
problem. The Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights. The Government
also partially limited press freedom, particularly by implementing the 1996 media
law to restrict radio and television broadcasting in a discriminatory manner. Jour-
nalists practice self-censorship. The Government imposes limits on freedom of move-
ment. The Government continued to restrict freedom of assembly and ban dem-
onstrations. The right of citizens to change their government remains limited by
shortcomings in the electoral system. Although the 1996 parliamentary elections
represented a step forward, the electoral process was flawed, as the elections were
not prepared or carried out impartially. The Government decision to postpone mu-
nicipal elections until April 1999 (a decision subsequently overturned by the Con-
stitutional Council) infringed on citizens' ability to change their government at the
local level. In December the Parliament passed a law calling for municipal elections
in mid- 1998. Discrimination against women and Palestinians, and violence against
women are problems.
Although the overall level of armed conflict has declined in recent years, life and
property, especially in the south, are still threatened by artillery and aerial attacks
by the various contending forces. These forces continue to commit abuses, including
killings, terrorist bombings, and abductions.
The SLA maintains a separate and arbitrary system of justice in the Israeli-con-
trolled zone, which is independent of Lebanese central authority. During the year,
SLA officials arbitrarily arrested, mistreated, and detained persons, and expelled
several local residents from their homes in the zone. Palestinian groups in refugee
camps maintain a separate, arbitrary system of justice for other Palestinians. Mem-
bers of the various Palestinian groups that control the camps tortured and detained
their Palestinian rivals.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — During the year, political killings
declined as the Government further consolidated its authority over the country.
However, there continued to be reports of extrajudicial killings. In January a sus-
pect reportedly died while being interrogated by government agents; the suspect's
family members asserted that he was beaten to death (see Section I.e.). Also in Jan-
uary, 3 Palestinians, including Jihad Ayyub of Yasir Arafat's Fatah movement, were
killed by unidentified gunmen in the Ayn al-Hilwe refugee camp. On August 23,
Khalil Mussawi, an Amal movement official in the village of Arzun (south Lebanon),
was killed by unknown persons in central Beirut when an explosive detonated as
he opened the trunk of his car.
In January the Judicial Council found Ahmad al-Kassem, Khalid Mohammad
Hamed, and Munir Salah Abbud guilty of the 1995 assassination of a Sunni cleric.
Sheikh Nizar Al-Halabi. The death sentence has carried out on March 24, after
President Elias Hrawi refused an appeal for clemency. The other 14 individuals in-
volved in the case sentenced to prison terms ranging from 10 to 20 years, or were
acquitted and released. In May the Judicial Council found former Lebanese Forces
commander Samir Ja'Ja' guilty of attempting to kill then-Minister of Defense Michel
Al-Murr in 1991. Ja'Ja' has sentenced to death, but the sentence has commuted to
life at hard labor. During January the Government deported three Iraqi diplomat
suspects in the 1994 killing in Beirut of an Iraqi dissident.
In December the Government indicted three persons suspected of causing the
1996 death of Akram Arbeed. The suspects allegedly beat Arbeed while he was ac-
companying a candidate in the 1996 parliamentary elections. There were no devel-
opments in the 1994 death of Tareq Hassaniyeh, who was allegedly beaten to death
by authorities in the Bayt Al-Din prison, nor in the 1994 death of Fawzi Al-Racy,
who died while in the custody of the Ministry of Defense.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
The Government still has taken no judicial action against groups known to be re-
1515
sponsible for the kidnapings of thousands of people during the unrest between 1975
and 1990.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There continued to be credible reports that security forces used torture on some de-
tainees. On January 4, a suspect reportedly died while being interrogated by the
Drug Enforcement Authority. The Government claimed that the suspect threw him-
self from the window, but the family of the deceased asserted that he was beaten
to death. In May unknown armed men severely beat a journalist who distributed
leaflets critical of the Lebanese army (see Section 2.1.). No charges had been
brought by year's end.
A 1996 court case against three policemen accused of causing paralysis in a pris-
oner in their custody is still pending.
Abuses also occurred in areas outside the State's authority, especially in the Pal-
estinian refugee camps. There were credible reports that members of the various
Palestinian groups that control the camps detained and tortured their Palestinian
rivals.
Prison conditions are poor and do not meet minimum international standards.
There are only 18 operating prisons with a total capacity of 2,000 inmates. However,
prisons are overcrowded, with a total population of nearly 5,000. Inmates also lack
heat and adequate toilet and shower facilities. The prison system is regulated by
law. However, the Government has not budgeted funds to rehabilitate the prison sys-
tem.
In addition to regular prisons, the Surete Generale, which mans border posts, op-
erates a detention facility. Hundreds of foreigners, mostly Egyptians and Sri
Lankans, are detained there pending deportation. They reportedly are held in small,
eoorly ventilated cells. Crediole reports indicate that guards raped some of the Sri
ankan women during their detention.
The Government does not permit prison visits by human rights monitors.
Hizballah detains and reportedly mistreats SLA members and suspected agents
at unknown locations. The South Lebanon Army operates its own detention facility,
Al-Khiam prison, and there are frequent allegations of mistreatment of detainees.
Both groups occasionally release prisoners. The SLA, for example, released some
f)risoners in April and July. An ICRC-brokered exchange of one SLA prisoner for
our Hizballah prisoners took place in April.
Hizballah does not permit prison visits by human rights monitors. The SLA does
not permit prison visits by human rights monitors, although it has on occasion al-
lowed the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to visit detainees at Al-
Khiam, for the purpose of delivering letters, medicine, and food from detainees' fam-
ilies. These visits have been suspended since September.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Government uses arbitrary arrest
and detention. The law requires security forces to obtain warrants of arrest before
making arrests. However, military prosecutors, who are responsible for cases involv-
ing the military, as well as those involving espionage, treason, weapons possession,
and draft evasion, make arrests without warrants. They reportedly issue blank war-
rants of arrest to be completed after the suspect has been arrested. Arresting offi-
cers are required to refer a suspect to a prosecutor within 24 hours of arrest, but
frequently do not do so.
Tne law requires the authorities to release suspects after 48 hours of arrest if no
formal charges are brought against them. Some prosecutors flout this requirement
and detain suspects for long periods in pretrial confinement without a court order.
The law authorizes judges to remand suspects to incommunicado detention for 10
days with a possible extension for an additional 10 days. Bail is only available to
those accused of petty crimes, not those accused of felonies. Defendants have the
right to legal counsel, but there is no public defender's office. The Bar Association
has an office to assist those who cannot afTord a lawyer.
Security forces continued the practice of arbitrary arrest, detaining mainly the op-
ponents of the Government. In January security forces arrested the financial man-
ager of a hotel in Beirut, a Jordanian national, releasing him after 23 days of cap-
tivity. No charges were brought against him.
In February military police arrested a journalist who was covering elections at a
Lebanese university. The journalist was accused of taking pictures of army person-
nel inside the university. He was released after the army took the camera and de-
stroyed the film.
In April security forces arrested several members of a labor union who were gath-
ered in the labor union office in Sidon to conduct elections of the labor union rep-
resentatives. Twenty-six persons were arrested, including journalists covering the
elections. All of those arrested were released within a few hours.
1516
Human rights groups credibly report that detained persons are sometimes trans-
ferred to Syrian custody and imprisoned in Syria. The number of such persons can-
not be determined accurately, but President Hrawi in a televised interview last year
stated that 210 Lebanese were in Syrian custody.
The authorities often detain for short periods and without charges political oppo-
nents of the Syrian and Lebanese governments.
Local mUitias and non-Lebanese forces continued to conduct arbitrary arrests in
areas outside central goveroment control. The SLA detains an estimated 150 Leba-
nese citizens and an undetermined number of Palestinians at Al-Khiam prison in
the south.
In June Hizballah's security apparatus detained three UNIFIL servicemen in the
southern suburbs of Beirut who were taking photographs of flags. The three were
released after 10 hours. The Government did not take any punitive action ageiinst
Hizballah. An SLA member kidnaped in 1996 was released during a prisoner ex-
change in October 1996.
Syrian forces reportedly detain persons.
In July the Israeli navy detained five fishermen off the coast of Tyre in south Leb-
anon. On July 3, Israeli forces detained a journalist, reportedly on suspicion of col-
laboration with Hizballah. The journalist has released on August 7. Israel holds sev-
eral Lebanese citizens, including Sheikh Abed al-Karim Obaid and Mustafa Dirani,
figures associated with the Islamic Resistance.
Palestinian refugees are subject to arrest, detention, and harassment by the state
security forces, Syrian forces, various militias, and rival Palestinians.
Exile as a form of punishment is not regularly practiced, although in 1991 the
Government pardoned former army commander Gfeneral Michel 'Awn and two of his
aides on the condition that they depart the country and remain in exile for 5 years.
'Awn was accused of usurping power. The 5-year period ended in August 1996 but
'Awn remains in France.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is generally impartial and independ-
ent. However, influential politicians and Syrian intelligence officers sometimes in-
tervene to protect their supporters from prosecution.
The judicial system is composed of the regular civilian courts, the Military Court,
which tries cases involving military personnel and military-belated issues, the Judi-
cial Council, which tries national security offenses, and the tribunals of the various
confessions, i.e., religious afliliations, which adjudicate disputes including marriage,
inheritance, and personal status.
The Judicial Council is a permanent tribunal of five senior judges that adjudicates
threats to national security. On the recommendation of the Minister of Justice, the
Cabinet decides whether to try a case before this tribunal.
The Ministry of Justice appoints judges according to a formula based on the con-
fessional, i.e., the religious affiliation, of the prospective judge. The shortage of
judges has impeded efforts to adjudicate cases backlogged during the years of inter-
nal conflicts. Trial delays are also caused by the Government's inability to conduct
investigations in areas outside its control. Defendants have the right to examine evi-
dence against them. The testimony of a women is equal to that of a man.
Hizballah applies Islamic law in areas under its control. Palestinian groups in ref-
ugee camps operate an autonomous and arbitrary system of justice. The SLA main-
tains a separate and arbitrary system of justice.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^While
the authorities generally show little interest in controlling the personal lives of citi-
zens, they readily interfere with the privacy of persons regarded as foes of the Gov-
ernment. Laws require that prosecutors obtain warrants before entering houses ex-
cept when the army is in hot pursuit of an armed attacker.
The Government uses informer networks and monitors telephones to gather infor-
mation on its adversaries. The army Intelligence Service monitors the movements
and activities of members of opposition groups (see Section 2.b.). In May cabinet
ministers conceded for the first time that telephone calls were being tapped. The
Prime Minister publicly stated that he is among those whose telephones are tapped.
The Speaker of Parliament alleged that cellular calls are also tapped and that more
than one wing of the security services was involved. The Speaker formed a par-
liamentary commission to investigate the subject.
Militias and non-Lebanese forces operating outside areas of central government
authority have frequently violated rights of privacy. Various factions also use in-
former networks and monitor telephones to obtain information on their adversaries.
On March 28, the SLA expelled a woman from the village of Hasbayya.
In August Israeli forces expelled a Lebanese woman and her five children from
their home in Qleia village.
1517
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— An undetermined number of civilians continued to be killed in south Leb-
anon, as Hizballah, Palestinian guerrillas, and to a much lesser extent the Lebanese
army on the one hand, and Israeli forces and the SLA on the other, engaged in re-
curring cycles of violence. Hizballah attacked SLA and Israeli troops deployed on
Lebanese soil. Hizballah (and possibly armed Palestinian groups) also launched
rocket attacks against northern Israel. Israeli forces conducted repeated air strikes
and artillery barrages on Hizballah, Lebanese army and Palestinian targets inside
Lebanon.
There were numerous incidents in the cycle of attack and reprisals. On August
18, a roadside bomb exploded near Kfar Houne in an SLA-controlled area, killing
two teenage relatives of an SLA commander. The SLA retaliated by shelling the city
of Sidon, killing six civilians and injuring dozens of others. The Lebanese army re-
sponded by shelling the SLA positions, and Hizballah later fired Katyusha rockets
into northern Israel.
On November 23, mortar attacks by Lebanese guerrillas killed nine Lebanese ci-
vilians in the city of Beit LiP in the Israeli security zone. Following its investigation
the attack, the Israeli-Lebanon Monitoring Group (ILMG) determined that "armed
elements" were responsible for the attack.
In February the Israeli air force raided Baalbek and hit the building of
Hizballah's "Voice of the Oppressed" radio station. In August Israeli jets destroyed
an electrical pylon south oi Beirut. In September 12 Israeli commandos were killed
by an explosion and subse<juent firefight with Lebanese army, Hizballah, and Amal
forces during a nighttime mcursion by Israel into the central coastal region. Later
the same month Israel fired on Lebanese army personnel carriers, killing 6 soldiers.
The ILMG continued to deal with alleged violations of the understanding between
Israel and Hizballah not to target civilians or launch attacks from civilian-populated
areas.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of the
press, but the Government partially limits this right in practice, particularly by in-
timidating journalists and broadcasters into practicing self-censorship. The Govern-
ment imposes direct censorship on satellite broadcasts originating in Lebanon.
Lebanon has a long history of freedom of opinion, speech, and the press. Although
there were repeated attempts to restrict these freedoms during the year, daily criti-
cism of government policies and leaders continued. Dozens of newspap)ers are pub-
lished throughout the country, financed by various Lebanese and foreign groups.
While the press is normally independent, press content often refiects the opinions
of these financial backers.
The Government has several tools at its disposal to control freedom of expression.
The Surete Generale is authorized to approve all foreign magazines and non-periodi-
cal works including plays, books, and films before they are distributed in the mar-
ket. The law prohibits attacks on the dignity of the Head of State or foreign leaders.
The Government may prosecute offending journalists and publications in the Publi-
cations Court, a special court empowered to try such matters.
Moreover, the 1991 security agreement between Lebanon and Syria contains a
f)royision that effectively prohibits the publication of any information deemed harm-
ul to the security of either state. In view of the risk oi prosecution, Lebanese jour-
nalists censor themselves on matters related to Syria.
During the year, the Government severely attacked press freedoms by filing
charges against several newspapers. In April a weekly (Haramun) was charged with
defaming the President and publishing materials deemed disturbing to the nation's
standards. In June two newspapers (Al-Diyar and Al-Kifah Al-Arabi) were charged
with defaming the Prime Minister, and with publishing a cartoon that harmed the
judiciary. In April the Publications Court sentenced the editor in chief of the daily
Al-Kifah Al-Arabi to pay a fine of $30,000 for publishing an article deemed insulting
to the King of Saudi Arabia. Another court fined two journalists at the Nida' Af-
Watan daily and the newspaper's administration $10,000 for defamation, and or-
dered them to pay compensation to state-run television Tele-Liban. The two journal-
ists had accused Tele-Liban and its chairman of embezzlement.
In May journalist Pierre Attalah was indicted by a military investigating judge
for having distributed leaflets that harmed the Lebanese army's reputation. The
same day he was severely beaten by unknown armed elements, Attallah later flew
to France to seek political asylum. A court hearing on the case is ongoing.
In implementing the 1994 Media Law, the Government closed down many of the
myriad television and radio stations that had sprung up during the civil war, grant-
ing licenses to those stations owned by or closely associated with powerful govern-
1518
ment officials. In July, facing mounting protests, it granted licenses to several addi-
tional radio and television stations, including a Hizballah-run television station,
that had been operating without a license. The decision raised the total number of
licensed television and radio stations to 25.
In February the Surete Generale suspended for 2 weeks the staging of a play. The
play was subsequently authorized, after the author made changes in the dialogue.
Between August and September, the censorship authority oT the Government's
Surete Generale blocked television transmission of three different items. One of the
items, a music video called "We've Got to Change the System," was subsequently
allowed to be broadcast, but two taped interviews with former political figures re-
mained banned.
Lebanon has a strong tradition of academic freedom and a flourishing private edu-
cational system bom of inadequate public schools and a preference for sectarian af-
filiation. Students exercise the right to form campus associations and the Govern-
ment usually does not interfere with students groups.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Although the Constitution pro-
vides for freedom of assembly, the Government restricts this right. Any group wish-
ing to organize a rally must obtain the prior approval of the Interior Ministry, which
does not render decisions uniformly. In 1997 the Government again banned all ral-
lies, but various political factions, such as Amal, Hizballah, "Awnists, and support-
ers of the Prime Minister held rallies without obtaining government permission.
In August the Government interfered with a rally in support of early municipal
elections by closing down the meeting place and sending a large number of security
forces to the alternate rally site. However, it did not break up the rally, which was
attended by several parliamentary deputies.
The Constitution provides for freeaom of association. The Government generally
respects this right; however, there were exceptions during the year.
In general the Government does not interfere with the establishment of private
organizations. The law requires that persons forming organizations notify the Inte-
rior Ministry, which should then issue a "receipt" acknowledging that proper notifi-
cation was given. In practice the "receipt" has evolved into a permit, which can be
withheld at the whim of the Ministry. The Bar Association in April criticized the
current practice but did not provide examples of groups that had been denied a per-
mit this year.
The Ministry of Interior also scrutinizes requests to establish political movements
or parties, and to some extent monitors their activities. The army Intelligence Serv-
ice monitors the movement and activities of members of opposition groups.
Neither Syria nor Israel allows groups openly hostile to them to operate in areas
under their control.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government gen-
erally respects them in practice. However, there are some limitations. Travel to Is-
rael is prohibited by law, but frequently occurs via Israeli-occupied territory in
southern Lebanon. All males between 18 and 21 years of age are subject to compul-
sory military service and are required to register at a recruitment oftice and obtain
a travel authorization document before leaving the country. Husbands may block
foreign travel by their wives and minor children.
Lebanese Armed Forces and Syrian troops maintain checkpoints in areas under
their control. In south Lebanon, the Lebanese army, the Israeli army, and the SLA
maintain tight restrictions on the movement of people and goods into and out of Is-
rael's self-declared security zone.
There are no legal restrictions on the right of all citizens to return. Many emigres,
however, are reluctant to return for a variety of political, economic, and social rea-
sons. After years of internal conflict, the recent expansion of governmental authority
has removed barriers that previously hindered domestic travel. The Government has
encouraged the return to tneir homes of over 600,000 persons displaced during the
civil war. Although some people have began to reclaim homes abandoned or dam-
aged during the war, the vast majority of displaced persons have not attempted to
reclaim and rehabilitate their property. The resettlement process is slowed by tight
budgetary constraints, shattered infrastructure, the lack oi schools and economic op-
portunities, and the fear that physical security is still incomplete in some parts of
the country.
Most non-Lebanese refugees are Palestinians. The United Nations Relief and
Works Agency (UNRWA) reported that the number of Palestinian refugees in Leb-
anon registered with UNRWA was 352,668. This figure, while it includes only the
families of refugees who arrived in 1948, is also presumed to include many thou-
1519
sands who currently reside outside the country. Most experts estimate the actual
number now in Lebanon to be fewer than 300,000.
The Government issues laissez-passers (travel documents) to Palestinian refugees
to enable them to travel and work abroad. However, after the Government of Libya
announced in September 1995 its intention to expel Palestinians working in that
country, the Lebanese government moved to prohibit the return of Palestinians liv-
ing abroad unless they obtain an entry visa. The Government maintained that the
visa requirement is necessary to ensure the validity of Lebanese laissez-passers, as
a large number of those documents were forged during the years of strife. The efTect
has been to discourage foreign travel by Palestinians resident in Lebanon.
The Government seeks to prevent the entry of asylum seekers and undocumented
refugees. There have been no known asylum requests since 1975. There are legal
provisions for granting asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 U.N.
Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. The Govern-
ment cooperates witn the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refu-
gees (UNHCR) and the UNRWA.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution states that citizens have the right to change their government
in periodic free and fair elections. However, lack of government control of parts of
the country, defects in the electoral process, and strong Syrian influence over Leba-
nese politics and decision-makers significantly restrict this right. The 1996 par-
liamentary elections represented a step forward, but the electoral process was
flawed by serious shortcomings, as the elections were not prepared or carried out
impartially. Government officials acknowledged some of the electoral shortcomings
and pledged to correct them in future elections. Several losing candidates submitted
challenges to the Constitutional Council which, in four separate cases, ruled that
the election results were invalid. The Government conducted by-elections for those
seats on June 29.
According to the Constitution, elections for the Parliament must be held every 4
years. The Parliament, in turn, elects the President every 6 years. The President
and Parliament nominate the Prime Minister, who with the President chooses the
Cabinet. According to the unwritten "National Pact of 1943," the President is
Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim, and the Speaker of Par-
liament a Shi'a Muslim. Until 1990 seats in Parliament were divided on a 6 to 5
ratio of Christians to Muslims. Positions in the Government were allocated on a
similar basis between Christians and Muslims. Under the National Reconciliation
Agreement reached in Taif, Saudi Arabia in 1989, Members of Parliament agreed
to alter the national pact to create a 50-50 balance between Christian and Muslim
members of parliament. The Taif Accord also increased the number of seats in par-
liament and transferred some powers from the President to the Prime Minister and
Cabinet.
Citizens' ability to change their government on a local level was undermined by
a decision taken by Parliament in July to extend the term in ofTice of municipal offi-
cials to April 30, 1999. Municipal elections have not been held since 1963. Many
serving officials are elderly or have been appointed by the central Government. The
decision to extend municipal terms was challenged by 14 parliamentarians, and the
Constitutional Council ruled on September 13 that the extension was invalid. The
Government responded to the ruling by declaring existing municipal officials short
term "caretakers." The Parliament in December passed a law calling for municipal
elections in mid-1998.
Women have the right to vote and there are no legal barriers to their participa-
tion in politics, although there are significant cultural barriers. No women nold cabi-
net positions. Three women were elected to Parliament in 1996.
Palestinian refugees have no political rights. An estimated 17 Palestinian factions
operate in Lebanon, generally organized around prominent individuals. Most Pal-
estinians live in refugee camps controlled by one or more factions. The leaders of
the refugees are not elected, nor are there any democratically organized institutions
in the camps.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Several human rights groups operate freely without overt government restriction,
including the Lebanese Association for Human Rights, the Foundation for Human
and Humanitarian Rights-Lebanon, and the National Association for the Rights of
the Disabled. Some of^these groups have sought to publicize the detention in Syria
of hundreds of Lebanese citizens. The Government has made no public comment on
1520
the issue. The number of such jiersons cannot be determined accurately, but on No-
vember 24, 1996 President Hrawi stated that 210 Lebanese were in Syrian custody.
Some human rights croups have reported harassment and intimidation by govern-
ment, Syrian, and militia forces.
In general the Government is unwilling to discuss human rights problems with
foreign governmental or nongovernmental organizations. However, it nas facilitated
visits to the country of Amnesty International teams to report on Israeli activities
in south Lebanon.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution calls for "social justice and equality of duties and rights among
all citizens without prejudice or favoritism." In practice, aspects of the law and tra-
ditional mores discriminate against women. Religious discrimination is built into
the electoral system. In February the Parliament approved a law giving preference
to disabled persons for employment in government positions. Discrimination based
on the other listed factors is illegal, and is not widespread.
Women. — The press reports cases of rape with increasing frequency; what is re-
ported is thought to be only a fraction of the actual number. There are no authori-
tative statistics on the extent of spousal abuse. Most experts agree that the problem
affects a significant portion of the female population. In general battered or abused
women do not talk about their suffering for fear of brinmng shame upon their own
families or accusations of misbehavior upon themselves. Doctors and social workers
believe that most abused women do not seek medical help. The Government has no
separate program to provide medical assistance to battered women. It does provide
legal assistance to victims of crimes who cannot afford it regardless of the gender
of the victim. The Lebanese Association for Combating Violence Against Women,
founded in 1994, has been active in lobbying to improve the socio-economic condition
of women and to reduce violence against women. In September it that announced
it was seeking funding to build a shelter for abused women.
The legal system is discriminatory in its handling of "crimes of honor." According
to the Penal Code, a man who kills his wife or other female relative may receive
a reduced sentence if he demonstrates that he committed the crime in response to
an illegitimate sexual relationship conducted by the victim. Since 1991, however,
the Government has begun to increase sentences on violent crimes in general and
to seek punishment for men who commit "crimes of honor."
Women have employment opportunities in government, medicine, law, academia,
the arts, and to a lesser degree, in business. However, social pressure against
women pursuing careers is strong in some parts of society. Males sometimes exer-
cise considerable control over female relatives, restricting their activities outside the
home or their contact with friends and relatives. Women may own property but
often cede effective control of it to male relatives for cultural reasons. In 1994 the
Parliament removed a legal stipulation that a woman must obtain her husband's
approval to open a business or engage in a trade. Husbands may block foreign travel
by their wives (see Section 2.d.).
Only men may confer citizenship on their spouses and children. Accordingly, chil-
dren bom to Lebanese mothers and foreign fathers are not eligible for Lebanese citi-
zenship. In late 1995, the Parliament approved a law allowing Lebanese widows to
confer citizenship on their minor children.
Religious groups have their own family and personal status laws administered by
religious courts. Each group differs in its treatment of marriage, family property
rights, and inheritance. Many of these laws discriminate against women. For exam-
{)le, Sunni inheritance law gives a son twice the share of a daughter. Although Mus-
im men may divorce easily, Muslim women may do so only with the concurrence
of their husbands.
Children. — The plight of children is a growing concern, but the Government has
not allocated funds to protect them. Education is not compulsory, and many children
take jobs at a young age to help support their families. In lower income families,
boys generally get more education, wnile girls usually remain at home to do house-
work.
An undetermined number of children are neglected, abused, exploited, and even
sold to adoption agents. There are hundreds oT abandoned children in the streets
nationwide, some of whom survive by begging, others by working at low wages. Ac-
cording to a UNICEF study, 60 percent of working children are below 13 years of
age and 75 percent of them earn wages below two-tnirds of the minimum wage. Ju-
venile delinquency is on the rise; many delinquents wait in ordinary prisons for trial
and remain there after sentencing. Although their number is very small, there is
no adequate place to hold delinquent girls, and they are currently held in the wom-
1521
en's prison in Ba'abda. Limited financial resources have hindered efforts to build
adequate facilities to rehabilitate delinquents. However, the Higher Relief Commit-
tee allotted some financial resources to the association for the protection of juveniles
to lease a two-story building in Ba'asir in order to accommodate 50 juvenile
delinquents.
There are neither child welfare programs nor government institutions to oversee
the implementation of children's programs. The Committee for Children's Rights,
formed in 1993 by prominent politicians and private citizens, has been lobbying for
legislation to improve the condition of children. The Ministry of Health requires the
establishment of health records for every child up to 18 years of age.
People With Disabilities. — Over 100,000 people sustained disabilities during the
civil war. Care of the disabled is generally a function performed by families. Most
efforts to secure education, independence, health, and shelter for the disabled are
made by some 100 private organizations for the disabled. In general, these organiza-
tions are poorly fianded.
Lebanon's heavily damaged cities make no accommodation for the disabled. Build-
ing codes have no requirements for ease of access, though the Government in its
rebuilding projects has constructed sidewalks in some parts of Beirut allowing ac-
cess for disabled. The private "Solidere" project for the reconstruction of downtown
Beirut has self-imposed requirements for disabled access. This project is widely con-
sidered a model for future construction efforts around the country.
Religious Minorities. — Discrimination based on religion is built into the system of
government (see Section 3). The Amended Constitution of 1990 embraces the prin-
ciple of abolishing religious affiliation as a criterion for filling all government posi-
tions, but few practical steps have been taken to accomplish this. One notable excep-
tion is the Lebanese Armed Forces, which through universal conscription and an
emphasis on professionalism has significantly reduced the role of confessionalism (or
religious sectarianism) in that organization. Each religious affiliation has its own
courts for family law matters, such as marriage, divorce, child custody, and inherit-
ance.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — ^According to the United Nations, an esti-
mated 350,000 Palestinian refugees are registered in Lebanon (see Section 2.d.).
Most Palestinian refugees live in overpopulated camps that have suffered repeated
heavy damage as a result of fighting. The Government has instructed relief workers
to suspend reconstruction work in the camps, and refugees fear that in the future
the Government may reduce the size of the camps or eliminate them completely.
The Government officially ended its practice of denying work permits to Palestin-
ians in 1991; however, in practice, very few Palestinians receive work permits. Pal-
estinians still encounter job discrimination, and those who find work at all are fun-
neled into unskilled occupations. They and other aliens may own land of a limited
size but only after obtaining the approval of five different district offices. The law
applies to all aliens, but for political, cultural, and economic reasons it is applied
in a manner disadvantageous to Palestinians and, to a lesser extent, Kurds. The
Government does not provide health services to Palestinian refugees, who must rely
on U.N. Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) and UNRWA-contracted private hos-
pitals.
In recent years, Palestinian incomes have declined as the Palestinian Liberation
Organization closed many of its offices in Lebanon, which formerly employed as
much as 50 percent of the Palestinian work force. Palestinian children have report-
edly been forced to leave school at an early age because U.N. relief workers do not
have sufficient funds for education programs. The U.N. estimates that 18 percent
of street children are Palestinian. Drug addiction and crime reportedly are increas-
ing in the camps, as is prostitution.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^AU workers, except government employees, may es-
tablish and join unions and have a legal right to strike. Worker representatives
must be chosen from those employed within the bargaining unit. About 900,000 per-
sons form the active labor force, 42 percent of whom are members of 160 labor
unions and associations. Twenty-two of the unions, with about 2(X),0(X) workers, are
represented in the General Confederation of Labor.
In general the Government does not control or restrict unions, although union
leaders allege that the Government has tried to intervene in elections for union offi-
cials.
Palestinian refugees may organize their own unions, but restrictions on their
right to work make this right more theoretical than real. Few Palestinians partici-
pate actively in trade unions.
1522
Unions are free to affiliate with international federations and confederations, and
they maintain a variety of such afiiliations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right of workers to orga-
nize and to bargain exists in law and practice. Most worker groups engage in some
form of collective bargaining with their employers. Stronger federations obtain sig-
nificant gains for their members, and on occasion have assisted nonunionized work-
ers. There is no government mechanism to promote voluntary labor-management
negotiations, and woricers have no protection against antiunion discrimination. The
Government's ban on demonstrations arguably diminishes unions' bargaining power.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced labor is not prohibited by
law. In the absence of a prohibition against it, children, foreign domestic servants,
and other foreign workers are sometimes forced to remain in situations amounting
to coerced or bonded labor.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The 1946
Labor Code stipulates that workers between the ages of 8 and 16 may not work
more than 7 hours a day, with 1 hour for rest provided after 4 hours. They are also
prohibited from working between the hours of 7 p.m. and 6 a.m. There is a general
prohibition against "jobs out of proportion with worker's age." The Code also pro-
hibits certain types of mechanical work for children between the ages 8 and 13, and
other types for those between the ages 13 and 16. The Labor Ministry is tasked with
enforcing these requirements, but the civil war left it with few resources and a de-
moralized and sometimes corrupt staff. The Ministry does not rigorously apply the
law. Forced and bonded child labor is not prohibited and sometimes occurs (see Sec-
tion 6.C.).
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Government sets a legal minimum wage,
currently about $200 (300,000 Lebanese pounds) per month. The law is not enforced
effectively in the private sector. In theory the courts could be called upon to enforce
it, but in practice they are not. The minimum wage is insufiicient to provide a de-
cent standard of living for a worker and family. Trade unions actively try to ensure
the payment of minimum wages in both the public sector and the large-scale private
sector, such as education and transport.
The Labor Law prescribes a standard 6-day workweek of 48 hours, with a 24-hour
rest period per week. In practice workers in the industrial sector work an average
of 35 hours a week, and workers in other sectors work an average of 30 hours a
week. The law includes specific occupational health and safety regulations. Labor
regulations call on employers to take adequate precautions for employee safety. En-
forcement, the responsibility of the Labor Ministry, is uneven. Labor organizers re-
port that workers do not have the right to remove themselves from hazardous condi-
tions without jeopardizing their continued employment.
LIBYA
The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is a dictatorship that has been
ruled by Colonel Mu ammar Al-Qadhafi (the "Brother Leader and Guide of the Revo-
lution") since 1969, when he led a military coup to overthrow King Idris I. ^ Borrow-
ing from Islamic and pan-Arab ideas, Qadhafi created a political system that rejects
democracy and political parties and purports to establish a "third way" superior to
capitalism and Communism. Libya's governing principles are predominantly derived
from Qadhafi's "Green Book." In theory Libya is ruled by the citizenry through a
series of popular congresses, as laid out in the Constitutional Proclamation of 1969
and the Declaration on the Establishment of the Authority of the People of 1977,
but in practice Qadhafi and his inner circle control political power. Qadhafi is aided
by extragovem mental organizations — Revolutionary Committees and a Comrades
Organization — that exercise control over most aspects of citizens' lives. He uses
extrajudicial killing and intimidation to control the opposition abroad and summary
judicial proceedings to suppress it at home. The Government continues to repress
banned Islamic groups and exercises tight control over ethnic and tribal minorities,
such as Berbers and the Warfalla tribe. The judiciary is not independent of the Gov-
ernment.
Colonel Qadhafi publicly called for violence against opponents of his regime after
violent clashes between Islamic activists and security forces in Benghazi in Septem-
^The United States has no oflicial presence in Libya. Information on the human rights situa-
tion is therefore limited.
1523
ber 1995. Outbreaks of violence between government forces and Muslim militants
have continued to plague eastern Libya since that time.
Libya maintains an extensive security apparatus, consisting of several elite mili-
tary units, including Qadhafi's personal bodyguards, local Revolutionary Commit-
tees, and People's Committees, as well as the "Purification" Committees, which were
formed in 1996. The result is a multilayered, pervasive surveillance system that
monitors and controls the activities of individuals. The various security forces con-
tinued to commit numerous serious human rights abuses.
The Government dominates the economy through complete control of the country's
oil resources, which account for almost all export earnings and approximately 30
percent of Libya's gross domestic product. Oil revenues constitute the principal
source of foreign exchange. In Marcn Qadhafi announced that 75% of the 1997/98
fiscal year budget will be spent on investment and development, but much of the
countiys income has been lost to waste, corruption, attempts to develop weapons
of mass destruction, and to acquire conventional weapons. Despite efforts to diver-
sify the economy and encourage private sector participation, the economy continues
to be constrained by a system of extensive controls and regulations covering prices,
credit, trade, and foreign exchange. The Government's mismanagement of the econ-
omy has caused high levels of inflation, increased import prices, and hampered eco-
nomic expansion, which has resulted in a decline in the standards of living for the
majority of citizens in recent years. Unemployment is estimated to be 30% and is
expected to increase.
The Government's human rights record remains poor. Citizens do not have the
right to change their government. Security forces arbitrarily arrest, detain, and tor-
ture prisoners during interrogations or for punishment. Prison conditions are poor,
and many political detainees are held for years without charge. The Government re-
stricts the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion. Citizens
do not have the right to a fair public trial, to be represented by legal counsel, to
be secure in their homes or persons, or to own private property. There were reports
of mass expulsions of foreign workers and residents to neighboring countries in
1997, and the regime again contemplated the return of the approximately 30,000
Palestinians currently residing in Libya. Traditional attitudes and practices con-
tinue to discriminate against women, and female genital mutilation (FGM) is still
practiced in remote areas of the country. The Government discriminates against and
represses certain minorities and tribal groups. The Government restricts basic work-
er rights.
Libya continues to be subject to economic and diplomatic sanctions imposed by the
U.N. Security Council in connection with the bombings of Pan Am flight 103 over
Scotland in 1988 and the bombing of UTA flight 772 over Chad in 1989. Libya made
no progress in complying with the U.N. resolutions regarding the bombing of Pan
Am 103. Libya mounted an aggressive international diplomatic campaign to have
the U.N. sanctions lifted and violated U.N. sanctions prohibiting flights into or out
of Libya four times during the year.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Violent clashes between the security
forces and militant Islamist opposition gi"oups continued in 1997. The clashes were
predominantly concentrated in the eastern region of Libya and resulted in an unde-
termined number of deaths. In response to continued attacks against the regime and
a prison mutiny that occurred in Benghazi in 1996, the Government maintained
tigntened security measures, made hundreds of arrests, and conducted military op-
erations in the areas where insurrection occurred. Government forces killed a num-
ber of people, but there were no definitive estimates of the total killed in these gov-
ernment attacks.
Qadhafi uses extrajudicial killings and intimidation to control the opposition
abroad, and summary judicial proceedings to suppress domestic dissent. There have
been reports of Libyan security forces hunting down and eliminating dissidents liv-
ing abroad (see Section l.b.).
A large number of offenses, including political offenses and "economic crimes," are
punishable by death. A 1972 law mandates the death penalty for any person associ-
ated with a group opposed to the principles of the revolution, as well as for other
acts such as treason, attempting to change the form of government by violence, and
premeditated murder. The Green Book" of 1988 states that "the goal of the Libyan
society is to abolish capital punishment", but Qadhafi has not acted to abolish the
death penalty and its scope has increased. In July 1996, a new law went into eflect
that applies the death penalty to those who speculate in foreign currency, food.
1524
clothes, or housing during a state of war or blockade and for crimes related to drugs
and alcohol.
On January 2, two civilians and six army officers were executed, the civilians by
hanging and the army officers by firing squad; while at least five others were given
prison sentences, all convicted on charges of being American spies, treason, cooper-
ating with opposition organizations, and instigating violence to achieve political and
social goals. The eight executed men were arrested with dozens of others in connec-
tion with a coup attempt by army units composed of Warfalla tribe members in Oc-
tober 1993. The men were convicted by the Supreme Military Court and they report-
edly did not have lawyers for their trial. The convicted persons were allegedly kept
in secret locations ana tortured throughout their incarceration to obtain confessions
of criminal activity.
The U.N. Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions
noted that last year "the apparent lack of respect for fair trial standards in trials
leading to the imposition of capital punishment in Libya."
Libya continues to be subject to economic and diplomatic sanctions imposed by the
U.N. Security Council in connection with the bombings of Pan Am flight 103 over
Scotland in 1988, which killed 259 people on board and 11 people on the ground,
and the bombing of UTA flight 772 over Chad in 1989, which killed 171 people.
These U.N. Security Council resolutions require that Libya fulfill the following con-
ditions: ensure the appearance in a U.S. or Scottish court of those charged in the
Pam Am 103 case; cooperate with U.S., British, and French investigations into the
Pan Am and UTA bombings; pay compensation; and renounce terrorism and support
for terrorism.
Libya again failed to make any progress in 1997 towards compljdng with the de-
mands of the U.N. Security Council resolutions relating to the Pan Am 103 bomb-
ing. The Qadhafi regime undertook aggressive international diplomatic initiatives to
gamer support from international organizations and individual countries for propos-
als that would require the U.N. Security Council to negotiate Libyan compliance
with the resolutions. As part of the Government's strategy of attacking the U.N. Se-
curity Council resolutions, the regime violated the sanctions against air travel to
and from the country four times during the year; Qadhafi was on two of these
flidits.
In 1996 the Government took limited steps to address the U.N. Security Council
resolutions concerning the bombing of UTA flight 722. In March 1996, Qadhafi
wrote a letter to French President Jacques Chirac pledging cooperation in resolving
the UTA bombing short of extraditing the suspects or compromising Libya's sov-
ereignty. France's chief antiterrorism magistrate, Jean-Louis Brugiuere, visited
Libya in an effort to investigate the incident and concluded his investigation in May.
Judge Brugiuere charged the second in command of the Libyan intelligence service,
Abadallah Senousi (brother-in-law of Qadhafi), with ordering the UTA bombing and
charged five other Libyan agents for their involvement. He identified the other sus-
pects as Abdesslam Issa Shibari, Abdesslam Hamouda, Libyan diplomat Abdullah
Elazragh, and intelligence operatives Ibrahim Naeli and Musbah Arbas. Judge
Brugiuere issued international arrest warrants for the six Libyans and indicated
that the suspects would be tried in absentia. A trial is expected in early 1998.
In spite of the Government's violent repression of resistance, opposition groups
continue to surface and stage attacks on Qadhafi and his regime. For example, on
February 17 opposition groups attacked an elite military camp at Suq al-Knamis,
killing several Libyan soldiers. Along with military strikes, opposition groups report-
edly attempted to kill government officials as well. On July 29, an attempt was
made on the life of a high-ranking security official in Benghazi. In January there
were unconfirmed reports of an attack on Qadhafi himself
b. Disappearance. — The Libyan regime actively engages in the abduction and
elimination of those persons whom Qadhafi calls stray dogs," or political dissidents
in exile. A number of Libyan oppositionists have disappeared inside and outside of
the country's borders in recent years, and their whereabouts and welfare remain un-
known.
In 1993 Libyan dissident Mansour Kikhiya disappeared from Cairo. There is cred-
ible information that following his abduction, Kikhiya was executed in Libya in
early 1994.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although Libya is a party to the U.N. Convention against Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, security personnel reportedly
torture prisoners during interrogations or for punishment. Government agents peri-
odically detain and reportedly torture foreign workers, particularly those from sub-
Saharan Africa. Torture reports are difficult to corroborate because many prisoners
are held incommunicado.
1525
Methods of torture reportedly include: chaining to a wall for hours, clubbing, elec-
tric shock, the application of corkscrews in the back, lemon juice in open wounds,
breaking fingers and allowing the joints to heal without medical care, suffocation
by plastic bags, deprivation of food and water, and beatings on the soles of the feet.
The law calls for fines against any official using excessive force, but there are no
known cases of prosecution for torture or abuse.
There is insumcient information to make a determination on overall prison condi-
tions, but a mutiny in July 1996 at the Abu Salim prison was caused by inmates
protesting poor conditions. The prisoners went on a hunger strike and captured
guards to protest the lack of medical care, overcrowding, and inadequate hygiene
and diet provided at the facility. Security units were dispatched to suppress the up-
rising and hundreds of people were lefl dead after the week-long incident; as many
as 100 of them killed by security forces.
The Government does not permit prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Security forces arbitrarily arrest and de-
tain citizens. By law the Government may hold detainees incommunicado for unlim-
ited periods. It holds many political detainees incommunicado in unofTicial detention
centers controlled by members of the Revolutionary Committees. Hundreds of politi-
cal detainees, many associated with banned Islamic groups, are reported to be held
in prisons throughout Libya, but mainly in the Abu Salim prison in Tripoli. Many
have been held for years without charge. Hundreds of other detainees may have
been held for periods too brief (3 to 4 months) to permit confirmation by outside ob-
servers. It was reported that many political detainees were released early in the
year, most of whom had been students and had been detained for the last 5 to 10
years.
Security forces maintained their intense campaign to arrest suspected members
and sympathizers of banned Islamic groups and to monitor activities at mosques fol-
lowing a continued series of violent clashes in eastern Libya (see Section l.a.). Some
practicing Muslims have shaved their beards to avoid harassment from security
services. Qadhafi has publicly denounced Libyan "mujaheddin" (generally, conserv-
ative Islamic activists who fought with the Afghan resistance movement against So-
viet forces) as threats to the regime.
The 1994 Purge Law was established to fight financial corruption, black
marketeering, drug trafficking, and atheism. Enforcement of the Purge Law by the
"Purification" Committees began in June 1996 and continued through mid?-1997.
Scores of businessmen, traders, and shop owners were arbitrarily arrested, with the
closure of dozens of shops and firms on charges of corruption, dealing in foreign
goods, and funding Islamic fundamentalist groups. As part of the campaign to im-
plement the Purge Law, the wealth of the middle class and afTluent was targeted
as well. The Government marked the beginning of Ramadan in January by releas-
ing an undetermined number of people arrested by the "Purification" Committees
in 1996, but the regime acknowledges that it still holds 29 of the detainees for fur-
ther investigation (see Section l.f.).
On March 8, the Libyan General People's Congress approved a collective punish-
ment law for accomplices to crimes of obstructing the people's power, instigating
and practicing tribal fanaticism, possessing, tramng in or smuggling unlicensed
weapons, and damaging public and private institutions and property." The new law
provides that "any group, whether large or small," including towns, villages, local
assemblies, tribes, or families, be punished in their entirety if they are accused by
the General People's Congress or Committee of sympathizing, financing, aiding in
any way, harboring, protecting, or refraining from identifying perpetrators of such
crimes. Punishment under the collective punishment law ranges from the denial of
access to utilities (water, electricity, telephone), fuels, food supplies, official docu-
ments, and participation in local assemblies, to the termination of new economic
projects and state subsidies.
The Government does not impose exile as a form of punishment; to the contrary,
Qadhafi seeks to pressure Libyans working or studying abroad to return home and
the regime pursues dissidents in exile (see Section l.b.).
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is not independent of the Govern-
ment.
There are four levels of courts: summary courts, which try petty ofTenses; the
courts of first instance, which try more serious crimes; the courts of appeal; and the
Supreme Court, which is the final appellate level.
Special revolutionary courts were established in 1980 to try political offenses.
Such trials are oflen held in secret or even in the absence of the accused. In other
cases, the security forces have the power to pass sentences without trial, especially
in cases involving political opposition. The U.N. Special Rapporteur has noted a lack
1526
of fairness in trials of capital cases (see section l.a.). In the past, Qadhafi has in-
cited local cadres to take extrajudicial action against suspected opponents.
The private practice of law is illegal; all lawyers must be members of the Sec-
retariat of Justice.
According to Amnesty International (AI), approximately 22 persons were convicted
and imprisoned for political offenses during 1995. AI estimates there are at least
1,000 political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government does not respect the right to privacy. Security agencies often disregard
the legal requirement to obtain warrants before entering a private home. They also
routinely monitor telephone calls.
The security agencies and the Revolutionary Committees oversee an extensive in-
formant network. Libyan exiles report that mere family ties to suspected regime op-
ponents may result in government harassment and detention. The Government may
seize and destroy property belonging to "enemies of the people" or those who "co-
operate" with foreign powers. In the past, citizens have reported that Qadhafi has
warned members of the extended family of any regime opponent that they too risk
the death penalty.
The collective punishment law passed by the General People's Congress in March
made into law Qadhafi's previous threats of punishment for families or communities
that aid, abet, or do not inform the regime of criminals and oppositionists in their
midst (see Section l.d.).
The Purge Law of 1994 provides for the confiscation of private assets above a
nominal amount, describing wealth in excess of such an undetermined nominal
amount as the fruits of exploitation or corruption. In May 1996, Qadhafi ordered
the formation of hundreds of "Purge"' or "Purification" Committees composed of
young military officers and students. The Committees, backed by thousands of Revo-
lutionary Committees, implemented the Purge Law through mid- 1997. The "Purifi-
cation" Committees reportedly seized some "excessive" amounts of private wealth
from members of the middle and affiuent classes; the confiscated property was
taken from the rich to be given to the poor, in an effort to appease the populace
and to strengthen Qadhafi's power and control over the country. The activities of
the "Purification" Committees largely ended by May in reaction to increasingly vio-
lent public reactions to their intrusive tactics.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The authorities tolerate some difference of opin-
ion in People's Committee meetings and at the General People's Congress, but in
general, severely limit freedom of sp)eech. This is especially true with regard to criti-
cism of Qadhafi or his regime. Infrequent criticism of political leaders and policies
in the state-controlled media is interpreted as a government attempt to test public
opinion, or weaken a government figure who may be a potential challenger to Qa-
dhafi.
The regime restricts freedom of speech in several ways: by prohibiting all political
activities not officially approved, by enacting laws so vague that many forms of
speech or expression may be interpreted as illegal, and by operating a pervasive sys-
tem of informants that creates an atmosphere of mistrust at all levels of society.
The State owns and controls the media. There is a state-run daily newspaper, Al-
Shams, with a circulation of 40,000. Local Revolutionary Committees puolish sev-
eral smaller newspapers. The official news agency, JANA, is the designated conduit
for official views. The regime does not permit the publication of opinions contrary
to government policy. Such foreign puolications as Newsweek, Time, the Inter-
national Herald Tribune, Express, and Jeune Afrique are available, but authorities
routinely censor them and may prohibit their entry onto the market.
The Government restricts academic freedom. Professors and teachers who discuss
politically sensitive topics face a risk of government reprisal.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Public assembly is permitted
only with regime approval and in support of the regime's positions.
Despite these restrictions, members of the Warfalla trioe staged several informal
protests in 1995 to protest the regime's decision to carry out the death penalty
against tribe members involved in the 1993 coup attempt. The Government re-
sponded by arresting hundreds of tribe members, and expelling others from the mili-
tary and security forces. On January 2, eight Warfalla tribe members arrested for
involvement in the 1993 coup attempt were executed and at least five others were
given prison sentences for allegedly being American spies (see Section l.a.).
The last display of public discontent and resentment towards the Government oc-
curred when a riot broke out over a penalty called at a soccer match in Tripoli on
July 9, 1996. The rare instance of public unrest began when a contentious goal was
1527
scored by the team that Qadhafi's sons supported and the referee called the play
in their favor. The spectators reportedly started chanting anti-Qadhafi slogans after
the referee made the call and Qadhafi's sons and their bodyguards opened fire in
the air, then on the crowd. The spectators panicked and stampeded out of the sta-
dium and into the streets, where they stoned cars and chanted more anti-Qadhafi
slogans.
Trie Government officially admitted that 8 people died and 39 were injured as a
result of the soccer riots, but there were reports of up to 50 deaths caused by the
gunfire and the stampede of the crowd.
The Government limits the right of association; it grants such a right only to in-
stitutions affiliated with the regime. According to a 1972 law, political activity found
by the authorities to be treasonous is punishable by death. An offense may include
any activity that is "opposed to the principles of the Revolution."
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Government restricts freedom of religion. Libya is
overwhelmingly Muslim. In an apparent effort to eliminate all alternative power
bases, the regime has banned the once powerful Sanusiyya Islamic sect. In its place,
Qadhafi established the Islamic Call Society (ICS), which is the outlet for state-ap-
proved religion as well as a tool for exporting the Libyan revolution abroad. In 1992
the Grovernment announced that the ICS would be disbanded; however, its director
still conducts activities, suggesting that the organization remains operational. Is-
lamic groups at variance with the state-approved teaching of Islam are banned.
Members of some minority religions are allowed to conduct services. Services in
Christian churches are attended by the foreign community. A resident Catholic bish-
op, aided by a small number of priests, operates two churches. In March the Vatican
established diplomatic relations with Liloya, stating that Libya had taken steps to
protect freedom of religion. The Vatican hoped to oe able to more adequately ad-
dress the needs of the estimated 50,000 Christians in the country.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government usually does not restrict the internal movement of
Libyan citizens, but is known to impose blockades on those cities and regions (pri-
marily in the east) where antigovernment attacks or movements originate. In 1996
after the escape of some 400 prisoners — during which residents purportedly
harbored escapees — the town of Dirnah was sealed of by government troops and also
had its water and electricity cut off. The Government also requires citizens to obtain
exit permits for travel abroad and limits their access to hard currency. A woman
must have her husband's permission to travel abroad. Authorities routinely seize
the passports of foreigners married to Libyan citizens upon their entry into the
country.
The right of return exists. In fact, the regime often calls on students, many of
whom receive a government subsidy, and others working abroad to return to Libya
on little or no notice. Students studying abroad are interrogated upon their return.
Some citizens, including exiled opposition figures, refuse to return. There have
been reports of Libyan security forces hunting down and eliminating dissidents liv-
ing abroad (see Section l.a.).
The Government arbitrarily expels noncitizens (see Section 6.e.). In September
1995, the Government expelled approximately 1,000
Palestinian residents to signal its displeasure with the signing of the Interim
Agreement between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization. The Palestin-
ians were forced to live in makeshift camps along the Egyptian border. The Govern-
ment allowed the Palestinians living in the border camps to return to Libya, but
over 200 Palestinians elected to remain, hoping to travel to the West Bank and
Gaza or resettle in Egypt. The governments of Egypt and Israel refused to accept
the Palestinian refugees in 1996, leaving them stranded in the deteriorating and
squalid conditions oi the once temporary border encampments. They were forcibly
removed from their encampments to another location in country by Libyan police
and military authorities in April.
The Government expelled 132 Algerians in November.
The Government is not a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relat-
ing to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 Protocol, and therefore, does not grant asy-
lum, first asylum, or refugee status to foreigners in Libya. The U.N. High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that by April 1996, there were over 3,000
refugees of concern to the UNHCR in Libya, including some 2,000 Somalis, 750 Eri-
treans, 325 Sudanese, and 300 Ethiopians. The Government officially contacted the
UNHCR Liaison Officer in Tripoli in 1995 in an effort to facilitate the repatriation
of Arab and African refugees to their country of origin. The UNHCR assisted in the
repatriation of 168 Eritreans and 129 Ethiopians from Libya in the first 4 months
of 1996.
1528
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the rirfit to change their government. Major government de-
cisions are controlled by Qadnafi, his close associates, and committees acting in his
name. Political parties are banned. Qadhafl appoints military officers and official
functionaries down to junior levels. Corruption and favoritism, partially based on
tribal origin, are major problems, adversely affecting government efficiency.
In theory, popular political participation is provided by the grassroots People's
Committees, which send representatives annually to the national General People's
Congress (GPC). In practice, the GPC is a rubber stamp that approves all rec-
ommendations made by Qadhafi.
Qadhaii established the Revolutionary Committees in 1977. These bodies pri-
marily consist of Libyan youths who guard against political deviation. Some Com-
mittees have engaged in show trials of regime opponents; in other cases, they have
been implicated in the killing of opponents abroad. The Committees approve all can-
didates m elections for the GPC.
There is no reliable information on the representation of women and minorities
in the Government.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Qadhafi regime continues to prohibit the establishment of any independent
human rights organizations. Instead, it created the Libyan Arab Human Rights
Committee in 1989, the Committee has yet to publish any known reports.
The regime does not respond substantively to appeals from Amnesty International
(AI) on behalf of detainees. In 1994 the regime described AI as a tool of Western
interests and dismissed its work as neocolonialist. AI representatives last visited
Libya in 1988.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability. Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution prohibits discrimination based on these factors. However, the
Government does not enforce these prohibitions, particularly discrimination against
women and tribal minorities.
Women. — Although little detailed information on the extent of violence against
women, it remains a problem. In general the intervention of neighbors and extended
family members tends to limit reports of domestic violence. Abuse within the family
is rarely discussed publicly, due to the value attached to privacy in society.
The Constitutional Proclamation of 1969 granted women total equality. Despite
this legal provision traditional attitudes and practices prevail and discrimination
against women persists, which keeps them from attaining the family or civil rights
guaranteed them. A woman must nave her husband's permission to travel abroad
(see Section 2.d.).
Although their status is still not equal to that of men, most observers agree that,
with the advent of oil wealth in the 1970's, the opportunity for women to make nota-
ble social progress has increased. Oil wealth, uroanization, development plans, edu-
cation programs, and even the impetus behind Qadhafi's revolutionary government
have all contributed to the creation of new employment opportunities for women. In
recent years, a growing sense of individualism in some segments of society, espe-
cially among the educated young, has been noted. For example, many educated
young couples prefer to set up their own households, rather than move in with their
parents, and view polygamy with scorn. Since the 1970's the level of educational dif-
ferences between men and women has narrowed.
In general, the emancipation of women is a generational phenomenon: urban
women under the age of 35 tend to have more "modern" attitudes toward life and
have discarded the traditional veil; at the same time, older urban women tend to
be more reluctant to give up the veil or the traditional attitudes towards family and
employment. Moreover, a significant proportion of rural women still do not attend
school and tend to instill in their children such traditional beliefs as women's sub-
servient role in society.
Employment gains by women also tend to be inhibited by lingering traditional re-
strictions that discourage women from playing an active role in the workplace, and
by the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalist values. Some observers have noted that
even educated women tend to lack self-confidence and social awareness and seek
only a limited degree of occupational and social participation with men.
'tne ambiguous position of women is illustrated by Qadhafi's own attitudes and
utterances. His development plans have made an effort to include women in the
1529
modem work force, yet he has criticized women's emancipation in the West, includ-
ing their employment gains.
Children. — The Government has subsidized education (which is compulsory to age
15) and medical care, improving the welfare of children in the past 25 years. How-
ever, declining revenues and general economic mismanagement have led to cut-
backs, particularly in medical services. Some tribes located in remote areas still
practice female genital mutilation (FGM) on young girls, a procedure that is widely
condemned by international health experts as damaging to both physical and psy-
chological health.
People With Disabilities. — No information is available on the Government's efforts
to assist people with disabilities.
National / Kacial / Ethnic Minorities. — Arabic-speaking Muslims of mixed Arab and
Berber ancestry comprise 97 percent of the population. The principal non-Arab mi-
norities are Berbers and blacks. There are frequent allegations of discrimination
based on tribal status, particularly against Berbers in the interior and Tuaregs in
the south. Qadhafi manipulates tribes to maintain his grip on power by rewarding
some tribes with money and government positions and repressing and jailing mem-
bers of various other tribes. Qadhafi also attempts to keep the tribes fractured by
pitting one against another.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Independent trade unions and professional associa-
tions are prohibited and workers do not have the right to form their own unions.
The re^me regards such structures as unacceptable "intermediaries between the
revolution and the working forces." However, workers may join the National Trade
Unions' Federation, which was created in 1972 and is administered by the People's
Committee system. The Government prohibits foreign workers from joining this
union.
The law does not provide workers with the right to strike. There have been no
reports of strikes for years. In a 1992 speech, Qadhafi affirmed that workers have
the right to strike but added that strikes do not occur because the workers control
their enterprises.
The official trade union orcanization plays an active role in the International Con-
federation of Arab Trade Unions ana the Organization of African Trade Union
Unity. It exploits international trade union contacts to engage in propaganda eflbrts
on behalf of the regime. The Arab Maghreb Trade Union Federation suspended the
membership of Libya's trade union organization in 1993. The suspension followed
reports that Qadhafi had replaced all union leaders, in some cases with loyal fol-
lowers without union experience.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining does not
exist in any meaningful sense because the labor law requires that the Government
must approve all agreements.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — In its 1995 report, the Inter-
national Labor Organization's (ILO) Committee of Experts stated that "persons ex-
f)ressing certain political views or views ideologically opposed to the estaolished po-
itical, social, or economic system may be punished with penalties of imprisonment
. . . involving ... an obligation to perform labor." The situation in 1997 remains
largely the same. The 1995 ILO report also noted that public employees may be sen-
tenced to compulsory labor "as a punishment for breaches of labor discipline or for
f)articipation in strikes even in services whose interruption would not endanger the
ife, personal safety, or health of the whole or part of the population." The Govern-
ment informed the ILO in 1996 that legislation was enacted to abolish these provi-
sions and submitted a report to the ILO, but the ILO has not yet commented on
it.
There have been credible reports that the Government has arbitrarily forced some
foreign workers into involuntary military service or has coerced them into perform-
ing subversive activities against their own countries. Libyans, despite the Penal
Code which prohibits slavery, have been implicated in the purchase of Sudanese
slaves, who are largely southern Sudanese women and children who were captured
by Sudanese government troops in the war against the southern rebellion.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for employment of children is 18. Education is compulsory to age 15.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The labor force is approximately 1.2 million
workers (including 161,000 foreign workers) in a population of 5.2 million. Wages,
particularly in the public sector, are frequently in arrears. A public wage freeze im-
posed in 1981 remains in effect and has seriously eroded real income. The average
wage appears inadequate to provide a worker and family with a decent standard
1530
of living. The average wage is about $750 (270 Libyan dinars) per month at the ofii-
cial exchange rate, but is only worth $100 at the unofficial exchange rate.
The legal maximum workweek is 48 hours. The Labor Law defines the rights and
duties of woriters, including matters of compensation, pension rights, minimum rest
{)eriods, and working hours. Labor inspectors are assigned to inspect places of work
or compliance with occupational health and safety standards. Certain industries,
such as the petroleum sector, try to maintain standards set by foreign companies.
There is no information on whether a worker can remove himself from an unhealthy
or unsafe work situation without risking continued employment.
The Labor Law does not accord equality of treatment to foreign workers. Foreign
workers may reside in Libya only for the duration of their work contracts, and may
not send more than half of their earnings to their families in their home countries.
They are subject to arbitrary pressures, such as changes in work rules and con-
tracts, and have little option but to accept such changes or to depart the country.
Foreign workers who are not under contract enjoy no protection.
In May the U.N. Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, cited inad-
equate housing, threats of imprisonment to those accused of disobeying disciplinary
rules, and accusations of causing a variety of societal problems as some of the prob-
lems in Libya's treatment of foreign laborers.
The Government uses the threat of expulsion of foreign workers as leverage
against countries whose foreign policies run counter to Libya's. The (jovemment ex-
pelled approximately 1,000 Palestinian residents in late 1995 to signal its displeas-
ure with the agreement between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization,
and in May 1996, the regime threatened to expel thousands of Palestinian workers
for political and economic reasons (see Section 2.d.).
Over 130 Algerians were expelled in November (see Section 2.d.).
MOROCCO
The Constitution of Morocco provides for a monarchy with a parliament and an
independent judiciary. Ultimate authority, however, rests with the King, who may
at his discretion terminate the tenure of any minister, dissolve the Parliament, and
rule by decree. In August King Hassan named an interim government, composed
largely of technocrats. Also in August, the present Parliament, which was created
in 1993, unanimously passed two laws creating a 270-seat upper house, and a 325-
seat lower house. On November 14, lower house deputies were elected by direct uni-
versal suffrage; on December 5, the upper house was selected by labor unions, pro-
fessional organizations, and local government authorities. There were widespread,
credible reports of vote buying by political parties and the Government and exces-
sive government interference in the legislative elections. The fraud and government
Eressure tactics led most independent observers to conclude that the results were
eavily influenced, if not predetermined, by the Government. All opposition parties
criticized the Government; some called for a boycott of Parliament. The judiciary is
subject to bribery and government influence.
Tne security apparatus includes several overlapping police and paramilitary orga-
nizations. The Border Police, the National Security Police, and the Judicial Police
are departments of the Ministry of Interior, while the Royal Gendarmerie reports
directly to the Palace. The security forces continued to commit serious human rights
abuses.
Morocco has a mixed economy based largely on agriculture, fishing, light industry,
phosphate mining, tourism, and remittances from citizens working abroad. Illegal
cannabis production is also a significant economic activity. Economic growth is high-
ly dependent on agricultural output, and has experienced wide fluctuations in recent
years due to a series of debilitating droughts. While good rainfall during 1996 re-
sulted in gross domestic product (GDP) growth of 12 percent, erratic rainfall was
expected to contribute to a slightly negative growth in 1997.
The Gk)vemment's human rights record remained largely the same, and serious
problems persisted in several areas. Citizens do not have the right to change their
government; however, in the November elections, the opposition gained an impor-
tant plurality, which observers noted could be a step toward increased democratiza-
tion. Security forces occasionally abuse and torture detainees and prison conditions
remain harsh. Authorities sometime ignore legal provisions for due process during
arrest and detention. The (jovemment's use of force to disperse student protesters
in Casablanca in January and February resulted in numerous violations of citizens'
human rights. Security forces beat students, many of them innocent bystanders, and
the Government failed to thoroughly investigate increased allegations of abuse by
1531
the security forces. During the June local election campaign, police arrested over
130 left-wing activists who called for an election boycott in contravention of Article
90 the Electoral Law, which forbids "inciting voters to abstain from voting." The ju-
diciary is subject to corruption and Interior Ministry influence. Authorities at times
infringe on citizens' privacy rights. The Government restricts freedom of speech and
the press in certain areas, and limits the freedoms of assembly, association, religion,
and movement. While the Government generally tolerates peaceful protests and sit-
ins, it does not tolerate marches and demonstrations. On several occasions during
the year protesters were seriously beaten, and scores were arrested. Dissenters' reli-
gious freedoms are constrained; missionaries who contravene a law barring pros-
elytizing face expulsion without due process, and converts from Islam to other reli-
gions experience security force intimidation and occasional imprisonment. Discrimi-
nation and domestic violence against women are common. Child labor is a problem,
and the Government has not acted to end the plight of young girls who work in ex-
ploitative domestic servitude. Unions are subject to government interference.
A large number of allegations of governmental human rights abuse involve the
Ministry of Interior. The Ministry is responsible for: the direction of most security
forces; the conduct of elections, including cooperation with the United Nations in a
referendum on the Western Sahara; the appointment and training of many local of-
ficials; the allocation of local and regional budgets; the oversight of university cam-
puses; and the licensing of associations and political parties. Less formally, the Min-
istry exerts substantial influence over the judicial system. In naming the interim
government, the King consolidated several ministerial portfolios, and eliminated the
Human Rights Ministry from the Government; however, he named a former Human
Rights Minister as Minister of Justice.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Security forces violently broke up
student demonstrations in November and severely beat protesters. One student,
Moncef Azzouzi, reportedly died of head injuries caused by security force beatings
(also see Sections I.e., l.d., 2.a., and 2.b.).
Although human rights groups reported no extrajudicial killings in 1997, they
continue to complain that security forces too often act with impunity; deaths in cus-
tody and other instances of potential abuse are not thoroughly investigated. None
of the cases outstanding from 1996 have been investigated or publicly resolved.
These include the deaths in custody under mysterious circumstances oi Mohamed
Tarbaoui and Youssouf Rami in late December 1996. According to security forces,
Tarbaoui died of a heart attack on a public street, while Rami died of injuries after
he threw himself through a glass door. Human rights groups dispute tnese expla-
nations. In addition, there were no new developments, nor any investigations into
the 1996 deaths in custody of several other persons, i.e., Salhi, Lahssen, M'rabet,
Memissi, Daghdagh, Benaerweesh, Fedaoui, Bouhdoun, Hammouch, and Rachid
Rami.
Detainees claimed that several prisoners died during the year due to harsh prison
conditions and inadequate medical care (see Section I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no new cases of disappearance for the second con-
secutive year. This contrasts with 1995 when there were reports of over 20 such
cases. However, the practice of the forced disappearance of individuals who opposed
the Government and its policies dates back several decades. Many of those who dis-
appeared were members of the military who were implicated in attempts to over-
throw the Government in 1971 and 1972. Others were Sahrawis or Moroccans who
challenged the Government's claim to the Western Sahara or other government poli-
cies. Many of those who disappeared were held in secret detention camps. To this
day, hundreds of Saharan ana Moroccan families do not have any information about
their missing relatives, many of whom disappeared over 20 years ago.
The Government continues to deny that it has any knowledge oithe whereabouts
of those still missing. In recent years it has quietly released several hundred per-
sons who had disappeared, including about 300 in June 1991, but no explanation
for their incarceration has ever been provided. Local human rights monitors have
concluded that many others died while at the notorious Tazmamart prison, which
the Government has since closed. The Government has acknowledged 34 of these
deaths and has provided death certificates to the families of all but 1 of the 34 who
died.
The Moroccan Human Rights Organization (OMDH) and other human rights
groups continued to pursue tne issue of unresolved disappearances. The OMDH re-
ports that its efforts to meet early in the year with tne Minister of Justice and
1532
Human Rights to discuss this issue were unsuccessful. The Moroccan Association for
Human Rights (AMDH) maintains a list of 68 persons who disappeared between
1961 and 1995 for whom no information is available.
There were no developments in the disappearance of Abdullah Sherrouq, a stu-
dent, who was reportedly detained by security services on June 22, 1981. After 16
years, his family nas been unable to learn anything of his whereabouts or his fate,
despite appeals by Amnesty International.
A group representing Tazmamart prison survivors and the families of persons who
disappeared continues to call for an accounting of unresolved cases, compensation
to families of those who disappeared, proper burial of victims' remains, and prosecu-
tion of responsible officials. The Government has not responded to their demands.
The Government pays a monthly stipend of $500 (5000 dirhams) to the 28 former
prisoners who survived 18 to 20 years in solitary confinement without health care
or sanitary facilities at Tazmamart prison. The 28 are former military men who had
been arrested in connection with the failed coup attempts in 1971 and 1972. After
their release, the Government prohibited them from speaking out publicly about
their detention. In exchange, the Government gave the 28 assurances that it would
help them find jobs and reintegrate them into society, however, none of them has
yet obtained government assistance in this regard, despite public complaints. A
former Tazmamart detainee, Mohamed IfTiaui, complained to the press that the
Government refused his application for a passport and denied him a voter registra-
tion card. The Government claims that Ifliaui does not appear on the voter lists and
has not requested a passport.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Government claims that the use of torture has been discontinued, but news-
papers and other sources indicate that security forces still torture and abuse detain-
ees. The fact that detainees are not allowed to have contact with family or lawyers
during the first 48 hours of incarceration (see Section l.d.) increases the likelihood
of torture and abuse.
According to local human rights advocates, one of the problems in documenting
torture and abuse is that autopsies are not routine. They are onlv carried out at
the request of the state prosecutor and at the order of a judge. The lack of autopsies
indicates that follow-up investigations into deaths in custody are inadequate (see
Section l.a.).
In a January crackdown on Islamist student activities on campus, security forces
beat students, many of them innocent bystanders (see Section 2.b.). Police also beat
student protesters at Hassan II University in September (see Section 2.b.). Students
arrested in the January-February crackdown on Islamist students on campuses al-
leged that they were beaten during their initial detentions. In July the OMDH re-
ported that demonstrators arrested in Ait Ishak for protesting against fraud in the
election of the local council chief were detained overnight and tortured at the offices
of a local Interior Ministry official. Police beat textile workers in February (see Sec-
tions 2.b. and 6.b.), and the (jovernment used force against demonstrators during
the June local elections (see Sections 3). Security forces violently broke up several
student demonstrations, beating students so severely that some (reportedly as many
as 20 in one instance) were placed in intensive care. One student reportedly died
due to injuries caused by security force beatings (also see Sections l.a., l.d., 2.a.,
and 2.b.).
Although prison conditions remain harsh, they have reportedly improved in recent
years, due in part to reforms undertaken at the suggestion of the Royal Consultative
Council of Human Rights. Nonetheless, credible reports indicate that harsh treat-
ment and conditions continue, with state security prisoners more likely to be victim-
ized. In May the AMDH complained about conaitions in Kenitra central prison,
which contributed to the deaths of eight prisoners who were already in poor health.
Also in May, prisoners at Oukacha prison in Casablanca wrote to an Arabic lan-
guage newspaper to repwrt eight deaths from February to April due to malnutrition
and an absence of medical care. These allegations follow a 1996 open letter from
detainees at Kenitra prison alleging seven deaths due to poor conditions. In Septem-
ber 28 prisoners died when a fire broke out at the Oukacna prison. In response, the
Justice Minister admitted that the prison, designed for 5,000 inmates, actually held
8,831. There (jovemment claims to nave granted prisoners' demands for daily visits,
access to newspapers, and better medical care, but there was no independent con-
firmation of such changes.
The Government does not generally permit prison visits by human rights mon-
itors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Legal provisions for due process have
been revised extensively in recent years, although reports indicate that the authori-
ties sometimes ignored them (see Section I.e.). Although police usually make arrests
1533
in public, they do not always identify themselves and do not always obtain war-
rants. Incommunicado ("garde-a-vue") detention is limited to 48 hours, with one 24-
hour extension allowed at the prosecutor's discretion. In state security cases, the
"garde-a-vue" period is 96 hours; this may also be extended by the prosecutor. It
is during this initial period, when defendants are denied access to counsel, that the
accused is interrogated and abuse or torture is most likely to occur. Some members
of the security forces, long accustomed to indefinite precharge access to detainees,
continue to resist the new rules.
Lawyers are not always informed of the date of arrest, and thus are unable to
monitor compliance with the "garde-a-vue" detention limits. While the law provides
for a limited system of bail, it is rarely used. Defendants are, however, sometimes
released on their own recognizance. The law does not provide for habeas corpus or
its equivalent. Under a separate code of military justice, military authorities may
detain members of the military without warrants or public trial.
Although the accused are generally brought to trial within an initial period of 2
months, prosecutors may order up to five additional 2-month extensions of pretrial
detention. Thus, an accused person can be kept in pretrial detention for up to 1
year.
Security forces beat and arrested students in a number of demonstrations on cam-
pus across the country in November (also see Sections l.a.. I.e., 2. a., and 2.b.).
There are no known instances of enforced exile, although a number of dissidents
live abroad in self-imposed exile. Their number has been steadily diminishing, how-
ever, as many returned to Morocco following a broad-based amnesty decree issued
by the Government in 1994.
Many human rights groups consider Abraham Serfaty to be a Moroccan exile. A
member of the (now defunct) Conrmiunist Party and a supporter of Saharan inde-
pendence, Serfaty was released in 1991 after 17 years in prison. Upon his release,
the Government declared that Serfaty was a Brazilian rather than a Moroccan citi-
zen, because his father was a naturalized Moroccan citizen originally from Brazil.
Based on this Serfaty was expelled from Morocco. This decision has been widely
criticized by human rights groups. In July 1996, Serfaty's wife was stopped at the
Casablanca airport and prohibited from entering the country. Serfaty has appealed
his expulsion, and awaits a response.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but all courts are subject to extrajudicial pressures, including bribery and gov-
ernment influence.
There are three levels in the court system, courts of first instance, the Appeals
Court, and the Supreme Court. While in theory there is a single court system under
the Ministry of Justice, two other courts also operate: the Special Court of Justice
that handles cases of civil servants implicated in corruption and the Military Tribu-
nal for cases involving military personnel and on certain occasions matters pertain-
ing to state security, although state security also falls within the jurisdiction of the
regular court system.
Although there is a single court system for most nonmilitary matters, family is-
sues such as marriage, divorce, child support and custody, and inheritance are adju-
dicated by judges trained in Islamic law, or Shari'a. Judges considering criminal
cases or cases in non-family areas of civil law are generally trained in the French
legal tradition. All judges trained in recent years are graduates of the National In-
stitute for Judicial Studies, where they undergo 2 years of study heavily focused on
human rights and the rule of law. It is not necessary to be a lawyer to become a
judge and the majority of judges are not lawyers.
Parliament authorized the creation of special tribunals in January to hear com-
mercial complaints and resolve all small- claims cases, thus easing the burden on
the traditional court system.
In general detainees are arraigned before a court of first instance. If the infraction
is minor and not contested, the judge may order the defendant released or impose
a light sentence. If an investigation is required, the judge may release defendants
on tneir own recognizance. Cases are often adjudicated on the basis of confessions,
some of which are obtained under duress, according to reliable sources.
All courts are subject to extrajudicial pressures. Salaries for both judges and their
staffs are extremely modest; as a result, petty bribery has become a routine cost of
court business. In many courts, especially in minor criminal cases, defendants or
their families pay bribes to court officers and judges to secure a favorable disjwsi-
tion.
A more subtle corruption derives from the judiciary's relationship with the Min-
istry of Interior. Judges work closely with the Ministry's network of local officials,
or caids," who serve as members of the Judicial Police and often assume personal
responsibility for the questioning of criminal detainees. They also frequently prepare
1534
the written summary of an arrest and subsequent interrogation. The summary is
admissible in court and may be the only evidence introduced at trial, effectively ren-
dering it an instruction passed from the caid's office to the court. Credible sources
report that judges who hope for higher salaries and career advancement follow tiie
caid's guidance closely.
The law does not distinguish political and security cases from common criminal
cases. In serious state security cases, communications between the Ministry of Inte-
rior and the court are more direct. At the Government's discretion, such cases may
be brought before a specially constituted military tribunal, which is subservient to
other branches of the Government, notably the military and the Ministry of Interior.
Aside from external pressures, the court system is also subject to resource con-
straints. Consequently, criminal defendants charged with less serious offenses often
receive only a cursoiy hearing, with judges relying on police reports to render deci-
sions. Although the Government provides an attorney at public expense for serious
crimes (i.e., when the offense carries a maximum sentence of over 5 years), ap-
pointed attorneys often provide inadequate representation.
During student demonstrations in January, the OMDH condemned the Govern-
ment's use of an administrative circular, signed by three ministers, which conferred
responsibility for security on campuses upon Justice Ministry magistrates, giving
them an inappropriate public security role.
In June the OMDH and AMDH charged that members of the Party of the Demo-
cratic and Socialist Avante-garde, known by its French acronym PADS, did not re-
ceive fair trials for having called for an elections boycott. Many of the over 130
PADS members arrested throughout the country were sentenced to short prison
terms for violating laws banning calls for election boycotts, distribution of unauthor-
ized tracts, illegal gatherings, and civil disturbances. Many PADS members were
charged and convicted of violating Article 90 of the Electoral Code, among other
statutes, which provides for 1 to 3 months' imprisonment and a fine of $127 to $527
(1,200 to 5,000 dirhams) for "anyone . . . who incites one or more voters to abstain
from voting." The PADS detainees were swiftly tried, often receiving only cursory
legal defenses before receiving their sentences (see Section 2. a.).
The OMDH estimates that there are some 60 political prisoners, of which 50 are
Islamists and the remainder are leftists. Among the 50 alleged Islamists are 16
members of the "Group of 26." The Ministry of Interior claims that there are 55
Islamists serving sentences for offenses that range from arms smuggling to partici-
pating in a bomb attack on a hotel in Marrakech. However, some of these prisoners
remain in prison for having called for an Islamic state in 1983. International human
rights groups estimate of the number of persons in prison for advocating independ-
ence for the Western Sahara vary from none to 700. The AMDH lists 42 political
prisoners who were detained between 1984 and 1996.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution states that the home is inviolable and that no search or investigation
may take place without a search warrant. The law stipulates that a search warrant
may be issued by a prosecutor on good cause. Authorities frequently ignore these
provisions.
Government security services monitor certain persons and organizations, both for-
eign and Moroccan; government informers monitor activities on university cam-
puses.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Although the Constitution provides for freedom
of expression, the Government seriously restricts press freedom in certain areas.
The Government owns the official press agency, Maghreb Arab Press, and the Ar-
abic daily Al-Anbaa. The Government also supports two semiofficial dailies, the
French-language Le Matin and the Arabic-language Assahra, in addition to provid-
ing subsidies to the rest of the press through price supports for newsprint and office
space. A 1958 decree grants the Government the authority to register and license
domestic newspapers and journals. Authorities can use the licensing process to pre-
vent the publication of materials that they believe cross the threshold of tolerable
dissent. Offending publications may be declared a danger to state security, seized,
the publisher's license suspended, and equipment destroyed. The Ministry of Inte-
rior can control foreign publications by collecting "banned" publications after they
have been distributed. In general, however, the Government does not employ ex-
treme measures, since the media regularly engage in self-censorship to avoid the
Government's attention and possible sanctions.
The Press Code empowers the Minister of Interior to confiscate publications that
are judged offensive by the Government. Under the Code the Prime Minister may
order the indefinite suspension of a publication.
1535
The Press Code empowers the Government to censor newspapers directly by or-
dering them not to report on specific items or events. In most instances, government
control of the media generally is exercised through directives and "guidance" from
the Ministry of Interior. Nonetheless, the Gtovemment generally tolerates satirical
and often stinging editorials in the opposition parties' dailies. However, both law
and tradition prohibit criticism on three topics: the monarchy, Morocco's claim to the
Western Sahara, and the sanctity of Islam.
There were some notable instances of censorship during the year. In January au-
thorities banned the January 25 issue of the London- based Arabic language weekly
Al-Mustaqilla, which carried an article about Islamic fundamentalism in Morocco.
In February authorities delayed distribution of copies of the Paris-based English
language daily International Herald Tribune that carried commentary critical of Mo-
rocco. In January journalists appealed the Prime Minister's November 1996 order
banning Al Ousboua Al Siasia, a popular tabloid widely distributed in major cities,
for publishing unflattering stories on children of top officials, including those of the
Prime Minister and the Minister of Interior. Nonetheless, the tabloid remains
closed. In November the Government seized copies of Le Monde and The Economist
that carried articles critical of the Government. The December 11 edition of the
French weekly L'Express also was banned due to an article critical of the November
elections and speculation on the uncertainties of the post-Hassan era.
The Government controls RTM radio broadcasts. Another major broadcaster is the
French-backed MEDI-1, which operates from Tangier and reaches throughout Mo-
rocco and North Africa. While nominally private and independent, MEDI-1 prac-
tices self-censorship, as do other Moroccan media outlets. The Government owns the
only television stations whose broadcasts can be received in most parts of the nation
without decoders or satellite dish antennas. In 1996 the Government purchased a
majority share in 2M, formerly the country's sole private station, which can be re-
ceived in most urban areas. The ostensible reason for the Government's action was
to save 2M from bankruptcy; the Government now owns 68 percent of 2M stock and
the Minister of Information by virtue of his position has become the chairman of
the board. Since then, a government-approved committee has monitored broadcasts
for objectionable material. Dish antennas are available on the market and permit
free access to a variety of foreign broadcasts. Residents of the north can receive
Spanish broadcasts with standard antennas. The Government does not impede the
reception of foreign broadcasts or Internet access.
In April Malika Malik, host of a popular monthly talk show on television channel
2M, was dismissed for failing to control the statements of guests appearing on her
show. During the March broadcast, a journalist appearing on her program had
asked a political party leader a question that alleged the Interior Minister's complic-
ity in election fraud. She was reemployed by her former employer, the Ministry of
Social Affairs, in August.
During the local election campaign, the Government arrested over 130 demonstra-
tors of the left-wing PADS party lor having distributed tracts calling for a boycott
of the elections. Most of the detainees received 1- to 3-month sentences and mod-
erate fines for calling for an election boycott, creating civil disturbances, and gather-
ing illegally (see Section I.e.).
The universities enjoy relative academic freedom in most areas, but are barred
from open debate on the monarchy, the Western Sahara, and Islam. Government
informers monitor campus activities (see Section l.f.) and rectors are approved by
the Ministry of Interior. Police beat students on several occasions (sec Sections I.e.
and 2.b.).
University students, many of whom were member of the Islamist Justice and
Charity Organization (JCO), demonstrated on campus across the country November
25-27 to protest, among other issues, transportation and lack of freedom to gather.
In many cases, security forces violently intervened to break up the many sit-ins,
gatherings, and marches. On November 25, confrontations at Mohammed Ben
Abdullah University in Fez led to several casualties. One student, Moncef Azzouzi,
reportedly died of head injuries sustained from beatings by the security forces.
Three other persons were seriously injured, with one now in intensive care. More
students in Fez were injured on November 27 when, after news of Azzouzi's death,
they organized a march to the University from the hospital where he and others
were treated. Police intervened and beat some students so severely that they were
placed in intensive care (some reports put the number at 20).
Students in Tangiers sponsored a sit-in and hunger strike on November 27 to pro-
test lack of transportation and freedom of assembly. Security forces reportedly inter-
vened violently and arrested many students. One was placed in intensive care and
others were hospitalized. In Casablanca and Mohammedia, an altercation on No-
1536
vember 28 led to the arrest of two students at the Faculty of Law for illegally gath-
ering on campus (also see Sections l.a., I.e., l.d., and 2.b.).
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — ^Although the Constitution pro-
vides for freedom of assembly, the law also permits the &)vemment to suppress
even peaceful demonstrations and mass gatherings. Most conferences and^ dem-
onstrations require the prior authorization of the Ministry of Interior, ostensibly for
security reasons.
In a continuation of 1996 protests, members of the Association of Unemployed
University Graduates, an unofficial organization not sanctioned by the Government,
continued to hold periodic sit-ins in front of the Union Marocaine du Travail (UMT)
labor union's Rabat headauarters to protest high unemployment and government in-
action. There was little omcial reaction until August 22, when the police used force
to block another association of unemployed university PhD graduates from marching
to Parliament to demand jobs, injuring several marchers. Earlier, on August 14, po-
lice used force to intimidate protesters from the same ^roup who gathered peacefully
at the Foreign Ministry to present a petition to the Pnme Minister and the Foreign
Minister. A government representative accepted the student petitions and the crowd
dispersed peacefully.
In February police beat textile workers in Sale who were demanding better pay
and conditions during a sit-in organized at the factory gates (see Section 6.b.).
In January the (jovemment initiated a crackdown on student demonstrations over
transportation costs which were being exploited by Islamic fundamentalist groups.
The Islamist groups provoked the security forces by taking the demonstrations out-
side the campus boundaries for the first time. In Casablanca elite security forces
entered campuses, breaking up any gatherings, and beating students, many of
whom were innocent bystanders not involved in Islamist activities. In one instance,
security forces herded students out of a library where they had been studying and
beat them with truncheons as a warning not to become active in Islamist activities.
In September police violently broke up demonstrations of students protesting con-
ditions on the Hassan II University campus and lack of freedom to assemble and
Rray. Police beat several students and arrested up to 25 of the demonstrators. In
fovember security forces violently broke up several student demonstrations on cam-
pus across the country, severely beating protesters and causing numerous injuries,
mcluding one death (also see Sections l.a.. I.e., l.d., and 2.a.).
The Constitution provides for freedom of association, however, the (jovemment
limits this right in practice. Under a 1958 decree, persons wishing to create an orga-
nization must obtain the approval of the Ministry of Interior before holding meet-
ings. In practice the Ministry uses this requirement to prevent persons suspected
of advocating causes opposed by the Government from forming legal organizations.
Islamist and leftist groups have the greatest difficulty in obtaining ofiicial approval,
although there are over 20 active Islamist groups. The (Government has prohibited
membership in two. Justice and Charity and Jama'a Islamia, due to their perceived
anti-monarchy rhetoric. Political parties must also be approved by the Ministry of
Interior, which uses this power to control participation in the political process. How-
ever, individual Islamists are not barred from participating in recognized political
parties.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^Although the Constitution provides for freedom of reli-
gion, only Islam, Christianity, and Judaism are tolerated in practice.
Islam is the official religion. Ninety-nine percent of citizens are Sunni Muslims,
and the King bears the title commander of the faithful. The Jewish community of
no more than 5,000 is allowed to practice its faith, as is the somewhat larger foreign
Christian community. The Baha'i community of 150 to 200 people has been forbid-
den to meet or hold communal activities since 1983.
Islamic law and tradition calls for strict punishment of any Muslim who converts
to another faith, although voluntary conversion is not a crime under the Criminal
or Civil Codes. Any attempt to induce a Muslim to convert is illegal. Foreign mis-
sionaries either limit their proselytizing to non-Muslims or conduct their work quiet-
ly. In June in Tangier, two U.S. citizens were briefiv detained and subsequently ex-
pelled after authorities suspected that they intended to proselytize. In August in
Settat, five South Africans were expelled for the same reason. At the same time an
American was refused permission to reenter Morocco from a brief trip outside the
country because of suspicion that he was engaged in proselytizing. Also in August
in Fez, an American was expelled after he was charged with proselytizing and pos-
session of Arabic-language Bibles.
The Ministry of Islamic Affairs monitors Friday mosque sermons and the Koranic
schools to ensure the teaching of approved doctrine. The authorities sometimes sup-
press the activities of Islamists, but generally tolerate activities limited to the prop-
agation of Islam, education, and charity. Security forces commonly close mosques to
1537
the public shortly after Friday services to prevent use of the premises for unauthor-
ized political activity. Authorization to construct new mosques is strictly controlled
by the Government.
The Government permits the display and sale of bibles in French, English, and
Spanish, but confiscates Arabic language bibles and refuses licenses for their impor-
tation and sale.
Throughout the year, some members of Morocco's small Baha'i community were
convoked by Interior Ministry officials for questioning concerning their faith and
meetings. Some Baha'is have been denied passports, while others were permitted to
travel abroad only for medical emergencies.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Although the Constitution provides for freedom of movement, in prac-
tice security forces set up checkpoints throughout the country and stop traffic at
wiU. In some regions the checkpoints have been maintained in the same places for
years, creating what some characterize as internal frontiers. Reports persist that po-
lice use these checkpoints to demand monetary payments. In the Moroccan-adminis-
tered portion of the Western Sahara, movement is restricted in areas regarded as
militarily sensitive.
The Ministiy of Interior restricts freedom to travel outside Morocco in certain cir-
cumstances. The OMDH and AMDH have compiled lists of individuals who have re-
portedly been denied passports. The AMDH's list includes 70 persons. In addition,
all civil servants and military personnel must obtain written permission from their
ministries to leave the country. Baha'is experience difficulty in obtaining travel doc-
uments (see Section 2.c.).
In June 1996, Maria Oufkir, who had spent 14 years under house arrest, was able
to leave Morocco and emigrate to France. Oufkir is the dau^ter of Mohamed
Oufkir, a general and Interior Minister during the 1960's who was implicated in the
1971 coup attempt against King Hassan. Oufkir died under mysterious cir-
cumstances in 1972. His family spent the following 14 years under house arrest and
in prison. Although nominally released in 1986, the Oufkir family remained barred
from traveling outside Morocco until Maria Oufkir's move to France. While her
fli^t has been described as an escape, sources report that the Oufkirs were issued
passports shortly before her departure, and it is acknowledged that she departed
with at least the tacit consent of^the Government.
Moroccans may not renounce their citizenship, but the King retains the power —
rarely used — to revoke it. Tens of thousands of Moroccans hold more than one citi-
zenship and travel on passports from two or more countries. While in Morocco, they
are regarded as Moroccan citizens. As a result, the Government has sometimes re-
fused to recognize the right of foreign embassies to act on behalf of dual nationals
or even to be informed of their arrest and imprisonment. Dual nationals sometimes
complain of harassment by immigration inspectors.
The Government welcomes voluntary repatriation of Jews who have emigrated.
Moroccan Jewish emigres, including those with Israeli citizenship, freely visit Mo-
rocco. The Government also encourages the return of Sahrawis who have departed
Morocco due to the conflict in the Western Sahara — provided that they recognize the
Government's claim to the region. The Government does not permit Saharan nation-
alists who have been released from prison to live in the disputed territory.
The Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. There were
no reports of forced expulsion of anyone having a valid claim to refugee status.
While Morocco has from time to time provided political asylum to individuals, the
issue of first asylum has never arisen.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Constitutional provisions notwithstanding, in practice citizens do not have the
right to change their national government by democratic means. The King, as Head
of State, appoints the Prime Minister, who is the titular head of government. The
Parliament has the theoretical authority to effect change in the system of govern-
ment, but has never exercised it. Moreover, the Constitution may not be changed
without the King's approval. The Ministry of Interior appoints the provincial gov-
ernors and local caids. Municipal councils are elected.
Constitutional changes in 1992 authorized the Prime Minister to nominate all
government ministers, but the King has the power to replace any minister at will.
Any significant surrender of power from the Crown to the Prime Minister's office
was further diluted when the King transferred to the Secretaries General, who serve
at the King's pleasure, many of the powers previously vested in the Ministers.
1538
Morocco created a bicameral legislature in 1997. Sixteen parties have members
in Parliament. The opposition parties have consistently urged that all Members of
Parliament be directly elected by the people. Instead, the King proposed creating
a bicameral legislature, whereby all members of the lower chaniber would be di-
rectly elected by the people and all members of the second chamber indirectly se-
lected.
On June 13, Morocco held municipal council elections, followed by balloting for re-
gional professional councils. In the wake of the June election, political parties ac-
cused each other of manipulation and vote-buying, and claimeci government inter-
vention on behalf of candidates. Allegations of fraud during the June elections are
still pending before the Election Commission. The OMDH condemned the prominent
role of the Interior Ministry in the June elections, as well as the numerous allega-
tions of vote-buying both by the Government and political parties, electoral list ma-
nipulation by the Government, and electoral card falsification. The OMDH also criti-
cized the arrest of members of the PADS party, who were detained for distributing
tracts that called for an election boycott, as well as the Government's use of force
against demonstrators in Ait Ishak, near Khenifra.
In August King Hassan convoked a special session of Parliament to ratify two
laws creating a bicameral assembly. On August 17, Parliament unanimously ap-
proved these laws, which created a 325-seat lower house to be filled by direct elec-
tions, and a 270-seat upper house whose member would be elected by various pro-
fessional and regional councils. There were widespread, credible allegations of vote
buying and government manipulation in the November legislative elections. The
fraud and government pressure tactics led most independent observers to conclude
that the election results were heavily influenced, if not predetermined, by the Gov-
ernment. All opposition parties criticized the Government, and some called for a
boycott of Parliament. Two winners renounced their seats; alleging unsolicited gov-
ernment interference on their behalf. The Government is investigating some of the
complaints, other it is deliberately ignoring.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics. Since August, for the
first time, there are 4 female Secretaries of State in the 28-member Cabinet. There
are 2 women among the 325 members of Parliament's Chamber of Deputies and 2
women in the Chaniber of Counselors.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are three officially-recognized nongovernmental human rights groups: the
Moroccan Human Rights Organization (OMDH), the Moroccan League Tor the De-
fense of Human Rights (LMDH), and the Moroccan Human Rights Association
(AMDH). A fourth group, the Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CDDH),
was formed in 1992 by former AMDH members.
The Royal Consultative Council on Human Rights (CCDH), an advisory body to
the King, counsels the palace on matters such as prison reform. In naming the in-
terim government, the King consolidated several ministerial portfolios, thereby
eliminating the Human Rights Ministry from the Government; however, he named
a former Human Rights Minister as Minister of Justice.
Amnesty international (AI) has local chapters in Rabat, Casablanca, and Marra-
kech. These chapters participate in AI international letter campaigns outside Mo-
rocco.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Although the Constitution states that all citizens are equal, non-Muslims and
women face discrimination in the law and traditional practice.
Women.— Spousal violence is common. Although a oattered wife has the right to
complain to the police, as a practical matter she would do so only if prepared to
bring criminal charges. While physical abuse is a legal ground for divorce, the court
will only grant it if the woman can provide two witnesses to the abuse. Even medi-
cal certificates are not sufficient. Ii the court finds against the woman, she is re-
turned to her husband's home. Consequently, few women report abuse to the au-
thorities.
The Criminal Code includes severepunishment for men convicted of rape or sexu-
ally assaulting a woman or a girl. The defendants in such cases bear the burden
of proving their innocence. However, sexual assaults often go unreported because of
the stigma attached to the loss of virginity. A rapist may be offered the opportunity
to marry his victim in order to preserve the honor of the victim's family. The law
is more lenient toward men with respect to crimes committed against their wives;
1539
for example, a light sentence or reprimand may be accorded a man who has mur-
dered his wife after catching her in the act of adultery.
Women suffer various forms of legal and cultural discrimination. The civil law
status of women is governed by the Moudouwana, or Code of Personal Status, which
is based on Islamic law. Although the Moudouwana was reformed in 1993, women's
groups still complain of unequal treatment, particularly under the laws governing
marriage and divorce.
In order to marry, a woman is generally required to obtain the p>ermission of her
"tuteur," or legal guardian, usually her father. Only in unusual circumstances may
she act as her own "tuteur."
It is far easier for a man to divorce his wife than for a woman to divorce her hus-
band. Rather than asking for a divorce, a man may simply repudiate his wife.
Under the 1993 reforms to the Moudouwana, a woman's presence in court is re-
quired in order for her husband to divorce her, although women's groups report that
tnis law frequently is ignored. The divorce can be finalized even over the woman's
objections, although in such cases the court grants her unspecified allowance rights.
A woman seeking a divorce has several alternatives. She may offer her husband
money to agree to a divorce (known as a khol'a divorce). The husband must agree
to the divorce and is allowed to specify the amount to be paid — without limit. Ac-
cording to women's groups, many men pressure their wives to pursue this kind of
divorce. A woman also may file for a judicial divorce if her husband chooses to take
a second wife, if she has been abandoned by her husband, or if she is a victim of
physical abuse. However, divorce procedures in these cases are lengthy and com-
plicated.
Under the Criminal Code, women are generally accorded the same treatment as
men, but this is not the case for family and estate law, which is based on the
Malikite school of Islamic law. Under this law, women inherit only half as much
as male heirs. Moreover, even where the law provides for equal status, cultural
norms often prevent a woman from exercising those rights. When a woman inherits
property, for example, male relatives may pressure her to relinquish her interest.
While many well-educated women pursue careers in law, medicine, education, and
government service, few make it to the top echelons of their professions. Women
constitute approximately 35 percent of the work force, with the majority in the in-
dustrial, service, and teaching sectors. The Government reports that the illiteracy
rate for women is 67 percent, compared with 41 percent for men. Women in rural
areas suffer most from inequality. Rural women perform most hard physical labor,
and the literacy rate in the countryside is significantly lower for women than for
men. Girls are much less likely to be sent to school than are boys, especially in rural
areas when the quality of schooling is inferior to urban areas. Women who do earn
secondary school diplomas, however, have equal access to university education.
Children. — The Government provides compulsory education for children between
the ages of 7 and 13. The Government conducts an annual campaign to vaccinate
children against childhood diseases.
The Government has taken little action to end child labor (see Section 6.d.).
Young girls in particular are exploited as domestic servants. Some orphanages are
knowing accomplices to the practice of adoptive servitude, in which families adopt
young girls who perform the duties of domestic servants in their new homes. Credi-
ble reports of physical abuse are widespread. The practice is often rationalized as
a better alternative to keeping the girls in orphanages. This practice is socially ac-
cepted, attracts little criticism and is unregulated by the Government.
Another problem facing orphans of both sexes is lack of civil status. Normally,
men are registered at local government offices; their wives and unmarried children
are included in this registration, which confers civil status. Civil status is necessary
to obtain a birth certificate, passport, or marriage license. If a father does not reg-
ister his child, the child is without civil status and the benefits of citizenship. It is
possible for an individual to self-register, but the process is long and cumbersome.
People With Disabilities. — A high incidence of disabling disease, especially polio,
has produced a large population of disabled persons. While the Ministry of Social
Affairs contends that tne Government endeavors to integrate the disabled into soci-
ety, in practice this is left largely to private charities. However, even charitable spe-
cial education programs are priced beyond the reach of most families. Typically, dis-
abled persons survive by begging. The Government continued a pilot training pro-
gram for the blind sponsored in part by a member of the royal family. There are
no laws mandating physical changes to buildings to facilitate access by the disabled.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — The Constitution affirms, and the (govern-
ment respects, the legal equality of all citizens. The official language is Arabic. Both
French and Arabic are used in the news media and educational institutions. Science
and technical courses are taught in French, thereby eliminating the large,
1540
monolingual Arabic-speaking population from these programs. Educational reforms
in the past decade have stressed the use of Arabic in secondary schools. Failure to
similarly transform the university system has effectively disqualified many students
from higher education in lucrative fields. This is especially true among the poor, for
whom French training is not always affordable.
Some 60 percent of the population claim Berber heritage. Berber cultural groups
contend that Berber traditions and the three remaining Berber languages are rap-
idly being lost. Their repeated requests to the King to permit the teaching of Berber
languages in the schools led to a royal decree authorizing the necessary curriculum
changes, although no changes have yet occurred.
In June 1996, a number of Berber associations issued a conmiunique petitioning
the Government to recognize their language, Amzaghi, as an official language and
to acknowledge the Amzaghi culture as a part of Moroccan society. The Government
thus far has made no response to the petition.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Although workers are free to establish and join trade
unions, the unions themselves are not completely free from government interference.
Perhaps half a million of Morocco's 9 million workers are unionized in 17 trade
union federations. Three federations dominate the labor scene: the Union Marocaine
du Travail (UMT), the Confederation Democratique du Travail (CDT), and the
Union Generale des Travailleurs Marocains (UGTM). The UMT has no political af-
filiation, but the CDT is affiliated with the Socialist Union of Popular Forces, and
the UGTM with the Istiqlal Party.
It is widely believed that the Ministry of Interior has informants within the
unions who monitor union activities and the election of officers. Sometimes union
officers are subject to government pressure. Some unions, particularly the UMT, ex-
perienced increased harassment and violent intervention by security forces in efforts
to break up its work stoppages during the year. Union leadership does not always
uphold the rights of members to select their own leaders. There has been no case
01 the rank and file voting out its current leadership and replacing it with another.
For example, in March the CDT held its third national congress, during which it
reelected Noubir El Amaoui, who ran unopposed, as Secretary General.
Workers have the right to strike and do so. Work stoppages are normally intended
to advertise grievances and last 48 to 72 hours or less. The public health care sector
experienced numerous strikes of limited duration throughout the year. Employees
in the banking, education, and phosphates sectors also held limited strikes. In Janu-
ary taxi drivers in the Rabat area held a strike over issues including insurance costs
and vehicle inspections.
Unions belong to regional labor organizations and maintain ties with inter-
national trade union secretariats.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right to organize and
bareain collectively is implied in the constitutional provisions on the right to strike
ana the right to join oi^anizations. Trade union federations compete among them-
selves to organize workers. Any group of 8 workers may organize a union and a
worker may change union affiliation easily. A work site may contain several inde-
pendent locals or locals affiliated with more than one labor federation.
In general the Government ensures the observance of labor laws in larger compa-
nies and in the public sector. In the informal economy, and in the textile and handi-
crafts industries, both the Government and management routinely ignore labor laws
and regulations. As a practical matter, unions have no judicial recourse to oblige
the Government to enforce labor laws and regulations.
The laws governing collective bargaining are inadequate, collective bargaining has
been a longstanding tradition in some parts of the economy such as the industrial
sector, especially heavy industry, but the practice has not spread to other sectors
such as the service and informal sectors. The wages and conditions of employment
of unionized workers are generally set in discussions between employer and worker
representatives. However, wages for the vast majority of workers are unilaterally
set by employers.
Employers wishing to dismiss workers are required by law to notify the provincial
governor through the labor inspector's office. In cases where employers plan to re-
place dismissed workers, a government labor inspector provides replacements and
mediates the cases of workers who protest their dismissal. Any worker dismissed
for conrmiitting a serious infraction of work rules is entitled by law to a court hear-
ing.
There is no law specifically prohibiting antiunion discrimination. Employers com-
monly dismiss workers for union activities regarded as threatening to employer in-
terests, as occurred at textile plants in Sale in February (see Section 2.b.). The
1541
courts have the authority to reinstate such workers, but are unable to ensure that
employers pay damages and back pay.
Ministry of Labor inspectors serve as investigators and conciliators in labor dis-
putes, but they are few in number and do not have the resources to investigate all
cases. Unions have increasingly resorted to litigation to resolve labor disputes.
Labor law reform is such a controversial issue that a draft revised Labor Code
has remained under discussion in parliamentary committee for 3 years.
Labor law applies equally to the small Tangier export zone. The proportion of
unionized workers in the export zone is about the same as in the rest of the econ-
omy.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor was
prohibited in 1957 when the International Labor Organization's (ILO) Convention
29 was adopted by royal decree. When authorities become aware of instances of
forced labor, courts enforce the decree. However, in practice, the Government lacks
the resources to inspect all plfices of work to ensure that forced labor is not being
used.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children, but does not en-
force this prohibition effectively. The practice of adoptive servitude, in which fami-
lies adopt young girls who serve as domestic servants, is socially accepted, and the
Government does not regulate it. Physical abuse in such cases is widespread (see
Section 5).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Abuse of
the child labor laws is common. The law prohibits the employment or apprenticeship
of any child under 12 years of age.
Education is compulsory for children between the ages of 7 and 13 years. Special
regulations cover the employment of children between the ages of 12 and 16 years.
In practice, children are often apprenticed before age 12, particularly in the handi-
craft industry. The use of minors is common in the rugmaking industry and also
exists to some extent in the textile and leather goods industries. Children are also
employed informally as domestics and usually receive little or no wages. Safety and
health conditions as well as wages in enterprises employing children are often sub-
standard. The law prohibits forced or bonded labor by children, however the Govern-
ment does not enforce the law effectively (see Section 6.c.). The practice of adoptive
servitude is often characterized by physical abuse (see Sections 5 and 6.c.).
Ministry of Labor inspectors are responsible for enforcing child labor regulations,
which are generally well observed in the industrialized, unionized sector of the econ-
omy. However, the inspectors are not authorized to monitor the conditions of domes-
tic servants.
The Government lacks the resources to enforce laws against child labor. In fact,
there is general acceptance of the presumption that, to learn properly traditional
handicraft skills, it is necessary for children to start working at a young age. In ad-
dition, many persons argue that having children working to learn a craft is better
than having them live on the streets.
In July the Government announced a new voluntary labeling system for carpet
exports to certify that no child labor was involved in production. The system is co-
sponsored by German rug importers. However, the Government does not monitor
non-participating handicraft producers who violate child labor laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The June 1996 general strike led to negotia-
tions that have continued throughout the year among the Government, the manu-
facturers' association, and the labor confederations over increasing the minimum
wage and improving health benefits, social benefits, and housing. In August 1996,
all three parties agreed to a 10 percent increase in the minimum wage retroactive
to July 1, raising it to approximately $166 (1,661 dirhams) per month in the indus-
trialized sector and to approximately $8.10 (80.96 dirhams) per day for agricultural
workers. Neither figure provides a decent standard of living for a worker and fam-
ily— even with government subsidies for food, diesel fuel, and public transportation.
In many cases, several family members combine their income to support the family.
Most workers in the industrial sector earn more than the minimum wage. They are
generally paid between 13 and 16 months' salary, including bonuses, each year.
The minimum wage is not enforced effectively in the informal and handicraft sec-
tors, and even the Government pays less than the minimum wage to workers at the
lowest civil service grades. To increase employment opportunities for recent grad-
uates, the Government allows firms to hire them for a limited period at less than
the minimum wage.
The law provides for a 48-hour maximum workweek with no more than 10 hours
in any single day, premium pay for overtime, paid public and annual holidays, and
minimum conditions for health and safety, including a prohibition on night work for
1542
women and minors. As with other regulations and laws, these are not universally
observed.
Occupational health and safety standards are rudimentary, except for a prohibi-
tion on the employment of women in certain dangerous occupations. Labor inspec-
tors endeavor to monitor working conditions and accidents, out lack sufficient re-
sources. While workers, in principle, have the right to remove themselves from work
situations that endanger health and safety without jeopardizing their continued em-
ployment, there were no reports of any instances in which a worker attempted to
exercise this right.
WESTERN SAHARA
The sovereignty of the Western Sahara remains the subject of a dispute between
the Government of Morocco and the Polisario Front, an organization seeking inde-
pendence for the region. The Moroccan Government sent troops and settlers into the
northern two-thirds of the Western Sahara after Spain withdrew from the area in
1975 and extended its administration over the southern province of Oued Ed Dahab
after Mauritania renounced its claim in 1979. The Moroccan Government has under-
taken a sizable economic development program in the Western Sahara as part of
its long-term efforts to strengthen Moroccan claims to the territory.
Since 1973 the Polisario Front has challenged the claims of Spain, Mauritania,
and Morocco to the territory. Moroccan and Polisario forces fought intermittently
from 1975 to the 1991 ceasefire and deployment to the area of a United Nations
(U.N.) peacekeeping contingent, known by its French initials, MINURSO.
In 1975 the International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion on the sta-
tus of the Western Sahara. The Court held that while the region's tribes had histori-
cal ties to Morocco, the ties were insufficient to warrant recognition of Moroccan
sovereignty. According to the court, the people of the Western Sahara, called
Sahrawis, are entitled to self-determination. Most Sahrawis live in the area con-
trolled by Morocco, but there is a sizable refugee population near the border with
Morocco, in Algeria, and, to a lesser extent, in Mauritania. The bulk of the Sahrawi
population lives within the area delineated by a Moroccan-constructed berm, which
encloses most of the territory.
Efforts by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to resolve the sovereignty
guestion collapsed in 1984 when the OAU recognized the Saharan Arab Democratic
lepublic, the civilian arm of the Polisario Front. Morocco withdrew from the OAU
in protest.
In 1988 Morocco and the Polisario Front accepted the United Nations' plan for a
referendum that would allow the Sahrawis to decide between integration with Mo-
rocco or independence for the territory. The referendum was scheduled for January
1992, but was postponed because the parties were unable to agree on a common list
of eligible voters — aespite the previous acceptance by both parties of an updated ver-
sion of the Spanish census of 1974 as the base for voter eligibility. A complicated
formula for determining voter eligibility was ultimately devised, and in August
1994, MINURSO personnel began to hold identification sessions for voter applicants.
The voter identification process ended in December 1995 and, after several fruit-
less efforts to persuade the two parties to cooperate, the U.N. Security Council for-
mally suspended the identification process in May. The U.N. and friendly govern-
ments have continued to urge the two parties to seek a political solution to the con-
flict. In March U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan appointed former U.S. Secretary
of State James Baker as his personal envoy to examine possible approaches for a
peaceful settlement. Baker visited the region in March, and negotiations between
the Moroccan Government and the Polisario began in May. In September represent-
atives of Morocco and the Polisario met in Houston in the United States, ana agreed
to a series of compromise agreements on the 1991 U.N. Settlement Plan to hold a
referendum under U.N. auspices. According to the Houston Accords, identification
of potential voters, the referendum campaign, and vote must take place by Decem-
ber 1998.
Since 1977 the Saharan provinces of Laayoune, Smara, and Boujdour have par-
ticipated in local elections organized and controlled by the Moroccan Government.
The southern province of Oued Ed Dahab has participated in Moroccan-controlled
elections since 1983. Sahrawis whose political views are aligned with Rabat fill all
the seats allotted to the Western Sahara in the Moroccan Parliament.
The civilian population living in the Western Sahara under Moroccan administra-
tion is subject to Moroccan law. U.N. observers and foreign human rights groups
report that Sahrawis have difficulty obtaining Moroccan passports, that the Govern-
1543
ment monitors the political views of Sahrawis more closely than those of Moroccan
citizens, and that tne police and paramilitary authorities react especially harshly
against those suspected of supporting independence and the Polisario Front. Access
to the territory is limited by tne Moroccan Government, and international human
rights organisations and impartial journalists have sometimes experienced difficulty
in securing admission.
After years of denying that Sahrawis were imprisoned in Morocco for Polisario-
related military or political activity, the Government of Morocco released 300 such
prisoners in 1991. Entire families and Sahrawis who had disappeared in the mid-
1970's were among those released. The Government of Morocco has failed to conduct
a public inquiry or to explain how and why those released spent up to 16 years in
incommunicado detention without charge or trial.
There are a number of other Sahrawis who remain imprisoned for peaceful pro-
testa which urged Saharan independence. Kelthoum el-Ouanat and five other
Sahrawis were released in May 1996. El-Ouanat had been sentenced to a 20-year
term after being arrested in October 1992 following a demonstration in Smara. Prior
to her trial, she had been held in secret detention for up to 10 months during which
time she reportedly was beaten, tortured, and sexually abused.
In May 1995, 8 Sahrawi youths were arrested for demonstrating for Sahrawi inde-
fiendence; in June 1995, they were given 20-year sentences. The sentences were
ater commuted to 1 year by the King, and the 8 Sahrawis were released in July
1996, 14 months after having been taken into custody. They report that they con-
tinue to be closely monitored by the Moroccan police.
There are credible reports that 10 Sahrawis were arrested, beaten, and kept in
seclusion in May 1996 following demonstrations in several cities of the Western Sa-
hara in support of Sahrawi independence. Reportedly these 10 demonstrators have
been sentenced to terms of imprisonment ranging from 18 months to 17 years.
The Polisario Front claims that the Government continues to hold several hun-
dred Sahrawis as political prisoners and approximately 300 prisoners of war
(POW's). The Government formally denies that any Sahrawi noncombatants remain
in detention. On October 31, 1996, Morocco released 66 Sahrawi combatants who
were flown to the Tindouf area of Algeria under International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) auspices. They were accompanied by foreign diplomats. The Govern-
ment also claims that 30,000 Sahrawi refugees are detained against their will by
the Polisario in camps around Tindouf, Algeria. The Polisario denies this charge.
There are credible reports that the number of refugees in Tindouf far exceeds
30,000, but the allegation that they wish to leave has not been substantiated.
The ICRC also reports that the Polisario now holds approximately 1,900 Moroccan
POW's. A group of 185 POW's was repatriated to Morocco in a humanitarian airlift
conducted under ICRC auspices in November 1995. In April Polisario leaders offered
to release 85 Moroccan POW's as a good will gesture during U.N. envoy Baker's first
meetings in Tindouf, but details of their release have not been arranged between
Morocco and the Polisario.
Both the Moroccan Government and the Polisario Front refuse to repatriate the
remaining POW's, claiming that the U.N. settlement plan calls for the release of
POW's only after the identification process is complete.
Freedom of movement within the Western Sahara is limited in militarily sensitive
areas. Elsewhere, security forces subject travelers to arbitrary questioning and de-
tention.
There is little organized labor activity in the Western Sahara. The same labor
laws that apply in Morocco are applied in the Moroccan-controlled areas of the
Western Sahara. Moroccan unions are present in the Moroccan-controlled Western
Sahara but are moribund. The 15 percent of the territory outside Moroccan control
does not have any major population centers or economic activity beyond nomadic
herding. The Polisario-sponsored labor union, the Sario Federation of Labor, is not
active in the Western Sanara.
There were no strikes, other job actions, or collective bargaining agreements dur-
ing the year. Most union members are employees of the Moroccan Government or
state-owned organizations. They are paid 85 percent more than their counterparts
outside the Western Sahara as an inducement to Moroccan citizens to go there.
Workers in the Western Ssihara are exempt from income and value-added taxes and
receive subsidies on such commodities as Hour, oil, sugar, fuel, and utilities.
Moroccan law prohibits forced labor, which does not appear to exist in the West-
em Sahara.
Regulations on the minimum age of employment are the same as in Morocco.
Child labor appears to be less common than in Morocco, primarily because of the
absence of industries most likely to employ children, such as rug knotting and gar-
ment making. A government work program for adults, the Promotion Nationale, pro-
45-909 98-50
1544
vides families with enough income that children need not be hired out as domestic
servants. Children in the few remaining nomadic groups presumably work as shep-
herds along with other group members.
The minimum wage and maximum hours of work are the same as in Morocco. In
practice, however, workers in some fish processing plants may woric as much as 12
nours per day, 6 days per week, well beyond the 10-hour day, 48-hour week maxi-
mum stipulated in Moroccan law. Occupational health and safety standards are the
same as those enforced in Morocco. They are rudimentary, except for a prohibition
on the employment of women in dangerous occupations.
OMAN
The Sultanate of Oman is a monarchy which has been ruled by the Al Bu Sa'id
family since the middle of the 18th century. It has no political parties or directly
elected representative institutions. The current Sultan, Qaboos Bin Sa'id Al Sa'id,
acceded to the throne in 1970. Although the Sultan retains firm control over all im-
portant policy issues, he has brought tribal leaders — even those who took up arms
against his famil/s rule — as well as other notables into the Government. In accord-
ance with tradition and cultural norms, much decisionmaking is by consensus
among these leaders. In 1991 the Sultan established the 59-seat Consultative Coun-
cil, or Majlis Ash-Shura, which replaced an older advisory body. The Government
selects Council members from lists of nominees proposed by each of the 59 wilayats
(regions). After the first national census in 1993, the Sultan expanded the member-
ship of the new Council to 80 seats. In 1997 it was expanded further to 82 seats.
The Council has no formal legislative powers but may question government min-
isters, even during unrehearsed televised hearings, and recommend changes to new
laws on economic and social policy, sometimes leading to amendments to proposed
decrees. In December the Sultan appointed 41 persons as members of the new Coun-
cil of State (Majlis Al-Dawla), which with the current Consultative Council forms
the bicameral body known as the Majlis Oman (Council of Oman). In late 1996, the
Sultan promulgated by decree the country's "Basic Law," which provides for citizens'
basic rights in writing for the first time. The courts are subordinate to the Sultan
and subject to his influence.
The internal and external security apparatus falls under the authority of the Min-
istry of Palace Oflice which coordinates all intelligence and security policies. The In-
ternal Security Service investigates all matters related to internal security. The
Royal Oman Police, whose head also has cabinet status, performs regular police du-
ties, provides security at airports, serves as the country's immigration agency, and
maintains a small coast guard. There are credible reports that security forces occa-
sionally abuse detainees.
Since 1970 Oman has used its modest oil revenue to make impressive economic
grogress and improve public access to health care, education, and social services,
'man has a mixed economy with significant government participation in industry,
transportation, and communications. The Government seeks to diversify the econ-
onriy and stimulate private investment.
The Government continues to restrict or deny important human rights. Human
rights abuses include arbitrary arrest, mistreatment of detainees, prolonged deten-
tion without charge, and the denial of due process. The Government restricts free-
dom of expression and association and does not ensure full rights for workers and
women. As a practical matter, the people do not have the right to change their gov-
ernment.
The 1996 Basic Law provides for many basic human rights, e.g., an independent
judiciary, freedom of association, speech, and press. The Basic Law permits the Gov-
ernment 2 years, until 1998, to adopt the necessary implementing decrees but, as
a practical matter, implementation may be extended to the year 2000.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Security forces abuse some detainees, particularly during interrogation. The abuse
does not appear to be systematic and often varies depending upon the social status
of the victim, the official involved, and the location of the incident (e.g., whether it
1545
occurs in a rural or an urban area). Despite reported oflicial efforts to prevent such
abuse, incidents still occur. Security officials sometimes beat detainees but are often
careful to conceal evidence of abuse by employing such tactics as restricting blows
to less visible areas of the body. Detainees are sometimes left in isolation with
promises of release or improved treatment as a further means to elicit confessions
or information. Although judges have the right to order investigations of allegations
of mistreatment, there is no recent evidence that any officer has been punished for
abusing detainees. The 1996 Basic Law, yet to be implemented, specifically prohibits
"physical or moral torture" and stipulates that all confessions obtained by such
methods will be considered null and void. There was no evidence of torture in 1997.
However, in the recent past, techniques reportedly range from sleep deprivation to
harsher measures such as hanging a bound victim from a steel bar in such a way
that the wrists must support the full weight of the body.
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of prisons. Neverthe-
less, prison conditions appear to meet minimum international standards. Access to
some prisoners is severely restricted.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The police may obtain warrants prior to
making arrests but are not required by law to do so. The authorities must obtain
court orders to hold suspects in pretrial detention. Within 24 hours of arrest, the
police are required to file charges or ask a magistrate judge to order continued de-
tention. In practice, however, the police do not always follow these procedures.
Judges may order detentions for 14 days to allow investigation and may grant ex-
tensions if necessary. There is a system of bail. The 1996 Basic Law provides for
certain legal and procedural rights for detainees.
Police handling of arrests and detentions constitutes incommunicado detention in
some instances. The police do not always notify a detainee's family or, in the case
of a foreign worker, the worker's sponsor of the detention. Sometimes notification
is made only just prior to the detainee's release. The authorities post a list of per-
sons scheduled for trial near the magistrate court building in Muscat. The police
do not always permit attorneys and family members to visit detainees. Judges occa-
sionally intercede to ensure that security officials allow such visits.
The Government does not practice exile as a form of punishment. The 1996 Basic
Law prohibits exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The 1996 Basic Law affirms the independence of
the judiciary; however the various courts are subordinate to the Sultan and subject
to his influence. The Sultan appoints all judges, acts as a court of final appeal, and
intercedes in cases of particular interest, especially in national security cases. How-
ever, there have been no reported instances in which the Sultan has overturned a
decision of the magistrate courts or the commercial court.
The judiciary comprises the magistrate courts, which adjudicate misdemeanors
and criminal matters; the Islamic, or Shari'a, courts, which adjudicate personal sta-
tus cases such as divorce and inheritance; the commercial court; the Labor Welfare
Board; and the Rent Dispute Committee, which hears tenant-landlord disputes.
In May the Government promulgated into law the provisions of the 1996 Basic
Law pertaining to "family law", i.e., law that falls under the purview of the Shari'a
courts. The effect of this new law has been to regularize the nature of the cases and
the range of corresponding judgments within the Shari'a court system.
A State Security Court tries cases involving national security and criminal cases
that the Government decides require expeditious or especially sensitive handling.
Magistrate court judges have presided over trials in the State Security Court. De-
fendants tried by the Security Court are not permitted to have legal representation
present. The timing and the location of the Court's proceedings are not publicly dis-
closed. The Court does not follow legal procedures as strictly as the magistrate
courts, although prominent civilian jurists form the panel. The Sultan has exercised
hispowers of leniency, including in political cases.
The Criminal Code does not specify the rights of the accused. There are no writ-
ten rules of evidence, codified procedures for entering cases into the criminal sys-
tem, or any legal provision for a public trial. Criminal procedures have developed
by tradition and precedents in the magistrate courts. In criminal cases, the police
provide defendants with the written charges against them; defendants are presumed
innocent and have the right to present evidence and confront witnesses. The pros-
ecution and the defense question witnesses through the judge, who is usually the
only person to question witnesses in court.
tnere are no jury trials. A single judge tries misdemeanors; a panel of three
judges tries felonies and security ofTenses. Magistrate court judges must be citizens.
Public prosecutors are senior police officers. They may bring additional charges after
defense attorneys have inspected the charge sheet or during trial.
1546
A detainee may hire an attorney but has no explicit right to be represented by
counsel. The Government does not pay for the legal representation of indigents.
However, the 1996 Basic Law affirms both right to counsel and government-funded
legal representation for indigents. Judges often pronounce the verdict and sentence
within 1 day after the completion of a trial. Defendants may appeal jail sentences
longer than three months and fines over the equivalent of $1,300 to a three-judge
panel, defendants accused of national security offenses and serious felonies do not
have the right of appeal. Death sentences, which are rare, cannot be carried out
without the Sultan's approval.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The po-
lice are not required by law to obtain search warrants. There is a widespread belief
that the Government eavesdrops on both oral and written communications, and
Omanis are guarded in both areas. Citizens must obtain permission from the Min-
istry of Interior to marry foreigners, except to nationals from the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC) countries. Such permission is not automatically granted. Delays or
denial of permission have resulted in secret marriages within Oman. Marriages in
foreign countries can lead to denial of entry into Oman of the foreign spouse and
prevent a legitimate child from claiming citizenship rights.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The law prohibits criticism of the Sultan in any
form or medium. The authorities tolerate criticism of government officials and agen-
cies, but such criticism rarely receives media coverage. The announced 1996 Basic
Law provides for freedom of opinion expressed in words, writing, or all other media
within the limits of the law.
The 1984 Press and Publication Law authorizes the Government to censor all do-
mestic and imported publications. Ministry of Information censors may act against
any material regarded as politically, culturally, or sexually offensive. However, jour-
nalists and writers genereilly censor themselves to avoid government harassment.
Editorials reflect the Government's views, although the authorities tolerate some
criticism on foreign affairs issues. The Government discourages in-depth reporting
on controversial domestic issues and seeks to influence privately owned dailies and
periodicals by subsidizing their operating costs.
The Government prohibits the entry onto the market of foreign newspapers and
magazines containing reports or statements deemed critical of Oman. However, one
foreign publication carrying an article critical of the Sultan and the Government
was sold in Oman in September. Customs officials sometimes confiscate video cas-
sette tapes and erase offensive material. The tapes may or may not be returned to
their owners. Government censorship decisions are periodically changed without ap-
parent reason. The lifting of the boycott against Israel has eliminated prohibitions
on publications from or about Israel that meet other censorship standards. There
is a general perception that the confiscation of books and tapes at the border from
private individuals and restrictions on popular novels has somewhat eased. How-
ever, it has reportedly become more difficult to obtain permission to distribute books
that censors decide have factual errors about Oman (including outdated maps) in
the local market.
The Government controls the local radio and television companies. They do not
air any politically controversial material. The Government does not allow the estab-
lishment of privately owned radio and television companies. However, the availabil-
ity of satellite dishes has made foreign broadcast information accessible to the pub-
lic. The Government, through its national telecommunications company, provides
full, uncensored Internet access to citizens and foreigners.
The appropriate government authority, such as Sultan Qaboos University, the po-
lice, or the relevant ministry must approve public cultural events, including plays,
concerts, lectures, and seminars. Most organizations avoid controversial issues due
to fear that the authorities may cancel their events. Academic freedom is restricted,
particularly regarding controversial matters, including politics. Professors may be
dismissed for going beyond acceptable boundaries.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law does not guarantee
freedom of assembly. All public gatherings require government sponsorship. The au-
thorities do not always enforce this requirement, and gatherings sometimes take
place without formal government approval. Regulations implemented in 1994 re-
stricting most types of public gatherings remain in effect. The 1996 Basic Law pro-
vides for limited freedom of assembly.
Current law states that the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor must approve
the establishment of all associations and their bylaws. Despite this ruling, some
groups are allowed to function without formal registration. The Government uses
1547
the power to license associations as a means to control the political environment.
It does not license groups regarded as a threat to the predominant social or political
views of the Sultanate. Formal registration of associations for expatriates is limited
to a maximum of one association for any nationality. The 1996 Basic Law's provi-
sions— not yet in effect — regulate the formation of associations.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Islam is the state religion, which is affirmed by the 1996
Basic Law. The 1996 Basic Law provides that Islamic law (Shari'a) is the basis for
legislation and preserves the freedom to practice religious rites, in accordance with
tradition, provided that does not breach public order. Discrimination against indi-
viduals on the basis of religion or sect is prohibited. Implementing decrees for the
1996 Basic Law have not yet been established.
Most Omanis are Ibadhi or Sunni Muslims, but there is also a minority of Shi'a
Muslims. Non-Muslims are free to worship at churches and temples built on land
donated by the Sultan. There are many Christian denominations which utilize two
plots of donated land on which two Catholic and two Protestant churches have been
built. Hindu temples also exist on government provided land. Other land has been
made available to Catholic and Protestant missions in Sohar and Salalah.
The Government prohibits non-Muslims from proselytizing Muslims. It also pro-
hibits non-Muslim groups from publishing relirious material, although material
printed abroad may l)e brought into the country. Members of all religions and sects
are free to maintain links with coreligionists abroad and undertake foreign travel
for religious purposes. Due to government restrictions on public gatherings, there
has been a substantial curtailment of non-Muslim religious celebrations in recent
years.
The police monitor mosque sermons to ensure that the preachers do not discuss
political topics and stay within the state-approved orthodoxy of Islam. The Govern-
ment expects all imams to preach sermons within the parameters of standardized
texts distributed monthly by the Ministry of Justice, Awqaf, and Islamic AlTairs.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government does not restrict travel by citizens within the country
except to military areas. Foreigners, other than diplomats, must obtain a govern-
ment pass to cross border points. To obtain a passport and depart the country, a
woman must have authorization from her husband, father, or nearest male relative.
However, a woman having an Omani identity card, which must be obtained via
male authorization, may travel to certain Gulf Cooperation Council countries with-
out a passport.
Until the promulgation of the Basic Law, the Government did not have a policy
on refugees, or a tradition of harboring stateless or undocumented aliens. The 1996
Basic Law prohibits the extradition oi political refugees. The issue of the provision
of first asylum did not arise in 1997. Oman offered temporary refuge to several
thousand Yemenis in 1994 displaced by a civil war. They returned to Yemen follow-
ing the war's end. Tight control over the entry of foreigners into the country has
effectively screened out would-be refugees.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Oman is an autocracy in which the Sultan retains the ultimate authority on all
important foreign and domestic issues. The country has no formal democratic politi-
cal institutions, and its citizens do not have the ability peacefully to change their
leaders or the political system.
The Sultan promulgated Oman's first defacto written constitution, known as the
Basic Law, in Noveniber, 1996. Although it has immediate force of law, laws and
regulations to implement its provisions are to be phased in by the year 2000. The
law does not provide for political parties or direct elections. Citizens have indirect
access to senior officials through the traditional practice of petitioning their patrons,
usually the local governor, or wali, for redress of grievances. Successful redress de-
gends on the efiectiveness of the patron's access to appropriate decisionmakers. The
ultan appoints the governors. The Sultan makes an annual 3-week tour of the
country, accompanied by his ministers. The tour allows the Sultan to listen directly
to his subjects' problems.
In 1991 Sultan Qaboos established a Consultative Council, or Majlis Ash-Shura.
In 1994 he expanded the number of Council seats to 80 from the original 59, a move
that allocated 2 members for districts with a higher population. Due to the 1994-
1997 population increase, the number of seats was further expanded to 82 for the
October elections. The Government selects the Council members from several nomi-
nees, both male and female, elected by prominent persons in each district. In the
October elections, over 50,000 Omani men and women, 3 percent of the total popu-
lation, were eligible to vote in all districts throughout the country. These voters (or
1548
electors) had volunteered for the position, their police records were checked by the
Government, and they were subject to government approval. In some cases, nomi-
nees with the most votes might not win appointment to the Council, if the Sultan
decides not to appoint them. The Council has no formal legislative powers, which
remain concentrated in the Sultan's hands. However, it serves as a conduit of infor-
mation between the people and the government ministries. No serving government
official is eligible to be a council member. The Council may question government
ministers in public or in private, review all draft laws on social and economic policy,
and recommend legislative changes to the Sultan, who makes the final decision. In
mid-December the Sultan announced the appointment of 41 persons to the new
Majlis Al-Dawla (Council of State). The precise responsibilities of the Council of
State and its relationship to the existing Consultative Council remain to be clarified.
As provide for in the 1996 Basic Law, the Council of State and the Consultative
Council together will form the Majlis Oman, or Council of Oman.
The Sultan has publicly advocated a greater role for women in both the public
and private sectors. In the October elections, the Government selected two women
to serve on the Consultative Council. In December the Sultan appointed 4 women
to the 41-member Majlis Al-Dawla.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government prohibits the establishment of human rights groups. The exist-
ing restrictions on the freedom of speech and association do not permit any activity
or speech critical of the Government. There were no known requests by inter-
national human ri^ts organizations to visit Oman.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The 1996 Basic Law prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, ethnic origin,
race, religion, language, sect, place of residence, and social class. However, decrees
to implement its provisions have not been promulgated. Institutional and cultural
discrimination based on gender, race, religion, social status, and disability exists.
Women. — There is no evidence of a pattern of spousal abuse although observers
say that allegations of such abuse in the Shari'a Courts are not uncommon. Defini-
tive information is scant and difficult to collect. Doctors do not have a legal respon-
sibility to report either spouse or child abuse cases to the courts. Battered women
may file a complaint with the police but more often seek family intervention to pro-
tect them from violent domestic situations. Likewise, families seek to intervene to
keep such problems out of public view. There have been reports that employers or
male coworKers have sexually harassed foreign females employed in such positions
as domestic servants and hospital nurses. Foreign women employed as domestic
servants and garment workers have complained that their employers have withheld
their salaries and that government officials have been unresponsive to their griev-
ances. Individuals known to be abusing domestics are not always brought to account
for their actions. Several foreign women have had to ask their governments' em-
bassy for shelter to escape abuse.
Most women live within the confines of their homes. They continue to face many
forms of discrimination. Illiteracy among older women hampers their ability to own
property, participate in the modern sector of the economy, or even inform them-
selves of their rights. Government officials frequently deny women land grants or
housing loans and prefer to conduct business with a woman s husband or other male
relative.
Some aspects of Islamic tradition also discriminate against women. Islamic law
favors male heirs in adjudicating inheritance claims. Many women are reluctant to
take an inheritance dispute to court for fear of alienating tne family.
However, since 1970 conditions for women have improved dramatically in several
areas. Whereas in 1970 no schools existed for girls, the most recent figures available
from the Ministry of Education report an enrollment rate nearing 90 percent for all
girls eligible for elementary school. In the 1996-97 school year, female students con-
stituted approximately 50 percent of the total number of students attending public
schools. Despite the addition of an extra 500 male students in September, women
still constitute roughly half of the 5,000 students at Sultan Qaboos University. In
November 542 women and 327 men received bachelors degrees as members of the
eighth graduating class, while 5 women and 2 men received masters degrees. The
university has a quota system with the apparent goal of increasing the number of
men studying certain specialties. Reportedly, women are being limited to 50 percent
of the seats m the medical department and are not permitted to pursue degrees in
1549
engineering and archeology. The quotas are expected to allow women to constitute
a majority m some other departments.
Women have also made gains in the work force. Some educated women have at-
tained positions of authority in government, business, and the media. Approximately
20 percent of all civil servants are women. In both the public and private sectors,
women are entitled to maternity leave and equal pay for equal work. The bureauc-
racy, the countiys largest employer of women, observes such regulations, as do
many private sector employers. Still, many educated women face job discrimination
because prospective employers fear they might resign to marry or raise families.
Several women employees in the Government have complained that they have been
denied promotion in favor of less capable men. Government grants for study abroad
are limited almost exclusively to males.
Children. — The Government has made the health, education, and general welfare
of children a budgetary priority. Primary school education is free and universal but
not compulsory. Most children attend school through secondary school, to age 18.
No signilicant sectors or groups within the population are prevented from receiving
an education. The infant mortality rate continues to decline, and comprehensive im-
munization rates have risen. There is no pattern of familial or other child abuse.
Government officials have publicly called lor greater awareness and prevention of
child abuse. A few communities in the interior and in the Dhofar region still prac-
tice female genital mutilation (FMG). FMG is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health. Experts be-
lieve that the number of such cases is small and declining annually. Oman ratified
the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1996 with reservations relating
to freedom of children to choose a religion and government spending limits.
People With Disabilities. — The Government has mandated parking spaces and
some ramps for wheelchair access in private and government office buildings and
shopping centers. Compliance is voluntary. Students in wheelchairs have easy ac-
cess to Sultan Qaboos University. The Government has established several rehabili-
tation centers for disabled children. Disabled persons, including the blind, work in
government offices. Free government medical assistance to all citizens includes
physical therapy and prosthetics support for the disabled.
Religious Minorities. — Some members of the Shi'a Muslim minority claim they
face discrimination in employment and educational opportunities. Some members of
this same community, however, occupy prominent positions in both the private and
public sectors.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Citizens of east African origin complain that
they frequently face job discrimination in both the public and private sectors. Some
public institutions reportedly favor hiring members of one or another regional, trib-
al, or religious group. However, no group is banned from employment.
Members of the Shihuh tribe in the strategic province of Musandam have charged
that security authorities have harassed and detained tribe members who complain
about alleged inattention or mistreatment by the central Government.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Government has not yet promulgated a new
labor law that was first drafted by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor in 1994.
In the last quarter of 1996, the Consultative Council recommended some changes,
but the Government has not yet issued a new labor law. Government officials have
said that the new labor law will be consistent with international labor standards.
The current law stipulates that "it is absolutely forbidden to provoke a strike for
any reason."
Labor unrest is rare. Although strikes are technically illegal, workers sometimes
stage job actions. In general these disputes are settled without police intervention.
In 1994 the Government joined the International Labor Organization.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The current law does not pro-
vide for the right to collective bargaining. It requires, however, that employers of
more than 50 workers form a joint labor-management committee as a communica-
tion forum between the two groups. The implementation of this provision is uneven,
and the effectiveness of these committees is questionable. In general the committees
discuss such Questions as living conditions at company-provided housing. They are
not authorizea to discuss wages, hours, or conditions of employment. Such issues
are specified in the work contracts signed individually by workers and employers
and must be consistent with the guidelines of the Ministry of Social Affairs and
Labor.
The current law defines conditions of employment for some Omanis and foreign
workers. It covers domestic servants and construction workers but not temporary
workers or those with work contracts that expire within 3 months. Foreign workers
1550
constitute at least 50 percent of the work force and as much as 80 percent of the
modem-sector work force.
Work rules must be approved by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor and
f>osted conspicuously in the workplace by employers of 10 or more workers. Simi-
arly, any employer with 50 or more workers must establish a grievance procedure.
Regardless of the size of the company, any employee, including loreign workers, may
file a grievance with the Labor Welfare Board. Sometimes worker representatives
file collective grievances, but most grievances are filed by individual workers. Lower
paid workers use the procedure regularly. Plaintiffs and defendants in such cases
may be represented by legal counsel.
'Hiere are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The 1973 Labor Law prohibits
forced or bonded labor by adults or children. Instances of forced or bonded child
labor are unknown. The 1996 Basic Law affirms that forced or bonded labor for any
person is prohibited. However, governmental investigative and enforcement mecha-
nisms are lacking. Foreign workers sometimes find themselves in situations
amounting to forced labor. In such cases, employers withhold letters of release, a
document releasing the worker from his employment contract, which allow him to
switch jobs. Without the letter, a foreign worker must continue to work for his cur-
rent employer or become technically unemployed — which is sufficient grounds for de-
Eortation. Many foreign workers are not aware of their right to take such disputes
efore the Labor Welfare Board. Others are reluctant to file complaints for fear of
retribution from unscrupulous employers. In most cases, the Board releases the
grievant from service and awards compensation for time worked under compulsion.
Employers face no other penalty than to reimburse the worker's back wages.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The 1973
Labor Law prohibits children under the age of 13 from working, and specifically pro-
hibits forced or bonded labor by all persons (see Section 6.c.). The Ministry of Social
Affairs and Labor enforces this prohibition. In practice, however, the enforcement
often does not extend to some small family businesses which employ underage chil-
dren, particularly in the agricultural and fisheries sectors. Children between 13 and
16 years of age may be employed but must obtain the Ministry's permission to work
overtime, at night, on weekends or holidays, or perform strenuous labor. Child labor
does not exist in any industries.
Although primary school education is not compulsory, most children attend school
to age 18.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor issues
minimum wage guidelines for various categories of workers. The minimum wage for
nonprofessional workers is about $156 (60 rials) per month. Minimum wage guide-
lines do not cover domestic servants, farmers, government employees, or workers in
small businesses. Many foreigners work in fields exempt from the minimum wage
statute. The Government is lax in enforcing minimum wage guidelines for foreign
workers employed in menial jobs. However, foreign workers with high skills are fre-
quently paid more than their Omani counterparts.
The minimum wage is sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a work-
er and family. The compensation for foreign manual laborers and clerks is sufilcient
to cover living expenses and to permit savings to be sent home.
The private sector workweek is 40 to 45 hours and includes a rest period from
Thursday afternoon through Friday. Government officials have a 35-hour workweek.
While the law does not designate the number of days in a workweek, it requires
at least one 24-hour rest period per week and mandates overtime pay for hours in
excess of 48 per week. Government regulations on hours of employment are not al-
ways enforced. Employees who have worked extra hours without compensation may
file a complaint before the Labor Welfare Board, but the Board's rulings are not
binding.
Every worker has the right to 15 days of annual leave during the first 3 years
of employment and 30 days per year thereafter. Employers provide many foreign na-
tionals, including maids, with annual or biannual round-trip tickets to their coun-
tries of origin.
All employers are required by law to provide first aid facilities. Work sites with
over 100 employees must have a nurse. Employees covered under the labor law may
recover compensation for injury or illness sustained on the job through employer-
provided medical insurance. The health and safety standard codes are enforced by
mspectors from the Department of Health and Safety of the Directorate of Labor.
As required by law, they make on-site inspections.
The law states that employers must not place their employees in situations in-
volving dangerous work. However, the law does not specifically grant a worker the
1551
right to remove himself from dangerous work without jeopardy to his continued em-
ployment.
QATAR
Qatar, an Arab state on the Persian Gulf, is a monarchy without democratically
elected institutions or political parties. It is governed by the ruling Al-Thani family
through its head, the Amir. In June 1995, the ruling family, in consultation with
other leading Qatari families, replaced Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani with his
son. Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani. This transition of authority did not rep-
resent a change in the basic governing order. The former Amir and his retinue were
implicated in a foiled coup attempt in February 1996. Subsequently, in October
1996, the former Amir concluded an agreement to return an unspecified amount of
funds from his private accounts to the state treasury, a move widely seen as tacit
recognition of his son's re^me. The former Amir remains outside of Qatar. The
amended Provisional Constitution, promulgated in April 1972, institutionalizes the
customs and mores of the country's conservative Islamic heritage. The Amir holds
absolute power, the exercise of which is influenced by religious law, consultation
with leading citizens, rule by consensus, and the right of any citizen to appeal per-
sonally to the Amir. The Amir usually legislates only after consultation with leading
citizens, an arrangement institutionalized through the advisory council, an ap-
pointed body that assists the Amir in formulating policy. The judiciary is nominally
independent, but most judges hold their positions at the Gk)vernment's pleasure.
Qatar has efficient police and security services. The civilian security force, con-
trolled by the Interior Ministry, comprises two sections: The police and the General
Administration of Public Security; and the Investigatory Police (Mubahathat) which
is responsible for sedition and espionage cases. The Interior Ministry is also in the
process of establishing a special state security investigative unit (Mahabat) to jjer-
form internal security investigations throughout the government and to gather in-
telligence. In addition, there is an independent civilian intelligence service
(Mukhabarat).
The State owns most basic industries and services, but the retail and construction
industries are in private hands. Oil is the principal natural resource, but the coun-
try's extensive natural gas resources are playing an increasingly important role. The
rapid development of the 1970's and 1980's created an economy in which expatriate
workers, mostly South Asian and Arab, outnumber Qataris by a ratio of 4 or 5 to
1. The Government tries to reduce this ratio by offering many government jobs only
to citizens.
The Government restricts citizens' rights. However, there was limited progress in
a few areas. Citizens do not have the right to change their government. Other prob-
lems include arbitrary detentions in security cases, restrictions on the freedoms of
speech, press, association, religion, and workers' rights. There was some progress in
the areas of press freedom and religion. Women's rights are closely restricted, and
non-Qatari workers face systematic discrimination.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There have been no reported instances of torture for several years. The Government
administers most corporal punishment prescribed by Islamic law but does not allow
amputation.
Prison conditions generally meet minimum international standards. The Govern-
ment does not permit domestic human rights groups to exist, and no international
human rights organization has asked to visit the country or its prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The authorities generally charge suspects
within 48 hours. In most cases involving foreigners, the police promptly notify the
appropriate consular representative. Suspects detained in security cases are gen-
erally not afforded access to counsel and may be detained indefinitely while under
investigation. There are no known recent cases of incommunicado detention.
A number of persons suspected in the attempted February 1996 coup were ar-
rested. A public trial of 110 defendants began in November 1997; the court granted
1552
a defense motion to postpone further action in the case until February 1998 to allow
the defense time to prepare its case.
Involuntary exile nas occurred but is rare. There were no reported cases this year.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is nominally mdependent, but most
judges are foreign nationals who hold residence permits granted by the civil authori-
ties and thus hold their positions at the Governments pleasure. The number of
Qatari citizen judges is increasing.
The judiciary flnds itself dealing with the bureaucracies of two ministries. Civil
(or Adlea) courts are subordinate to the Ministry of Justice, and religious (or
Shari'a) courts fall under the Ministry of Endowments and Islamic Affairs. The
prosecutors fall under the Ministry of Interior.
There are three types of courts: the civil courts, which have jurisdiction in civil
and commercial matters; the Shari'a Court, which has jurisdiction in family and
criminal cases; and the rarely convened state security courts. There are no perma-
nent state security courts. Security cases, which are rare, are tried by ad hoc mili-
tary courts. Although state security cases may be conducted in secret, there have
been no cases before these courts since the new Amir assumed power. Defendants
tried by all courts have the right to appeal. Occasionally in the Shari'a Court, the
same judge will hear the original case and the appeal.
The legal system is biased in favor of Qataris and the (Jovernment. A Muslim liti-
gant may request the Shari'a Court to assume jurisdiction in commercial or civil
cases. Non-Muslims are not allowed to bring suits as plaintiffs in the Shari'a Court.
This practice prevents non-Muslim residents from obtaining full legal recourse.
Trials in the civil courts are public, but in the Shari'a Court only the disputing par-
ties, their relatives, associates, and witnesses are allowed in the courtroom. Lawyers
do not play a formal role except to prepare litigants for their cases. Although non-
Arabic speakers are provided with interpreters, foreigners are disadvantaged, espe-
cially in cases involving the performance of contracts.
Defendants appear before a judge for a preliminary hearing within 7 days of their
arrest. Judges may extend pretrial detention a week at a time to allow the authori-
ties to conduct investigations. Defendants in the civil courts have the right to be
represented by defense attorneys but are not always permitted to be represented by
counsel in the Shari'a court.
Shari'a trials are usually brief Shari'a family law trials are often held without
counsel. After both parties have stated their cases and examined witnesses, judges
are likely to deliver a verdict after a short deliberation. Criminal cases are normally
tried within 2 to 3 months after suspects are detained. There is no provision for bail
in criminal cases. However, foreigners charged with minor crimes may be released
to a Qatari sponsor. They are prohibited from departing the country until the case
is resolved.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Tradi-
tional attitudes of respect for the sanctity of the home and the privacy of women
provide a great deal of protection against arbitrary intrusions for most citizens and
residents. A warrant must be obtained before police may search a residence or busi-
ness, except in cases involving national security or emergencies. However, warrants
are issued by police officials rather than by judicial authorities. There were no re-
ports of unautnorized searches of homes during the year. The police and security
forces are believed to monitor the communications of suspected criminals, those con-
sidered to be security risks, and selected foreigners.
With prior permission, which is usually granted, Qataris may marry foreigners of
any nationality and apply for residence permits or Qatari nationality for their
spouses.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government reduced restrictions on free-
dom speech and of the press, and permitted a significant expansion of press freedom
during the year. The (Government formally lifted censorship of the media in 1995
and since then the press has been essentially free of government interference. How-
ever, journalists continue to practice self-censorship, due to real or perceived social
and political pressures. For example, no instance of explicit criticism of any citizen,
whetner in public or private life, has been noted in local newspapers. Qatar tele-
vision and radio are state-owned, but the privately-owned Qatari satellite television
channel Al-Jazeera operates freely.
There were no reports of instances of political censorship of foreign news media
or broadcasts of foreign programs on local television over the past year. The Censor-
ship GfTice in the Ministry of Information was abolished (together with the Min-
istry) in October 1996, but censors still work at broadcast media under the overall
1553
supervision of the Ministry of Religious Endowments. Pornography and expressions
deemed hostile to Islam are subject to censorship, but actual censorship is applied
irregularly.
Customs officials screen imported print media, videocassettes, etc., for pornog-
raphy, but have stopped blocking the importation of non-Muslim religious items.
A growing number of citizens and residents have access to the Internet, provided
through the state-owned telecommunications monopoly. Internet access appears to
be uncensored and unrestricted.
Citizens enjoy broad freedom of speech, but are restricted by the social and family
restraints of a very traditional society. There appears to be no fear of government
monitoring of private speech. The larger expatriate population, however, does not
believe it enjoys the same freedoms and acts accordingly.
There is no legal provision for academic freedom. Most instructors at the Univer-
sity of Qatar exercise self-censorship.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government severely lim-
its freedom of assembly. The Government does not allow political demonstrations.
The Government severely limits freedom of association. The Government does not
allow political parties or membership in international professional organizations
critical of the Government or any other Arab government. Private social, sports,
trade, professional, and cultural societies must be registered with the Government.
Security forces monitor the activities of such groups.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The state religion is Islam, as interpreted by the puri-
tanical Wahhabi branch of the Sunni tradition. The Government officially prohibits
public worship by non-Muslims, however, it tolerates and protects private services
conducted behind closed doors if notification is provided to the authorities. The po-
lice provide traffic control for previously notified catholic services, which number up
to a thousand or more persons at times. The Government recently began to issue
visas to Christian clergy, as clergy, under foreign embassy sponsorship. There are
no restrictions on non-Muslims providing religious instruction to their children.
However, non-Muslims may not proselytize and conversion from Islam is theoreti-
cally a capital offense. However, there is no record of any execution for such a con-
version since independence.
The Government allows Shi'a Muslims to practice their faith freely, however, com-
munity leaders have agreed to refrain from certain public practices such as self-flag-
ellation.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no restrictions on internal travel, except around sensitive
military and oil installations. Generally, women do not require permission from
male guardians to travel. However, men may prevent female relatives from leaving
the country by placing their names with immigration officers at ports of departure.
Technically, women employed by the Government must obtain official permission to
travel abroad when requesting leave, but it is not known to what extent this regula-
tion is enforced. Citizens critical of the Government face restrictions on their right
to travel abroad.
All citizens have the right to return. Foreigners are subject to immigration restric-
tions designed to control the size of the local labor pool. Foreign workers must have
the permission of their sponsor (usually their employer) to enter and depart the
country, but their dependents may leave the country without restriction. Foreign
women married to Qataris are granted residence permits and may apply for citizen-
ship. However, if they apply for citizenship, they are exp>ected to relinquish their
foreign citizenship.
The Government has not formulated a formal policy regarding refugees, asylees,
or first asylum. Those attempting to enter illegally, including persons seeking to de-
fect from nearby countries, are refused entry. Asylum seekers who can obtain local
sponsorship or employment are allowed to enter and may remain as long as they
are employed. A Bahraini Air Force pilot defected to Qatar in December 1996, and
the Government said he was free to stay, calling him a refugee and offering him
its full protection.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right to change their government or the political system
peacefully. Qatar has no formal democratic institutions. There have been reports
that some of the 19 signers of a December 1991 petition calling for greater political
freedom and constitutional reform continued to be subject to travel restrictions. The
political institutions blend the characteristics of a traditional Bedouin tribal state
and a modem bureaucracy. There are no political parties, elections, or organized op-
position groups.
1554
In November, the Amir publicly pledged to create a democratically elected munici-
pal council; and legislation to establish an election law and create the council re-
mained under discussion at year's end.
The Amir exercises most executive and legislative powers, including appointment
of cabinet members. However, his rule is tempered by local custom, including the
need for consensus and religious traditions. Interlocking family networks, together
with the right of citizens to submit appeals or petitions to the Amir, provide infor-
mal avenues for the redress of many grievances. The custom of rule by consensus
leads to extensive consultations among the Amir, leading merchant families, reli-
gious leaders, and other notables on important matters.
Under the amended Provisional Constitution, the Amir must be chosen from and
by the adult males of the Al Thani family.
Women do not have the right to vote or participate in politics. However, in No-
vember the Amir announced plans to give women the right to vote and to run for
election to the proposed municipal council. Draft legislation that would provide for
these rights remained under discussion at year's end.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not permit local human rights organizations to exist. No
international human rights organizations are known to have asked to investigate
conditions in Qatar. However, in November Amnesty International was asked to
send an observer to the trial of those accused in the February 1996 coup attempt,
as were some foreign embassies.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Institutional, cultural, and legal discrimination based on gender, race, religion, so-
cial status, and disability exists.
Vfomen. — Violence against women and spousal abuse occur but are not believed
to be widespread. However, some foreign domestics, especially those from South
Asia and the Philippines, have been mistreated by employers. In keeping with Is-
lamic law, all forms of physical abuse are illegal. The maximum penalty for rape
is death. The police actively investigate reports of violence against women. In the
last few years, the Grovemment has demonstrated an increased willingness to arrest
and punish offenders, whether citizens or foreigners. Offenders who are citizens
usually receive lighter punishments than foreigners. Abused domestic workers usu-
ally do not press charges for fear of losing their iobs.
The activities of women are closely restrictea both by law and tradition. For ex-
ample, a woman is prohibited from applying for a driver's license unless she has
permission from a male guardian. This restriction does not apply to non-Qatari
women. The Government adheres to Shari'a law in matters of inheritance and child
custody. While Muslim wives have the right to inherit from their husbands, non-
Muslim wives do not, unless a special legacy is arranged. In cases of divorce, Shari'a
(Islamic) law prevails; younger children remain with the mother and older children
with the father. Both parents retain permanent rights of visitation. Local authori-
ties, however, do not allow a non-Qatari parent to take the children out of the coun-
try without permission of the Qatari parent. Women may attend court proceedings
but are generally represented by a male relative. There has been a steady increase
in the number and severity of complaints of spousal abuse by foreign wives of
Qatari and foreign national men.
Women are lai^ely relegated to the roles of mother and homemaker, but some
women are now finding jobs in education, medicine, and the news media. However,
the number of professional women is too small to determine whether they are re-
ceiving equal pay for equal work. Increasingly, women are receiving government
scholarships to pursue degrees at universities overseas. The Amir has entrusted his
second wife, who is the mother of the Heir Apparent, with the high-profile task of
establishing a university in Doha. In November 1996, the Government appointed its
first female undersecretary, in the Ministry of Education. Although women are le-
gally able to travel abroad alone (see Section 2.d.), tradition and social pressures
cause most to travel with male escorts. There have also been complaints that Qatari
husbands retrieved their foreign spouses' passports and, without prior approval,
turned them in for Qatari documents. The husbands then inform these wives that
they had lost their previous nationality. In other cases, foreign citizen wives report
being forbidden by husbands or in-laws to visit or contact foreign embassies.
There is no independent women's rights organization, nor has the Government
permitted the establishment of one.
1555
Children. — The Government demonstrates its commitment to children's rights
through a well-ftinded, free public education system (elementary through university)
and a complete medical protection program lor Qatari children. However, children
of most foreigners are denied free education and have only limited medical coverage.
There is no societal pattern of abuse of children.
People With Disabilities. — The Government has not enacted legislation or other-
wise mandated provision of accessibility for the disabled, who also face social dis-
crimination. The Government maintains a hospital and schools that provide high
quality free services to the mentally and physically disabled.
Religious Minorities.— Shi' & Muslims experience discrimination in employment in
sensitive areas such as security and education.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — The Government discriminates against some
citizens of non-Qatari origin. In the private sector, many Qataris of Iranian extrac-
tion occupy positions of tne highest importance. However, in government they are
rarely found in senior decisionmaking positions.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The right of association is strictly liniited, and all
workers, including foreigners, are prohibited from forming labor unions. Despite
this, almost all workers have the right to strike after their case has been presented
to the Labor Conciliation Board and ruled upon. Employers may close a place of
work or dismiss employees once the Conciliation Board has heard the case. The
right to strike does not exist for government employees, domestic workers, or mem-
bers of the employer's family. No worker in a public utility or health or security
service may strike if such a strike would harm the public or lead to property dam-
age. Strikes are rare, but workers at a Korean construction firm went on strike
early in the year.
The labor law provides for the establishment of joint consultative committees com-
posed of representatives of the employer and workers. The committees do not dis-
cuss wages but may consider issues including work organization and productivity,
conditions of employment, training of workers, and safety measures and their imple-
mentation.
Since July 1995, Qatar has been suspended from the U.S. Overseas Private In-
vestment Corporation (OPIC) insurance programs because of the Government's lack
of compliance with internationally recognized worker rights standards.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Workers are prohibited from
engag;ing in collective bargaining. Generally, wages are set unilaterally by employ-
ers without government involvement. Local courts handle disputes between workers
and employers.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The law prohibits forced or com-
pulsory labor. Three-quarters of the work force are expatriate workers, who are de-
pendent on a single employer for residency rights. This leaves them vulnerable to
abuse. For instance, employers must give consent before exit permits are issued to
any foreigner seeking to leave the country. Some employers temporarily withhold
this consent to force foreign employees to work for longer periods than they wish.
The Government prohibits forced and bonded labor by children and enforces this
prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Minors
between the ages of 15 and 18 may be employed with the approval of their parents
or guardians and some children may work in small, family-owned businesses. How-
ever, such child labor, Qatari or foreign, is rare. Education is compulsory through
the age of 15. Very young children, usually of African or South Asian background,
have been employed as riders in camel racing. Little information is available on
wages and working conditions for these children. The Government prohibits forced
and bonded labor by children and enforces this prohibition effectively (see Section
6.C.).
Minors may not work more than 6 hours a day or more than 36 hours a week.
Employers must provide the Ministry of Labor with the names and occupations of
their minor employees. The Ministry may prohibit the employment of minors in jobs
which are judged as dangerous to the health, safety, or morals of minors. Employers
must also obtain permission from the Ministry of Education to hire a minor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no minimum wage, although a 1962
law gives the Amir authority to set one. The 48-hour workweek with a 24-hour rest
period is prescribed by law, although most government offices follow a schedule of
36 hours a week. Employees who work more than 48 hours a week, or 36 hours a
week during the Muslim month of Ramadan, are entitled to overtime. This law is
adhered to in government offices and major private sector companies. It is not ob-
1556
served in the case of domestic and personal employees. Domestic servants frequently
work 7 days a week, more than 12 hours a day, with few or no holidays, and have
no effective way to redress grievances against their employers.
Qatar has enacted regulations concerning worker safety and health, but enforce-
ment, which is the responsibility of the Ministry of Energy and Industry, is lax. The
Department of Public Safety oversees safety training and conditions, and the state-
run petroleum company has its own set of safety standards and procedures. The
Labor Law of 1964, as amended in 1984, lists partial and permanent disabilities for
which compensation may be awarded, some connected witn handling chemicals and
petroleum products or construction injuries. The law does not specifically set rates
of payment and compensation.
Foreign workers must be sponsored by a citizen or legally recognized organization
to obtain an entry visa and must have their sponsor's permission to depart the coun-
try. Any worker may seek legal relief from onerous work conditions, but domestic
workers generally accept their situations in order to avoid repatriation. The Govern-
ment also penalizes Qatari employers who violate residence and sponsorship laws.
Some foreign domestics have been mistreated by their employers (see Section 5).
SAUDI ARABIA
Saudi Arabia is a monarchy without elected representative institutions or political
parties. It is ruled by King Fahd Bin Abd Al-Aziz Al Saud, a son of King Abd Al-
Aziz Al Saud, who unifieathe country in the early 20th century. Since the death
of King Abd al-Aziz, the King and Crown Prince have been chosen from among his
sons, who themselves have had preponderant influence in the choice. A 1992 royal
decree reserves for the King exclusive power to name the Crown Prince. The Gov-
ernment has declared the Islamic holy books, the Koran and the Sunna (tradition)
of the Prophet Muhammad, to be the country's Constitution. The Government bases
its legitimacy on governance according to the precepts of a rigorously conservative
form of Islam. Neither the Government nor the society in general accept the concept
of separation of religion and state. The Government prohibits the establishment of
political parties and suppresses opposition views. In 1992 King Fahd appointed a
Consultative Council ana similar provincial assemblies. The (Consultative Council
began holding sessions in 1993 and was expanded in 1997. The judiciary is gen-
erally independent but is subject to influence by the executive branch and members
of the royal family.
Police and border forces under the Ministry of Interior are responsible for internal
security. The Mutawwa'in, or religious police, constitute the Committee to Prevent
Vice and Promote Virtue, a semiautonomous agency that enforces adherence to Is-
lamic norms by monitoring public behavior. TTie Government maintained general
control of the security forces. However, members of the security forces committed
human rights abuses.
The oil industry has fueled the transformation of Saudi Arabia from a pastoral,
agricultural, and commercial society to a rapidly urbanizing one characterized by
large-scale infrastructure projects, an extensive social welfare system, and a labor
maritet comprised largely of foreign workers. Oil revenues account for around 35
percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) and 72 percent of government income.
Agriculture accounts for only aoout 8 percent of GDP. Government spending, includ-
ing spending on the national airline, power, water, telephone, education, and health
services, accounts for 36 percent of GDP. About 37 percent of the economy is in pri-
vate hands, and the Government is promoting further privatization of the economy.
In 1995 the Government began an aggressive campaign to increase the number of
Saudi nationals represented in the public and private work forces. The campaign
has restricted employment of some categories of foreign workers by limiting certain
occupations to Saudis only, increasing fees for some types of work visas, and setting
minimum wages for some job categories in order to increase the cost to employers
of non-Saudi labor. In 1997 the Government has offered a limited amnesty under
which illegal residents may depart the country without penalty.
The Government commits and tolerates serious human rights abuses. Citizens
have neither the right nor the legal means to change their government. Security
forces continued to abuse detainees and prisoners, arbitrarily arrest and detain per-
sons, and facilitate incommunicado detention. Prolonged detention is a problem. Se-
curity forces committed such abuses, in contradiction of law, but with the acquies-
cence of the Government. Mutawwa'in continued to intimidate, abuse, and detain
citizens and foreigners. The Government prohibits or restricts freedom of speech, the
press, assembly, association, and religion. Other continuing problems included dis-
1557
crimination and violence against women, discrimination against ethnic and religious
minorities, and strict limitations on the rights of workers. The Government dis-
agrees witii internationally accepted definitions of human rights and views its inter-
pretation of Islamic law as its sole source of guidance on human rights.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
The investigation of the 1996 Al-Khobar bombing, which killed 19 U.S. service-
men, continued. The Government has not yet issued a report of its findings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There were credible reports that the authorities continued to abuse detainees, both
citizens and foreigners. Ministry of Interior ofTicials are responsible for most inci-
dents of abuse, including beatings, sleep deprivation, and torture. The Government's
feneral refusal to grant members of diplomatic missions access to the Ministry of
nterior detention facilities or allow members of international human rights groups
into the country hinders efforts to confirm or discount reports of abuses. The Gov-
ernment's past failure to denounce human rights abuses has contributed to the pub-
lic perception that abuses can be committed with impunity.
Although the number of reports of harassment by the Mutawwa'in remained rel-
atively low in comparison with previous years, the Mutawwa'in continued to intimi-
date, abuse, and detain citizens and foreigners of both sexes (see Section l.d.).
The Government punishes criminals according to its interpretation of Islamic law
or Shari'a. Punishments include flogging, amputation, and execution by beheading,
stoning, or firing squad. In 1997 the authorities acknowledged 134 executions: 47
men and 1 woman for murder (34 Saudis and 14 foreigners); 6 men for rape (all
Saudis), 5 men for forcible sodomy (all Saudis); 64 men and 2 women for narcotics
offenses (2 Saudis and 64 foreigners); and 9 men for armed robbery (2 Saudis and
7 foreigners). The men were executed by beheading. The women were executed by
firing squad. There were no executions by stoning. In accordance with Shari'a, the
authorities may punish repeated thievery by amputation of the right hand. How-
ever, there were no amputations. Persons convicted of less serious offenses, such as
alcohol related offenses or being alone in the company of an unrelated person of the
opposite sex, were sometimes punished by flogging with a cane.
Prison and jail conditions vary throughout the Kingdom. Prisons generally meet
minimum international standards and provide air-conditioned cells, good nutrition,
regular exercise, and careful patrolling oy prison guards. However, some police sta-
tion jails are overcrowded and unsanitary. Authorities generally allowed family
members access to detainees.
Boards of Investigation and Public Prosecution, organized on a regional basis,
were established by King Fahd in 1993. The members of these boards have the right
to inspect prisons, review prisoners' files, and hear their complaints. The Govern-
ment, however, does not permit human rights monitors to visit prisons or jails. Dip-
lomats were regularly granted access to incarcerated foreign citizens. However, the
Government does not allow impartial observers of any type access to specialized
Ministry of Interior prisons, where it detains persons accused of political subversion.
Representatives oi the United Nations High Commissioner for Kefugees (UNHCR)
are present at the Rafha refugee camp housing former Iraqi prisoners of war and
civilians who fled Iraq following the Gulf War. According to UNHCR officials, there
was no systematic abuse of refugees by camp guards. When isolated instances of
abuse have surfaced in the past, the authorities have been responsive and willing
to investigate allegations and reprimand offending guards. The camp receives a high
level of material assistance ana is comparatively comfortable and well run. How-
ever, the Government generally confines refugees to the camp except in the event
of approved emigration from Saudi Arabia.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law prohibits arbitrary arrest. De-
spite the law, however, officers make arrests and detain persons without following
explicit legal guidelines. There are few procedures to safeguard against abuse. There
was only one known case of a citizen successfully obtaining judicial redress for
abuse of the Government's power of arrest and detention. In 1995 a citizen success-
fully sued the Government for wrongful imprisonment and was awarded compensa-
tion.
In accordance with a 1983 Ministry of Interior regulation, authorities usually de-
tain suspects for no longer than 3 days before charging them. However, serious ex-
ceptions have been reported. The regulation also has provisions for bail for less seri-
1558
ous crimes. Also, authorities sometimes release detainees on the recognizance of a
patron or sponsoring employer without the payment of bail. If not released, authori-
ties typically detain the accused an average of 2 months before sending their case
to trial or, in the case of some foreigners, summarily deporting them. There is no
established procedure providing detainees the right to inform their family of their
arrest. If aslced, the authorities usually confirm the arrest of foreigners to their
country's diplomats. In general, however, foreign diplomats learn about such arrests
through informal channels. The authorities may take as long as several months to
provide official notification of the arrest of forei^ers, if at all. In capital cases, au-
thorities have arrested, tried, and executed foreigners without notifying the foreign
government. In 1997 authorities frequently failed to notify diplomats of the arrest,
detention, and even deportation of foreign nationals.
The Mutawwa'in have the authority to detain people for no more than 24 hours
for violation of strict standards of proper dress and behavior. However, they some-
times exceeded this limit before delivering detainees to the police (see Section l.f.).
Current procedures require a police officer to accompany the Mutawwa'in at the
time of an arrest. Mutawwa'in generally complied with this requirement. The num-
ber of reports of Mutawwa'in arresting and detaining persons wno allegedly violated
dress and behavior standards was approximately at the same reduced level as in
the previous year.
Detainees arrested by the General Directorate of Investigation (GDI), the Ministry
of Interior's security service, are commonly held incommunicado in special prisons
during the initial phase of an investigation, which may last weeks or months. The
GDI allows the detainees only limited contact with their families or lawyers.
The authorities detain people without charge who publicly criticize the Govern-
ment or charge them with attempting to destabilize tne Government (see Sections
2.a. and 3). The authorities continued to detain Salman Al-Awdah and Safar Al-
Hawali, Muslim clerics who were arrested in September 1994 for publicly criticizing
the Government. Their detention that year sparked protest demonstrations result-
ing in the arrest of 157 persons for antigovernment activities. At the end of 1994,
27 of these persons remained in detention pending investigation. In 1997 there were
unverified but credible reports that a number of such persons were released from
prison, including Suleiman Al-Rushudi, a founding member of the dissident Com-
mittee for the Defense of Legitimate Rights (CDLK). The total number of current
political detainees cannot be determined but is estimated at less than 200 persons.
The Government released under its annual Ramadan amnesty hundreds or thou-
sands of prisoners and detainees convicted or held for minor offenses.
The total number of political detainees can not be accurately determined, but is
probably less than 50.
Since beginning the investigation of the 1996 bombing of a U.S. military facility
in Saudi Arabia, authorities have detained and interrogated an increased number
of Shi'a Muslims suspected of fundamentalist tendencies or Iranian sympathies.
The Government djd not use forced exile, and it did not revoke citizenship for po-
litical purposes in 1997. However, it has previously revoked the citizenship of oppo-
nents of tne Government who reside outside the country, such as Mohammed Al-
Masari (see Section 3) and Osama Bin Ladin, widely regarded as a financier and
organizer of terrorist activities.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^The independence of the judiciary is prescribed
by law and is usually respected in practice. However, judges occasionally accede to
the influence of the executive branch, particularly members of the royal family and
their associates. Moreover, the Ministry of Justice exercises judicial, financial, and
administrative control of the courts.
The legal system is based on Shari'a or Islamic law. Shari'a courts exercise juris-
diction over common criminal cases and civil suits regarding marriage, divorce, child
custody, and inheritance. These courts base judgments largely on the Koran and on
the Sunna, another Islamic text. Cases involving relatively small penalties are tried
in Shari'a summary courts; more serious crimes are adjudicated in Shari'a courts
of common pleas. Appeals from Shari'a courts are to the courts of appeal.
Other civil proceedings, including those involving claims against the Government
and enforcement of foreign judgments, are held before specialized administrative tri-
bunals, such as the Commission for the Settlement of Labor Disputes and the Board
of Grievances.
The Government permits Shi'a Muslims to use their own legal tradition to adju-
dicate noncriminal cases within their community.
The military justice system has jurisdiction over uniformed personnel and civil
servants charged with violations of military regulations. The Minister of Defense
and Aviation and the King review the decisions of courts-martial.
1559
The Supreme Judicial Council is not a court and may not reverse decisions made
by a court of appeals. However, the Council may review lower court decisions and
refer them back to the lower court for reconsideration. Only the Supreme Judicial
Council may discipline or remove a judge. The King appoints the members of the
Council.
The Council of Senior Religious Scholars is an autonomous body of 15 senior reli-
gious jurists, including the Minister of Justice. It establishes the legal principles to
guide lower court judges in deciding cases.
Defendants usually appear without an attorney before a Judge, who determines
guilt or innocence in accordance with Shari'a standards. Defense lawyers may offer
their clients advice before trial or may attend the trial as interpreters for those un-
familiar with Arabic. The courts do not provide foreign defendants with translators.
Public defenders are not provided. Individuals may choose any person to represent
them by a power of attorney filed with the court and Ministry of Justice. Most trials
are closed. However, in a highly publicized 1997 case involving two foreign women
charged with murder, the Saudi court conducted preliminary matters and the trial
with relatively open and transparent procedures, including more effective use of
counsel, increased consular presence, and increased family access.
A woman's testimony does not carry the same weight as that of a man. In a
Shari'a court, the testimony of one man equals that of two women. In the absence
of two witnesses, or four witnesses in the case of adultery, confessions before a judge
are almost always required for criminal conviction — a situation that repeatedly has
led prosecuting authorities to coerce confessions from suspects by threats and abuse.
Sentencing is not uniform. Foreign residents often receive harsher penalties than
citizens. Under Shari'a, as interpreted and applied in Saudi Arabia, crimes against
Muslims receive harsher penalties than those against non-Muslims. In the case of
wrongful death, the amount of indemnity or "blood money" awarded to relatives var-
ies with the nationality, religion, and sex of the victim. A sentence may be changed
at any stage of review, except for punishments stipulated by the Koran. In a case
that received much publicity, a British nurse convicted of murdering an Australian
nurse in 1996 was spared the death penalty when the victim's brother waved his
right to demand that punishment and agreed to accept "blood money" instead. A
second British nurse involved in the murder was convicted of a lesser offense and
not sentenced to death.
Provincial governors have the authority to exercise leniency and reduce a judge's
sentence. In general, members of the royal family, and other powerful families, are
not subject to the same rule of law as ordinary citizens. For example, iudges do not
have the power to issue a warrant summoning any member of the royal family.
The King and his advisors review cases involving capital punishment. The King
has the authority to commute death sentences and grant pardons except for capital
crimes committed against individuals. In such cases, he may request the victim's
next of kin to pardon the murderer — usually in return for compensation from the
family or the King.
There is insufTicient information to determine the number of political prisoners.
The Government does not provide information on such persons or respond to inquir-
ies about them. Moreover, the Government conducts closed trials for persons who
may be political prisoners and in other cases has detained persons incommunicado
for long periods while under investigation.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
sanctity of family life and the inviolability of the home are among the most fun-
damental of Islamic precepts. Roval decrees announced in 1992 include provisions
calling for the Government to defend the home from unlawful intrusions. Nonethe-
less, there are few protections from government interference with one's privacy,
family, home, or correspondence.
The police must generally demonstrate reasonable cause and obtain permission
from the provincial governor before searching a private home, but warrants are not
required.
Customs officials routinely open mail and shipments for contraband, including
material deemed pornographic and non-Muslim religious material. Customs officials
confiscated or censored offending materials, including Christian Bibles and religious
video tapes (see Section 2.c.). The authorities also open mail and use informants and
wiretaps in internal security and criminal matters. Security forces used wiretaps
against foreigners suspected of alcohol-related offenses.
The Government enforces most social and Islamic religious norms, which are mat-
ters of law (see Section 5). Women may not marry non-Saudis without government
permission; men must obtain approval from the Ministry of Interior to marry
women from countries outside the six states of the Gulf Cooperation Council. In ac-
1560
cordance with Islamic law, women are prohibited from marrying non-Muslims, but
men may marry Christians and Jews as well as Muslims.
Mutawwa'in practices and incidents of abuse varied widely in different regions of
the country. However, in certain areas, the Mutawwa'in and religious vigilantes act-
ing on their own harassed, assaulted, battered, arrested, and detained citizens and
foreigners, albeit on a lesser scale than in 1995 and earlier years (see Section l.d.).
The Government requires the Mutawwa'in to follow established procedures and to
offer instruction in a polite manner, however, Mutawwa'in did not always comply
with the requirements. The Government has not publicly condemned abuses by
Mutawwa'in and religious vigilantes but has sought to curtail them.
Mutawwa'in enforcement of strict standards of social behavior included the closing
of commercial establishments during daily praver observances, insisting upon com-
pliance with strict norms of public dress, and dispersing gatherings of women in
public places. Mutawwa'in frequently remonstrated with Saudi and foreign women
lor failure to observe strict dress codes, arrested men and women found together
who were not married or otherwise close relatives, and arrested men suspected of
homosexual activity.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government severely limits freedom of
speech and of the press. The authorities do not countenance criticism of Islam, the
ruUng family, or the Government. Persons whose criticisms align them with an or-
ganized political opposition are subject to arrest and detention until they confess
their crime or sign a statement promising not to resume such criticisms, which is
tantamount to a confession.
The print media are privately owned but publicly subsidized. A 1982 media policy
statement and a 1965 national security law prohibit the dissemination of criticism
of the Government. The media policy statement urges journalists to uphold Islam,
oppose atheism, promote Arab interests, and preserve the cultural heritage of Saudi
Arabia. The Ministry of Information appoints, and may remove, the editors-in-chief.
It also provides guidelines to newspapers on controversial issues. The Government
owns the Saudi Press Agency (SPA), which expresses oflicial government views.
Newspapers typically publish news on sensitive subjects, such as crime or terror-
ism, ono^ after it has been released by the SPA or when it has been authorized by
a senior government official. Two Saudi-owned, London-based dailies, Ash-Sharq al-
Awsat and Al-Hayat, are widely distributed and read in Saudi Arabia. Both Ash-
Sharq al-Awsat and Al-Hayat tend to practice self-censorship in order to comply
with government restrictions on sensitive issues. The authorities continue to censor
stories about Saudi Arabia in the foreign press. Censors may remove or blacken the
offending articles, glue pages together, or prevent certain issues of foreign publica-
tions from entering the market. However, the Ministry of Information continued to
relax its blackout policy regarding politically sensitive news concerning Saudi Ara-
bia reported in international mecOa, although press restrictions on reporting of do-
mestic news remain very stringent. The Government's policy in this regard appears
to be motivated in part by pragmatic considerations: Saudi access to outside sources
of information, especially Cable News Network (CNN) and other satellite television
channels, is increasingly widespread.
The Government tightly restricts the entry of foreign journalists into the King-
dom. The (Government owns and operates the television and radio companies. Gov-
ernment censors remove any reference to politics, religions other than Islam, pork
or pigs, alcohol, and sex from foreign programs and songs.
There are approximately 1 million satellite receiving dishes in the country, which
provide citizens with foreign broadcasts. The legal status of these devices is ambigu-
ous. The (Government ordered a halt to their import in 1992, at the request of reli-
fious leaders who objected to foreign programming available on satellite channels,
n March 1994, the Government banned the sale, installation, and maintenance of
dishes and supporting devices, but the number of dishes continues to increase and
residents may legally subscribe to satellite decoding services that require a dish.
The Grovemment censors all forms of public artistic expression. The authorities
prohibit cinemas and public musical or theatrical performances, except those that
are strictly folkloric.
Academic freedom is restricted. The authorities prohibit the study of evolution,
Freud, Marx, Western music, and Western philosophy. Some professors believe that
informers monitor their classroom comments and report to government and religious
authorities.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The (Jovemment strictly limits
the freedom of assembly. It prohibits public demonstrations as a means of political
expression. I\iblic meetings are segregated by sex. Unless meetings are sponsored
1561
by diplomatic missions or approved by the appropriate governor, foreign residents
seeking to hold unsegregated meetings risk arrest and deportation. The authorities
monitor any large gathering of people, especially of women. Government policy per-
mits women to attend cultural and social events at diplomatic chanceries and resi-
dences only if they are accompanied by a father, brother, or husband. However, in
practice, police orten implement the policy in an arbitrary manner. On repeated oc-
casions during the year, authorities actively prohibited escorted and unescorted
women from entering diplomatic chanceries to attend cultural events and lectures.
The Mutawwa'in dispersed groups of women found in public places such as res-
taurants.
The Government strictly limits the freedom of association. It prohibits the estab-
lishment of political parties or any type of opposition group (see Section 3). By its
power to license associations, the Government ensures that groups conform to public
policy.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Freedom of religion does not exist. Islam is the official
religion, and all citizens must be Muslims. The Government prohibits the public
practice of other relirions.
Conversion by a Muslim to another religion is considered apostasy. Public apos-
tasy is a crime under Shari'a law and punisnable by death.
Islamic practice is generally limited to that of the Wahhabi sect's interpretation
of the Hanbali school of the Sunni branch of Islam. Practices contrary to tnis inter-
pretation, such as visits to the graves of renowned Muslims, are discouraged.
The Ministry of Islamic Affairs directly supervises and is a major source of funds
for the construction and maintenance of almost all mosques in the country. The
Ministry pays the salaries of imams and others who work in the mosques. A govern-
mental committee is responsible for defining the qualifications of imams. The
Mutawwa'in receive their funding from the Government, and the general president
of the Mutawwa'in holds the rank of cabinet minister.
The Shi'a Muslim minority (roughly 500,000 of over 13 million citizens) lives
mostly in the eastern province. They are the objects of officially sanctioned political
and economic discrimination (see Section 5). Prior to 1990, the Government prohib-
ited Shi'ite public processions during the Islamic month of Muharram and restricted
other processions and congregations to designated areas in the major Shi'ite cities.
Since 1990 the authorities have permitted marches on the Shi'ite holiday of Ashura,
provided the marchers do not display banners or engage in self-flagellation. Ashura
commemorations took place in 1997 without incident. The Government seldom per-
mits private construction of Shi'ite mosques. The Shi'a have declined government of-
fers to build state-supported mosques because the (jovernment would prohibit the
incorporation and display of Shi'ite motifs in any such mosques.
The Government does not permit public non-Muslim religious activities. Non-Mus-
lim worshippers risk arrest, lashing, and deportation for engaging in religious activ-
ity that attracts official attention. There were no reports of government action
against private religious services in 1997. Furthermore, for the nrst time, a senior
Saudi leader stated publicly that the (government does not "prevent" private non-
Muslim religious worship in the home. Such private non-Muslim worship activities
occur on a wide scale through the country, including on the premises of several em-
bassies. Other high level Saudi authorities have privately confirmed that the (Jov-
emment's policy allows for private non-Muslim worship and that the Government
does not sanction investigation or harassment of such private worship services. The
(jovemment ascribes any residual harassment of private worship services to individ-
uals and organizations acting on their own authority and in contradiction of govern-
ment policy. In 1997 there were unverifiable, second-hand reports indicating that
the Mutawwa'in broke up two non-Muslim worship services in private homes in
Hafr Al-Batn and Hail.
Persons wearing religious symbols of any kind in public risk confrontation with
the Mutawwa'in. This general prohibition against religious symbols also applies to
Muslims. A Christian wearing a crucifix or a Muslim wearing a Koranic necklace
in public would be admonished. There were credible reports that Mutawwa'in ar-
rested and beat foreigners found trafficking in religious symbols.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government restricts the travel of Saudi women, who must obtain
written permission from their closest male relative before the authorities will allow
them to board public transportation between different parts of the country or travel
abroad (see Section 5). Men may travel anywhere within the country or abroad.
Foreigners are typically allowed to reside or work in Saudi Arabia only under the
sponsorship of a Saudi national or business. The (jovernment requires foreign resi-
dents to carry identification cards. It does not permit foreigners to travel outside
the city of their employment or change their workplace without their sponsor's per-
1562
mission. Foreign residents who travel within the country may be asked by the au-
thorities to show that they possess letters of permission from their employer or
sponsor.
Sponsors generally retain possession of the workers' passports. Foreign workers
must obtain permission from their sponsors to travel abroad. If sponsors are in-
volved in a commercial or labor dispute with foreign employees, they may ask the
authorities to prohibit the employees from departing the country until the dispute
is resolved. Some sponsors use this as a pressure tactic to resolve disputes in tneir
favor or to have foreign employees deported. There were numerous reports of the
Government prohibiting foreign employees involved in labor disputes from departing
the country until the dispute was resolved.
The Government seizes the passports of all potential suspects and witnesses in
criminal cases and suspends the issuance of exit visas to them until the case is tried
or otherwise concluded. As a result, some foreign nationals are forced to remain in
the country for lengthy periods against their will. The authorities sometimes con-
fiscate the passports of suspected oppositionists and their families. The Government
sometimes prevents Shi'a Muslims believed to have pro-Iranian sympathies from
traveling abroad. The Government also detained and interrogated some Saudi Shi'a
Muslims who had traveled to Iran, upon their return to Saudi Arabia (see Section
5).
Citizens may emigrate, but the law prohibits dual citizenship. Apart from mar-
riage to a Saudi national, there are no provisions for foreign residents to acquire
citizenship. However, foreigners are granted citizenship in rare cases, generally
through the advocacy of an influential patron.
The 1992 Basic Law provides that "the State will grant political asylum if the
fmblic interest mitigates" in favor of it. The language does not specify clear rules
or adjudicating asylum cases. In general, the authorities regard refugees and dis-
placed persons like other foreign workers: They must have sponsors for employment
or risk expulsion. Of the 35,000 Iraqi civilians and former prisoners of war allowed
refuge in Saudi Arabia at the end of the Gulf War, none has been granted perma-
nent asylum by the Saudis; however, the Government has underwritten the entire
cost of providing safe haven to the Iraqi refugees, and it continues to provide excel-
lent logistical and administrative support to the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) and other resettlement agencies.
At year's end, approximately 29,000 of the original 35,000 Iraqi refugees had been
resettled in other countries or voluntarily repatriated to Iraq. Most of the approxi-
mately 6,000 remaining refugees are restricted to the Rafna refugee camp. The
UNHCR has monitored over 2,800 persons voluntarily returning to Iraq from Rafha
since December 1991 and found no evidence of forcible repatriation (see Section
I.C.).
The Government has allowed some foreigners to remain temporarily in Saudi Ara-
bia in cases where their safety would be jeopardized if they were deported to their
home countries.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. There are no formal
democratic institutions, and only a few citizens have a voice in the choice of leaders
or in changing the political system. The King rules on civil and religious matters
within certain limitations established by religious law, tradition, and the need to
maintain consensus among the ruling family and religious leaders.
The King is also the Ptime Minister, and the Crown Prince serves as Deputy
Prime Minister. The King appoints all other ministers, who in turn appoint subordi-
nate officials with cabinet concurrence. In 1992 the King appointed 60 members to
a Consultative Council, or Majlis Ash-Shura. This strictly advisory body began to
hold sessions in 1993. In 1997 the King expanded the Council to 90 members, in-
cluding at least 3 Shi'a members. The Council has maintained a low profile and is
not regarded as a significant political force by either the citizenry or those in power.
The Council of Senior Islamic Scholars is another advisory body to the King and
the Cabinet. It reviews the Government's public policies for compliance with Shari'a.
The Government views the Council as an important source of religious legitimacy
and takes the Council's opinions into account when promulgating legislation.
Communication between citizens and the Government is usually expressed
through client-patron relationships and by affinity groups such as tribes, families,
and professional hierarchies. In theory, any male citizen or foreign national may ex-
gress an opinion or air a grievance at a mailis — an open-door meeting held by the
;ing, a Pnnce, or an important national or focal official. However, as governmental
functions have become more complex, time-consuming, and centralized, public access
1563
to senior ofTicials has become more restricted. Since the assassination of King Faisal
in 1975, Saudi kings have reduced the frequency of their personal contacts with the
public. Ministers and district governors more readily grant audiences at a majlis.
Typical topics raised in a majlis are complaints about bureaucratic delay or insen-
sitivity, requests for personal redress or assistance, and criticism of particular acts
of government affecting family welfare. Broader "political" concerns — social, eco-
nomic, or foreign policy — are rarely raised. Complaints about royal abuses of power
would not be entertained. In general, journalists, academics, and businessmen be-
lieve that institutionalized avenues of domestic criticism of the regime are closed.
Feedback is filtered through private personal channels and during the year affected
policy issues such as the Middle East peace process, unemployment of young Saudi
men, and the construction of new infrastructure.
The Committee for the Defense of Legitimate Rights, an opposition group, was es-
tablished in 1993. The Government act^d almost immediately to repress it. In 1994
one of its founding members, Mohammed al-Masari, fled to the United Kingdom,
where he sought political asylum and established an overseas branch of the CDLR.
In 1996 internal divisions within the CDLR spawned the rival Islamic Reform Move-
ment (IRM), headed by Sa'ad al-Eaqih. Al-Masari expressed the CDLR's "under-
standing" of two fatal terrorist bombings of American military facilities in 1995 and
1996 and sympathy for the perpetrators. The IRM implicitly condoned the two ter-
rorist attacKs in Saudi Arabia also, arguing that they were a natural outgrowth of
a political system that does not tolerate peaceful dissent. Both groups continue to
criticize the Government, using computers and facsimile transmissions to send
newsletters back to Saudi Arabia.
Women play no formal role in government and politics and are actively discour-
aged from doing so. Participation by women in a majlis is restricted, although some
women seek redress through female members of the royal family. At least 3 of the
90 members of the Majhs Ash-Shura are Shi'a.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no publicly active human rights groups, and the Government has made
it clear that none critical of government policies will be permitted. Both Amnesty
International and Human Rights Watch reported that they received no responses
to their requests for information or access to the country.
The Government does not f>ermit visits by international human rights groups or
independent monitors, nor has it fully acceded to all major international human
rights treaties and conventions. The Government disagrees with internationally ac-
cepted definitions of human rights and views its interpretation of Islamic law as the
only necessary guide to protect human rights. The Government generally ignores,
or condemns as attacks on Islam, citations of Saudi human rights abuses by inter-
national monitors or foreign governments.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
There is legal and systemic discrimination based on sex and religion. The law for-
bids discrimination based on race, but not nationality. The Government and private
organizations cooperate in providing services for the disabled. The Shia religious mi-
nority suffers social, legal, and sectarian discrimination.
Women. — The Government does not keep statistics on spousal or other forms of
violence against women. However, based on the limited amount of information avail-
able regarding physical spousal abuse and violence against women, such violence
and abuse appear to be a problem. Hospital workers report that many women are
admitted for treatment of injuries that apparently result from spousal violence.
Some foreign women have suffered physical abuse from their Saudi husbands. A
Saudi man can prevent his wife and any child or unmarried adult daughter from
obtaining an exit visa to depart Saudi Arabia (see Section 2.d.).
Foreign embassies continued to receive many reports that employers abuse for-
eign women working as domestic servants. Some embassies of countries with large
domestic servant populations maintain safehouses to which their citizens may flee
to escape work situations that include forced confinement, withholding of food, beat-
ing ana other physical abuse, and rape. Often the reported abuse is at the hands
of female Saudis. In general, the Government considers such cases family matters
and does not intervene unless charges of abuse are brought to its attention. It is
almost impossible for foreign women to obtain redress in the courts due to the
courts' strict evidentiary rules and the women's own fears of reprisals. Few employ-
ers have been punished for such abuses. There are no private support groups or reli-
gious associations to assist such women.
1564
By religious law and social custom, women have the right to own property and
are entitled to financial support from their husbands or male relatives. However,
women have few political or social rights and are not treated as equal members of
society. There are no active women's rights groups. Women, including foreigners,
may not legally drive motor vehicles and are restricted in their use of public facili-
ties when men are present. Women must enter city buses by separate rear en-
trances and sit in specially designated Sections. Women risk arrest by the
Mutawwa'in for riding in a vehicle driven by a male who is not an employee or a
close male relative. Women are not admitted to a hospital for medical treatment
without the consent of a male relative. By law and custom, women may not under-
take domestic or foreign travel alone (see Section 2.d.).
In public a woman is expected to wear an abaya, a black garment covering the
entire body, and to also cover her head and face. The Mutawwa'in generally expect
women from Arab countries, Asia, and Africa to comply more fully with Saudi cus-
toms of dress than they do Western women; nonetheless, in recent years they have
instructed Western women to wear the abaya and cover their hair. In 1997
Mutawwa'in continued to admonish and harass women to wear their abayas and
cover their hair.
Some government officials and ministries still bar accredited female diplomats in
Saudi Arabia from official meetings and diplomatic functions.
Women are also subject to discrimination under Islamic law, which stipulates that
dau^ters receive half the inheritance awarded to their brothers. In a Shari'a court,
the testimony of one man equals that of two women (see Section I.e.). Although Is-
lamic law permits polygyny, it is becoming less common. Islamic law enjoins a man
to treat each wife equally. In practice such equality is left to the discretion of the
husband. Some women participated in al-Mesyar (or "short daytime visit") mar-
riages, where the women relinquish their legal rights to financial support and night-
time cohabitation. Additionally, the husband is not required to inform his other
wives of the marriage, and the children have no inheritance rights. The Grovemment
places greater restrictions on women than on men regarding marriage to non-Saudis
and non-Muslims (see Section l.f.).
Women must demonstrate legally specified grounds for divorce, but men may di-
vorce without giving cause. If divorced or widowed, a woman normally may keep her
children until they attain a specified age: 7 years for boys, 9 years for girls. Children
over these ages are awarded to the divorced husband or the deceased husband's
family. Numerous divorced women who are foreigners continued to be prevented by
their former husbands from visiting their children after divorce.
Women have access to free, but segregated, education through the university
level. They constitute 55 percent of all university graduates but are excluded from
studying subjects such as engineering, journalism, and architecture. Men may study
overseas; women may do so only if accompanied by a spouse or an immediate male
relative.
Women make up approximately 5 percent of the work force. Most employment op-
portunities for women are in education and health care, with lesser opportunity in
business, philanthropy, banking, retail sales, and the media. In 1997 the CJovern-
ment authorized women to work in a limited capacity in the hotel industry. Women
wishing to enter nontraditional fields are subject to discrimination. Women may not
accept jobs in rural areas if they are required to live apart from their families. All
workplaces where women are present are segregated by sex. Contact with male su-
pervisors or clients is allowed oy telephone or lacsimile machine. In 1995 the Min-
istry of Commerce announced that women would no longer be issued business li-
censes for work in fields that might require them to supervise foreign workers,
interact with male clients, or deal on a regular basis with government officials.
Children. — The Government provides all children with free education and medical
care. Children are not subject to the strict social segregation faced by women,
though they are segregated by sex in schools starting at the age of 7. In more gen-
eral social situations, Doys are segregated at the age of 12 and girls at the onset
of puberty.
It is difficult to gauge the prevalence of child abuse, since the Government keeps
no statistics on such cases and is disinclined to infringe on family privacy. Societal
abuse of children does not appear to be a major problem.
People With Disabilities. — The provision oi government social services has increas-
ingly brought the disabled into the public domain. The media carry features lauding
the public accomplishments of disabled persons and sharply criticizing parents who
neglect disabled children. The Government and private charitable organizations co-
operate in education, employment, and other services for the disabled. The law pro-
vides hiring quotas for tne disabled. While there is no legislation for public acces-
sibility, newer commercial buildings often include such access.
1565
Religious Minorities. — Shi'a citizens are discriminated against in government and
employment, especially in national security ^obs. Several years ago the Government
subjected Shi'a to employment restrictions in the oil industry and has not relaxed
them. Since the Iranian revolution, some Shi'a suspected of subversion have been
subjected periodically to surveillance and limitations on travel abroad. Since the au-
thorities began investigating the 1996 bombing of an American military installation,
they have detained and interrogated an increased number of Shi'a, including Shi'a
returning to Saudi Arabia following travel to Iran (see Sections l.d and 2.d.).
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Although racial discrimination is illegal,
there is substantial societal prejudice based on ethnic or national origin. Foreign
workers from Africa and Asia are subject to various forms of formal and informal
discrimination and have the most difficulty in obtaining justice for their grievances.
For example, pay scales for identical or similar labor or professional services are set
by nationality such that two similarly qualified and experienced foreign nationals
performing the same employment duties will receive different compensation based
on their nationalities (see Section 6.b.).
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Government decrees prohibit the establishment of
labor unions and any strike activity.
In 1995 Saudi Arabia was suspended from the U.S. Overseas Private Investment
Corporation (OPIC) insurance programs because of the Government's lack of compli-
ance with internationally recognized worker rights standards.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is for-
bidden. Foreign workers comprise about half of the work force. There is no mini-
mum wage; wages are set by employers and vary according to the type of work per-
formed and the nationality of the worker (see Section 5).
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government prohibits forced
or compulsory labor pursuant to a 1962 royal decree that abolished slavery. Ratifica-
tion of the International Labor Organization (ILO) Conventions 29 and 105, which
prohibit forced labor, gives them the force of law. However, employers have signifi-
cant control over the movements of foreign employees, giving rise to situations that
might involve forced labor, especially in remote areas where workers are unable to
leave their place of work.
Some sponsors prevented foreign workers from obtaining exit visas to pressure
them to sign a new work contract or to drop claims against their employers for un-
paid salary (see Section 2.d.). In another pressure tactic, some sponsors refused to
provide foreign workers with a "letter of no objection" that would allow them to be
employed by another sponsor.
The labor laws do not protect domestic servants. There were credible reports that
female domestic servants were sometimes forced to work 12 to 16 hours a day, 7
days a week. There were numerous confirmed reports of runaway maids (see Section
5). The authorities often returned runaway maids to their employers against the
maids' wishes.
There have been many reports of workers whose employers refused to pay several
months, or even years, of accumulated salary or other promised benefits. Nondomes-
tic workers with such grievances have the right to complain before the labor courts,
but few do so because of fear of deportation. The labor system abets the exploitation
of foreign workers because enforcement of work contracts is difiicult and generally
favors employers. Labor cases can take many months to reach a final appellate rul-
ing, during which time the employer can prevent the foreign laborer from leaving
the country; alternatively, an employer can delay a case until a worker's funds are
exhausted and the worker is forced to return to his home country.
The law does not specifically prohibit forced or bonded labor by children. Nonethe-
less, with the rare exception oi criminal begging rings, and the possible exceptions
of family businesses, forced or bonded child labor does not occur (see Section 6.d.).
In 1997 the Government actively sought to eradicate forced child begging. According
to reports, criminal rings consisting almost exclusively of foreigners bought and im-
ported South Asian children, including disabled children. Ring organizers systemati-
cally forced the children to beg in the streets and then confiscated all money that
the children gained. Saudi autnorities arrested some ring organizers and returned
at least 76 children to their own countries.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The mini-
mum age for employment is 13 years of age, which may be waived by the Ministry
of Labor with the consent of the juvenile's guardian. There is no minimum age for
workers employed in family oriented businesses or in other situations that are con-
strued as extensions of the household, e.g., farmers, herdsmen, and domestic serv-
1566
ants. The law does not specifically prohibit forced or bonded labor by children, but
it is not a problem, with the rare exception of forced child begging rings, and, pos-
sibly, family businesses (see Section 6.c.).
Children under the age of 18 and women may not be employed in hazardous or
harmful industries, such as mining and industries employing power-operated ma-
chinery. While there is no formal government entity charged with enforcing the min-
imum age for employment of children, the Ministry of Justice has jurisdiction and
hsis acted as plaintiff in the few cases that have arisen against alleged violators.
In general, however, children play a minimal role in the work force.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no legal minimum wage. Labor regu-
lations establish a 48-hour workweek at regular pay and allow employers to require
up to 12 additional hours of overtime at time-and-a-half pay. Labor law provides for
a 24-hour rest period, normally Fridays, although the employer may grant it on an-
other day.
Some foreign nationals who have been recruited abroad have complained that
after arrival in Saudi Arabia they were presented with work contracts specifying
lower wages and fewer benefits than originally promised. Other foreign workers
have reportedly signed contracts in their home countries and were later pressured
to sign less favorable contracts upon arrival. Some employees report that at the end
of their contract service, their employers refuse to grant permission to allow them
to return home. Some female domestic servants were often subject to abuse (see Sec-
tions 5 and 6.c.).
Saudiization is the (jovernment's attempt to decrease the number of expatriates
working in certain occupations and to replace them with Saudi workers. To this end,
the Government has taken several long term steps, most notably limiting employ-
ment in certain fields to Saudis, by prohibiting renewal of existing contracts, and
requiring that open positions be filled by Saudi workers. There is a limited number
of persons, both influential and otherwise, who attempt to circumvent the require-
ments of the law. For example, employers have altered job descriptions or hired for-
eigners for nominally low-level positions but in fact had them fill Saudi positions.
Furthermore, influential persons may effectively circumvent the law because the
Ministry of Labor is simply unwilling to confront them.
The campaign to remove illegal immigrants from the country did little if anything
to Saudiize the economy since illegal immigrants largely work in low-income posi-
tions, which most Saudis consider unsuitable. The campaign did, however, improve
overall working conditions for legally employed immigrants in low-income positions.
The (jovemment carried out the campaign by widely publishing its intent to enforce
existing laws against illegal immigrants and Saudis employing or sponsoring illegal
immigrants. At the same time, the (jOvemment offered an amnesty of several
months duration, which allowed illegal immigrants and their employers or sponsors
to avoid the possibility of prosecution by voluntarily seeking expeditious repatri-
ation. Not less than 200,000 persons departed the country under terms of the am-
nesty. In the process, the (jovernment bowed to domestic pressure and granted
grace periods and exemptions for certain categories of illegal immigrants, thereby
allowing many illegal immigrants to legalize their status without leaving the coun-
try. The effect of the expeditious repatriation of some illegal immigrants and the le-
galization of others has been to improve overall working conditions for legally em-
ployed expatriates. Illegal immigrants are generally willing to accept lower salaries
and fewer benefits than legally employed immigrants. Their departure or legaliza-
tion reduced the competition for certain jobs and thereby reduced the incentive for
legal immigrants to accept lower wages and fewer benefits as a means of competing
with illegal immigrants. Furthermore, the departure or legalization removed a large
portion of the class of persons most vulnerable to abuse and exploitation because
of their illegal status.
The ILO has stated that the Government has not formulated legislation imple-
menting the ILO Convention on Equal Pay and that regulations that segregate work
places by sex or limit vocational programs for women violate ILO Convention 111.
Labor regulations require employers to protect most workers from job-related haz-
ards and disease. Foreign nationals report frequent failures to enforce health and
safety standards. Farmers, herdsmen, domestic servants, and workers in family op-
erated businesses are not covered by these regulations. Workers risk their employ-
ment if they were to remove themselves from hazardous work conditions.
1567
SYRIA
Despite the existence of some institutions of democratic government, the political
system places virtually absolute authority in the hands of the President, Hafiz Al-
Asad. Key decisions regarding foreign policy, national security, internal politics, and
the economy are made by President Asad with counsel from his ministers, high
ranking members of the ruling Ba'th Party, and a relatively small circle of security
advisers. Although the Parliament is elected every 4 years, the Ba'th Party is en-
sured a majority. The Parliament does not initiate laws, but only passes judgment
on and sometimes modifies those proposed by the executive brancn. The judiciary
is constitutionally independent, but this is not the case in the exceptional (state of
emergency) security courts, which are subject to political influence. The regular
courts display independence, although political connections and bribery can influ-
ence verdicts. In general, all three brancnes of government are influenced to varying
degrees by leaders of the Ba'th party, whose primacy in state institutions is man-
dated by the Constitution.
The powerful role of the security services in government, which extends beyond
strictly security matters, stems in part from the state of emergency that has been
in place almost continuously since 1963. The Gk)vemment justifies martial law be-
cause of the state of war with Israel and past threats from terrorist groups. Syrian
Military Intelligence and Air Force Intelligence are military agencies, while General
Security, State Security, and Political Security come under the purview of the Min-
istry of Interior. The branches of the security services operate independently of each
other and outside the legal system. Their members often ignore the rights of sus-
pects and detainees and commit serious human rights abuses.
The economy is based on commerce, agriculture, oil production, and government
services. There is a generally inefficient public sector, a private sector, and a mixed
public/private sector. A complex bureaucracy, overarching security concerns, en-
demic corruption, currency restrictions, lack of modem financial services, and a
weak legal system hamper economic growth. The Government has sought to pro-
mote the private sector through investment incentives, exchange rate consolidation,
and deregulation, especially with regard to financial transactions governing imports
and exports. Due to a slowdown in agricultural output and reduced revenues from
oil exports, real gross domestic product (GDP) growth is about 4.6 percent, down
from 6 percent in 1996. The high population growth rate of 3.1 percent means that
real per capita growth is only 1.5 percent. Annual per capita GDP is about $1200,
with annual inflation hovering between 16 and 18 percent. Wage increases in the
public sector have not kept pace with cost of living increases, and the gap between
rich and poor continues to widen, with many public sector workers relying on second
jobs to make ends meet.
The human rights situation remained poor, and the Government continues to re-
strict or deny fundamental rights. Because the Ba'th party's domination of the polit-
ical system is provided for by the Constitution, citizens do not have the rignt to
change the Government. The GJovemment uses its vast powers so effectively that
there is no organized political opposition and there have oeen very few antiregime
manifestations. Serious abuses include the widespread use of torture in detention;
poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and prolonged detention without trial; fun-
damentally unfair trials in the security courts; an inefficient judiciary that suffers
from corruption and, at times, political influence; infringement on citizens' privacy
rights; denial of freedom of assembly and association; limits on the freedom of move-
ment; and, despite a slight loosening of censorship restrictions, the denial of the
freedoms of speech and of the press. Societal discrimination and violence against
women are problems. The Government discriminates against the stateless Kurdish
minority and suppresses worker rights. There were several credible reports of ar-
rests of political activists, while more than a dozen political prisoners reportedly
were released from prison.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political
killings and no confirmed reports of deaths in detention, although such deatns have
occurred in the past. Previous deaths in detention have not been investigated by the
(jrovemment, and the number and identities of prisoners who died in prisons since
the 1980's remains unknown.
On December 31, 1996, a bomb exploded on a private transport bus in central Da-
mascus, killing at least 20 persons and wounding dozens of otners. The perpetrators
and motives for this bomb attack remain unclear.
1568
b. Disappearance. — ^There were no confirmed reports of politically motivated dis-
appearances. Despite inquiries by international human rights organizations and for-
eign governments, the Government offered little new information on the welfare and
whereabouts of persons who have been held incommunicado for years or about
whom no more is known other than the approximate date of their detention (see
Section l.d.).
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Despite the existence of constitutional provisions and several Penal Code penalties
for abusers, there was credible evidence that security forces continue to use torture.
Former prisoners and detainees have reported that torture methods included elec-
trical shocks; pulling out fingernails; the forced insertion of objects into the rectum;
beatings, sometimes, while the victim is suspended from the ceiling; hyperextension
of the spine; and the use of a chair that bends backwards to asphyxiate the victim
or fracture the spine. Although torture may occur in prisons, torture is most likely
while detainees are being held at one of the many detention centers run by the var-
ious security services throughout the country, and particularly while the authorities
are trying to extract a confession or information about an alleged crime or alleged
accomplices.
The Government continues to deny the use of torture, and claims that it would
prosecute anyone believed guilty of using excessive force or physical abuse. There
were no reports of any prosecutions of security officials during the year, although
past victims of torture have identified the officials who beat them, up to the level
of brigadier general. If allegations of excessive force or physical abuse are to be
made in court, the plaintiff is required to initiate his own civil suit against the al-
leged abuser.
Prison conditions vary and generally are poor and do not meet minimum inter-
national standards for health and sanitation. Facilities for political or national secu-
rity prisoners are generally worse than those that house common criminals. The
prison at Tadmur in Palmyra, where many political and national security prisoners
nave been kept, is widely considered to have the worst conditions. At some prisons,
authorities allow visitation rights, but in other cases security officials demand
bribes from family members who wish to visit incarcerated relatives. Overcrowding
and substandard or insufficient food exist at several prisons. Some former detainees
have reported that the Government prohibits reading materials, even the Koran, for
political prisoners.
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of prison or detention
center conditions.
In instances in which foreign nationals are arrested, the authorities sometimes do
not inform embassies and delay or deny prison visits by foreign diplomats. The au-
thorities consider citizens who hold dual nationality to be Syrians only, and thus
do not necessarily recognize or grant requests by foreign diplomats to visit or other-
wise assist such persons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — ^Arbitrary arrest and detention are prob-
lems. The Emergency Law, which authorizes the Government to conduct preventive
arrests, overrides Penal Code provisions against arbitrary arrest and detention, in-
cluding the need to obtain warrants. Officials contend that the Emergency Law is
applied only in narrowly defined cases. Nonetheless, in cases involving political or
national security offenses, arrests are generally carried out in secret, and suspects
may be detained incommunicado for prolonged periods without charge or trial and
are denied the right to a judicial determination for the pretrial detention. Some of
these practices are prohibited by the state of emergency, but the authorities are not
held to these strictures.
The Government apparently continues to detain relatives of detainees or of fugi-
tives in order to obtain confessions or the fugitive's surrender (see Section l.f.).
Defendants in civil and criminal trials have the right to bail hearings and the pos-
sible release from detention on their own recognizance. There is no oail option for
those accused of national security offenses. Unlike defendants in regular criminal
and civil cases, security detainees do not have access to lawyers prior to or during
questioning.
Detainees have no legal redress for false arrest. Security forces often do not pro-
vide detainees' families with information on their welfare or location while in deten-
tion. Consequently, many people who have disappeared in past years are believed
to be in long-term detention without charge, or possibly to have died in such deten-
tion. The number of those who disappeared in tnis way probably has declined over
the past few years, although this may be due to the Government's success in deter-
ring opposition political activity rather than a loosening of criteria for detention.
Many detainees Drought to trial have been held incommunicado for years, and their
trials often have been unfair (see Section I.e.).
1569
Pretrial detention may be lengthy even in cases not involving political or national
security offenses. The criminal justice system is backlogged. Many criminal suspects
are held in pretrial detention for months and may have their trials extended for ad-
ditional months. Lengthy pretrial detentions and drawn-out court proceedings are
caused by a shortage of available courts and the absence of legal provisions for a
speedy trial or plea oargaining.
There were two reports of large-scale politically motivated arrests in 1996 about
which there was no new information in 1997: in March 1996, up to 100 political ac-
tivists allegedly were arrested in Davr Al-Zur, and in April 1996 up to 800 members
of the Turkoman minority reporteoly were detained without charge. Most of the
Turkomen supposedly were released by July 1996, but some still may remain in de-
tention.
The last significant releases of political detainees took place in late November and
December 1995 (see Section I.e.). While most of the doctors, lawyers, and engineers
arrested in a mass crackdown in 1980 have been released, some apparently remain
in prolonged detention without charge. Palestinian, Jordanian, and Lebanese citi-
zens apparently continue to be detained without charge by Sjrrian security services
in both Lebanon and Syria, without any public accounting by the Government.
Remaining political detainees probably number in the hundreds or more. Even ap-
F)roximate figures are difficult to estimate since the Government does not verify pub-
icly the number of detentions without charge, the release of detainees, or whether
detainees are subsequently sentenced to prison (see Section I.e.).
The Government has exiled citizens in the past, although the practice is prohib-
ited by the Constitution. There were no known instances of forced exile in 1997.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, but the two exceptional courts dealing with alleged security cases are not
independent of executive branch control. The regular court system displays inde-
pendence, although political connections and brifery sometimes influence verdicts.
The judicial system is composed of the civil and criminal courts, military courts,
the security courts, and the religious courts, which adjudicate matters of personal
status such as divorce and inheritance. The Court of Cassation is the highest court
of appeal. The Supreme Constitutional Court is empowered to rule only on the con-
stitutionality of laws and decrees. It does not hear appeals.
Civil and criminal courts are organized under the Ministry of Justice. Defendants
before these courts are entitled to the legal representation of their choice; the courts
appoint lawyers for indigents. Defendants are presumed innocent; they are allowed
to present evidence, ana to confront their accusers. Trials are public, except for
those involving juveniles or sex offenses. Defendants may appeal their verdicts to
a provincial appeals court and ultimately to the Court of Cassation. Such appeals
are difficult because the courts do not provide verbatim transcripts of cases — only
summaries prepared by the presiding judges. There are no juries.
Military courts have the authority to try civilian as well as military personnel.
The venue for a civilian defendant is deciaed by a military prosecutor. Tnere were
continuing reports that the Government operates military field courts in locations
outside of established courtrooms. Such courts reportedly observe fewer of the for-
mal procedures of regular military courts.
The two security courts are the Supreme State Security Court (SSSC), which tries
political and national security cases, and the Economic Security Court (ESC), which
tries cases involving financial crimes. Both courts operate under the state of emer-
gency, not ordinary law, and do not observe constitutional provisions safeguarding
defendants' rights.
Charges against defendants in the SSSC are often vague. Many defendants ap-
pear to De tried for exercising normal political rights, such as free speech. For exam-
ple, the Emergency Law authorizes the prosecution of anyone "opposing the goals
of the revolution" or "shaking the confidence of the masses in the aims of the revolu-
tion," or trying to "change the economic or social structure of the State." Nonethe-
less, the Government contends that the SSSC tries only persons who have sought
to use violence against the State.
Under SSSC procedures, defendants are not present during the preliminary, or in-
vestigative, phase of the trial, when evidence is presented by the prosecutor. Trials
are usually closed to the public. Lawyers are not ensured access to their clients be-
fore the trial and are excluded from the court during their client's initial interroga-
tion by the prosecutor. Lawyers submit written defense pleas, rather than oral pres-
entations. The State's case is often based on confessions, but defendants have not
been allowed to argue in court that the confessions were coerced. There is no known
instance in which the court ordered a medical examination for a defendant who
claimed that he was tortured. The SSSC reportedly has acquitted some defendants,
but the Government does not provide any statistics on the conviction rate. Defend-
1570
ants do not have the right to appeal verdicts, but sentences are reviewed by the
Minister of Interior, who may ratify, nulUfy, or alter sentences. The President may
also intervene in the review process.
Accurate information on the number of cases heard by the SSSC is difficult to ob-
tain, although in recent years hundreds of cases are believed to have passed through
the court annually. Many reportedly involved charges relating to membership in
various banned political groups, including the Party for Communist Action and the
pro-Iraqi wing of the Ba'th party. Sentences as long as 15 years have been imposed.
The Government permitted delegates from Amnesty International (AI) to attend a
session of the SSSC in March (see Section 4).
The Economic Security Court (ESC) tries persons for alleged violations of foreign-
exchange laws and other economic crimes. Prosecution of economic crimes is not ap-
plied uniformly, as some government officials or business jjeople with close connec-
tions to the Government likely have violated Syria's strict economic laws without
prosecution. Like the SSSC, the ESC does not ensure defendants due process. De-
fendants may not have adequate access to lawyers to prepare their defenses, and
the State's case is usually based on confessions. Verdicts likely are influenced by
high-ranking government officials. Those convicted of the most serious economic
crimes do not have the right of appeal, but those convicted of lesser crimes may ap-
peal to the Court of Cassation.
The last major releases of political prisoners and detainees took place in late No-
vember and December 1995. Originally the Government claimed to have released
some 1,650 political prisoners in November 1995, but local estimates now place the
number released between 2,200 and 3,000. Many of those released apparently were
members of the Muslim Brotherhood who had not been involved in acts of violence.
The release also may have included some persons from banned Communist parties,
pro-Iraqi Ba'athists, and Nasserites. Some former prisoners reported having to sign
loyalty oaths or admissions of guilt as a condition of their release. Other prisoners
released in November 1995 apparently were in poor health as a result of their incar-
ceration; they had been incarcerated without charge or had been detained in prison
beyond the expiration of their original prison sentences, in some cases for years.
The Government has released virtually all of those arrested at the time President
Asad took power in 1970. At least three persons arrested during that period remain
in prison, even though the sentences of two of them expired in 1985. The third ap-
parently never was tried.
The Government denies that it holds political prisoners, arguing that, although
the aims of some prisoners may be political, their activities, including subversion,
were criminal. However, the Emergency Law and the Penal Code are so vague, and
the Government's power so broad, that many persons were convicted and are in
prison for the mere expression of political opposition to the Government. The cur-
rent number of political prisoners is estimated to be several hundred or more.
The Government released a number of political prisoners in 1997. In March five
men affiliated with the Committee for the Defense of Democratic Freedoms and
Human Rights were reportedly released after serving 5-year terms. In April the
Government reportedly freed a leader of the Lebanese branch of the Iraqi Ba'th
party who had been held in Syria for 2V-i years. Six or more members of banned
Communist and left-wing parties also supposedly were released after serving long
sentences.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^Al-
though laws provide for freedom from arbitrary interference, the Emergency Law
authorizes the security services to enter homes and conduct searches with warrants
if security matters, very broadly defined, are involved. The security services selec-
tively monitor telephone conversations and facsimile transmissions. The Govern-
ment opens mail destined for both citizens and foreign residents. It also prevents
the delivery of human rights materials.
The Government apparently has continued its practice of threatening or detaining
the relatives of detainees or of fugitives in order to obtain confessions or the fugi-
tive's surrender. One such case involved a Syrian Kurd who was reportedly detained
for over a month, beaten, and tortured to extract information regarding the where-
abouts of his brother.
The incidence of security checkpoints has diminished. There are fewer police
checkpoints on roads and in populated areas. Generally, the security services set up
checkpoints to search for smuggled goods, weapons, narcotics, and subversive lit-
erature. The searches take place without warrants. The Government and the Ba'th
party have monitored and tried to restrict some citizens' visits to foreign embassies
and cultural centers.
1571
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides citizens with the
right to express opinions freelv in speech and in writing, but the Government re-
stricts these rights significantly in practice. The Government strictly controls dis-
semination of information and permits no written criticism of the President, the
President's family, the Ba'th party, the military, or the legitimacy of the regime. The
Emergency Law allows the Government broad discretion in determining illegal ex-
pression. It prohibits the publishing of "false information," which opposes 'H.he goals
of the revolution" (see Section l.eT). In the past, the Government nas imprisoned
journalists for failing to observe press restrictions. Two journalists from a govern-
ment newspaper were allegedly oismissed after publishing an article in July that
was viewed as insulting to the Prophet Muhammad. In the past, state security serv-
ices have threatened local journalists for articles printed outside Syria.
The Ministry of Information and the Ministry of Culture and National Guidance
censor the domestic and foreign press. They usually prevent publication or distribu-
tion of any material deemed threatening or embarrassing to the security services
or high levels of the Government. Censorship is usually stricter for materials in Ar-
abic. Commonly censored subjects include: the Government's human rights record;
Islamic fundamentalism; allegations of official involvement in drug traiiicking; as-
fiects of the Government's role in Lebanon; graphic descriptions of sex; material un-
avorable to the Arab cause in the Middle East conflict; and material that is offen-
sive to any of the country's religious groups. In addition, most journalists and writ-
ers practice self-censorship, in order to avoid provoking a negative government reac-
tion.
Recent trends toward modest relaxation of censorship continued during the year.
The media demonstrated somewhat wider latitude in reporting on regional develop-
ments, including the Middle East peace process. The media covered some peace
process events factually, but other events were reported selectively to buttress offi-
cial views. The Government-controlled press increased for a limited period the num-
ber of articles critical of issues such as ofTicial corruption and governmental ineffi-
ciency. In April a Government newspaper printed a story describing the torture and
wrongful imprisonment of a man wno served 4 years for allegedly killing a nurse.
The Government or the Ba'th Party owns and operates the radio and television
companies and the newspaper publishing houses. There are no privately owned
newspapers, although foreign-owned, foreign-published newspapers circulate rel-
atively freely. The Ministry of Information scripts the radio and television news pro-
grams to ensure adherence to the government line. The Government does not inter-
fere with broadcasts from abroad. In late 1994, the Government announced that it
would confiscate satellite receiving dishes and replace them with a government-con-
trolled cable television distribution system. The confiscation program did not take
place. Since then, satellite dishes have proliferated througnout all regions and
among neighborhoods of all social and economic categories.
The Ministry of Culture and National Guidance censors fiction and nonfiction
works, including films. It also determines which films may not be shown at the cul-
tural centers operated by foreign embassies.
The Government restricts academic freedom. Public school teachers are not per-
mitted to express ideas contrary to government policy, although authorities allow
somewhat greater freedom of expression at the university level.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Freedom of assembly does not
exist. Citizens may not hold meetings unless they obtain permission from the Min-
istry of Interior. Most public demonstrations are organized by the Government or
Ba'th Party. The Government applies the restrictions on puolic assembly in Pal-
estinian refugee camps, where controlled demonstrations have been allowed.
In June a group of as many as 160 students reportedly assembled in Damascus
to protest a new educational policy. They were dispersed peacefully by security offi-
cers, but some allegedly attempted to reassemble later in the day. There were
unconfirmed reports that some of the students were detained for several days and
beaten prior to their release.
The Government restricts freedom of association. Private associations must be
registered with the Government in order to be considered legal. Some groups have
not been able to register, presumably because the Government views them as politi-
cal, even though the groups presented themselves as cultural or professional asso-
ciations. Unregistered groups may not hold meetings, and the authorities do not
allow the estaolishment of independent political parties. The Government usually
grants registration to groups not engaged in political or other activities deemed sen-
sitive.
In 1980 the Government dissolved, and then reconstituted under its control, the
executive boards of professional associations after some members staged a national
1572
strike and advocated an end to the state of emergency. The associations have not
been independent since that time and are generally led by members of the Ba'th
party^ althou^ non-party members may serve on their executive boards.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government generallv respects this right in practice. The only advantage given to
a particular religion by the Constitution is that which requires the President to be
a Muslim. All religions and sects must register with the Government, which mon-
itors fundraising and requires permits for all meetings by religious groups, except
for worship. Although no law prohibits non-Muslims from proselytizing, the Govern-
ment discourages such activity. The few remaining Jews are generally barred from
government employment and do not have military service obligations. Jews are the
only minority group whose passports and identity cards note their religion. There
is mandatory religious instruction in schools, with government-approved teachers
and curricula. Religion courses are divided into separate classes lor Muslim and
Christian students. Jews have a separate primary school for Jews only, which in-
cludes religious instruction (see Section 5).
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Government restricts travel near the Golan Heights and Iraq.
Travel to Israel is illegal. Citizens must have government permission to travel
abroad. Some have been denied such permission on political grounds, although gov-
ernment oflicials deny that this practice occurs. The authorities may prosecute any
person found attempting to emigrate or travel abroad without official permission,
or who is suspected of having visited Israel. There is no evidence that the Govern-
ment persecuted upon their return those who applied for, but were denied, asylum
abroad. Women over the age of 18 have the legal right to travel without the permis-
sion of male relatives. In practice, however, a husband may file a request with the
Ministry of Interior to prohibit his wife's departure from Syria, and a father or
brother may request that the Ministry prohibit travel abroad by unmarried daugh-
ters or sisters, even if they are over 18 years of age.
The United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) reported that as of Au-
gust there were 358,374 registered Palestinian refugees in Syria. Palestinian refu-
gees sometimes encounter difficulties in obtaining travel documents and reentering
Syria after travel abroad. The Government restricts entry by Palestinians who are
not resident in Syria. The Government does not allow the Palestinian residents of
Gaza to visit Syria.
The Government cooperates on a case-by-case basis with the office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organi-
zations in assisting refugees. The Government provides first asylum but is selective
about extending protection to refugees; approximately 1,200 persons sought asylum
through the UNHCR during the first 8 months of 1997. Although the Government
denied any forced repatriation of those who may have had a valid claim to refugee
status, it apparently forcibly repatriated a few Iraqi and Somali refugees. As of Au-
gust 31, there were an estimated 37,000 non-Palestinian refugees in Syria, of whom
about 2,424 were receiving assistance from the UNHCR, including 1,500 refugees
of Iraqi origin at the El Hoi camp and other locations.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although citizens ostensibly vote for the Resident and Members of Parliament,
they do not have the right to change their government. The President has run for
election unopposed since taking power in 1970. Political opposition to his rule is not
tolerated. The President and his senior aides, particularly those in the military and
security services, ultimately make all basic decisions on political and economic life,
with no element of public accountability.
Moreover, the Constitution mandates that the Ba'th Party is the ruling party and
is ensured a majority in all government and popular associations, such as workers'
and women's groups. Six smaller political parties are also permitted and, along with
the Ba'th Party, make up the National Progi^ssive Front (NPF), a grouping of par-
ties that represents the sole framework of legal political participation ibr citizens.
While created ostensibly to give the appearance of a multiparty system, the NPF
is dominated by the Ba'th Party and does not change the essentially one-party char-
acter of the political system. Non-Ba'th Party members of the NPF exist as political
parties largely in name only and hew closely to Ba'th Party and government poli-
cies.
The Ba'th Party dominates the Parliament, which is known as the People's Coun-
cil. Although parliamentarians may criticize policies and modify draft laws, the ex-
ecutive branch retains ultimate control over the legislative process. Since 1990 the
Government has allowed independent non-NPF candidates to run for a limited num-
1573
ber of seats in the 250-member People's Council. The current number of independ-
ent deputies is 80, ensuring a permanent absolute majority for the Ba'th Party-
dominated NPF.
Persons who have been convicted by the State Security Court may be deprived
of their political ri^ts after they are released from prison. Such restrictions include
a prohibition against engaging in political activity, the denial of a passport, and a
bar on accepting a government job and some other forms of employment. The dura-
tion of such restrictions may last from 10 years to the remainder of the former pris-
oner's life. The Government contends that this practice is mandated by the Penal
Code and has been in effect since 1949.
Women and minorities, with the exception of the Jewish population and stateless
Kurds (see Section 5), participate in the political system without restriction. None-
theless, women are underrepresented in government. There are two female cabinet
ministers and 24 female Members of Parliament.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government does not allow the existence of local human rights groups. One
or two human rights groups once operated legally but were subsequently banned by
the Government.
Amnesty international (AI) visited Syria for 2 weeks in March, the second major
visit by an international human rights organization (after Human Rights Watch in
1995). AI delegates met with the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Interior, Justice, In-
formation, ana Culture; judges from the SSSC as well as the (Court's prosecutor and
several lawyers; and the secretaries general of the Arab Writers Union and Arab
Inter-Parliamentary Union. These were the first such meetings with an inter-
national human ri^ts organization.
AI credited Syria with an overall improvement in human rights over the last few
years but called on the (Jovemment to review the cases of more than 500 political
prisoners and to release those detained solely on the basis of their political beliefs.
As a matter of policy, the Government in its exchanges with international groups
denies that it commits human rights abuses. It has not permitted representatives
of international organizations to visit prisons. The Government says that it now re-
sponds in writing to all inquiries from nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) re-
garding human rights issues, including the cases of individual detainees and pris-
oners, through an interagency governmental committee established expressly for
that purpose. Human Rights Watch reported in 1997 that the Government had not
responded to its request to account publicly for the possibly thousands of citizens
who were executed at Tadmur prison in tne 1980's. The Government usually re-
sponds to queries from human rights organizations and foreign embassies on specific
cases by saying that the prisoner in question has violated national security laws.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for eaual rights and equal opportunity for all citizens.
In practice, membership in the Ba th Party or close familial relations with a promi-
nent party member or government official can be important for economic, social, or
educational advancement. Party or government connections can pave the way for en-
trance into better elementary and secondary schools, access to lucrative employ-
ment, and greater power within the (jovernment, the military, and the security
services. Certain prominent positions, such as that of provincial governor, are re-
served solely for Ba'th Party members. Apart from some discrimination against
Kurds, there are no apparent patterns of systematic government discrimination
based on race, sex, religion, disability, language, or social status. However, there are
vaiying degrees of societal discrimination in each of these areas.
Women. — Violence against women occurs, but there are no reliable statistics for
domestic violence or sexual assault. This is because the vast majority of cases go
unreported, and victims generally are reluctant to seek assistance from non-family
memoers. There are no laws against spousal rape. One preliminary academic study
suggested that domestic violence is the largest single reason for divorces, and that
such abuse is more prevalent among the less-educated. It appears to occur more in
rural than in urban areas. Batterea women have the legal right to seek redress in
court, but few do so because of the social stigma attached to such action. The Syrian
Women's Federation offers services to battered wives to remedy individual family
f>roblems. The Syrian Family Planning Association also seeks to deal with this prob-
em. Some private groups, including the Family Planning Association, have orga-
nized seminars on violence against women, which were reported by the government
press. There are no specifically designated shelters or safehavens for battered
1574
women seeking to flee their husbands. The Syrian Women's Union, in conjunction
with the Family Planning Association and Syrian Lawyer's Association, organized
a conference in March that brought together female writers, professors, lawyers, and
former diplomats to discuss strategies for advancing women's rights in Syria.
The Constitution provides for equality between men and women and equal pay
for equal work. Moreover, the Gk)vemment has sought to overcome traditional dis-
criminatory attitudes toward women, and encourages women's education. However,
the Parliament has not yet changed personal status retirement and social security
laws that discriminate against women. In addition, some secular laws discriminate
against women. For example, under criminal law punishment for adultery and dig-
nity crimes is twice that for the same crime committed by a man.
Personal status law on divorce is based on Shari'a or Islamic law, and discrimi-
nates against women. For example, husbands may claim adultery as grounds for di-
vorce, but wives face more difficulty in presenting the same argument. In addition,
if a woman requests a divorce from her husband, she may not be entitled to child
support in some instances, even if she keeps the children, or even obtaining a di-
vorce. In addition, under the law, a woman loses the right to custody of boys at the
age of 9 years and girls at the age of 12 years.
Inheritance for Muslims and Christians is based on Shari'a. Accordingly, women
are usually granted half the inheritance share of male heirs. On the other hand,
Shari'a mandates that male heirs provide financial support to the female relatives
who inherit less. For example, a brother who inherits an unmarried sister's share
from their parents' estate is obligated to provide for the sister's well-being. If the
brother fails to do so, she has the right to sue, but such cases are not common.
Shari'a law on marriage and divorce applies to Muslims only. Christians are sub-
ject to church canon law on marriage and divorce, making divorces difTicult to obtain
in many cases.
Polygyny is legal but is practiced only by a small minority of Muslim men. Under
Shari'a, a husband has the right to take up to four wives without asking the consent
of his other wife or wives, but he is supposed to treat them equally and be able to
support all of them. The first wife and later wives have the right to seek a divorce
if the husband takes an additional wife.
A father may request that the Government prohibit travel abroad by his unmar-
ried daughter, and a husband can request that his wife's travel abroad be prohibited
(see Section 2.d.).
Women participate actively in public life and are represented in most professions,
as well as the military. Women are not impeded from owning or managing land or
other real property. Women constitute 6 percent of judges, 10 percent of lawyers,
57 percent of teacners below university level, and 20 percent oi university profes-
sors.
Children. — There is no legal discrimination between boys and girls in school or
in health care. Education is compulsory for ail children, male or female, between
the ages of 6 and 12. According to the Syrian Women's Union, about 46 percent of
the total number of students through the secondary level are female.
Nevertheless, societal pressure for early marriage and childbearing interfere with
girls' educational progress, particularly in rural areas, where dropout rates for fe-
male students remain hi^.
The law stresses the need to protect children, and the Government has organized
seminars on the subject of child welfare. Although there are cases of child abuse,
there is no societal pattern of abuse against children. The law provides for severe
penalties for those found guilty of the most serious abuses against children.
People With Disabilities. — The law prohibits discrimination against the disabled
and seeks to integrate them into the public sector work force. However, implementa-
tion is spotty. Regulations reserving 2 percent of government and public sector jobs
for the disabled are not rigorously implemented. The disabled do not have recourse
to the courts regarding discrimination. There are no laws mandating access to pub-
lic buildings for the disabled.
Religious Minorities. — Although there is a significant amount of religious toler-
ance, religion or ethnic alTiliation can be a contributing factor in determining career
opportunities. For example, members of the President's Alawi sect hold a predomi-
nant position in the security services and military, well out of proportion to their
percentage of the population. Nevertheless, government policy officially disavows
sectarianism.
There is little evidence of societal discrimination or violence against religious mi-
norities, including Jews. Government-run schools offer separate religious instruction
for Christians and Muslims. Jews have a separate primary school which offers reli-
^ous instruction on Judaism, in addition to traditional subjects. Although Arabic
18 the official language in public schools, the Government allows the teaching of Ar-
1575
menian, Hebrew, and Chaldean in some schools on the basis that these are "litur-
gical languages." Technically, all schools are government-run and nonsectarian, al-
though some schools are run in practice by Christian and Jewish minorities.
National I Racial I Ethnic Minorities. — The Government generally permits national
and ethnic minorities to conduct traditional, religious, and cultural activities. How-
ever, the Government's attitude toward the Kurdish minority is a significant excep-
tion to this policy. Although the Government contends that there is no discrimina-
tion against the Kurdish population, it has placed limits on the use and teaching
of the Kurdish language, Kurdish cultural expression, and, at times, the celebration
of Kurdish festival. Some members of the Kurdish community have been tried by
the Supreme State Security Court for expressing support for greater Kurdish auton-
omy or independence. Although the Asad Government stopped the practice of strip-
ping Kurds in Syria of their Syrian nationality (some 120,000 lost Syrian nationality
under this program in the 1960's), it never restored this nationality. As a result,
those who had their nationality taken away, and their children, have been unable
to obtain Syrian nationality and passports, or even identification cards and birth
certificates. Without Syrian nationality, these stateless Kurds, who accordii.g to
UNHCR estimates number about 200,000 people, are unable to own land, cannot
be employed by the Government, and have no right to vote. They encounter difficul-
ties in enrolling their children in school. Stateless Kurdish men may not legally
marry Syrian citizens.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^Although the Constitution provides for this right,
workers are not free to establish unions independent of the Government. All unions
must belong to the General Federation of Trade Unions (GFTU), which is dominated
by the Ba'th Party and is actually a part of the State's bureaucratic structure. The
GFTU is an information channel between political decisionmakers and workers. The
GFTU transmits instructions downward to the unions and workers but also conveys
information to decisionmakers about worker conditions and needs. The GFTU pro-
vides the Government with opinions on legislation, organizes workers, and formu-
lates rules for various member unions. The GFTU president is a senior member of
the Ba'th party. He and his deputy may attend cabinet meetings on economic af-
fairs. The GFTU controls nearly all aspects of union activity.
The law does not prohibit strikes, except in the agricultural sector. Nevertheless,
workers are inhibited from striking because of previous government crackdowns on
strikers. In 1980 the security forces arrested many union and professional associa-
tion officials who planned a national strike. Some of those remain in detention or
have been tried by the State Security Court (see Section 2.b.).
The GFTU is affiliated with the International Confederation of Arab Trade
Unions.
In 1992 Syria's eligibility for tariff preferences under the U.S. Generalized System
of Preferences was suspended because the Government failed to take steps to afford
internationally recognized worker rights to Syrian workers.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — This right does not exist in
any meaningful sense. Government representatives are part of the bargaining proc-
ess in the public sector. In state-owned companies, union representatives negotiate
hours, wages, and conditions of employment with representatives of the employers
and the supervising ministry. Workers serve on the boards of directors of public en-
terprises.
The law provides for collective bargaining in the private sector, but any such
agreement between labor and management must be ratified by the Minister of
Labor and Social Affairs, who has effective veto power. The Committee of Experts
of the International Labor Organization (ILO) has long noted the Government's re-
fusal to abolish the Minister's power over collective contracts.
Unions have the right to litigate disputes over work contracts and other workers'
interests with employers and may ask for binding arbitration. In practice, labor and
management representatives settle most disputes without resort to legal remedies
or arbitration. Management has the right to request arbitration, but this is seldom
exercised. Arbitration usually occurs when a worker initiates a dispute over wages
or severance pay.
Since the unions are part of the Government's bureaucratic structure, they are
protected by law from antiunion discrimination. There were no reports of antiunion
discrimination.
There are no unions in Syria's seven free trade zones. Firms in the zones are ex-
empt from the laws and regulations governing hiring and firing, although they myst
observe some provisions on health, safety, hours, and sick and annual leave.
45-909 98-51
1576
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — There is no law prohibiting forced
or compulsory labor. There were no reports of forced or compulsory labor involving
children or foreign or domestic workers. Forced labor has been imposed as a punish-
ment for some convicts.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — ^The Gov-
ernment does not prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but there were no
reports of such practices (see Section 6.c.). The minimum age for employment is 15
in the public sector and 12 in the private sector. In all cases, parental permission
is required for children under the age of 16. The law prohibits children from work-
ing at night. However, all these laws apply only to children working for a salary.
Those working in family businesses who are not technically paid a salary — a com-
mon phenomenon — do not fall under the law. The Government claims that the ex-
pansion of the private sector has led to more young children working. The Ministry
of Labor and Social Affairs is responsible for enforcing child labor laws but does not
have enough inspectors to ensure compliance with the laws.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Minister of Labor and Social Affairs is re-
sponsible for enforcing minimum wage levels in the public and private sectors. The
minimum wage is $45 (2,014 Syrian pounds) per month in the public sector and $43
(1,940 Syrian pounds) per month in the private sector. A committee of labor, man-
agement, and government representatives submits recommended changes in the
minimum wage to the Minister. The minimum wage does not provide a decent
standard of living for a worker and family. As a result, many workers take addi-
tional jobs or are supported by their extended families.
The statutory workweek is 6 days of 6 hours each, but in some cases a 9-hour
workday is permitted. The laws mandate one 24-hour rest day per week. Rules and
regulations severely limit the ability of an employer to dismiss employees without
cause. Even if a person is absent from work without notice for a long period, the
employer must follow a lengthy procedure of trying to find the person and notify
him, including through newspaper notices, before he is able to take any action
against the employee. Dismissed employees have the right to appeal before a com-
mittee of representatives from the union, management, the Ministry of Labor and
Social Affairs, and the appropriate municipality. Such committees usually find in
favor of the employee. The law does not protect temporary workers who are not sub-
ject to regulations on minimum wages. Small private firms and businesses employ
such workers to avoid the costs associated with niring permanent employees.
The law mandates safety in all sectors, and managers are expected to implement
them fully. In practice, there is little enforcement without worker complaints, which
occur infrequently despite government efforts to post notices on safety rights and
regulations. Large companies, such as oil field contractors, also employ safety engi-
neers.
The ILO has noted that a provision in the Labor Code allowing employers to keep
workers at the workplace for as many as 11 hours a day might lead to abuse. How-
ever, there have been no reports of such abuses. Officials from the Ministries of
Health and Labor inspect work sites for compliance with health and safety stand-
ards. Such inspections appear to be haphazard, apart from those conducted in hotels
and other facilities that cater to foreigners. Rural enforcement of labor laws is also
more lax than that in urban areas, where inspectors are concentrated. Workers may
lodge complaints about health and safety conditions with special committees estab-
lished to adjudicate such cases. Workers have the right to remove themselves from
hazardous conditions without risking loss of employment.
TUNISIA
Tunisia is a republic dominated by a single political party. President Zine el-
Abidine Ben Ali and his Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) continue to control
the (jovemment, including the legislature. The President appoints the Prime Min-
ister, the Cabinet, and 23 governors. Four opposition parties hold 19 of the 163
seats in Parliament. The executive branch and the President strongly influence the
judiciary.
The police share responsibility for internal security with a paramilitary national
guard. The police operate in the capital and a few other cities. In outlying areas,
tneir policing duties are shared witn, or ceded to, the national guard. Both forces
are under the control of the Minister of Interior and the President. The security
forces continued to be responsible for serious human rights abuses.
Tunisia has made substantial progress towards establishing an export-oriented
mari(et economy based on manufactured exports, tourism, agriculture, and petro-
1577
leum. The per capita gross national product for 1997 was approximately $2,000
while real per capita income grew by 6.9 percent. Sixty percent of citizens are in
the middle class and enjoy a comfortable standard of living. Tunisia has a high level
of literacy, low population growth rates, and wide distribution of health care.
The Government's human rights performance improved in some important areas,
but it continued to commit some serious abuses. The ability of citizens to change
their government has yet to be demonstrated. Members of the security forces report-
edly physically abused prisoners and detainees; there was only one publicly reported
case, which the Grovemment denied. Security forces also monitored the activities of
government critics and at times harassed them, their relatives, and associates. Pris-
on conditions reportedly ranged from Spartan to j>oor. The judiciary is subject to ex-
ecutive branch control, and due process rights are not always observed. The Govern-
ment infringed on citizens' privacy rights. The Government continued to impose sig-
nificant restrictions on freedom of expression, and journalists practice self-censor-
ship. The Government demonstrated a pattern of intolerance of public criticism, en-
actuig selectively enforced regulations tnat further restricted freedom of speech, the
press, assembly, and association. The Government continued to use control of adver-
tising revenue as a means to discourage newspapers and magazines from publishing
material that it deemed undesirable. The Government frequently seized editions of
foreign newspapers containing articles it considered objectionable. Towards the end
of the year, the Government tolerated a higher degree of criticism in parliamentary
debates and in the press. The Government limits partially the religious freedom of
members of the Baha'i faith. The Government returned passports to several promi-
nent human rights activists and to the families of at least 10 Islamist activists who
live abroad, but continued to restrict the freedom of movement of other government
critics and their family members. The Government resumed regular contact with the
Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH) in May, but ended it in August. It contin-
ued to place serious obstacles in the way of the LTDH's effective operation, subject-
ing League members and other human rights activists to reported harassment, in-
terrogation, property loss or damage, loss of employment, and denial of passports.
The Government continued to demonstrate its strong support for the rights of
women and children, however, legal and societal discrimination against women con-
tinued to exist in certain areas.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Human rights activists alleged that
police used unwarranted lethal force against an elderly woman, Ghezala Hannachi,
during a search of her home in September, when they pushed Hannachi to the
ground, causing her to fall and incur fatal injuries. The Government maintained
that Hannachi (who allegedly had a preexisting heart condition) suffered a heart at-
tack upon learning that her son had been implicated in a narcotics investigation.
The Government asserted that the police rushed Hannachi to the hospital and that
she died en route.
Human rights activists alleged that two deaths in custody occurred as a result
of official negligence (see Section I.e.).
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Penal Code prohibits the use of torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading
treatment or punishment; however, security services allegedly have used various
methods of torture to coerce confessions from detainees. The forms of torture alleg-
edly include electric shock, submersion of the head in water, beatings with hands,
sticks, and police batons, and food and sleep deprivation.
Human rights lawyers alleged that police and prison authorities reportedly mis-
treated prisoners by subjecting them to physical abuse. According to human rights
activists, Abdel Moumen Belanes, a member of the outlawed Tunisian Communist
Workers Party, was beaten severely by prison guards on April 30 and May 12. Cred-
ible sources alleged that, in response to BelaneS's vocal criticism of prison condi-
tions and his refusal to salute prison guards, up to 12 prison guards stood upon his
torso and arms and trod ufX)n him with heavy boots. His attorneys also alleged that
Belanes was held in solitary confinement and that he was not permitted to receive
visitors for 1 month after the beating. Upon receiving complaints from the Tunisian
Human Rights League about the treatment that Belanes had received, the Govern-
ment launched an investigation of the case and transferred Belanes to another pris-
on with ostensibly better conditions, but maintained that all allegations of abuse
were unfounded. The Government inquired into 1996 allegations by a German citi-
1578
zen that he was beaten severely in custody and concluded that the allegations were
unfounded.
Human rights advocates maintain that charges of torture and mistreatment are
difficult to substantiate because government authorities often deny medical exami-
nations until evidence of abuse has disappeared. The Government maintained that
it investigates all complaints of torture and mistreatment filed with the prosecutor's
office and noted that alleged victims sometimes publicly accused authorities of acts
of abuse without taking the steps required to initiate an investigation. Absent a for-
mal complaint, the Government may open an administrative investigation, but is
unlikely to release the results to the lawyers of affected prisoners.
According to defense attorneys and former prisoners, prison conditions ranged
from Spartan to poor. One credible source alleged that 40 to 43 prisoners occupied
one cell; another alleged that 120 prisoners were confined to a cell designed to hold
50. Recently released prisoners claimed that they were provided with insufficient ac-
cess to water and toilet facilities, creating serious sanitation problems. Human
rights lawyers claimed that prison conditions for many of their clients did not meet
minimum international standards.
There were credible reports that conditions and prisons rules were more stringent
for political prisoners than for the general prison population and that the authori-
ties limited the quantity and variety of food that families could bring to supplement
prison fare. One credible report alleged the existence of special cell blocks and pris-
ons for political prisoners, where they may be held in solitary confinement for
months on end. Since 1996 National High Commissioner for Human Rights Rachid
Driss, whose organization is government-funded, has made eight unannounced pris-
on inspections. Although Driss declared that prison living conditions and prisoner
hygiene were "good and improving," details oi his inspections have not been made
public.
Human rights activists alleged that official negligence resulted in two cases of
death in custody. Ridha Khemiri died in Bellarijia prison on July 25, after undertak-
ing a hunger strike of more than 40 days. The LTDH alleged that the Government
did not take appropriate measures to end Khemiri's hunger strike and therefore
contributed to his death. The Government stated that prison authorities attempted
to provide medical care and nourishment for Khemiri on several occasions but that
he categorically refused all treatment. The Government maintained that prison au-
thorities were in the process of transferring Khemiri to a hospital when he died of
cardiac arrest brought on by his prolonged hunger strike.
Ahmed Ouafi, a chronic asthmatic, died in custody on September 4, allegedly after
suffering from increasingly serious asthma attacks over a period of 3 weeks. The
Human Rights League claimed that prison authorities' negligence in providing med-
ical treatment for Ouafi hastened his death from natural causes. The Grovernment
stated that Ouafi was provided with extensive medical treatment throughout his in-
carceration and that he died in a hospital.
The Government does not permit international organizations or independent
human rights organizations to inspect or monitor prison conditions. In September
the Tunisian Human Rights League announced that the Government had agreed to
its long-standing request to conduct prison inspections, however, none were con-
ducted by year's end.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law authorizes the police to make
arrests without warrants in the cases of suspected felons or crimes in progress. The
Government may hold a susf>ect incommunicado for 10 days following arrest. De-
tainees have the right to be informed of the grounds for arrest before questioning
and may request a medical examination. They do not have a right to legal represen-
tation during prearraignment detention. Attorneys, human rights monitors, and
former detainees maintain that the authorities illegally extend the 10-day limit by
falsifying the date of arrest.
Detainees have a right to be represented by counsel during arraignment. The Gov-
ernment provides legal representation for indigents. At arraignment, the examining
magistrate may decide to release the accused or to remand him to pretrial deten-
tion. The law permits the release of accused persons on bail, which may be paid by
a third party. In cases involving crimes for wnich the sentence may exceed 5 years,
or which involve national security, pretrial detention may last an initial period of
6 months and may be extended by court order for two additional 4-month periods.
During this period, the court conducts an investigation, hears arguments, and ac-
cepts evidence and motions of both parties.
A case proceeds from investigation to the Criminal Court of Appeals, which sets
a trial date. There is no legal limit to the length of time the court may hold a case
over for trial nor is there a legal imperative to a speedy hearing. Complaints of pro-
1579
longed detention awaiting trial were common, and President Ben Ali publicly en-
couraged judges to make Better use of release on bail and suspended sentences.
Human ri^ts activists alleged that the Government subjected the family mem-
bers of Islamist activists to arbitrary arrest, reportedly utilizing charges of "associa-
tion with criminal elements" to punish family members for crimes committed by in-
dividuals (see Section 1.0. Rachida Ben Salem, the wife of an Islamist activist now
living in Holland, was arrested on such charges while attempting to cross the Liby-
an border on May 18. On November 19, she was sentenced to 2 years and 3 months
in prison for association with a "clandestine organization" and leaving the country
illegally (see Section 2.d.). The Government maintained that Ben Salem was as-
sisted m her flight from the country by members of the illegal An-Nahda movement
and that she therefore was correctly charged, prosecuted, and convicted.
There is no reliable estimate of the number of political detainees. The Constitu-
tion prohibits exile, and the Government observes tne prohibition.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — Although the Constitution provides for an inde-
pendent judiciary, the executive branch and the President strongly influences the
judiciary. In practice, the judicial branch is part of the Ministry of Justice and the
executive branch appoints, assigns, grants tenure to, and transfers judges. In addi-
tion, the F*resident is head of the Supreme Council of Judges. This situation renders
judges susceptible to pressure in politically sensitive cases.
The court system comprises the regular civil and criminal courts, including the
courts of first instance, the courts of appeal, and the Court of Cassation, the nation's
highest court, as well as the military tribunals within the Defense Ministry.
The Code of Procedure is patterned after the French legal system. By law, the
accused has the right to be present at trial, be represented by counsel, question wit-
nesses, and appeal verdicts. However, in practice, judges do not always observe
these rights. The law permits trial in absentia of fugitives from the law. Both the
accused and the prosecutor may appeal decisions oi the lower courts. Defendants
may request a different judge, if they believe that a judge is not impartial. The
Court 01 Cassation, which considers arguments on points of law, as opposed to the
facts of a case, is the final arbiter.
Trials in the regular courts of first instance and in the courts of appeals are open
to the public. The presiding judge or panel of judges dominates ai trial, and defense
attorneys have little opportunity to participate substantively. Defense lawyers con-
tend that the courts often fail to grant them adequate notice of trial dates or allow
them time to prepare their cases. Some also reported that judges restricted access
to evidence and court records, requiring in some cases, for example, that all attor-
neys of record examine the court file on one appointed day, in judges chambers
without copying material documents. They also complained that the judges some-
times refused to allow them to call witnesses on their clients' behalf or to question
key government witnesses.
Mohamed Moaada and Khemais Chammari, who were both paroled at the end of
1996, continued to suffer restrictions to their freedom (see Section 2. a.).
Military tribunals try cases involving military personnel and civilians accused of
national security crimes. A military tribunal consists of a civilian judge from the Su-
preme Court and four military judges. Defendants may appeal the tribunal's verdict
to the Court of Cassation.
There is no reliable information on the number of political prisoners. Human
Rights Watch and Amnesty International report that there may be hundreds of po-
litical prisoners, convicted and imprisoned for membership in the Islamist group An-
Nahda and the Communist Workers Party, for disseminating information of these
banned organizations, and for aiding relatives of convicted members.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution provides for the inviolability of the person, the home, and for the pri-
vacy of correspondence, "except in exceptional cases defined by law." The law re-
quires that the police have warrants to conduct searches, but police sometimes ig-
nore the requirement if authorities consider that state security is at stake or that
a crime is in progress. Authorities can invoke state security interests to justify tele-
phone surveillance. There were numerous reports of government interception of fac-
simile and computer-transmitted communications. The law does not explicitly au-
thorize these activities, although the Government stated that the Code of Criminal
Procedure implicitly gives investigating magistrates such authority. Many political
activists experience frequent and sometimes extended interruptions of residential
and business telephone and facsimile services. One activist complained that his mail
and telephone service has been interrupted since 1996.
The security services monitor the activities of political critics and sometimes har-
ass, follow, question, or otherwise intimidate their relatives and associates. Human
rights activists alleged that the relatives of Islamist activists who are in jail or liv-
1580
ing abroad were subjected to police surveillance and mandatory visits to police sta-
tions to report their contact with their relatives. One credible source also alleged
that the Grovemment attempted to pressure the wives of Islamist activists living
abroad into divorcing their husbands. The Government maintained that the
Islamists' relatives are members or associates of the outlawed An-Nahda movement
and that they are correctly subjected to legitimate laws prohibiting membership or
association in that organization.
The security services often question citizens seen talking with foreign visitors or
residents, particularly visiting international human rights monitors and journalists.
Police presence is heavy throughout the country. The Government regularly prohib-
ited the distribution of some foreign publications (see Section 2.a.). Traflic officers
routinely stop motorists for no apparent reason to examine their personal identifica-
tion and vehicular documents.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of
thought, expression, and the press; however, in practice, the Government restricts
freetfom of speech and of the press.
In February the Ministry of Education issued a circular requiring that organizers
of all public meetings on university campuses submit in advance to the Ministry of
Interior a list of participants and copies of all papers to be presented or discussed.
In March the Ministry of Tourism issued a similar circular requiring that hotel
managers submit the details of all planned events, including the names of all par-
ticipants, to the Ministry of Interior prior to the event. The regulations appear to
be selectively enforced. For example, a May conference of the Arab Lawyers Union
was permitted to proceed without adhering to the regulations. Nonetheless, many
citizens complained that the overall effect of the regulations was to further restrict
free speech and discourage individuals from criticizing the Government (see Section
2.b.).
In April the Government placed former opposition party leader Mohamed Moaada
under house arrest after he released a lengtny communique criticizing the (govern-
ment. In the communique, Moaada alleged that following nis release from prison on
parole on December 31, 1996, he and fellow opposition leader Khemais Chanmiari
were subjected to police surveillance of their homes and movements and prevented
from returning to their jobs or obtaining their passports. Moaada claimea that be-
g'nning in March his telephone service was interrupted and that he was prohibited
om receiving visitors. The Government ended Moaada's house arrest in July and
returned his passport in September. Chammari received his passport in April and
left the country.
In April four members of the Tunisian General Federation of Labor (UGTT) were
arrested and jailed on charges of possession and distribution of false material preju-
dicial to the public order and of defamation of the secretary general of the UGTT.
The charges were filed after the four signed a petition criticizing the UGTT Sec-
retary General for having too much personal power, mismanaging union resources,
violatingintemal UGTT rules, exercising authority dictatorially, and transforming
the UGTT into an organization that only served the interests of its leaders. Al-
though all four UGTT members were released on bail in May, the case is still under
consideration by the investigating judge. An arrest warrant was issued for a fifth
UGTT member on the same charges in May, but because that individual is in hid-
ing, he has not faced court proceedings on the charges.
Human rights activists alleged that a secondary school teacher, Mohamed
Hamzaoui, faced criminal charges in retaliation for critical statements he made of
the Government. Hamzaoui was arrested in Sfax on August 17 on charges of posses-
sion, distribution, and use of drugs. According to human rights activists, Hamzaoui
first was brought into a police station for questioning on his antigovernment state-
ments. Upon returning home, he was confronted with evidence of drugs that police
allegedly found in his home in his absence. Credible sources reported that Hamzaoui
was neither a drug trafficker nor a drug user. On October 10, Hamzaoui was con-
victed on one count of drug possession and sentenced to 1 year in prison and an
approximately $910 (1,000 dinar) fine. The Government released Hamzaoui from
prison upon presidential order on October 16.
In September prominent activist and Human Rights League Vice President
Khemais Ksila was arrested on defamation charges after he circulated a commu-
nique announcing his intention to begin a hunger strike to protest government re-
prisals for his human rights activism (see Section 4). In the communique, Ksila also
criticized the Government for restricting freedom of expression. Ksila was scheduled
to be tried on January 21, 1998. The Government maintained that Ksila was being
prosecuted in full accordance with the law.
1581
Although several independent newspapers and magazines and one private cable
television station exist, the Government relies upon direct and indirect methods to
restrict press freedom and encourage a high degree of self-censorship. Primary
among these methods is "depot legal, the requirement that printers and publishers
provide copies of all publications to the Chief Prosecutor, Ministry of Interior, and
Ministry of Culture prior to distribution. Similarly, distributors must deposit copies
of publications printed abroad with the Chief Prosecutor and various ministries
prior to their public release. While publishers need not wait for an authorization,
they must obtain a receipt of deposit before distribution. On occasion such receipts
are reportedly withheld, sometimes indefinitely. Without a receipt, publications may
not be distributed legally. The Press Code stipulates fines and confiscations for fail-
ure to comply with these provisions. In addition, the Government provides official
texts on major domestic and international events and reportedly has reprimanded
publishers and editors for failing to publish these statements.
The Government also relies upon indirect methods, such as newsprint subsidies,
control of public advertising revenues, and threatened iniposition of restrictions
upon journalists to encourage self-censorship in the media. There were reports that
the Government withheld advertising orders, a vital source of revenues, from publi-
cations that published articles that tne Government deemed offensive. The Govern-
ment exertea further control over the media by threatening to impose restrictions
on journalists, such as refusing permission to travel abroad. In aadition, Tunisian
journalists were frequently questioned by members of the security services on the
nature of press conferences and other public functions hosted by foreigners that they
attended. Foreign journalists oflen complain of being followed and allege that their
hotel rooms ana notes oflen are searched in their absence.
The Government owns and operates the Tunisian Radio and Television Establish-
ment (ERTT). The ERTT's coverage of government news is taken directly from the
official news agency, TAP. There are several regional radio stations and one local
cable television channel. Bilateral agreements with France and Italy permit
Tunisians to receive the French television channel France 2 and the Italian Rai
Uno. Recent estimates put the number of satellite dishes in country at 100,000.
After blocking sales for several years, the Government instituted regulations in 1996
to govern their sale and installation. Dishes smuggled from Algeria are also avail-
able on the black market in many areas.
In June the World Association of Newspapers (WAN) expelled the Tunisian News-
paper Association for its failure to oppose repression of freedom of the press. In ex-
pelling the Tunisian Newspaper Association, the WAN cited its 3-year investigation
of press freedoms in Tunisia, which revealed "numerous instances . . . of jailing and
harassment of journalists, the banning of foreign publications and broadcasts, and
the withdrawal of passports from Tunisian journalists."
The Press Code contains broad provisions prohibiting subversion and defamation,
neither of which is clearly defined. The Government routinely prevented distribution
of editions of foreign newspapers and magazines that contained articles critical of
Tunisia. Editions of Le Monde and Al Hayat, for example, were embargoed several
times each month.
Following a November speech in which the President called upon the press to ex-
ercise greater freedom of expression, one independent newspaper and one independ-
ent political review published articles that contained statements critical of the Gov-
ernment, including those made by opposition members of the Chamber of Deputies,
with no repercussions. The Government also placed advertising in several opposition
party political reviews, thereby permitting them to resume publication for the first
time since early 1996.
Like journalists, university professors indicated that they sometimes practiced
self-censorship by avoiding classroom criticism of the Government or statements
supportive of the Islamist An-Nahda movement. Professors alleged that the Govern-
ment utilized the threat of tax audits, control over university positions, and strict
publishing rules to encourage self-censorship. The presence of police on campuses
also discouraged dissent. Academics stated tnat while the February 17 Ministry of
Education circular requiring advance notification and approval of all public con-
ferences was only selectively enforced, it further chilled academic freedom and rein-
forced the climate of fear that prevails on campuses.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, but the Government imposes some restrictions on this right.
Groups wishing to hold a public meeting, rally, or march must obtain a permit from
the Ministry oT Interior. The authorities routinely approve such permits, except in
cases involving proscribed organizations. Government circulars requiring advance
notification of meetings, with detailed information, imposed further restrictions on
freedom of assembly (see Section 2. a.).
1582
Although the LTDH often had difficulty in obtaining permission to use public
spaces, the Government permitted the League in May to hold a public celebration
of its 20th anniversaiy. The Government also gave the LTDH assurances that it
would be permitted to hold a public congress and elections without interference. The
LTDH, other human rights organizations, and human rights activists continued to
suffer harassment and restrictions (see Section 4).
Although the Constitution provides for freedom of association, the Government re-
stricts this right by barring membership in political parties organized by religion,
race, or region. On these grounds, the Government prosecutes members of the illegal
Islamist movement An-Nahda. It also bans organizations that threaten disruption
of the public order and prosecutes members of the Communist Workers Party.
Human rights activists alleged that the Government extended its prosecution of
Islamist activists to include family members who are not politically active (see Sec-
tions l.d., l.f., and 2.d.). The Government reportedly used the charge of association
with criminal elements to prosecute these family members for crimes allegedly com-
mitted by their relatives.
Former MDS opposition party leader Mohamed Moaada was detained and ques-
tioned on December 19 and 20 on charges of association with an illegal organization
after he reportedly met in Eurof)e with leaders of the illegal Islamist movement An-
Nahda. Moaada claimed that he was placed under house arrest, where he remained
without telephone service and unable to receive visitors. The Government main-
tained that Moaada was not arrested but was only questioned in connection with
his activities abroad and was required to remain in the govemorate of Tunis pend-
ing the result of a judicial inquiry. Moaada is scheduled to appear before an inves-
tigating judge on February 11, 1998 (see Section 2.d.).
c. Freedom of Religion. — Islam is the state religion, but the Government permits
the practice of other religions. The Government controls mosques and pays the sala-
ries of the prayer leaders. The 1988 Law on Mosques provides that only personnel
appointed by the Government may lead activities in the mosques.
The Government regards the Baha'i faith as a heretical sect of Islam and permits
its adherents to practice their faith only in private. With 1,300 adherents, the Jew-
ish community is the country's largest indigenous religious minority. The Govern-
ment assures the Jewish community freedom of worship and pays the salary of the
Grand Rabbi. The Christian community, estimated at about 2,000, is comf)osed
mainly of foreigners. It freely holds church services and operates a small number
of schools.
The Government views proselytizing as an act against the "public order." Authori-
ties ask foreigners suspected of proselytizing to depart the country and do not per-
mit them to return. There were no reported cases of ofiicial action against persons
suspected of proselytizing.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for these rights. People are free to change
their place of residence or work at will. In practice, however, the Government re-
stricts the freedom of movement and foreign travel of those critical of the adminis-
tration.
Human rights monitors complain that the Government arbitrarily withholds pass-
ports from citizens. Although the Government returned passports to several promi-
nent political and human rights activists such as Mohamed Moaada and permitted
them to travel abroad, it continued to withhold the passports of many other citizens,
such as human rights activist Moncef Marzouki. Human rights activists alleged that
the Government withheld the passports of the family members of Islamist activists
who live abroad. In November the Government issued passports to the families of
at least 10 — and possibly more — Islamist activists who live abroad. Although the
Government declined to provide comment on the case, human rights activists re-
ported that nearly all of^ the Islamists' families who had previously been denied
passports received them in November.
Rachida Ben Salem, the wife of an Islamist activist living in Holland, was ar-
rested on May 18 while attempting to cross the Libyan border with a false passport.
On November 19, she was sentenced to 2 years and 3 months in prison for associa-
tion with a clandestine organization and leaving the country illegally. Although the
Government and human rights activists agree that Ben Salem did possess a false
gassport, human rights activists alleged that the Government illegally withheld Ben
alem's passport (she had not previously been convicted of any crime) and that the
Government therefore punished Ben Salem for the alleged crimes of her husband
(see Sections l.d. and l.f.). In addition, because Ben Salem was arrested before at-
tempting to cross the Libyan border, her defense attorneys asserted that she was
convicted wrongly of leaving the country without a passport. The Government main-
1583
tained that Ben Salem was correctly charged, prosecuted, and convicted, and that
she was treated in a fair and humane manner.
In June the Government prevented human rights activist Radhia Nasraoui from
leaving the country to testify at hearings before the European Parliament on Tuni-
sia.
Former opposition party leader Mohamed Moaada was put under house arrest in
April following his release of a communique critical of the Government, which the
Government claimed violated the terms of his parole. Durinjg that time, he was pre-
vented from leaving his residence or receiving visitors. The Government ended
Moaada's house arrest in July but resumed it on December 20, when he was de-
tained briefly and questioned on charges of association with an illegal organization
(see section 2.b).
The Government has signed the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of
Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, and cooperates with the office of the United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in assisting reftigees. The Government
acknowledged UNHCR determination of refugee status that was accorded to 207 in-
dividuals during the year. Approximately 100 cases await determination by the
UNHCR. The Government provides first asylum for refugees, based on UNHCR rec-
ommendations. There is no pattern of abuse of refugees. Although a few refugees
were deported during the year, none were forced to return to countries where they
feared persecution.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
The Constitution provides that the citizenry shall elect the President and mem-
bers of the legislature for 5-year terms. However, the ability of citizens to change
their government through democratic means has yet to be demonstrated. The ruling
RCD party and its direct predecessor parties have controlled the political arena
since Tunisia gained independence in 1956. The party dominates the Cabinet, the
Chamber of Deputies, and regional and local governments. The President appoints
the Cabinet ana the 23 governors. The Government and the party are closely inte-
grated; the President of the Republic is also the President of the party, and the par-
ty's Secretary General holds the rank of minister.
President Ben Ali was reelected for a 5-year term in 1994. Under the Constitu-
tion, he can stand for reelection in 1999 for the last time. Candidates for President
must receive the endorsement of 30 sitting deputies to launch a campaign. The 163-
seat Chamber of Deputies does not function as an effective counterweight to the ex-
ecutive branch. The Electoral Code provides for a winner-take-all formula for 144
of its seats. The ruling party won all seats in the 1994 parliamentary elections.
Nineteen additional seats were reserved for unsuccessful candidates and divided
among 4 opposition parties after the 1994 elections. Election is by secret ballot. All
legal parties are free to present candidates. In October the Government held a spe-
cial election to fill a seat vacated by an RCD deputy who resigned to take a govern-
ment post. An RCD candidate won a freely contested election against a candidate
from the Movement of Democratic Socialists (MDS) opposition party.
In July the Chamber of Deputies approved legislation providing for the public fi-
nancing of political parties. According to the legislation, each party represented in
the Chamber of Deputies is to receive an annual public subsidy of approximately
$54,000 (60,000 dinars), paid in two installments, plus an additional payment (to
be determined by decree) which is proportional to its number of elected deputies.
Although opposition parties welcomed the legislation as an important step toward
greater political pluralism, several parties criticized the Government for restricting
the subsidies to those parties already represented in Parliament. Most opposition
parties urged the Government to extend the legislation to include all parties recog-
nized by the Ministry of Interior.
As part of the same reform package, the Government also amended the Constitu-
tion to permit greater use of popular referendums to decide constitutional and legis-
lative questions, although details concerning the implementation of the amendment
have not been made piiblic yet. The Government also adopted legislation lowering
the minimum age for election to the Chamber of Deputies from 25 to 23 and extend-
ing the right to stand as a candidate for the Chamber of Deputies to all Tunisian
citizens, whether their citizenship was transmitted by a Tunisian mother or father.
The most vocal and active of the opposition parties, the MDS, remained weakened
following a split in its ranks in the wake of the conviction, imprisonment, and re-
lease of party President Moaada and party vice president Chammari in 1996. The
(jovemment continued to recognize Ismail Boulahia as the new official MDS presi-
dent. A separate MDS faction contended that it retained the support of a majority
of the MDS ruling council and refused to recognize Boulahia as its leader.
1584
Women participate in politics, but they are underrepresented in senior govern-
ment positions. Twelve of the 163 members of the Chamber of Deputies are women.
In addition, one women is the junior minister for Women's and Children's Affairs
in the Prime Minister's oflice.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Tunisian Human Rights League is the most active independent advocacy or-
ganization, with branches m many parts of the countrv. The organization receives
and researches complaints and protests individual and systemic abuses. Although
the Government made several important concessions to the League, it continued to
place significant obstacles in the way of its effective operation. In May the Govern-
ment permitted the LTDH to publicly mark its 20th anniversary and publish one
communique. From May until August, the Government resumed regular contact
with the League for the first time since the summer of 1996, establishing a joint
committee that met on a regular basis to discuss human rights abuses. The Govern-
ment provided assurances tnat the LTDH would be able to hold a public congress
and elect new local and national officers without interference. The Gk)vernment
ended its meetings with the LTDH after it accused the organization of prompting
members of the International Human Rights Federation to give inaccurate testi-
mony regarding Tunisia before the U.N. Human Rights Commission. In September
the League announced that the Government had agreed to its longstanding request
to conduct prison inspections, although none were conducted before the end of the
year (see also Section I.e.).
LTDH members and other human rights activists reported government harass-
ment, interrogation, property loss or damage, unauthorized home entry, and denial
of passports. The LTDH continues to be unable to find local newspapers willing to
publish its communiques that are critical of the Government. Some LTDH chapters
reported that they have been unable to hold meetings in public spaces and that
their members have suffered government reprisals — including temporary unemploy-
ment— for their human rights activities.
In April human rights activist Radhia Nasraoui alleged that security officials bur-
glarized and ransacked her law office. The office's sole computer, three telephones,
and an electric heater were stolen and Nasraoui's legal files were torn apart and
strewn on the floor. The Government maintained that the burglary was conducted
by two youths with previous criminal records and that they were convicted for the
break-in on June 19 and August 14, respectively.
In May LTDH vice President Slaheddine Jourchi was fired from his editorial posi-
tion at the independent political review Realites. Althou^ the Government main-
tained that the review was an independent entity and not subject to government
control, many activists alleged that Jourchi was fired as a result of his controversial
position as LTDH vice president.
In June the Government reportedly pressured members of the LTDH not to at-
tend hearings that the European Parliament had scheduled in Strasbourg on the
human rights situation in Tunisia. Only Radhia Nasraoui attempted to leave the
country to testify at the hearings; security officials prevented her from leaving the
country to do so.
Following the testimony of Khemais Chammari at the European Parliament hear-
ings in June, the press conducted a campaign of criticism of Chammari through
much of the summer, labeling him a traitor in articles and letters. Many human
rights activists alleged that the articles and letters were prompted by the Govern-
ment, a charge that the Government denied. In September one newspaper criticized
Chammari and Saadoun Zmerli, another LTDH activist, for their testimony before
the U.N. Human Rights Commission in Geneva.
Human rights activists Moncef Marzouki and Khemais Ksila claimed that they
suffered government retaliation for their human rights activism. Marzouki alleged
that the Government continued to withhold his passport and deny him permission
to receive and treat patients at his medical practice. Ksila claimed that the Govern-
ment denied him permission to work and withheld his passport. Although the Gov-
ernment did not comment on Marzouki's charges, it maintained that Ksila was de-
nied his passport correctly due to his previous criminal conviction in a traffic acci-
dent.
The Arab Institute for Human Rights, headquartered in Tunis, was founded in
1989 by the LTDH, the Arab Organization for Human Rights, and the Union of
Arab Lawyers. It is an information, rather than an advocacy, organization.
Amnesty International (AI) continued to maintain a Tunisian chapter. Its mem-
bers complained that the Tunis office suffered repeated loss of telephone and fac-
simile service. Hechmi Jegham, the president oi the chapter, was detained and
1585
questioned by police on March 8 and 9, reportedly about an upcoming international
lawyers conference to which he had been invited. The Government maintained that
Jegham and two other citizens who are not members of AI were detained in full
accordance with the law for maintenance of public order, which permits the Govern-
ment to question citizens about conferences that are scheduled to include foreign
participants. The Government continued to deny entry to a London-based AI re-
searcher responsible for Tunisian affairs, claiming that she has an anti-Tunisia bias.
Although the Government permitted a few foreign human rights researchers to
enter the country, all reported that the security services closely monitored their ac-
tivities. In May the Government permitted representatives of international human
rights organizations to address the Human Rights Committee of the Arab Lawyers
Congress and to circulate freely among the Congress' participants (see Sections 2.a
and 2.b.).
Human rights offices in certain ministries and a governmental body, the Higher
Committee for Human Rights and Basic Freedoms, address and sometimes resolve
human rights complaints. The Committee's last publicly distributed report covered
the 1993-1994 period.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides that all citizens shall have equal rights and responsibil-
ities and be equal under the law. The Government generally observes this in prac-
tice. Legal or social discrimination is not prevalent.
Women. — Violence against women occurs, but there are no reliable statistics to
measure its extent. The Tunisian Association of Democratic Women operates the
country's only counseling center for women who are victims of domestic violence.
The center, located in Tunis, assists approximately 20 women per month. Instances
of rape or assault by someone unknown to the victim are rare. Battered women first
seek help from family members. Police intervention is often ineffective because po-
lice officers and the courts tend to regard domestic violence as a problem to be han-
dled by the family. Nonetheless, there are stiff penalties for spouse abuse. Both the
fine and imprisonment for battery or violence committed by a spouse or family mem-
ber are double those for the same crimes committed by an individual not related
to the victim.
Women enjoy substantial rights and the Government has made serious efforts to
advance those rights. A 1996 law, for example, strengthened women's right to prop-
erty ownership by authorizing joint loan applications and encouraging discussion
prior to marriage of the possibility of joint ownership of property acquired during
the marriage. The Government also encouraged couples to include language concern-
ing joint property in their marriage contracts, and liberalized certain family allow-
ances to students and orphans. Nonetheless, women still face legal and societal dis-
crimination in certain social and economic areas and in employment. In spite of the
Government's efforts to change property ownership practices, most property ac-
quired during marriage, including property acquired solely, is still held in the name
of the husband. Inheritance laws, based on Shari'a (Islamic) law and tradition, dis-
criminate against women.
The junior Ministry for Women and the Family oversees programs concerning
women s issues. It maintains effective links with women's professional associations
and with the government-supported Women's Union and Women's Research Center.
Women in increasing numbers are entering the work force, employed particularly
in the textile, manufacturing, health, and agricultural sectors. According to govern-
ment statistics for 1995, women constituted 22 percent of the work force; excluding
the agricultural sector, they accounted for 44 percent. Women represent 42.9 per-
cent of workers in the industrial sector and 46.1 percent of workers in the health
sector. There are an estimated 1,500 businesses neaded by women. Women rep-
resent one third of the civil service, employed primarily in the fields of health, edu-
cation, and social affairs at the middle or lower levels. Women represent 60 percent
of all judges in the capital and 25 percent of the nation's total jurists. Approximately
43 percent of the university students enrolled in the 1996-97 academic year were
women. On the other hand, while the rate of illiteracy has dropped markedly in
both rural and urban areas, the rate of female illiteracy in all categories is at least
double that of men. Among 10- to 14-year-old children, 5.5 percent of urban girls
are illiterate, compared with 2.2 percent of urban boys; and 27 percent of rural girls,
compared with less than 7 percent of rural boys.
Several active nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) focus, in whole or in part,
on women's advocacy, or research women's issues, and a cadre of attorneys rep-
resent women in domestic cases. Media attention focuses on women's economic and
1586
academic accomplishments, and usually omits reference to culturally sensitive is-
sues.
Children. — The Government demonstrates a strong commitment to public edu-
cation, which is compulsory until age 16. Primary school enrollment for the 1996-
97 scholastic year was roughly the same as the preceding year; secondary school en-
rollment showed an 8 percent increase. The Government reported that 98 percent
of children attend school full-time. The Government offers a maternal and child
health program, providing pre- and post-natal services. It sponsors an immunization
Srogram targeting preschool-aged children, and reports that over 95 percent of chil-
ren are vaccinated.
In 1995 the Government promulgated laws to constitute a code for the protection
of children. The code proscribes child abuse, abandonment, and sexual or economic
exploitation. Penalties for convictions for abandonment and assault on minors are
severe. There is a Ministry for Children and Youths and a presidential delegate to
safeguard the rights and welfare of children.
People With Disabilities. — The law prohibits discrimination based on disability
and mandates that at least 1 percent of the public and private sector jobs be re-
served for the disabled.
All public buildings constructed since 1991 must be accessible to physically dis-
abled persons. Many cities, including the capital, have begun to install wheelchair
access ramps on city sidewalks. There is a general trend toward making public
transportation more accessible to disabled persons. The Government issues special
cards to the disabled for benefits such as unrestricted parking, priority medical serv-
ices, preferential seating on public transportation, and consumer discounts.
Indigenous People. — The Government estimates that a small Berber minority con-
stitutes less than 3 percent of the population. Some older Berbers have retained
their native language, but the younger generation has been assimilated into Tuni-
sian culture through schooling and marriage. Berbers are free to participate in poli-
tics and to express themselves culturally.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution and the Labor Code stipulate the
right of workers to form unions. The Tunisian General Federation of Labor (UGTT)
is the country's only labor federation and claims about 15 percent of the work force
as members, including civil servants and employees of state-owned enterprises.
There is no legal prohibition against the establishment of other labor federations.
A union may be dissolved only by court order.
The UGTT and its member unions are legally indef)endent of the Government and
the ruling party but operate under regulations that restrict their freedom of action.
The UGTTs membership includes persons associated with all political tendencies,
although Islamists have been removed from union ofTices. The current UGTT leader-
ship follows a policy of cooperation with the Government and its economic reform
program. There are credible reports that the UGTT receives substantial government
subsidies to supplement modest union dues and funding from the National Social
Security Account. In April authorities arrested four UGTT members who signed a
petition that criticized tne UGTT secretary general (see Section 2. a.).
Unions, including those representing civil servants, have the right to strike, pro-
vided they give 10 days' advance notice to the UGTT and it approves of the strike.
This advance approval, however, is rarely sought in practice. In recent years, the
majority of strilces have been illegal because the UGTT has not approved them in
advance. However, the Government has not prosecuted workers for illegal strike ac-
tivity. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) has charac-
terized the requirement for prior UGTT approval of strikes as a violation of worker
rights. The law prohibits retribution against strikers, but some employers punish
them nevertheless, forcing the strikers to pursue costly and time-consuming legal
remedies to protect their rights.
Labor disputes are settled through conciliation panels in which labor and manage-
ment are equally represented. Tripartite regional arbitration commissions settle in-
dustrial disputes when conciliation fails.
Unions are free to associate with international bodies.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right to organize and
bargain collectively is protected by law and observed in practice. Wages and working
conditions are set by triennial negotiations between the UGTT member unions and
employers.
Forty-seven collective bargaining agreements set standards for industries in the
private sector and cover 80 percent of the total private sector work force. Each ac-
cord is negotiated by representatives of unions and employers in the area it covered.
The Government's role in these negotiations is minimal, consisting mainly of lend-
1587
ing its good offices if talks appear to be stalled. However, the Government must ap-
prove, but may not modify, the agreements. When approved, the agreements set
standards for all employees, both union and nonunion, in the areas they cover.
The UGTT also negotiates wages and work conditions of civil servants and em-
ployees of state-owned enterprises.
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers. The UGTT, however, is
concerned about antiunion activity among private sector employers, especially the
firing of union activists and the use of temporary workers to avoid unionization. In
certain industries, such as textiles and construction, temporary workers account for
a large majority of the work force. The Labor Code protects temporary workers, but
enforcement is more difficult than in the case of permanent workers. A committee
chaired by an officer from the Labor Inspectorate of the Office of the Inspector Gen-
eral of the Ministry of Social Affairs, and including a labor representative and an
employers' association representative, approves all worker dismissals.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Tunisia abolished compulsory
labor in 1989. The law now prohibits forced or compulsory labor by either adults
or children and it is not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits forced and bonded child labor, and the Government enforces this prohibi-
tion effectively (see Section 6.c.). The minimum age for employment in manufactur-
ing is 16 years. The minimum age for light work in agriculture and some other non-
industrial sectors is 13 years. Tne law also requires children to attend school untU
age 16. Workers between the ages of 14 and 18 must have 12 hours of rest a day,
which include the hours between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. Children between 14 and 16
may work no more than 2 hours a day. The total time that they spend in school
and work may not exceed 7 hours per day. Inspectors of the Ministry of Social Af-
fairs examine the records of employees to verify that employers comply with the
minimum age law. Nonetheless, young children often perform agricultural work in
rural areas and work as vendors in urban areas, primarily during the summer vaca-
tion from school.
The UGTT has expressed concern that child labor continues to exist disguised as
apprenticeship, particularly in the handicraft industry, and in the cases of young
girls whose families place them as household domestics in order to collect their
wages.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The Labor Code provides for a range of admin-
istratively determined minimum wages, which are set by a commission of represent-
atives from the Ministries of Social Affairs, Planning, Finance, and National Econ-
omy in consultation with the UGTT and the employers' association. The President
approves the commission's recommendations. The minimum wage schedule was ad-
justed in August and in November. After the second increase, the industrial mini-
mum wage is $155 (170 dinars) per month for a 48-hour workweek and $136 (149
dinars) per month for a 40-hour workweek. The agricultural minimum wage is $4.74
(5.20 dinars) per day. When supplemented by transportation and family allowances,
the minimum wage covers only essential costs for a worker and family.
The Labor Code sets a standard 48-hour workweek for most sectors and requires
one 24-hour rest period.
Regional labor inspectors are responsible for enforcing standards. They inspect
most firms about once every 2 years. However, the Government often encounters dif-
ficulty in enforcing the minimum wage law, particularly in nonunionized sectors of
the economy. Moreover, more than 240,000 workers are employed in the informal
sector, which falls outside the purview of labor legislation.
The Ministry of Social Affairs has responsibility for enforcing health and safety
standards in the workplace. There are special government regulations covering such
hazardous occupations as mining, petroleum engineering, and construction. Working
conditions and standards tend to be better in firms that are export-oriented than
in those producing exclusively for the domestic market. Workers are free to remove
themselves from dangerous situations without jeopardizing their employment, and
they may take legal action against employers who retaliate against them for exercis-
ing this right.
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a federation of seven Emirates established
in 1971. None has any democratically elected institutions or political parties. Each
emirate retains control over its own oil and mineral wealth and some aspects of de-
fense and internal security, although the Federal Government asserts primacy in
1588
most matters of law and government. Traditional rule in the emirates has generally
been patriarchal, with political allegiance defined in terms of loyalty to the tribal
leaders.
Political leaders in the emirates are not elected, but citizens may express their
concerns directly to their leaders via traditional mechanisms, such as the open
majlis, or council. In accordance with the 1971 Constitution, the seven emirate rul-
ers constitute a Federal Siopreme Council, the highest legislative and executive
body. The Council selects a President and Vice President from its membership; the
President in turn appoints the Prime Minister and Cabinet. The Constitution pro-
vides that the Council meets annually, although individual leaders meet frequently
in more traditional settings. The Cabinet manages the Federation on a day-to-day
basis. The judiciary generally is indep>endent, but its decisions are subject to review
by the political leadership.
Each emirate maintains its own police force, but only the Federal Government
and the Emirate of Dubai have independent internal security organizations.
The UAE has a free market economy based on oil and gas production, trade, and
light manufacturing. The Government owns the majority share of the petroleum
f>roduction enterprise in the largest emirate, Abu Dhabi. The Emirate of Dubai is
ikewise an oil producer, as well as a growing financial and commercial center in
the Gulf. The remaining five emirates have negligible petroleum or other resources
and therefore dejjend in varying degrees on federal government subsidies, particu-
larly for basic services such as health care, electricity, water, and education. The
economy provides citizens with a high per capita income, but it is heavily dependent
on foreign workers, who comprise at least 80 jjercent of the general population.
The Government continued to restrict human rights in a number of areas; e.g.,
denial of the right of citizens to change their government, the right to a speedy trial,
and limitations on the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and worker
rights. Women continue to make progress in education and in the work force, but
some types of discrimination persist. The press continued to avoid direct criticism
of the Government and exercised self-censorship.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There were no reports of torture. The Constitution prohibits torture or degrading
treatment. There are consistent but unconfirmed reports from foreign prisoners of
beatings and coerced confessions by police during the initial detention. The Govern-
ment has conducted internal investigations of these reports. These inquiries found
the reports to be groundless. Shari'a courts frequently impose flogging (except in
Dubai) on Muslims found guilty of adultery, prostitution, and drug and alcohol
abuse. In practice, flogging is administered in accordance with Shari'a so as to pre-
vent major or permanent injuries. The individual administering the lashing tradi-
tionally nolds a Koran under the arm and swings the whip using the forearm only.
According to press accounts, punishments for adultery and prostitution have ranged
from 39 to 200 lashes. Individuals convicted of drunkenness have been sentenced
to 80 lashes.
The Federal Supreme Court ruled in 1993 that convictions in the Shari'a courts
do not necessarily require the imposition of Shari'a penalties on non-Muslims, but
sentences have been carried out in a few cases.
No amputations were known to have been carried out.
In central prisons holding long-term inmates, cells may house more prisoners
than they were designed for. Prisoners are provided with food, medical care, and
adequate sanitation facilities, but sleep on slabs built into the cell walls, with a
blanket under them and a second covering them. The central prisons are not air-
conditioned during the intense heat and humidity of the summer. The Government
plans to install air conditioning. Currently, prisoners with medical conditions are
placed in air conditioned rooms during the summer months. Prisoners not under in-
vestigation and not involved in drug cases may receive visitors up to three times
each week and may also make occasional telephone calls.
The Government does not permit independent monitoring of prison conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution prohibits arrest, search,
detention, or imprisonment except in accordance with the law. The laws of each
emirate prohibit arrest or search without probable cause.
1589
Under the Criminal Procedures Code, the police must report arrests within 48
hours to the Attorney General, who must determine within the next 24 hours
whether to charge, release, or order further detention pending an investigation. The
Attorney General may order detainees held for up to 21 days without charge. After
that time, the authorities must obtain a court order for further detention without
charge.
Although the code does not specify a right to a speedy trial, authorities bring de-
tainees to trial in reasonable time. Trials may last a substantial period of time, de-
pending on the seriousness of the charges, number of witnesses, and availability of
judges. There is no formal system of bail, but the authorities may temporarily re-
lease detainees who deposit money or an important document such as a passport.
The law permits incommunicado detention, but there is no evidence that it is prac-
ticed. Defendants in cases involving loss of life, including involuntary manslaughter,
may be denied release in accordance with the local custom of protecting the defend-
ant from the victim's aggrieved family. Bail is usually permitted, however, after
payment of "diya", i.e., financial compensation paid for death or injury cases.
Review of criminal cases by the ofiice of the President in Abu Dhabi and bureau-
cratic delay in processing prisoners or release sometime result in detainees serving
additional, unnecessary time in the central prisons. In one case involving fornication
charges in a Christian-Muslim marriage, the prisoner remained incarcerated for
several months after he had completed his court-mandated sentence.
The Constitution prohibits exile, and it is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for the independence
of the judiciary, but its decisions are subject to review by the political leadership.
There is a dual system of Shari'a (Islamic) and civil (secular) courts. The civil
courts are generally part of the federal system and are answerable to the Federal
Supreme Court, located in Abu Dhabi, which has the power of judicial review as
well as original jurisdiction in disputes between emirates or between the Federal
Government and individual emirates. Courts and other parts of the judicial system
in the Emirate of Dubai tend to maintain independence from the federal system.
The Shari'a courts are administered by eacn emirate but are also answerable to
the Federal Supreme Court. In 1994 the President decreed that the Shari'a courts,
and not the civil courts, would have the authority to try almost all types of criminal
cases. The decree did not affect the emirates of Dubai, Umm Al-Qaiwain, and Ras
Al-Khaimah which have lower courts independent of the federal system.
Le^al counsel may represent defendants in both court systems. Under the new
Criminal Procedures Coae, the accused has a right to counsel in all cases involving
a capital crime or possible life imprisonment. Only the Emirate of Dubai has a pub-
lic defender's ofiice. If the defendant is indigent, the Government will provide coun-
sel. In Dubai, however, the Government provides indigents counsel only in felony
cases. The Supreme Court ruled in 1993 that a defendant in an appeals case has
a "fundamental right" to select his attorney and that this right supersedes a judge's
power to appoint an attorney for the defendant.
The right to legal counsel is interpreted to mean that the accused has access to
an attorney only after the police have completed their investigation. Thus, the police
can question accused persons — sometimes for days or weeks, as in narcotics cases —
without the benefit of legal counsel.
Defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty. There are no jury trials.
A single judge normally renders the verdict in each case, whether in Shari'a or civil
courts; three judges sit for Dubai felony cases. All trials are public, except national
security cases and those deemed by the judge likely to harm public morality. Most
judges are foreign nationals, primarily from other Arab countries; however, the Min-
istry of Justice has trained some UAL citizens as judges and prosecutors.
Each court system has an appeal process. Death sentences may be appealed to
the ruler of the emirate in whicn the offense was committed or to the President of
the Federation. Non-Muslims tried for criminal ofienses in Shari'a courts may re-
ceive civil penalties at the discretion of the judge. Shari'a penalties imposed on non-
Muslims may be overturned or modified by a higher court.
The Ofiice of the President in Abu Dhabi Emirate (also known as the Diwan), fol-
lowing the traditional prerogatives of a local ruler, maintains the practice of review-
ing many tyj)es of criminal and civil offenses (such as alcohol use, drug-related
cases, firearm use, cases involving personal injury, and cases affecting tribal har-
mony) before cases are released to the prosecutor's ofiice. The Diwan also reviews
sentences passed by judges and reserves the right to return cases to the courts on
appeal. The Diwan s involvement leads to long delays prior to and following the ju-
dicial process, causing prisoners to remain in prison after they have completed their
sentence. Although there are reports of intervention by other emirates' rulers in spe-
cific cases of personal interest, it does not appear to be done routinely.
1590
The military has its own court system based on Western military judicial practice.
Military tribunals try only military personnel. There is no separate national security
court system. In Dubai convicted criminals are eligible for executive pardon, often
based on humanitarian grounds, once they have served at least half of their sen-
tence.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Constitution prohibits entry into homes without the owner's permission, except in
accordance with the law. Although the police may enter homes without a warrant
and without demonstrating probable cause, an officer's actions in searching prem-
ises are subject to review, and he is subject to disciplinary action if he acts irrespon-
sibly. Officials other than a police officer must have a court order to enter a private
home. Local custom and practice place a high value on privacy, and entry into pri-
vate homes without the owner's permission is rare. There is no known surveillance
of private correspondence. However, foreigners have received sealed publications,
such as magazines, through the international mail in which unprovocative pictures
of the naked human figure have been blackened over with a marking pen.
Family law for Muslims is governed by Shari'a law and the local Shari'a courts.
As such, Muslim women are forbidden to marry non-Muslims. During 1996-97, in
a case of a marriage between a Muslim woman and a Christian man, the bride's
family filed a complaint against the groom resulting in his arrest. The respjonsible
Shari'a court declared the union as illicit and the Christian man was convicted of
fornication and sentenced to 1 year's imprisonment and 39 lashes. He was eventu-
ally released after having served several months in excess of his sentence. The lash-
ing was not carried out.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Although the Constitution provides for freedom
of speech, most people, especially foreign nationals, refrain from criticizing the Gov-
ernment in public. All published material is subject to Federal Law 15 of 1988,
which stipulates that all publications, whether books or periodicals, should be li-
censed by the Ministry of Education. It also governs content and contains a list of
proscribed subjects. Mindful of these provisions, journalists censor themselves when
reporting on government policy, the ruling families, national security, religion, and
relations with neighboring states.
Many of the local English and Arabic language newspapers are privately owned
but receive government subsidies. Foreign publications are routinely subjected to
censorship before distribution.
All television and radio stations are government owned and conform to govern-
ment reporting guidelines. Satellite receiving dishes are widespread and provide ac-
cess to international broadcasts without apparent censorship. Censors at the Min-
istry of Information and Culture review imported newspapers, periodicals, books,
films, and videos and ban any material considered pornographic, violent, derogatory
to Islam, favorable to Israel, unduly critical of friendly countries, or critical of the
Government or the ruling families.
The unwritten but generally recognized ban on criticism of the Government also
restricts academic freedom, although in recent years academics have been more
open in their criticism.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — These freedoms are tightly re-
stricted. Organized public gatherings require a government permit. Each emirate
determines its own practice on public gatherings. Some emirates are relatively toler-
ant of seminars and conferences on sensitive subjects.
Citizens normally confine their political discussions to the numerous gatherings
or majlis, held in private homes. There are no restrictions on such gatherings. How-
ever, private associations must follow the Government's censorship guidelines if
they publish any material. Unauthorized political organizations are prohibited.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Islam is the official religion of all the emirates. Citizens
are predominantly Sunni Muslims, but Shi'a Muslims are also free to worship and
maintain mosques. In 1993 the Emirate of Dubai placed private mosques under the
control of its Department of Islamic AfTairs and Endowments. This move gave the
Gk)vemment control over the appointment of preachers and the conduct of their
work. Throughout the emirates, most mosques are government funded or subsidized,
and the Ministry of Awqaf and Religious Affairs ensures that clergy do not deviate
from approved topics in their sermons.
Non-Muslims are free to practice their religion but may not proselytize publicly
or distribute religious literature. Major cities have Christian churches and Hindu
and Sikh temples, some built on land donated bv the ruling families. Other religious
communities (mostly expatriates residing in Dubai and Abu Dhabi) include Ismailis,
1591
Parsis, and Iranian Baha'is. The Government permits foreign clergy to minister to
expatriate congregations. Non-Muslim religious groups are permitted to engage in
private charitaole activities and to send their children to private schools.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— There are no limitations on freedom of movement or relocation within
the country, except for security areas such as defense and oil installations.
Unrestricted foreign travel and emigration are permitted to male citizens except
those involved in financial disputes under adjudication. A husband may bar his wife
and children from leaving the country. All citizens have the right to return. There
is a small population of stateless residents, many of whom have lived in the UAE
for more than one generation. They are Bedouins or the descendants of Bedouins
who are unable to prove that they are of UAE origin. There is no formal procedure
for naturalization, although foreign women receive citizenship by marriage to a
UAE citizen, and anyone may receive a passport by presidential fiat. Because they
are not of the original UAE tribal groups, naturalized citizens can have their pass-
ports and citizenship status revoked for criminal or politically provocative actions.
It is believed that such revocations are rare.
Citizens are not restricted in seeking or changing employment. However, foreign
nationals in specific occupations, primarily professional, may not change employers
without first leaving the country for 6 months. During 1997, in an effort to liberalize
employment regulations, the Federal Gk)vernment removed the 6-month ban from
some of these professions. Foreign nationals involved in disputes with UAE citizen
employers can be blacklisted by the employer with UAE immigration authorities, ef-
fectively preventing their return.
The Government has not formulated a formal policy regarding refugees, asylees,
or first asylum. It may detain persons seeking refugee status, particularly non-
Arabs, while they await resettlement in a third country.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
There are no democratically elected institutions, and citizens do not have the
right to change their government or to form political parties. Although there are
consultative councils at the federal and emirate levels, most executive and legisla-
tive power is in the hands of the Federal Supreme Council. The seven emirate rul-
ers, their extended families, and those persons and families to whom they are allied
by historical ties, marriage, or common interest wield most political power in their
own emirates. Decisions at the federal level are generally made by consensus of the
sheiks of the seven emirates and leading families.
A federal consultative body, called the Federal National Council (FNC), consists
of advisers appointed by the rulers of each emirate. The FNC has no legislative au-
thority but may question ministers and make policy recommendations to the Cabi-
net. Its sessions are usually open to the public.
The choice of a new emirate ruler falls to the ruling family in consultation with
other prominent tribal figures. By tradition, rulers and ruling families are presumed
to have the right to rule, but their incumbency ultimately depends on the quality
of their leadership and their responsiveness to their subjects' needs. Emirate rulers
are accessible, in varying degrees, to citizens who have a problem or a request.
Tradition rather than law nas limited the political role of women. Women are free
to hold government positions, but there are few women in senior positions. Although
the small Shi'a minority has enjoyed commercial success, few Shi'a Muslims have
top positions in the Federal Crovemment.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no independent human rights groups. Government restrictions on free-
dom of the press and public association make it difficult for such groups to inves-
tigate and publicly criticize the Government's human rights restrictions. A human
rights section exists within Dubai Emirate's police force to monitor allegations of
human rights abuses. Informal public discussions of human rights, press reports of
international human rights forums' activities, and media coverage of selected local
human rights problems, such as foreign workers' conditions, are increasing public
awareness of human rights.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equality before the law with regard to race, nation-
ality, religious beliefs, or social status. However, there is institutional and cultural
discrimination based on sex, nationality, and religion.
1592
Women. — There are reported cases of spousal abuse. Police units are stationed at
major public hospitals so that victims of abuse can file complaints or attending phy-
sicians can call upon the police to interview susf)ected victims of abuse. m)men,
however, are sometimes reluctant to file formal charges for social, cultural, and eco-
nomic reasons. When reported, the local police authorities may take action to pro-
tect women from abuse. The laws protect women from verbal abuse or harassment
from men, and violators are subject to criminal action. There continue to be credible
reports of abuse of female domestic servants by some UAE and foreign employers
(see Section 6.e.).
Most women play a subordinate role in this family centered society because of
early marriages and traditional attitudes about women's activities. Husbands may
bar their wives and children from leaving the country (see Section 2.d.), and a mar-
ried woman may not accept employment without her husband's written consent. Is-
lamic law is applied in cases oi divorce. Courts usually grant custody to the father
regardless of the child's age in divorce cases. In most cases involving children under
the age of 7 years, the mother is granted temporary custody, which then reverts to
the father at the age of 7 years. Older children live with their fathers unless judicial
authorities decide otherwise. A woman who remarries forfeits her right to the cus-
tody of children from a previous marriage. Islamic law permits polygyny.
Women are restricted from holding majority shares in most businesses. A wom-
an's property is not commingled with that of her husband. Women who work outside
the home do not receive equal benefits, such as housing, and may face discrimina-
tion in promotion. In June 1995, the UAE Cabinet provisionally extended paid ma-
ternity leave for citizen women in the private sector to 3 months at full pay from
45 days, and up to 1 year's leave at half pay and a second year's leave at quarter
pay. A 1996 federal decree ratified the International Labor Organization (ILCJ) Gen-
eral Conference Equal Remuneration Convention of 1951.
Opportunities for women have grown in government service, education, private
business, and health services. According to UAE government figures, 19.4 percent
of the country's work force in 1995 was female. The Federal Government has pub-
licly encouraged women to join the work force, guaranteeing public sector employ-
ment for all who apply. According to the available statistics, women constitute 100
percent of nursery school teachers, 55 percent of primary school teachers, 65 percent
of intermediate and secondary school teachers, 54.3 percent of health care workers,
and 39.8 percent of all government employees. Cultural barriers and the lack of eco-
nomic necessity have limited female participation. A symposium promoting the
rights of women in the labor force was neld in October 1996. Participants called for
increasing rights granted to women including the elimination of the requirement
that a husband give approval before his wife can work.
Women continue to make rapid progress in education. They constitute over 75
percent of the student body at the National University in Al-Ain, largely because
women, unlike men, rarely study abroad.
Women are officially encouraged to continue their education, and government-
sponsored women's centers provide adult education and technical training courses.
The Federal Armed Forces accept female volunteers, who may enroll in a special
training course started after the Gulf War. The Dubai Police College recruits
women, many of whom are deployed at airports, immigration offices, and women's
prisons. As of mid-1995, about 85 women had graduated from the college.
The law prohibits cohabitation by unmarried couples. The (jovernment may im-
prison and deport noncitizen women if they bear children out of wedlock. In the
event that the courts sentence women to prison for such an offense, local authorities
will hold the newborn children in a special facility until the mother's release and
deportation. Children may remain in this facility longer in the event of a custody
dispute.
Children. — The Government is committed to the welfare of children. Children who
are citizens receive free health care, free education, guaranteed housing, and other
perquisites of citizenship. A family may also be eligible to receive aid from the Min-
istry of Labor and Social Welfare for sons and daughters who are under the age of
18 or unmarried or disabled. There is no pattern of societal child abuse.
People With Disabilities. — There is no federal legislation reguiring accessibility for
the disabled. However, the Ministry of Labor and Social Auairs sponsors centers
which provide facilities and services to the disabled. Services range from monthly
social aid funds, special education, and transportation assistance to sending a team
to the Special Olympics.
National / Racial /Ethnic Minorities. — Discrimination based on national origin,
while not legally sanctioned, is prevalent (see Section 2.d.). Employment, immigra-
tion, and security policy, as well as cultural attitudes towards foreign workers, are
conditioned by national origin.
1593
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — There are no unions and no strikes. The law does
not grant workers the right to organize unions or to strike. Foreign workers, who
make up the bulk of the work force, risk deportation if they attempt to organize
unions or to strike.
Since July 1995, the UAE has been suspended from the U.S. Overseas Private In-
vestment Corporation insurance programs because of the Government's lack of com-
pliance with internationally recognized worker rights standards.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law does not grant work-
ers the right to engage in collective bargaining, which is not practiced. Workers in
the industrial and service sectors are normally employed under contracts that are
subject to review by the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. The Ministry of Inte-
rior Naturalization and Inunigration Administration is responsible for reviewing the
contracts of domestic employees as part of residency permit processing.
The purpose of the review is to ensure that the pay will satisfy the employee's
basic need^ and secure a means of living. For the resolution of work-related dis-
Eutes, workers must rely on conciliation committees organized by the Ministry of
abor and Social Affairs or on special labor courts.
Labor laws do not cover government employees, domestic servants, and agricul-
tural workers. The latter two groups face considerable difTiculty in obtaining assist-
ance to resolve disputes with employers. While any worker may seek redress
through tjie courts, this process puts a heavy financial burden on those in lower in-
come brackets.
In Dubai's Jebel Ali Free Zone, the same labor laws apply as in the rest of the
country.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is ille-
gal and not practiced. However, some unscrupulous employment agents bring for-
eign workers to the UAE under conditions approaching indenture. The Government
prohibits forced and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition effectively.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Labor
regulations prohibit employment of persons under the age of 15 and have special
firovisions for employing those 15 to 18 years of age. The Department of Labor en-
orces the regulations. Other regulations permit employers to engage only adult for-
eign workers. In 1993 the Government prohibited the employment of children under
the age of 15 as camel jockeys and of jockeys who do not weigh more than 45 kilo-
grams. The Camel Racing Association is responsible for enforcing these rules. How-
ever, children under the age of 15 working as camel jockeys have still been ob-
served. Otherwise, child labor is not permitted. The Government prohibits forced
and bonded child labor and enforces this prohibition effectively (see Section 6.c.).
The Government does not issue visas for foreign workers under the age of 16 years.
Education is compulsory through the intermediate stage, approximately the age of
13 or 14 years.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no legislated or administrative mini-
mum wage. Supply and demand determine compensation. However, according to the
Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, there is an unofficial, unwritten minimum
wage rate which would afford a worker and family a minimal standard of living.
As noted in Section 6.b., the Labor and Social Afi'airs Ministry reviews labor con-
tracts and does not approve any contract that stipulates a clearly unacceptable
wajge.
The standard workday and workweek are 8 hours a day, 6 days per week, but
these standards are not strictly enforced. Certain types of workers, notably domestic
servants, may be obliged to work longer than the mandated standard hours. The
law also provides for a minimum of 24 days per year of annual leave plus 10 na-
tional and religious holidays. In addition, manual workers are not required to do
outdoor work when the temperature exceeds 45 degrees Celsius (112 degrees Fahr-
enheit).
Most foreign workers receive either employer-provided housing or housing allow-
ances, medical care, and homeward passage from their employers. Most foreign
workers do not earn the minimum salary of $1,090 per month (or $817 per month,
if a housing allowance is provided in addition to the salary) required to obtain resi-
dency permits for their families. Employers have the option to petition for a 6-
month ban from the work force against any foreign employee who leaves his job
without fulfilling the terms of his contract.
The Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, municipalities,
and civil defense units enforce health and safety standards. The Government re-
quires every large industrial concern to employ a certified occupational safety offi-
cer. An injured worker is entitled to fair compensation. Health standards are not
uniformly observed in the housing camps provided for foreign workers. Workers' jobs
1594
are not protected if they remove themselves from what they consider to be unsafe
working conditions. However, the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs may require
employers to reinstate workers dismissed for not performing unsafe work. All work-
ers have the right to lodge grievances with Ministry officials, who make an effort
to investigate all complaints. However, the Ministry is understaffed and underbudg-
eted; complaints and compensation claims are backlogged.
Rulings on complaints may be appealed within the Ministry and ultimately to the
courts. However, many workers choose not to protest for fear of reprisals or aeporta-
tion. The press periodically carries reports of abuses suffered by domestic servants,
particularly women, at the hands of some employers. Allegations have included ex-
cessive work hours, nonpayment of wages, and verbal and physical abuse.
YEMEN
The Republic of Yemen, comprising the former (northern) Yemen Arab Republic
and (southern) People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, was proclaimed in 1990. The
first democratically elected parliament was convened in 1993. Following a brief but
bloody civil war in mid-1994, the country was reunified under the rule of the
Sana a-based government. Later in 1994, a new postwar governing coalition was
formed, composed of the General People's Congress (GPC) and the Yemeni Grouping
for Reform (Islaah). Field Marshal Ali Abdullah Saleh is the President and leader
of the GPC. He was elected by the legislature in 1994 to a 5-year term. A constitu-
tional amendment provides that henceforth the president is to be elected by popular
vote from at least two candidates selected by the legislature. Parliamentary elec-
tions were held in April, with the Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP), formerly the main
party of the south and a previous coalition partner, leading an opposition boycott.
The GPC won an absolute majority of the new parliament. International observers
judged the April parliamentary elections, which, like the 1993 voting, were held on
the basis of universal adult suffrage, as reasonably free and fair. However, the Par-
liament is not yet an effective counterweight to executive authority. Real political
power rests with a few leaders, particularly the President. The judiciary, nominally
independent, is weak and severely hampered by corruption, executive branch inter-
ference, and the frequent failure of the authorities to carry out sentences.
The primary state security apparatus is the Political Security Organization (PSO),
which reports directly to the President. It is independent of the Ministry of Interior.
The Criminal Investigative Department (CID) oi the police conducts most criminal
investigations and makes most arrests. The Central Security Organization (CSO),
a part of the Ministry of Interior, maintains a paramilitary force. The civilian au-
thorities did not maintain effective control of the security forces. Some members of
the security forces, particularly the PSO, committed numerous, serious human
rights abuses.
Yemen is a very poor country. Its embryonic market-based economy, despite a
major economic reform program, remains impeded by excessive government inter-
ference and endemic corruption. Its annual per capita gross national product (GNP)
is estimated at $325. Agriculture accounts for approximately 18 percent of GNP and
industry for approximately 8 percent. Oil is the primary source of foreign exchange.
Other exports include fish, agricultural products, tton, and building materials. Re-
mittances from citizens working abroad (primarily in Saudi Arabia) are also impor-
tant. Remittances were sharply reduced after Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states
expelled up to 850,000 Yemeni workers during the Gulf War because of the Govern-
ment's lack of support for the U.N. coalition. The Gulf states also suspended most
assistance programs, and much other western aid was reduced. Foreign aid is begin-
ning to reemerge as an importance source of income.
Tne Government's human rights record continued to be poor, although late in the
year the Government took initiatives to combat some human rights problems. There
are significant limitations on citizens' right to change their government. There were
unconfirmed reports of extrajudicial killing by some members of the security forces.
Some members of the security forces tortured and otherwise abused persons. Prison
conditions are poor. Some members of the security forces continued to arbitrarily ar-
rest and detain citizens, especially persons still regarded as "separatists." PSO offi-
cers have broad discretion over perceived national security issues, and, despite con-'
stitutional constraints, routinely detain citizens for questioning, mistreat detainees,
monitor citizens' activities, and search their homes. The Government rarely held
members of the security forces accountable for human rights abuses. Indeed, the se-
curity forces sometimes countermanded orders from the President and the Interior
Ministry. After a series of bombings incidents which began in Aden in August, secu-
1595
rity forces rounded up more than 120 suspects, most of whom were held in incom-
municado detention for several weeks without formally being charged. Eventually
most of the detainees were released, two groups of 27 and 31 persons, respectively,
were brought to trial in connection with the bombings, amid charges of violations
of the rights of the accused. Security forces made additional arrest after a series
of bombings in October. Prolonged pretrial detention is a serious problem, and judi-
cial corruption, inefficiency, and executive interference undermine due process. The
Constitution limits freedom of speech and the press, and the Government harassed,
intimidated, and detained journalists. Journalists practice self-censorship. The Gov-
ernment imposes some restrictions on freedom of religion. Discrimination based on
sex, race, disability, social status, and to a lesser extent, religion, exists. Violence
against women is a problem. Female genital mutilation is practiced by some fami-
lies, especially along the coastal areas on the Red Sea; although publicly discour-
aged, the authorities do not prohibit it.
In reaction to a March report by Amnesty International (AI), the Government an-
nounced that it would investigate some of the issues raised, including cases of dis-
Spearance, arbitrary arrest, and torture, in addition to the situation of women.
>wever, it rejected some of AI's allegations.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Some members of the security forces
have committed extrajudicial killings. In April Abdullah Ahmed Barkani, a soldier
on night duty, opened fire at a polling station and killed five soldiers and three civil-
ians.
There were unconfirmed reports that two soldiers were killed by their military su-
periors, apparently as a result of excessive use of corporal punishment. Awadh Mu-
barak, a soldier based in Hadramaut Governorate, reportedly died in May from inju-
ries sustained during a beating by his military superiors. During the same week,
another soldier died at al-Thawra military camp. He reportedly had been beaten
with metal skewers.
There were reports that two persons who were arrested after the July bombings
in Aden died as a result of torture inflicted by the security forces. The Government
stated that only one man died, and that he committed suicide.
The 1996 case of a YSP activist who died in police custody remains unresolved.
The youth had been arrested following his participation in a peaceful demonstration
in Mukallah. No member of the security forces has been charged in connection with
his death.
Several persons died during the election registration process and on election day
during violent incidents at polling places. Most of these deaths were attributed to
underlying tribal disputes connected to the elections.
b. Disappearance. — Members of the security forces continue to arrest and detain
citizens for varying periods of time without charge or notification to the families
concerned. Many detainees, especially in southern govemorates, are associated with
the YSP or other opposition parties and accused of being "separatists." Most such
disappearances are temporary, and detainees are releasea within months. Such was
the case of persons arrested in connection with the July 28 bombings (see Section
l.d.)
Amnesty International presented a "sample" list of 28 persons who reportedly
"disappeared" while in government custody in the years 1994 to 1996. The Govern-
ment promised to look into these cases. AI also alleged that there were hundreds
of unresolved disappearances dating from the pre-union period, and particularly
from the year 1986. In late 1997, the Foreign Ministry created a special office for
human rights. The office has set up a computer data base for tracking persons al-
leged to have "disappeared" in the past, particularly in the former People's Demo-
cratic Republic of Yemen during the 1986 southern civil war. This office was created
specifically to respond to Amnesty International's continuing assertion that the Gov-
ernment refuses to account for "disappeared" persons.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution, which asserts that Shari'a (Islamic law) "is the source of all legis-
lation," is ambiguous on its prohibition of cruel or inhuman punishment. However,
there were reports that members of the security forces tortured and otherwise
abused persons. Although there is no evidence of the systematic use of torture in
detention facilities, arresting authorities are known to use force during interroga-
tions, especially of those arrested for violent crimes. The Government in late 1997
banned tne use of heavy leg-irons and shackles.
1596
According to a local human rights organization, many instances of torture have
taken place at Amran prison. The organization reported that it had received first-
hand evidence of the torture of one prisoner in Amran. Another credible source con-
firmed the torture of a non-Yemeni citizen in a Sanaa detention facility. Amnesty
International reported numerous cases of torture from previous years for which no
security ofiicials have been held accountable. The Grovemment acknowledged to Am-
nesty International that torture takes place, but said that the use of torture is not
government policy. A high-level prosecutor reported to a Yemeni newspaper in late
1996 that six cases of torture by security officials had been referred to the courts
that year. The prosecutor cited illiteracy and lack of training among police and secu-
rity officials as one of the reasons for the persistence of undue force in the prisons.
There were reports that security forces tortured two men arrested after tne July
bombings in Aden, causing their deaths. The Grovemment stated that only one man
died, and that he committed suicide (see Section l.a.).
The Constitution states that the Government may not impose "illegal" punish-
ments— a formulation that could be interpreted as permitting amputations accord-
ing to Shari'a. There were no reports of amputations since 1991. The Shari'a-based
law permits physical punishments such as flogging for minor crimes (e.g., the pen-
alty for the consumption of alcohol is 80 lashes), ft also provides for the ritual dis-
play in public of the bodies of executed criminals. In August, a judge in Seiyun sen-
tenced two tribesmen to death by firing squad and ordered their Dodies to be dis-
played in public. The judgment was in reaction to the pair's brutal slaying of a fam-
ily of three persons. The sentence was upheld by President Saleh and carried out
on August 4 with thousands of onlookers watching. The culprits were first shot by
a military firing squad, which hung the bodies on tne city wall for a 24-hour period.
The purpose of this practice is to demonstrate to the families of victims that justice
has been done and to avoid blood feuds between tribes.
Prison conditions are poor and do not meet internationally recognized minimum
standards. Prisons are overcrowded, sanitary conditions are poor, and food and
health care are inadequate. Inmates must depend on relatives for food and medi-
cine. Many inmates lack mattresses or bedding. Prison authorities often exact
money from prisoners and refuse to release prisoners until family members pay a
bribe. Tribal leaders misuse the prison system by placing "problem" tribesmen in
jail, either to punish them for non-criminal indiscretions or to protect them from
angry mobs.
Conditions are equally poor in women's prisons, where children are likely to be
incarcerated along with their mothers. Female prisoners are regularly held in jail
past the expiration of their sentences, and are not released until a male relative ar-
ranges their release. Female prisoners are sometimes subjected to sexual harass-
ment, rape, and violent interrogation by male police and prison officials. At the urg-
ing of AI, the Attorney General agreed to investigate the conditions of women in
prison.
The Government tightly controls access to detention facilities. It allows local and
international human rights monitors access to persons accused of crimes. However,
it allows no access to political prisoners. For example, it did not permit access to
any of the detainees arrested in the wake of the July 28 bombings in Aden.
In December the Human Rights Committee of the Consultative Council (an advi-
sory board to the President) conducted a tour of the major prisons and reported that
many prisoners were in jail without "proper legal basis." The visits prompted the
immediate release of 112 persons, including several women and children. The Com-
mittee fired (with the backing of President Saleh) six prison officials found to be cor-
rupt and incompetent. The Consultative Council is calling for a restructuring of re-
sponsibilities among the three bureaucracies responsible for the prisons — the Min-
istry of Interior, the offices of the district attorneys, and the court system.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law provides for due process, how-
ever, security forces arbitrarily arrest and detain persons. Enforcement is irregular
and in some cases nonexistent, particularly in cases involving security offenses. Ac-
cording to the law, detainees must be arraigned within 24 nours of arrest or re-
leased. The judge or prosecuting attorney must inform the accused of the basis for
the arrest and decide whether detention is required. In no case may a detainee be
held longer than 7 days without a court order. Despite these constitutional and
other legal provisions, arbitrary arrest and prolonged detention without charge are
common practices.
Following a series of explosions that took place in Aden in July, October, and No-
vember, security forces rounded up several groups of suspects and the Government
announced that it had unearthed a terrorist "ring" with links to foreign powers. The
Government said that the terrorists were planning a large conspiracy to destabilize
the Government, to include the killing ol Yemeni and foreign officials. The final
1597
total of those arrested is estimated at more than 200 persons. Eventually most of
those arrested were released without ever being charged with any crime. However,
two separate groups of 31 and 27 individuals, respectively, were formally charged
and brought to trial in late November. The cases were still under way at year's end.
The law provides detainees with the right to inform their families of their arrests
and to decline to answer questions without an attorney present. There are provi-
sions for bail. In practice, many authorities respect these rights only if bribed! The
majority of persons detained in connection with the Aden bombings were not per-
mitted contact with their families or lawyers and were denied bail.
In cases where a criminal suspect is at large, security forces sometimes detain a
relative while the suspect is bemg sought. The detention may continue while the
concerned families negotiate compensation for the alleged wrongdoing. Arbitration,
rather than the court system, is commonly used to settle cases.
The Government has failed to ensure that detainees and prisoners are incarcer-
ated only in authorized detention facilities. The Ministry of Interior and the PSO
operate extrajudicial detention facilities. A large percentage of the total prison popu-
lation consists of pretrial detainees. Thousands of p)eople have been imprisoned for
years without documentation concerning charges against them, their trials, or their
sentences. It is believed that at least some oi these persons are political detainees.
Most of the persons arrested after the Aden bombings apparently had nothing to
do with the crime and were detained merely because of their affiliation with the po-
litical opposition.
While a few cases of those being held without charge have been redressed through
the efforts of local human rights groups (and a few ifiegally detained prisoners have
been released), the authorities have done nothing to investigate or resolve these
cases. However, the Grovemment acknowledged to AI that security officials must be
held more accountable to the judicial system.
Unauthorized, private prisons also exist in tribal areas, where the central govern-
ment exercises very little authority. People detained in these prisons are often held
for strictly personal reasons and without trial or sentencing.
Some tribes seek to bring their political and economic concerns to the attention
of the Government by kidnaping and holding hostages. Victims include foreign busi-
nessmen, diplomats, and tourists, as well as Yemenis. According to a 1997 study by
the newspaper al-Wadah, for example, there were 105 kidnaping cases in 1995
alone. Foreign victims are rarely injured, and the authorities generally have been
successful in obtaining the quick release of foreign hostages. However, it is widely
believed that kidnapings continue because the judiciary fans to implement sentences
against accused kidnapers. Indeed, in most cases the kidnapings are settled out of
court, and no suspects go to trial.
The Government does not use forced exile. At the end of the 1994 civil war, the
President pardoned nearly all persons who had fought against the central Govern-
ment, including military personnel and most leaders of the unrecognized, secession-
ist Democratic Republic of Yemen (DRY). The Government denied this amnesty only
to the 16 most senior leaders of the DRY, who fled abroad, and one of whom is now
presumed dead. Although they were technically not forced into exile, they are sub-
ject to arrest if they return. The so-called "trial of the 16," which began in late 1996,
is in progress. The accused are being tried in absentia on various charges, including
forming a secessionist government, conspiracy, and forming a separate military. De-
fense lawyers claim that the prosecution's case is illegal because it depends on the
application of pre-union laws that had been superseded by post-uniiication laws
prior to the commission of the alleged offenses.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The judiciary is not fully independent, even
though the Constitution provides for an 'autonomous" judiciary and "independent
judges." Judges are appointed by the executive branch, and some have been reas-
signed or removed from office following rulings against the Government. Many liti-
gants maintain, and the Government acknowledges, that a judge's social ties and
susceptibility to bribery sometimes have greater influence on the verdict than the
law or the facts of the case. Some judges appointed since mid-1994 are poorly
trained, and some of those closely associated witn the Government often render de-
cisions favorable to it. The judiciary is further hampered by the frequent reluctance
of the authorities to implement sentences.
There are five types of courts: criminal, civil (i.e., divorce and inheritance), admin-
istrative, commercial, and military.
All courts are governed by Shari'a law. There are no jury trials under Shari'a.
Criminal cases are adjudicated by a judge who plays an active role in questioning
witnesses and the accused. By law, defense attorneys are allowed to counsel their
clients, to address the court and to examine witnesses. Defendants, including those
in commercial courts, have the right to appeal their sentences. Trials are public.
1598
However, all courts may conduct closed sessions "for reasons of public security or
morals." Foreign litigants in commercial disputes have complained of biased rulings.
However, some foreign companies have reported winning cases against Yemeni de-
fendants and seeing tne decisions enforced.
The law permits, in addition to regular courts, a system of tribal adjudication. The
results of such mediation carry the same weight as court judgments. This provision
of law explains in part why so many persons who spend time in jail are never actu-
ally charged with any crime.
Prior to unification, approximately half of the judges working in southern Yemen
were women. In the last few years, however, many female judges have been reas-
signed to administrative or clerical duties. There are no female judges in the north.
A total of 58 suspects were charged with conspiracy, espionage, and related crimes
after a series of bombings in Aden in the latter hali of the year. Their trials, which
were under way at years end, do not appear to meet minimum international stand-
ards for due process. There are reports that confessions were coerced, and that de-
fendants were denied the opportunity to consult with their lawyers.
The Government claims that it holds no political prisoners, and releases no data
on such cases. However, this claim is disputed by many local and international
human rights groups, who report that various political prisoners were convicted
after unfair trials.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Despite
constitutional provisions against government interference with privacy, security
forces routinely search homes and private offices, monitor telephones, read personal
mail, and otherwise intrude into personal matters for alleged security reasons. Such
activities are conducted without legally issued warrants or judicial supervision. Se-
curity forces regularly monitor telephone conversations and have interfered with the
telephone service of government critics and opponents. Security forces sometimes
detain relatives of suspects (see Section l.d.).
In April security personnel broke into the Aden headquarters of the League of the
Sons of Yemen (RAl), an opposition party affiliated with the exiled, foreign-financed
Mawj opposition. According to the RAI, the security forces rummaged through files
and desks, confiscated office supplies and equipment, and sealed the offices. Also in
April, the secretary general of the Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP) was stopped while
being driven through Aden. His bodyguards were disarmed, interrogated, and phys-
ically abused.
The law prevents arrests between the hours of sundown and dawn. However, most
of those detained in connection with the Aden bombings were taken from their
homes in the middle of the night, without search warrants.
Some of those detained in connection with the Aden bombings reportedly were
pressured to renounce their afiiliations with opposition parties. They were threat-
ened with continuing confinement in prison if they did not give up political activity
or join the President s party, the GPC.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution restricts the freedom of speech
and press "within the limits of the law." Although most citizens are uninhibited in
their private discussions of domestic and foreign policies, some are cautious in pub-
lic, fearing harassment for criticism of the Government. The Press Law criminalizes
"the humiliation of the State, the Cabinet, or parliamentary institutions," and the
publication of "false information" that "threatens public order or the public interest."
The Government influences the media and limits press freedom.
The relative freedom of the press permitted between unification (1990) and the
civil war (1994) has not been reestablished fully. An atmosphere of government
pressure on independent and political party journals continues that was not present
before the civil war. The international human rights group, the Committee to Pro-
tect Journalists, criticized the Government on at least two occasions for restrictions,
harassment, and arbitrary detention directed at journalists.
The Ministry of Information influences the media by its ownership of the coun-
try's sole television and radio outlets, by its control of most printing presses, and
by subsidies to certain newspapers. Only one newspaper, the twice-weekly Aden
independent Al-Ayyam, owns its own press. The Government selects the items to
be covered in news broadcasts, and does not permit broadcast reporting critical of
the Government. Televised debates in the Parliament are edited to delete such criti-
cism.
Although newspapers are allowed to criticize the Grovernment, journalists some-
times censor themselves, especially when writing on such sensitive issues as govern-
ment policies toward the southern governates, relations with Saudi Arabia and
other foreign governments, or oflicial corruption. The penalties for exceeding these
1599
self-imposed limits can be arrest for libel, dismissal from employment, or extralegal
harassment.
In a case from 1995, two journalists for Al-Shoura newspaper were found guilty
in May of slander and character assassination against an important sheikh, one of
the leaders of the Islaah party. The presiding judge ordered that the newspaper be
shut down; that the journalists be flogged with 80 lashes and stopped from work
for 1 year, and that they pay a compensation of approximately $800 (100,000 yr).
The Ministry of Justice has suspended this judgment while reviewing its conformity
with law and judicial procedure. Al-Shoura continued to operate at year's end. Al-
Shoura had suffered government harassment in the past; security officials closed the
paper from mid-1995 through mid-1996, when a judge ruled that the closure was
illegal.
In early 1997, a trial began against Muhammad Al-Saqaf, a journalist and former
university professor who nad written articles critical of the Government in the
weekly government-controlled paper Al-Wahda in 1996. Specifically, Al-Saqaf had
2uestioned the Government's handling of preparations for the 1997 election. The
iommittee to Protect Journalists interceded with the Government on his behalf.
The case is continuing.
The weekly opposition newspaper Al-Tajammu' continued to be subjected to minor
harassment from government authorities. In 1996 the paper's publishers tempo-
rarily had been denied access to government presses because of criticism of the Gov-
ernment.
There were reports throughout the year of journalists (particularly in the south)
being subjected to minor but frequent physical harassment, abuse, and short periods
of arbitrary incarceration. At least six of the persons arrested in connection with
the Aden bombings were journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists and
other international and local human rights organizations protested to the Govern-
ment on their behalf. The journalists eventually were released without charge.
Customs officials confiscate foreign publications regarded as pornographic or ob-
jectionable because of religious or political content. The Ministry of Information rou-
tinely delayed the distribution of international Arabic-language dailies such as Al-
Hayat and Al-Sharq Al-Awsat in an apparent effort to decrease their sales in
Yemen. In almost all cases, this was because they carried news about or statements
by leaders of the 1994 secession attempt.
To publish a book in Yemen, the author must obtain a permit from the Ministry
of Culture. In the end most books are approved, but the process is time-consuming
for the author. The author must submit copies of the book to the Ministry. Officials
at the National Library must read and endorse the text. It is then submitted to a
special committee for final approval. If a book is not deemed appropriate for publica-
tion, the Ministry simply does not issue a decision. Publishers do not usually deal
with an author who has not yet obtained the permit.
Academic freedom is somewhat restricted by the extreme politicization of univer-
sity campuses. Many administrators, professors, and students align themselves with
either the ruling GPC party or the opposition Islaah party. Each group closely mon-
itors the activities of the other. Islaah members have intimidated students and pro-
fessors from discussing topics of which they disapprove. Top administrative posi-
tions are usually awarded to political allies.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — There are no constitutional re-
strictions on the right to assemble peacefully, although the Government requires a
permit for these purposes. Government informers monitor meetings and assemblies.
Angry citizens launched several sit-ins, hunger strikes, and other peaceful dem-
onstrations in reaction to the Government's security crackdown following the Aden
bombings. In at least one instance demonstrators were refused a permit to assem-
ble. On September 10, several thousand persons demonstrated in Mukallah against
the continued holding of detainees. The demonstrators had applied for but been de-
nied a permit. The Government allowed the demonstration to take place without in-
terference.
There are no constitutional restrictions on the freedom of association, and the
Government generally respects this right in practice. Associations must obtain an
operating license from the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, usually a routine
matter.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Islam is the state religion. Although followers of other
religions are free to worship according to their beliefs, there are some restrictions
on tneir other activities. Most notably, they are prohibited from proselytizing.
Virtually all citizens are Muslims, either of the Zaydi branch of Shi a Islam or the
Shafa'i branch of Sunni Islam. There are also some Ismailis in the north. Private
Islamic organizations may maintain ties to pan-Islamic organizations and operate
schools, but the Government monitors their activities.
1600
Most Christians are foreign residents, except for a few families of Indian origin
in Aden. There are several churches and Hindu temples in Aden, but no non-Muslim
Kublic places of worship in the former north Yemen. Church services are regularly
eld without harassment in private homes or facilities such as schools. However, oc-
casionally the security authorities censor the mail of Christian clergy who minister
to the foreign community, ostensibly to prevent proselytizing.
Nearly all Yemen's once sizable Jewish population has emigrated. There are no
legal restrictions on those Jews who remain, although their are traditional restric-
tions on places of residence and choice of employment (see Section 5).
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— In general, the Government does not obstruct domestic travel, although
the army and security forces maintain checkpoints on major roads. Likewise, the
Government does not routinely obstruct foreign travel or the right to emigrate and
return. Journalists must have a permit to travel abroad. Women must obtain per-
mission from a male relative before applying for a passport or departing the coun-
try. However, enforcement of the restrictions on journalists and women are irregu-
lar. The Constitution prohibits the extradition of a citizen to any country.
Immigrants and refugees traveling within the country are often required by secu-
rity officials at government checkpoints to show that they possess resident status
or refugee identification cards.
The Government in 1997 offered first asylum to some 51,500 Somali refugees who
were forced to flee the fighting in that country. It also cooperated with the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in assisting refugees from Eri-
trea (2,500 persons), Ethiopia (1,200 persons) and various other countries (750 per-
sons). It permitted the UNHCR to monitor the situation of 20,000 Iraqis in Yemen,
many of whom could become of concern to UNHCR because of the situation in Iraq.
The UNHCR provides food and medical assistance to up to 7,000 Ethiopians in
a temporary refugee camp at Al Jahin. The (jovernment has approved a new
UNHCR facility to be built at a site in Lahaj Govemorate in the near future.
The (jovemment has granted refugee status to some persons and resettled them.
Approximately 30,000 Somali refugees have now been integrated into Yemeni soci-
ety and are no longer receiving food from the UNHCR. However, they are still eligi-
ble for medical treatment at UNHCR facilities.
In past years, human rights organizations had alleged that the Government forced
certain refugees to return to countries in which they feared prosecution. However,
this has not oeen a problem in recent years.
The UNHCR facilitated the voluntary repatriation of Eritrean and Ethiopian refii-
§ees, and also facilitated the voluntary return of some Somali refugees to areas of
omalia that are considered safe.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Although the (government is by law accountable to the Parliament, there are sig-
nificant limitations on the ability of the people to change their government. Inter-
national observers judged the April parliamentary elections as "reasonably free and
faii^ despite some problems associated with the voting. To date, the Parliament is
not an eifective counterweight to executive authority; it does little more than debate
issues. Decisionmaking and real political power still rest in the hands of a few lead-
ers, particularly the President.
The President has the authority to introduce legislation and promulgate laws by
decree when Parliament is not in session. Decrees must be approved by Parliament
30 days after reconvening. In theory, if a decree is not approved, it does not become
law; in practice, a decree remains in effect even if not approved. The President ap-
points the Prime Minister, who forms the Government. The Cabinet comprises 24
ministers, all of whom are now from the GPC.
Following the 1997 elections, the President announced the formation of a Consult-
ative Council, a board of notables chaired by the former Prime Minister, to advise
him on certain policy matters. Some observers have compared this council to an
'^lpper chamber* like the United States Senate. The Council reviews and advises
the President on all laws that are submitted to the Chamber of Deputies. However,
the Council has no constitutional powers. It is not elected; it is appointed by the
President.
In some govemorates, tribal leaders retain considerable discretion in the interpre-
tation and enforcement of the law. Central government authority in these areas is
often weak.
The multiparty system is functional but arguably weaker than in 1993, when the
first parliamentary elections were held. All parties must be registered in accordance
with the Political Parties Law of 1991, which stipulates that each party must have
1601
at least 75 founders and at least 2,500 members. Twelve parties participated in the
April elections, compared with to 16 in 1993. The YSP and several smaller parties
boycotted the election, leading to lower voter turnout in the south than in 1993.
The Constitution prohibits the establishment of parties that are contrary to Islam,
oppose the goals of the Yemeni revolution, or violate Yemen's international commit-
ments. The Government provides financial support to all parties represented in Par-
liament. The parties are permitted to publish their own newspapers.
Although women may vote and hold office, these rights are limited by cultural and
religious customs. Only 2 women were elected to the Parliament in April (the same
number as in 1993), and few hold senior leadership positions in the government or
political parties.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Yemeni Human Rights Organization (YHRO) is the best organized local non-
governmental organization (NGO) devoted to human rights. Its head office is in
Sanaa with branches in seven other cities. It was founded by the Government, and
some experts have viewed some of its findings as not objective. The head of the or-
ganization is president of the Sanaa Court of Appeals and is a strong government
supporter. In September the YHRO co-sponsored, along with the Taiz-based Human
Rights Information and Training center and the Tunis-based Arab Institute for
Human Rights, a training workshop in Sana'a.
Another group, the Yemeni Organization for the Defense of Liberties and Human
Rights, is based in Aden. It was less active than in the past because of a lack of
funds.
Several new NGO's devoted to human rights education and democratization began
to organize. The Taiz-based Human Rights Information and Training Center held
training workshops for some of these NGO's as well as for primary and secondary
school teachers. It also sponsored activities in coordination with the YHRO and the
Arab Institute for Human Rights in Tunis.
In late December, the Cabinet approved formation of the Supreme National Com-
mittee for Human Rights, under the chairmanship of the deputy Prime Minister and
Foreign Minister. The Committee includes the Ministers of Legal and Parliament
Affairs, Justice, Social Affairs, and Interior; the Attorney General; Chairman of the
Political Security Office; and chief of the Office of Judicial Inspection. The main pur-
pose of the council is to ensure that Yemen meets its obligations with respect to im-
plementing the international human rights conventions. However, the Committee
also is expected to look into specific instances of abuse.
In late 1997, the Consultative Council formed its own human rights committee.
This committee invited various embassies and representatives of international orga-
nizations to present their concerns about the human rights situation in Yemen.
A parliamentary human rights committee has investigated some reports of human
rights abuses. It suffers from lack of official and financial support and has no au-
thority to do anything but issue reports.
Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the Committee to Protect Jour-
nalists observe Yemen closely. The International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) maintains a resident representative in Yemen. The Government has given
these groups relatively broad access to government officials, records, refugee camps,
and prisons. The Government acknowledged some human rights abuses alleged in
an Amnesty International report issued in March and promised to investigate them.
However, the Government rejected other allegations in the Amnesty report.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Prior to 1994, the Constitution stated that "no discrimination shall be practiced
due to sex, color, racial origin, language, occupation, social status, or religious be-
liefs." However, as amended in 1994, the Constitution now states that "all citizens
are equal in general rights and duties". Discrimination based on race, sex, disability,
and, to lesser extent, religion, exists.
Women. — Although spousal abuse is reportedly common, it is generally undocu-
mented. In Yemen's traditional society, an abused woman would be expected to take
her complaints to a male relative (rather than the authorities), who would intercede
on her behalf or provide her short-term sanctuary if required. Only recently has the
press begun to investigate or report on violations of women's rights.
Women face significant restrictions imposed by law, social custom, and religion.
Men are permitted to take as many as four wives, though few do so for economic
reasons. By law the minimum age of marriage is 15. However, the law is largely
unenforced, and some girls marry as early as age 12. The law stipulates that the
1602
wife's "consent" is required; "consent" is defined as "silence" for previously unwed
women and "pronouncement of consent" for divorced women. The nusband and the
wife's guardian (usually her father) sign the marriage contract; in the former south
Yemen, the wife also signed. The practice of dowry payments is widespread, despite
efforts to Umit the size of such payments.
The law stipulates that the wife must "obey" the husband. She must live with him
at the place stipulated in the contract; consummate the marriage; and not leave the
home without his consent. Husbands may divorce wives without justifying their ac-
tion in court. Women theoretically also have the legal right to divorce. However, in
practice women divorce only when their husbands nave failed to provide for them.
Following a divorce, the family home and any children older than a certain age are
often awarded to the husband. The divorced woman usually returns to her father's
home, or to the home of another male relative. Her former husband must continue
to support her for another 3 months, since she cannot remarry until she proves that
she is not pregnant.
Women seeking to travel abroad must obtain permission to receive a passport and
to travel from their husbands or fathers and are expected to be accompanied by
male relatives. However, this rule is not universally applied.
Islamic law permits a Muslim man to marry a Christian or Jewish woman, but
no Muslim woman may marry outside of Islam. Married women do not have the
right to confer citizenship on their foreign-bom spouses; they may, however, confer
citizenship on children bom in Yemen of foreign-born fathers.
An estimated 80 percent of women are illiterate, compared with approximately 35
percent of men. The fertility rate is 7.5 children per woman. Most women have no
access to basic health care. Even where clinics are available, many women do not
use them because their male relatives, or they themselves, refuse to allow a male
doctor to examine them.
In general, women in the south are better educated and have had somewhat
greater employment opportunities than their northern counterparts. Since the 1994
civil war, however, the number of working women in the south appears to have de-
clined, in part due to the stagnant economy, but also because of increasing cultural
pressure from the north.
A Government-sponsored women's association promotes female education and
civic responsibilities, and a NGO also has been established for the same purpose.
Several women's groups are in the process of forming and registering with the Gov-
ernment.
Children. — While the Government has asserted its commitment to protecting chil-
dren's rights, it lacks the resources necessary to ensure adequate health care, edu-
cation, and welfare services for children. The U.N. Development Program estimates
that 30 percent of children are malnourished. The infant mortality rate is 106
deaths per 1000 births.
The law provides for universal free education for 9 years, but this provision is not
enforced. Many children, especially girls, do not attend primary school. Some rural
areas have no schools for their school-age population.
Child marriage is common, especially in rural areas. Although the law requires
that a girl be 15 years old to marry, it is not enforced. Marriages of 12-year-ola girls
are not unusual.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), which is widely condemned by international
health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health, is practiced
by some Yemenis, including those of African origin, living mainly in the Red Sea
coastal areas. It is rarely reported among the Shafai religious sect, and adherents
of the Zaydi sect reputedly do not practice it at all. According to a 1992 report is-
sued by a European researcher, the practice is "prevalent" in Tihama province in
southwest Yemen, "widely reported" for the Hadramaut area along the southern
coast, "spotty" elsewhere, and "totally absent" from the inland highlands and desert
areas. Tne European report describes the procedure in Yemen as mainly confined
to excision, with infibulation being practiced only among east African immigrants
and refugees. While some government health workers actively and publicly discour-
age the practice, the Government has not passed legislation to outlaw it, nor have
women's groups adopted the problem as a major concern.
People With Disabilities. — There are distinct social prejudices against persons
with mental and physical disabilities. The disabled often face discrimination in edu-
cation and employment. The Government has not enacted legislation or otherwise
mandated accessibility for the disabled, nor provided special clinics or schools for
them. Many disabled persons are reduced to begging in order to support themselves.
Mentally ill patients, particularly those who commit crimes, are imprisoned and
even shacklea when there is no one to care for them. Since 1995, the ICRC, in co-
operation with the Yemeni Red Crescent Society, has constructed and staffed sepa-
1603
rate detention facilities for mentally disabled prisoners. These new facilities are lo-
cated in Sanaa, Ibb, and Taiz, and collectively can care for a population of 300 per-
sons.
Religious Minorities. — ^Apart from a small but undetermined number of Christians
and Hindus in Aden, and a few Baha'is in the north, Jews are the only indigenous
rehgious minority. Their numbers have diminished significantly due to voluntary
emigration. Although the law makes no distinction, Jews are traditionally restricted
to Uvine in one section of a city or village and are often confined to a limited choice
of employment, usually farming or handicrafts. Jews may, and do, own real prop-
erty.
Christian clergy who minister to the foreign community are employed in teaching,
social services, and health care.
A hospital in Jibla operated by the Baptist Church in the past experienced occa-
sional threats and harassment from local Islamic extremists who feared that the
hospital might be used to spread Christianity. There were no reports of harassment
against the nospital in 1997.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — Yemenis with a non-Yemeni parent, called
"Muwalladin", may face discrimination in employment and in other areas. Persons
seeking employment at Sanaa University or admission to the military academy
must by law demonstrate that they have two Yemeni parents. Nonetheless, many
senior government officials, including Members of Parliament and ministers, have
only one Yemeni parent. In some cases, naturalization of the non-Yemeni parent is
sufficient to overcome the "two-Yemeni parent" requirement.
A small group of persons claiming to be the descendants of ancient Ethiopian oc-
cupiers of Yemen, who were later enslaved, are considered the lowest social class.
Known as the "akhdam" (servants), they live in squalor and endure persistent social
discrimination.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides that citizens have the
right to form unions. A 1995 labor law governs labor relations. Workers have the
right to strike. The law provides equal labor rights for women, and it renews the
freedom of workers to associate. The Labor Law does not stipulate a minimum
membership for unions, nor does it limit them to a specific enterprise or firm. Thus,
citizens may now associate by profession or trade.
The Yemeni Confederation of Labor Unions (YCLU) remains the sole national um-
brella organization. The YCLU claims 350,000 members in 15 unions and denies
any association with the Government, although it works closely with the Govern-
ment to resolve labor disputes through negotiation. Observers suggest that the Gov-
ernment likely would not tolerate the establishment of an alternative labor federa-
tion unless it believed it to be in its best interests.
By law, civil servants and public sector workers, and some categories of farm
workers, may not join unions. Only the General Assembly of the Yemeni Confed-
eration of Labor Unions may dissolve unions.
In 1997 there were two brief strikes by pilots and ground personnel of Yemenia,
the national airline.
The YCLU is affiliated with the Confederation of Arab Trade Unions and the for-
merly Soviet-controlled World Federation of Trade Unions.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The 1996 Labor Law provides
workers with the right to organize and bargain collectively. All collective bargaining
agreements must b^ deposited with and reviewed by the Ministry of Labor; such
agreements exist. Unions may negotiate wage settlements for their members and
can resort to strikes or other actions to achieve their demands.
The law protects employees from antiunion discrimination, employers do not have
the right to dismiss an employee for union activities. Employees may appeal cases
of antiunion discrimination to the ministry of labor. Employees may also take a case
to the labor courts, which are often favorably disposed toward workers especially if
the employer is a foreign company.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor. There were no reports of its practice. The law does not specifi-
cally prohibit forced or bonded labor by children, but such practices are not known
to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Child
labor is common, especially in rural areas. Many children are compelled to work in
subsistence farming by virtue of the substandard economic situations of their fami-
lies. Even in urban areas, children may be observed working in stores and work-
shops, selling goods on the streets, and begging. The law does not specifically pro-
1604
hibit forced or bonded labor by children, but such practices are not known to occur
(see Section 6.c.).
The established minimum age for employment is 15 in the private sector and 18
in the public sector. By special permit, children between the ages of 12 and 15 may
work. The Government rarely enforces these provisions, especially in rural and re-
mote areas. The Government also does not enforce the laws regarding compulsory
education for children, and the likelihood that many school-age children are working
instead of attending school is high.
According to a 1994 survey undertaken by the Ministry of Labor, the number of
children (between the ages 10 and 14) engaged in work was more than 79,000 boys
and 35,000 girls. Experts believe that the number has grown substantially since the
survey was taken.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no established minimum wage for any
type of employment in Yemen. The Labor Law states that "it shall not be permis-
sible that tne minimal level of the wage of a worker should be less than the minimal
level of wages of government civil servants."
According to the Ministry of Labor, the average minimum wage of civil servants
for 1994-1995 was approximately $45 to $53 (6,000-7,000 rials) per month. Private
sector woricers, especially skilled technicians, do far better. A combination of infla-
tion, the loss of government-provided subsidies, and an erosion in the exchange
value of the national currency has substantially eroded wages during the past few
years.
The law specifies a 40-hour workweek with a maximum 8-hour workday, but
many workshops and stores operate 10- to 12-hour shifts without penalty. The woric-
week for government employees is 35 hours, 6 hours per day Saturday through
Wednesday, and 5 hours on Thursday.
Workers have the right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations and
can challenge dismissals in court. The Ministry of Labor has the responsibility for
regulating workplace health and safety conditions. However, according to an August
newspaper interview given by a senior official in the Ministry of Labor, the requisite
legislation for regulating occupational health is nonexistent. The official reported
that many workers regularly are exposed to toxic industrial products. Some foreign-
owned companies implement higher health, safety, and environmental standards
than the Government requires.
SOUTH ASLA.
AFGHANISTAN
Afghanistan in 1997 continued to experience civil war and political instability. ^
There was no central government. The Pashtun-dominated ultra-conservative Is-
lamic movement known as the Taliban controlled over two-thirds of the country, in-
cluding Kabul, the capital and largest city. General Abdul Rashid Dostam, an ethnic
Uzbek, controlled several north-central provinces, having driven out his rival Uzbek
commander. General Abdul Malik. The Hezb-i-Wahdat Taction led by Usted Karim
Khaiili, composed of the Shi'a Hazara ethnic minority, controlled Bamiyan and parts
of eight surrounding provinces in the mountainous center of the country, which is
known as the Hazaraiat. Former President Burhanuddin Rabbani and his military
commander, Ahmed Shah Masood, both Tajiks, controlled only three northeastern
provinces. Masood's forces, however, continue to threaten Taliban-held Kabul and
remain within rocket range of the city. At year's end, there was a rough military
stalemate following the failure of the Taliban to take Mazar-i -Sharif, the last major
city remaining outside of their control, on two separate occasions. The Taliban, how-
ever, remained the country's primary military force.
Years of conflict have left hundreds of thousands of Afghans as internally dis-
placed persons, and more than 2.4 million live outside the country as refugees. Al-
though the continued fighting has discouraged many refugees irom returning to
their country, 84,400 returned in 1997.
'nie U.N. Special Mission to Afghanistan, headed by Norbert Holl, was unable to
secure a ceasefire among the factions, despite intense effort. Holl announced plans
to resign at the end of the year and a replacement has not yet been named. In Au-
gust the U.N. Secretary General appointed Algerian diplomat Lakhdar Brahimi as
nis Special Envoy for Afghanistan. Brahimi has engaged in extensive discussions
with the Afghan parties and other interested nations. In October he convoked a
group of representatives from the six nations bordering Afghanistan plus the United
States and Russia to look at ways in which to end the conflict. His efforts continue.
There is no constitution, rule of law, or independent judiciary. Former President
Rabbani claimed to be the head of the Government and controlled most of the coun-
try's embassies abroad and retained Afghanistan's U.N. seat after the U.N. General
Assembly deferred a decision on Afghanistan's credentials. In October the Taliban
changed the name of the country to the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, with
Mullah Omar, who had previously assumed the religious title of Emir of the Faith-
ful, as head of state. There is a six-member ruling council in Kabul but ultimate
authority for Taliban rule rested in the Taliban's inner Shura (Council), located in
the southern city of Kandahar, and in Mullah Omar. In Taliban areas, strict and
oppressive order is imposed and stiff punishments for crimes prevail. Several pro-
vincial administrations maintained limited functions but civil institutions were
mostly nonexistent. There was some administration in the areas under the control
of Dostam or Hezb-i-Wahdat, but law and order is enforced, largely arbitrarily, by
local commanders. The ethnic Tajik-majority areas of the northeast were controlled
by Masood's commanders and his political organization.
Agriculture, including high levels of opium poppy cultivation, was the mainstay
of the economy. Afghanistan remained the second largest opium producer in the
world. Lack of resources and the war have impeded reconstruction of irrigation sys-
tems, repair of market roads, and replanting of orchards in some areas. The pres-
ence of an estimated 10 million land mines has restricted areas for cultivation and
slowed the return of refugees who are needed to rebuild the economy. The laying
of new mine fields, reportedly mostly by the Northern Alliance, exacerbated an al-
ready difficult situation. Trade was mainly in fruits, minerals, and gems, as well
^The American Embassy in Kabul has been closed for security reasons since January, 1989.
Information on the human rights situation is therefore limited.
(1605)
1606
as goods smuggled to Pakistan. There are also rival currencies, both very inflated.
Formal economic activity remained minimal and was inhibited by recurrent fighting
and roads blocked by local commanders. These blockages were removed in territory
taken by the Taliban. Reconstruction was continuing in Herat, Kandahar, and
Ghazni, areas which are under firm Taliban control. Reconstruction in some north-
em areas, including Balkh province, was largely reversed by fighting during the
summer and fall. The northern areas all suffered from brigandage.
The overall human ri^ts situation is poor. Serious human ri^ts violations con-
tinued to occur and citizens were precluded from changing their government peace-
fully. Political killings, torture, rape, arbitrary detention, looting, abductions and
kidnapings for ransom were committed by armed units, local commanders, and
rogue individuals. Fhnson conditions were poor. Various factions infringed on citi-
zens' privacy rights. Summary justice was common. The Taliban's Islamic courts
and religious police, the Department to Propagate Virtue and Eliminate Vice, en-
forced their extreme interpretation of Islamic punishments, such as public execu-
tions for adultery or murder and amputations of one hand and one foot for theft.
For other infractions, Taliban militiamen often decided right or wrong and meted
out punishments such as beatings on the spot. Civil war conditions and the unfet-
tered actions of competing factions efliectively limited the freedoms of speech, press,
assembly, association, religion, and movement.
Both Taliban and anti-Taliban forces were responsible for the indiscriminate bom-
bardment of civilian areas. Taliban forces fired rockets and shelled Mazar-i-Sharif,
reportedly causing hundreds of casualties. Dostam's forces bombed Kabul in Janu-
ary, and Masood's forces continue to bombard Kabul, though probably with less ef-
fect.
Violence against women remained a problem, although the imposition of Taliban
control in rural areas resulted in reduced incidents of rape, kidnaping, and forced
marriage. There was widespread discrimination against women and girls, and the
condition of women and girls in Herat and Kabul, poor to begin with, worsened sig-
nificantly after the Taliban captured these cities in 1995 and 1996. The Taliban im-
posed strict dress codes and prohibited women from working outside the home ex-
cept in limited circumstances in the health care field. Girls generally were prohib-
ited from attending school in Kabul and other urban areas, however, the Taliban
continued to permit a few girls' schools to operate in Kandahar. However, the impo-
sition of Taliban control in rural areas resulted in reduced incidents of rape, kidnap-
ing, and forced marriage. Worker rights were not defined.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were a number of politically
motivated killings by several parties. The world press reported the discovery in No-
vember of mass graves near Shibarghan in northern Afghanistan, which contained
an alleged 2000 corpses, reportedly of Taliban forces captured near Mazar-i-Sharif
in May and executed by Northern Alliance forces. The U.N. and the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) were continuing an investigation at year's end.
Intrafactional fighting between forces loyal to Malik and those loyal to Dostam
reportedly resulted in some deaths before Dostam's forces expelled Malik from the
country. Dostam and Malik have an ongoing dispute and Malik suspects Dostam of
complicity in the death of his brother, Rasul Pahlawan, in June 1996. Some of
Masood's commanders reportedly tortured persons to death (see Section I.e.).
In other areas, combatants sought to kill rival commanders and their sympathiz-
ers. The perpetrators of these killings and their motives were difficult to identify,
as political motives are often entwined with family and tribal feuds, battles over the
drug trade, and personal vendettas.
The Taliban used swift summary trials and implemented strict punishments ac-
cording to Islamic law; the Taliban ordered public executions and death by stoning
(see Sections I.e. and I.e.). In October Taliban militia displayed the corpses of four
former Taliban fighters at two Kabul intersections hanging from beams about 10
feet off the ground. They had been executed for accepting bribes from the opposition
and money was stuffed in their mouths and nostrils and draped around their necks.
One corpse reportedly was visibly bruised and bloodied. This was reminiscent of the
September 1996 public execution of former Afghan leader NajibuUah and his broth-
er by Taliban forces when they occupied KabuL
b. Disappearance. — Abductions, kidnapings, or hostage-taking for ransom or politi-
cal reasons occurred in non-Taliban areas, but specific information was lacking. The
strict security enforced by the Taliban in areas under their control has resulted in
a decrease in such crimes.
1607
There were unconfirmed reports of girls and young women being kidnaped by
local commanders. Some of the women were then reportedly forced to marry their
kidnapers. Others simply remained missing. To avoid this danger, some families re-
portedly sent their daughters to Pakistan or to Iran. Some families also sent girls
abroad for education in order to evade the Taliban's prohibitions on females attend-
ing school in most urban areas (see Section 5).
Groups in Russia listed nearly 300 Soviet soldiers formerly serving in Afghanistan
as missing in action or prisoners of war (POW's). Most were thought to be dead or
to have voluntarily assimilated into Afghan society, though some are alleged to be
held against their will. A number of persons from the former Soviet Union missing
from the period of the Soviet occupation are presumed dead.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
All Afghan factions are believed to have used torture against opponents and POWs,
though specific information is generally lacking. Torture does not appear to be a
routine practice in all cases. Some of Masood's commanders in the north reportedly
used torture routinely to extract information from and break the will of prisoners
and political opponents; some of the victims were said to have been tortured to
death.
The Taliban ruled strictly in areas they controlled, establishing ad hoc and rudi-
mentary judicial systems. Taliban courts imposed their extreme interpretation of Is-
lamic laws and punishments following swift summary trials. Murderers were sub-
jected to public executions (see Section l.a.) and thieves had a limb or two (one
hand, one foot) severed. Adulterers were stoned to death.
Prison conditions are poor. Prisoners held by some factions are not given food, as
normally this is the responsibility of prisoners' relatives who are allowed to visit to
provide them with food once or twice a week. Those who have no relatives have to
petition the local council or rely on other inmates. Prisoners live in collective cells.
There are credible reports that torture occurred occasionally in prisons under the
control of both the Taliban and the Northern Alliance. Local authorities maintain
prisons in territories under their control and established torture cells in some of
them. The Taliban operate prisons in Kandahar, Herat, Kabul, and Jalalabad. There
are also prisons in the north in Mazar-i-Sharif and Faizabad, Badakhshan province.
According to Amnesty International (AI), there were unconfirmed reports that some
Taliban prisoners held by Masood have been forced to labor in life-tnreatening con-
ditions, such as digging trenches in mined areas.
During 1997 the U.N. Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Afghanistan vis-
ited prisoners in Taliban-run jails in Kandahar and Kabul. He also visited prisoners
in the north in the National Islamic Movement of Afghanistan (NIMA)-controlled
area. Taliban authorities allowed the ICRC to visit detainees in areas under their
control, but such visits were curtailed by the NEMA faction controlled by General
Malik of the Northern Alliance. However, by the end of 1997, with Malik's depar-
ture from Afghanistan, all major Northern Alliance factions allowed the ICRC ac-
cess to their prisoners. The ICRC assisted the factions in improving sanitary condi-
tions in the mnsons, providing medicine and medical supplies and distributing win-
ter clothing. The ICRC reportedly has information on about 5,700 prisoners held by
the warring factions and performed about 8,000 prisoners visits during 1997, some-
times seeing the same prisoners more than once.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — With the absence of formal legal and law
enforcement institutions, justice was not administered according to formal legal
codes. There are credible reports of both Taliban and Northern Alliance militia ex-
torting bribes from civilians in return for their release from prison or freedom from
arrest. Judicial and police procedures varied from locality to locality. Little is known
about the procedures for taking persons into custody and bringing them to justice.
In both Taliban and non-Taliban areas, the practices varied depending on the local-
ity, the local commanders, and other authorities. Some areas have more of a judicial
structure than others.
There are reliable reports of individuals detained by both the Northern Alliance
and the Taliban because of their ethnic origins and suspected sympathy with oppo-
nents. In August Taliban police in Kabul raided a minority neighborhood and re-
portedly arrested over 100 men, claiming that they were loyal to Masood. Taliban
officials denied that the men were arrested because of their ethnic status, but sev-
eral observers reported that mass arrests of Uzbeks, Hazara, and Tajiks on sus-
picion of fifth column activities increased in frequency during this period.
There also have been reported instances of the forcible expulsion of individuals
on ethnic grounds. The Taliban reportedly expelled the inhabitants of the town of
Charikar in January, forced villagers from the Shomali valley in June, and report-
edly ordered the removal of 1,500 Hazara villagers near Ghazni in December. Some
45-909 98-52
i:o'
observers expressed fear about persecution of northern Pashtun in retaliation for
northern Pasntun coi imanders allying themselves with the Taliban.
Political detaineei- probably are held by all factions, but no firm numbers are
available. The Taliban claimed to have freed over 3,000 prisoners during the past
3 years. In November the ICRC reported th it 600 former Rabbani/Masood soldiers
were held by the Taliban. Masood reportedly holds several hundred Taliban soldiers
as POW's "3 well as a number of Pakistanis. There were many prisoner releases
during November and Decerrber; Dostam freed over 600 Taliban prisoners, and
there were limited exchanges occurring between Masood, Khalili, and the Taliban.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — ^With no functioning nationwide judicial system,
many municipal and provincial authorities relied on some form of Shari'a (Islamic)
law and traditional tribal codes of justice.
Little is known about the administration of justice in the areas controlled by
Dostam and Rabbani/Masood in the northern provinces. The administration and im-
plementation of justice varied from area to area and depended on the whims of local
commanders or other authorities, who sunrunarily execute, torture, and mete out
punishments without reference to any other authority.
The Taliban have Islamic courts in areas under their control to judge criminal
cases and resolve disputes. These courts meted out punishments including execution
and amputation. These courts reportedly heard cases in sessions that lasted only a
few minutes. The courts reportedly dealt with all complaints, relying on Islamic law
and punishments as well as traditional tribal customs (see Section I.e.). In cases in-
volving murder and rape, convicted prisoners generally were ordered executed by
relatives of the victim (see Section l.a.), who could instead choose to accept other
restitution. Decisions of the courts were reportedly final.
Shi'a Islamic legal norms reportedly are imposed in the Hazaraiat in central Af-
ghanistan. Accorcfing to the October report of the U.N. Special Rapporteur for
Human Rights in Afghanistan (see Section 4), the Shi'a Unity Party (Hezb-i-
Wahdat) in Bamiyan province has established a Judicial Committee. The Committee
has a prosecutor's ofiice composed of three branches for political, military, and social
offenders. There were also courts of the first and the final instance.
All factions probably hold political prisoners, but no firm estimates of numbers
are available.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — Inter-
factional fighting often resulted in the homes and businesses of civilians being in-
vaded and looted by the opposing forces — whether victor or loser. Armed gunmen
reportedly acted with impunity given the absence of any legal protection from the
law or a responsive police force. There were confirmed reports oi massive looting by
Northern Alliance forces of private, U.N. and NGO property during the fighting in
the area of Mazar-i-Sharif in September and October. It also was unclear what au-
thority controlled the actions of Taliban militiamen who patrolled the streets of
cities and towns. A number of incidents were reported in which Taliban soldiers or
persons masquerading as Taliban entered private homes without prior notification
or informed consent in Kabul, Herat, Kanaahar, and elsewhere. In Kabul the sol-
diers allegedly were searching homes for evidence of cooperation with the former au-
thorities or for violations of Taliban religious-based decrees, including depictions of
living things (photographs, stuffed toys, etc.) Individuals were beaten on tne streets
by Taliban militia for what were deemed infractions of Taliban rules concerning
dress, hair length, and facial hair, as well as for restriction on women being in the
company of men. The Taliban required women to wear strict Islamic garb in public
(see Section 5).
It was reported that some prisoners of the Taliban, including young sons of fami-
lies that had opposed Taliban social restrictions, had been forcibly drafted and sent
to the front. There were also unconfirmed reports in July and August of youths
being rounded up and sent into combat.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— On September 11 and 13 Masood's forces fired rockets in heavy attacks on
Kabul and struck civilian-inhabited areas. Several noncombatants were killed, in-
cluding a 10-year-old girl, and many more were wounded. Dostam's planes dropped
several cluster bombs on Kabul on January 5, killing and injuring several persons.
Taliban bombardment of Mazar-i-Sherif during the fighting there also caused civil-
ian casualties, as did the Taliban attack upon Hayratan, on the Amu Darya River.
During this attack, some Taliban rockets overshot their target and fell on a suburb
of the Uzbek city of Termez, across the border, killing two civilians and wounding
others. The Taliban also bombed Bamiyan airport on December 31, an attack that
led the United Nations to suspend its food airlift to the Hazarajat.
The U.N. Special Rapporteur is investigating reports of a September 14 massacre
of Hazara villagers near Mazar-i-Sharif in which about 70 civilians were killed. Eye-
1609
witnesses reported numerous atrocities by Taliban forces. The Taliban denied these
charges and claimed that civilian deaths, if any, resulted from combat. The Special
Rapporteur also is investigating the massacre of Taliban POWs and others by
Northern Alliance forces after the May fighting near Mazar-i-Sharif.
There were reports in November that the Taliban-imposed blockade on the
Hazarajat region ruled by Hezb-i-Wahdat had pushed the population (of about 1
million) to the "verge of starvation," according to U.N. sources. The U.N. had hoped
to supply the region from the north, but U.N. food stocks in Mazar-i-Sharif had been
looted during the fighting in September and October and convoys from the north
also had been blocked or were in danger of being looted by individual Northern Alli-
ance commanders. The passes were expected to oe closed during the winter, further
aggravating the situation. Many families reportedly were leaving the area following
the Taliban's refusal to lift the blockade, further adding to the problem of internal
displacement. The Taliban have said that they would provide for the needs of per-
sons in Herat or Kandahar.
Many hundreds of thousands of Afghans remain internally displaced persons fol-
lowing years of fighting. More than 2.4 million others have sought refuge abroad.
The Afghan countryside remains plagued by an estimated 10 million land mines
sown during and since the Soviet occupation. Some 400,000 Afghans have been
killed or wounded by the mines. Some 80 percent of the land mine casualties are
civilian and 40 to 50 percent are women and children. With funding from inter-
national donors, the United Nations has organized and trained mine detection and
clearance teams, which operated throughout the country. Nevertheless, the mines
are expected to pose a threat for years to come and the 4,000 mine clearers suffer
an accident rate of one per week. There were reliable reports of minelaying activi-
ties, largely by the Northern Alliance. U.N. agencies and nongovernmental organiza-
tions (iNGO's) have instituted a number of mine awareness campaigns and edu-
cational programs for women and children in various parts of the country, but many
were curtailed as a result of Taliban restrictions on women and girls.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — There are no laws efTectively providing for free-
dom of speech and the press. Senior officials of various warring factions allegedly
attempted to intimidate reporters and influence their reporting. The few news-
papers, all of which were published only sporadically, were for the most part affili-
ated with different factions. The various factions maintain their own communica-
tions facilities. The Taliban took over the pro-Rabbani radio service in Kabul and
renamed it the Voice of Shariat. The Taliban banned television on religious grounds.
All factions have attempted to pressure foreign journalists reporting on the Af-
ghan conflict. The Taliban initially cooperated with the international press who ar-
rived in Kabul but later imposed restrictions upon them. On September 29, journal-
ists accompanying European Union Commissioner Emma Bonino, and the Commis-
sioner herself, were detained for 3 hours in Kabul after they entered a hospital for
women and began filming in violation of the Taliban rule against photographing liv-
ing things. The television crews agreed to turn over their cassettes to the Taliban
authorities. A Taliban ofiicial later expressed apologies for the arrest.
The Taliban reportedly require most journalists to stay at the Intercontinental
Hotel in Kabul (allegedly for security and economic reasons). Journalists also re-
ported that the Taliban attempted to control who could act as drivers and inter-
preters for journalists.
Music, movies, and television continue to be prohibited by the Taliban. Television
functioned sporadically in Mazar-i-Sharif.
The Tahban severely restrict academic freedom, particularly education for girls
(see Section 5).
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Civil war, tenuous security,
and likely opposition from local authorities seriously inhibited freedom of assembly
and association.
It is unknown whether laws exist governing the formation of associations. Many
Afghan NGO's remain operating in the country (see Section 4).
c. Freedom of Religion. — Afghanistan's official name, according to both the Taliban
(Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan) and the Northern Alliance (the Islamic State of Af-
ghanistan), reflects the country's adherence to Islam as the state religion. Some 85
percent of the population is Sunni Muslim, and Shi'a Muslims constitute most of
the remainder. The Hazara ethnic group is Shi'a; Shi'as are among the most eco-
nomically disadvantaged persons in the country. The Shi'a minority want a national
government to give them equal rights as citizens.
The Taliban sought to irnpose their extreme interpretation of Islamic observance
in areas that they control. The Taliban regularly check passersby to see that men's
1610
beards and apparel meet Taliban requirements and to ensure that women are
dressed in strict Islamic garb (see Section 5). According to regulations, a man who
has shaved or cut his beard may be imprisoned until his beard grows back. Beards
must protrude farther than would a fist clamped at the base oi" the chin. Several
civil service employees were reportedly fired for cutting their beards. There also are
credible reports that Taliban gave forced haircuts to males in Kabul.
The small number of non-Muslim residents in Afghanistan may practice their
faith, but may not proselytize. Almost all of the country's small Hindu and Sikh
population, which once numbered about 50,000, has emigrated or taken refuge
abroad. Some Taliban leaders claimed tolerance of religious minorities, although
there reportedly have been restrictions imposed upon Shi'a in Taliban-controlled ter-
ritory, though not on a uniform basis. The Taliban have declared that all Muslims
must abide by the Taliban's interpretation of Islamic law. There is also a report that
a Christian church in Kabul was taken over by Taliban authorities and turned into
a mosque.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— ^Although in principle citizens have the right to travel freely both inside
and outside the country, their ability to travel within the country was hampered by
warfare, brigandage, millions of land mines, a road network in a state of msrepair,
and limited domestic air service, complicated by factional threats to air traffic. De-
spite these obstacles, many people continued to travel relatively freely, with buses
plying routes in most parts of the country. Security conditions have improved along
roads in Taliban-controlled areas. However, due to intermittent fighting in various
areas, international aid agencies often found that their ability to travel, work, and
distribute assistance was hampered. International travel continued to be difficult as
both parties threatened to shoot down any planes that overflew areas of the country
that tney controlled, without their permission.
Commercial trade was impeded in certain non-Taliban areas, as local commanders
continued to demonstrate their control over the roads by demanding road tolls and
sometimes closing roads. Roads leading to Bamiyan province form Pul-i-Khumri re-
portedly contain dozens of checkpoints controlled by local commanders, with travel-
ers sometimes subject to extortion.
There also have been reported instances of the forcible expulsion of individuals
on ethnic grounds. The Taliban reportedly expelled the inhabitants of the town of
Charikar in January, forced villagers from the Shomali valley in June, and report-
edly ordered the removal of 1,500 Hazara villagers near Ghazni in December. Some
observers expressed fear about persecution of northern Pashtun in retaliation for
northern Pashtun commanders allying themselves with the Taliban.
Afghans continued to form one of the world's largest refugee populations. Accord-
ing to the UNHCR, about 2.4 million Afghans remained outside the country in 1996
as registered refugees. Women and children constituted some 75 percent of the refu-
gee population. There are 1.4 million registered Afghan refugees in Iran, 1 million
in Pakistan, and 28,000 are in Russia. Approximately 19,000 reside in parts of the
former Soviet Union other than Russia, and Pakistan has claimed an additional
500,000 unregistered Afghan refugees in its territory. Over 3.8 million Afghan refu-
gees have been repatriated since 1988, with over 1.5 million returning to Afghani-
stan in the peak year of 1992. A total of 84,400 returned in 1997
According to the UNHCR, the last remaining 18,800 refugees from Tajikistan
were repatriated to Tajikistan during the year with the cooperation of the Northern
Alliance and the Government of Uzbekistan, which allowed the refugees to transit
that country on their way home. Many refugees were at a camp near Mazar-i-Sharif
and were faced with food and water shortages after the evacuation of U.N. staff dur-
ing the fighting in the region in September and October. Some refugees were
wounded during the ongoing conflict in the region.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
There was no functioning central government in the country. The continuing
struggle for political power among the major armed groups prevented citizens from
changing their government or form of government peacefully and democratically.
Most political changes came about through shifting military fortunes. No faction
held elections or respectod the right to change government democratically.
The Northern Alliance, headed by nominal President Rabbani, holds power with
de facto Defense Minister Masood as Rabbani's primary military backer. Rabbani
received nominal support from General Malik (until he was driven out of Afghani-
stan), from General Dostam, and the Shi'a/Hazara Hezb-i-Wahdat. Rabbani and
Masood control the northeastern, largely Tajik, portion of the country, including the
strategic Panjshir valley north of Kabul. Dostam and Malik share nominal control
1611
of five to six north central provinces, while the Shi'a/Hazara Hezb-i-Wahdat, led by
KhalUi, controls the Hazarajat to the west of Kabul.
Although there are governors and local councils in the north, most power there
is concentrated in the hands of Dostam, Malik, Khalili, and their key commanders.
Masood retains control in the northeastern ethnic Tajik-majority provinces throu^
his commanders and political organization. The Taliban controlled the remaining
two-thirds of the country, including Kabul. However, discontent with Taliban stric-
tures and village values was strong in large, non-Pashtun cities such as Herat and
Kabul. The key Taliban governing body is the Inner Shura (council) based in
Kandahar, which is headed by Mullah Omar, although there is a government of a
sort, with its ministries based in Kabul.
During the last half of the year a group of independent Afghans attempted to
begin an intra-Afghan process of dialogue aimed at bringing peace to Afghanistan
through the convening of a loya jirga (grand council) representing all Afghans. The
group held preliminary meetings in Frankfurt and in Istanbul and received support
for its initiative from the Northern Alliance, however, the Taliban did not partici-
pate. In November former King Zahir Shah declared from his residence in exile in
Rome that he was prepared to return to Afghanistan and discuss the formation of
an interim government to end the conflict. The Taliban reaction was ambivalent,
both to the idea of a possible role for the former King and to the dialogue process.
The United Nations and the international community continued their efforts to
help Afghans reach a political settlement.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are many local NGO's. Some are based in neighboring countries, mostly
Pakistan, with branches inside Afghanistan; others are based in Afghan cities. The
focus of their activities is primarily humanitarian assistance, rehabilitation, health,
education, and agriculture.
There was harassment of NGO's both factions. NGO facilities in Mazar-i-Sharif
were looted by Northern Alliance forces in September and October, and fighters
were observed driving around the city in stolen NGO-owned vehicles. There are also
numerous examples of Taliban harassment of NGO personnel. In November in
Jalalabad two male Afghan United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) employees
were detained and one was given 10 lashes before a crowd. UNICEF termed this
incident "an unacceptable afTront to the most fundamental principles of humani-
tarianism." The Taliban detained two French NGO employees for over a month after
they attended a party at which Afghan women were present. Male Afghan NGO em-
ployees who attended the event received prison sentences. On September 3, the
Taliban expelled three U.N. foreign staff members after they protested Taliban de-
mands that visiting female U.N. officials sit behind a screen during a meeting with
Taliban officials. In November the Taliban also began pressing NGO's and inter-
national organizations to hire Taliban and report on their level of funding from do-
nors. In November, Taliban authorities detained the director of a Pakistan-based Af-
ghan NGO and demanded that the NGO surrender its construction equipment and
move its operations to parts of Afghanistan under Taliban control.
There were incidents of harassment of Afghan and foreign NGO female employ-
ees, including an assault upon a foreigner in Herat, and reported refusals to meet
with female visitors.
The Afghan League of Human Rights operated both in Afghanistan and Pakistan;
it produces an annual report. The Cooperation Center for Afghanistan (CCA) is an
Afghan NGO that operated in both Pakistan and Afghanistan. The CCA maintains
an office in Peshawar, where it produces a monthly newsletter on the Afghan
human rights situation. It also monitors and documents the human rights situation
from several ofiices in both Taliban-controlled and Northern Alliance-controlled
cities. However, the civil war and lack of security continued to make it difficult for
human rights organizations to adequately monitor the situation inside the country.
The U.N. Special Advisor on Gender Issues, Assistant Secretary General Angela
King, visited Afghanistan in November to review U.N. policy toward women and aid
in Af^anistan.
The U.N. Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Afghanistan, Dr. Choong-hyun
Paik, visited both Taliban and Northern Alliance- controlled portions of the country
during 1997. His mandate was extended again by the UN Human Rights Commis-
sion. In his 1997 report, the Rapporteur declared that Afghan citizens continue to
be deprived of basic ri^ts and freedoms.
1612
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
There are no constitutional provisions that prohibit discrimination based on race,
sex, religion, disability, language, or social status. It is not known whether specific
laws pnmibit discrimination; local custom and practices generally prevail. Discrimi-
nation against women is prevalent throughout the country and its severity varies
from area to area, depending on the local leadership's attitude towards work and
education for women and on local attitudes. Historically, the minority Shi'a faced
discrimination from the majority Sunni population. There has been greater accept-
ance of the disabled as the number of people maimed by land mines increased and
the presence of the disabled became more prevalent.
Women. — ^As lawlessness and interfactional fighting continued in some areas, vio-
lence against women occurred frequently, including beatings, rapes, forced mar-
riages, disappearances, kidnapings, and killings. Such incidents generally went un-
reported and most information was anecdotal. It was difficult to document rapes,
in particular, given the social stigma that surrounds the problem. Although the sta-
bility instituted by the Taliban in most of the country initially acted to reduce vio-
lence against women, there were reports during the year of Taliban stealing others'
wives for an evening.
Under the Communist regime of the 1980's, a growing number of women, particu-
larly in urban areas, worked outside the home in nontraditional roles. This trend
was reversed when the Communists were ousted in 1992, and an Islamic govern-
ment was installed. In 1997 the trend towards excluding women from public service
intensified, although some women retained employment as artisans, weavers, doc-
tors, and nurses in some areas. In northern Afgnanistan and pre-Taliban controlled
Kabul, women were allowed to work and girls to attend school.
The harsh treatment of women under Taliban rule has received strong criticism
throughout the world. When the Taliban took Kabul in September 1996, they imme-
diately issued pronouncements forbidding women to work, including female doctors
and nurses in hospitals and required that houses with female occupants have their
windows painted over. In a few cases, the Taliban relented and allowed women to
work in health care occupations under restricted circumstances. Taliban gender re-
strictions continued to interfere with the delivery of humanitarian assistance to
women and girls. In a July letter addressed to the U.N., the Taliban asked that as-
sistance be provided to women through their close male relatives rather than di-
rectly. Male relatives also must obtain the permission of the Department for the
Propagation of Virtue and the Suppression of Vice for female home-based employ-
ment.
In January the Taliban announced a policy of segregating men and women in hos-
pitals. This regulation largely was ignored for 6 months, but in July hospital direc-
tors were directed to cease services to women and discharge female staff. Services
for women were to be provided by a single hospital still partially under construc-
tion— a drastic reduction in the access to, and quality of, care for women. This order
was being implemented in September but was modified on September 20 to allow
for emergency care for women at all hospitals. On November 6, however, the
Taliban reversed their decision, and the Kabul Caretaker Council repealing the de-
cree. The Council provided for nonemergency treatment for women at eight Kabul
hospitals and restated that women could be seen at any Kabul hospital in an emer-
fency. In October an NGO reported that a female bum victim had died after
'aliban authorities would not allow her to be treated by a male doctor. Health care
for both men and women was further hampered by the ban on images of humans
issued over Radio Shari'a on October 6, which caused the destruction of public edu-
cation posters and hampered the provision of health information in a society with
massive illiteracy.
The Taliban decreed what women could wear in public. Women were forced to don
a head-to-toe garment known as the chador, which has only a mesh screen for vi-
sion. While in some conservative areas, this was the normal garment for rural
women, it represented a dramatic change in practice when imposed in urban areas.
According to a decree announced by the religious police in January, women found
outside the home who were not properly covered would be severely punished along
with their family elders. In Kabul and elsewhere women found in public who were
not wearing the chador were beaten by Taliban militiamen. A few repwrts indicated
that some women in Herat are covering their heads with large scarves that leave
the face uncovered and have not faced reprisals, and many women in rural areas
also have been observed without chadors out with scarves covering their heads. It
is also reported that these restrictions are not enforced upon the nomad population
of several hundred thousand or upon foreigners.
1613
The appearance and movement of women in public was further curtailed, even
with approved clothing. Observers reported seeing fewer and fewer women on the
streets in Taliban-controlled areas.
In the north, NIMA also has increased restrictions upon women. It has requested
that NGO's operating in areas under its control fire female employees, and Balkh
University reportedly has segregated classes and barred females irom teaching male
students.
Children. — Local administrative bodies and international assistance organizations
undertook to look out for children's welfare to the extent possible; however, the situ-
ation of children is very poor. Infant mortality is 250 out of 1,000 births and
Medecins Sans Frontiers reports that 250,000 children per year die of malnutrition.
A UNICEF study also reported that the majority of Afghan children are highly trau-
matized and expect to die before reaching adulthood. Some 90 percent have night-
mares and suffer from acute anxiety, while some 70 percent have seen acts of vio-
lence, including the killing of parents or relatives.
Taliban restrictions on the movement of women and girls in areas that they con-
trolled hampered the ability of U.N. agencies and NGO's to implement effectively
health and education programs aimed at both boys and girls. In Kabul in October,
six women and children suffering from malnutrition and en route to a food center,
accompanied by two health workers, reportedly were forced to leave their vehicle
and halt their journey after the Taliban stopped the driver and gave him 25 lashes
for allowing one of the women to ride in the front seat.
The Taliban have eliminated most of the opportunities for girls' education that ex-
isted in areas they have taken over. Some girls reportedly are receiving an edu-
cation in informal home schools, which are tolerated by the Taliban authorities in
various parts of the country. It also is reported that several girls' schools remain
open in Kandahar, although in Herat, which was captured by the Taliban in 1995,
girls' schools have remained closed except in the refugee camps maintained by inter-
national NGO's. Prior to the Taliban takeover in 1996, more than 100,000 girls re-
portedly attended public school in Kabul in grades kindergarten to 12, according to
a U.N. survey.
People With Disabilities. — There are few measures to protect the rights of the
mentally and physically disabled or to mandate accessibility for them. Victims of
land mines continued to be a major focus of international humanitarian relief orga-
nizations, which devoted resources to providing prostheses, medical treatment, and
rehabilitation therapy to amputees. It is believed that there was more public accept-
ance of people with msabilities because of the prevalence of the maimed due to land
mines or other war-related injuries. There are reports that disabled women, who
need a prosthesis or other aid to walk, are virtually homebound because they cannot
wear the chador over the prosthesis or other aid.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — Little is known about labor laws and practices, al-
though only an insignificant fraction of the work force has ever labored in an indus-
trial setting. There were no reports of labor rallies or strikes. Labor rights are not
defined, and in the context of the breakdown of governmental authority there is no
effective central authority to enforce them. Many of Kabul's industrial workers are
unemployed due to the destruction or abandonment of the city's minuscule manufac-
turing base. The only large employer in Kabul is the governmental structure of
minimally functioning ministries.
Workers in government ministries reportedly have been fired because they have
received part of their education abroad or because of contacts with the previous re-
gimes, although certain officials in previous administrations still are employed
under the Taliban. Others have reportedly been fired for violating Taliban regula-
tions concerning beard length.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Afghanistan lacks a tradition
of genuine labor-management bargaining. There are no known labor courts or other
mechanisms for resolving labor disputes.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Little information is available on
forced or compulsory labor, including child labor. There are credible reports that
Masood forced Taliban prisoners to work on road and air strip construction projects,
but did not otherwise mistreat the prisoners.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — There is
no evidence that authorities in any part of the country enforce labor laws, if they
exist, relating to the employment of children. Children from the ages of 6 to 14 often
work to help support their families by herding animals in rural areas, and by col-
lecting paper and firewood, shining shoes, begging, or collecting scrap metal among
1614
street debris in the cities. Some of these practices expwse children to the danger of
land mines.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no available information regarding a
statutory minimum wage or the enforcement of safe labor practices. Many workers
are apparently allotted time off regularly for prayers and observance oi religious
holidays.
BANGLADESH
Bangladesh is a parliamentary democracy headed by Prime Minister Sheikh
Hasina Wajed, leader of the Awami League, which came to power in 1996 in na-
tional elections deemed generally free and fair by domestic and international observ-
ers. Major opposition parties include the previous ruling Bangladesh Nationalist
Pairty (BNP), the Jatiyo Party, and the Jamaat-E-Islami. A 1996 constitutional
amendment requires a neutral caretaker government to conduct all general par-
liamentary elections. Nevertheless, elections are often marred by violence and rig-
ging. The judiciary displays a high degree of independence.
The Home Affairs Ministry controls the police and paramilitary forces, which bear
primary responsibility for maintaining internal security. The army and paramilitary
forces are responsible for security in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), where a trib-
al group has waged a low-level insurgency since 1974. In December government and
rebel negotiators signed an accord to end the insurgency in the Chittagong Hill
Tract (CHT). Police oflicers committed a number of serious human rights abuses.
Bangladesh is a poor country. Annual per capita income is approximately $260;
about 45 percent oi the countiVs 124 million people exist on incomes insufficient
to meet minimum daily needs. Seventy percent of the work force is involved in agri-
culture, which accounts for approximately one-third of the gross domestic product.
There is a growing industrial sector, based largely on the manufacture of garments,
textiles, industrial goods such as rerolled steel, cement, and jute. There is a small
wealthy elite, and a middle class is emerging. Efforts to reform the economy have
been hampered by endemic corruption, political turmoil and the opposition of public
sector enterprises, government bureaucrats, and other vested interests.
The Government continues to restrict or deny many fundamental rights. Police
committed extrajudicial killings, and some people died in police custody under sus-
picious circumstances. Police routinely use torture and other forms of abuse in inter-
rogating suspects. The Government rarely convicts and punishes those responsible
for torture or unlawful deaths. Prison conditions are poor. Prime Minister Sheikh
Hasina's Government did not repeal the Special Powers Act (SPA), which allows for
arbitrary arrest and preventive detention; it used the SPA to harass political oppo-
nents and other citizens by detaining them without formal charge. A large case
backlog slows the judicial process, ana lengthy pretrial detention is a problem. The
Government sometimes infringes on citizens' privacy rights. The Government places
some limitations on freedom of assembly. Women, minorities, the disabled, religious
minorities, and indigenous people face societal discrimination. Violence against
women and trafficking of women and children for prostitution remain serious prob-
lems. The Government continues to limit worker rights, and child labor is a wide-
spread and serious problem. Vigilante justice resulted in numerous killings.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were numerous extrajudicial
killings during the year. In one instance in February, Ansars, a police auxiliary
force, fired on a crowd of local villagers who had assembled outside the Ansar camp:
4 people were killed and 11 others wounded. The villagers, from the village of
Sadhpur in Savar, had come to investigate the shooting ol a local man who was at-
tempting to stop his young niece from being molested by one of the Ansars.
According to human rights monitors, a number of persons died while in custody
in the first 9 months of 1996. According to newspaper reports, 23 persons died in
police custody through September. Most deaths appear to have been due to mis-
treatment, or illnesses aggravated by imprisonment. However, human rights reports
concerning police abuse and deaths of prisoners indicate that this claim is mac-
curate and masks widespread and serious abuse. For example, on February 7,
Seema Chowdhury, a garments worker, died while in "safe custody" in Chittagong,
5 days after charges were filed against four police officers for raping her in custody
in 1996. An autopsy reported that she died of typhoid, but women's rights activists
1615
and some politicians asserted Chowdhury was murdered to prevent her testifying
against the police in the rape case. Acting against customary practice, authorities
burned her oody after the autopsy, destroying any possible physical evidence of
murder. In July the four police ofticers accused of raping her were acquitted for lack
of evidence; the Government has appealed the verdict.
In June a man was arrested for attempting to enter the grounds of the Prime
Minister's office in Dhaka, and was later beaten to death bv police. In August a man
detained in Chittagong as a suspected thief died in custody; an autopsy report said
that he died from torture (see Section I.e.). These cases, and that of Seema
Chowdhury, gained notoriety, and the Government initiated legal action against the
police officers involved. Most abuses, however, go unpunished, and the resulting cli-
mate of impunity remains a serious obstacle to ending police abuse and extrajudicial
killing.
Violence, often resulting in killings, is a pervasive element in Bangladeshi politics
(see Section 3). Demonstrators from all parties, and even within parties, often clash
with police and with each other during rallies and demonstrations. The Awami
League and opposition parties used armed violence and intimidation to disrupt their
opponents gatnerings and rallies. Opposition parties also used armed violence to en-
force general strikes. The violence perpetrated by both sides resulted in more than
18 deaths and hundreds of injuries. Five persons, including one policeman, were
shot and killed in clashes that erupted near the end of a joint opposition rally in
Chittagong on November 11, which was held to protest the draft peace agreement
between the Government and the CHT insurgents (see Section 5). The BNP stated
that two of those killed were its members. Tne police claimed that there had been
a premeditated attack on police by BNF activists who used guns, Molotov cocktails,
and small bombs. BNP (I!hairperson Khaleda Zia asserted that "goons" from the rul-
ing Awami Ijeagae had been responsible for instigating the violence. After the initial
clash at the rally site, violent encounters between police and opposition activists
took place elsewhere in Chittagong. After the Chittagong clashes, the BNP and
other allied opposition parties (chiefly the Jamaat-E-Islami) announced a half-day
general strike in Chittagong in protest against the claimed attack by Awami I>eague
jgoons." BNP activists also took to the streets in central Dhaka and reportedly set
fire to more than a dozen vehicles.
More than 300 persons were reported to have been injured in clashes during an
8-hour road and rail blockage outside Dhaka called by opposition political parties
on October 5. A BNP Member of Parliament (M.P.) was stabbed during the contin-
ued clashes on October 6.
Three people were shot and killed in Chittagong on November 27 During BNP-
Awami League clashes, which occurred after Awami I^eague student activists sought
to disrupt a visit by BNP leader Khaleda Zia to console victims of an earthquake.
The BNP portrayed the events as a deliberate attempt to kill Zia, who barricaded
herself in a hospital ward. At least four pcnsons died in November 29-30 violence,
during general strikes called by the opposition to protest the alleged "assassination
attempt on Khaleda Zia. Arrest warrants on murder charges were issued against
23 BNP officials, including at least 2 BNP M.P."s who were trapped along with
Khaleda Zia during the November 27 incident.
Violence is also endemic among the student political groups allied with the major
national parties. It reportedly resulted in at least 6 deaths by October, hundreds
of injuries, and the freauent closure of educational institutions.
Murders of local-level political activists and activists of the student fronts of major
parties are common occurrences; the distinctions, however, between politically moti-
vated murders and purely criminal acts arc blurred by the involvement of many
politicians and political party activists in organized crime.
In 1995 the Government charged former president Hossain Mohammed Ershad
with ordering the 1981 murder of the alleged assassin of President Ziaur Rahman.
Ershad was granted bail in January and later allowed to travel abroad. The murder
case is not being actively pursued by the Government. Ershad was already serving
a 20-year sentence for corruption (see Section I.e.).
In 1995 police in Dinajpur abducted, raped, and murdered a 15-year-old girl
named Yasmeen. The murder sparked riots in Dinajpur during which police killed
seven people. The case went to trial in 1997, and in August three police officers
were convicted of the murder and sentenced to death. Another officer was sentenced
to prison for concealing evidence.
In 1996 the Government arrested under the Special Powers Act, and later for-
mally charged, retired Lt. Colonel Farook Rahman, the self-confessed organizer of
the 1975 assassination of Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In July he and
four other accused persons went on trial in Dhaka for the murder of Sheikh Mujibur
(see Sections I.e., 2.d., 2.e.).
1616
On December 25, 1996, Subinoy Chakma, a tribal peace activist in the Chittagong
Hill Tracts, was murdered at his house in Rangamati. His murder remained un-
solved in 1997 but was generally believed to have been committed by the Shanti
Bahini, a tribal insurgent group, which opposed Subinoy's efforts to promote better
relations between tribals and Bengalis in the Hill Tracts (see Section l.g.)-
There was a wave of mob Wncnings of suspected criminals during the year. On
May 30, six men suspected of'^stealing cows were killed in Dhaka. On June 25, in
Dhaka a large crowd killed three alleged child traffickers, burning them inside the
police vehicle sent to rescue them. A newspaper reported that nationwide there were
50 similar murders during May and June.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
There were no developments in the 1996 disappearance of Kalpana Chakma,
central organizing secretary of the Hill Womens' Federation, an organization of trib-
al people m the Chittagong Hill Tracts. In 1996 the Government formed an inves-
tigative committee that nas yet to issue any findings.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although the Constitution prohibits torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading pun-
ishment, police routinely employ physical and psychological torture and other aouse
during arrests and interrogations. Torture may consist of threats, beatings, and, oc-
casionally, the use of electric shock. The Government rarely convicts or punishes
those responsible for torture, and a climate of impunity allows such police abuses
to continue.
During two periods of detention between August and October, police reportedly
tortured Shafiul Alam Prodhan, the leader of a small leftist party. During the sec-
ond period of detention, Prodhan was allegedly subjected to electrical shocks. The
case appears to have been politically motivated.
Numerous press and human rights monitors' reports indicate that police abuse of
detainees is a widespread problem and frequently results in death (see Section l.a.).
Lt. Col. Farook Rahman, arrested in 1996 under the SPA and later charged with
the 1975 murder of Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was reportedly sub-
jected to various forms of torture, as were the four other persons accused in the
case. Zobaida Rashid, whose husband was accused in the Mujibur murder and had
fled the country, was arrested under the SPA after she publicly defended her hus-
band's actions. She also was allegedly tortured and subjected to unusually harsh
prison conditions before the Supreme Court ordered her released from prison. The
Government also used police surveillance, raids on houses, and intimidation by rul-
ing party activists to harass her family and friends (see Section l.d.).
Kape in police custody is a common problem. For example, in July police officers
in Lalmonirhat reportealy raped a woman after unsuccessfully attempting to arrest
her husband. The press reported 9 instances of rape in police custody, but women's
rights activists estimate that the real number is several times higher.
Prison conditions are poor. Most prisons are overcrowded and lack adequate facili-
ties. The current prison population, over 46,000 in August, is more than double the
official prison capacity. There are three classes of cells: A, B, and C. Common crimi-
nals and low-level political workers are generally held in C cells, which often have
dirt floors, no furnishings, and poor quality food The use of restraining devices on
prisoners in these cells is common. Prisoners in the C cells reportedly suffer the
worst abuses, including beatings or being forced to kneel for long periods. Condi-
tions in B and A cells are markedly better; A cells are reserved for prominent pris-
oners.
The five men arrested for the murder of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were held in
class C cells. On July 8, the judge presiding over their trial ordered that they be
moved to class A cells. The Government moved them on July 22, after the judge
threatened legal action against prison officials for failure to comply with his order.
A government-appointed committee of private citizens, who are prominent individ-
uals in the various prison localities, monitors prisons monthly but does not release
its findings. In general, the (jovemment does not permit prison visits by independ-
ent human rights monitors but does make occasional exceptions. Human rights
groups reported that 8 persons died in custody during the year. However, news-
papers reported 23 persons died in police custody.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Awami League Government contin-
ued to use national security legislation, namely the Special Powers Act (SPA) of
1974, to detain citizens without formal charges or specific complaints being filed
against them. Past governments have vowed to abolisn the SPA out did not do so.
Prime Minister Sheuch Hasina Wajed, before coming to power, advocated the aboli-
tion of the SPA. As Prime Minister, however, she reversed herself, stating in March
that retention of the SPA was justified by its proven usefulness to past govern-
ments.
1617
Under the SPA, the Government or a district magistrate may, to prevent the com-
mission of an act likely "to prejudice the security of the country", order anyone de-
tained for 30 days. The Government (or magistrate) must within 15 days inform the
detainee of the grounds for detention, and the Government must within 30 days ap-
prove the grounds for detention or release the detainee. In practice, detainees are
sometimes neld for longer periods without the Government stating the grounds for
the detention or formally approving it. Detainees may appeal their detention, and
the Government may grant early release.
After 4 months, an advisory board composed of two persons who have been, or
are qpialified to be, high court judges, ana one civil servant examines cases of de-
tainees. If the Government adequately defends its detention order, the detainee re-
mains imprisoned; if not, the detainee is released. K the defendant in an SPA case
is able to present his case before the High Court in Dhaka, generally, the High
Court will rule in favor of the defendant. Typically, the Court finds the Government
is unable to "show cause." However, many defendants are either too poor, or because
of strict detention are unable to obtain legal counsel. Without legal counsel or funds,
they cannot move the case beyond the magistrate level. The magistrates, unlike
High Court judges, are not independent. They are subject to the administrative con-
trols of the Law Ministry and are less likely to summarily dismiss a case. As a re-
sult, the defendant in many SPA cases will languish in detention without the case
moving to trial. Detainees are allowed to consult with lawyers while in detention,
although usually not until a charge is filed. They are not entitled to be represented
by a lawyer before an advisory board. Detainees may receive visitors, and incommu-
nicado detention is generally not practiced. However, the Government has held in-
communicado some prominent prisoners, notably Lt. Col. Farook Rahman (see Sec-
tion I.e.).
According to the Government and press reports, the authorities detained more
than 3,498 persons under the SPA through September. As of October 1, about 2,752
detainees had been released. Government figures indicate that 2,000 persons were
in detention under the SPA in July. There are credible reports from human rights
monitors and political activists that the Awami League Government uses the SPA
primarily as a tool to harass and intimidate political opponents. They claim that the
Government has arrested hundreds of opposition activists under the SPA, most
being released later when no charges could be brought. Actual numbers of party ac-
tivists arrested were not verifiable.
On March 20, the Government arrested four senior opposition BNP leaders under
the SPA. The Prime Minister later said that they were involved in acts of sabotage.
On April 7, the Supreme Court ruled their detention illegal, ordered them released,
and required the Government to pay them compensation for "political victimization."
The judicial release of the SPA detainees is usually the result of a habeas corpus
petition by the defendant to the High Court. The Court dismisses the cases, stating
the Gvemment was unable to "show cause" for the detention.
The Government and local authorities also detain people without use of the SPA,
doing so either for personal vengeance or as a means to harass and intimidate per-
ceived opponents and their famines. For example, in July the Dhaka police detective
branch raided the house of Shaguib Chowdhury the night before his marriage to a
dau^ter of Khandaker Abdur Kashid, one of the accused in the Sheikh Mujibur
murder case. According to press reports, the police had no warrant to search or ar-
rest but claimed that the house's occupants had illegal arms. Chowdhury, his father,
and five guests were detained for several hours, during which the police reportedly
interrogated them on the whereabouts of Mr. Rashid, rather than on illegal arms.
The previous Government allowed another widely used statute, the Anti-Terror-
ism Act, to expire in 1994. However, some cases are still pending and are yet to
be resolved. There are some differences of legal procedure under the law, such as
limited bail and special tribunals.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The higher levels of the judiciary display a signifi-
cant degree of independence, as mandated by the Constitution. The judiciary often
rules against the Government in criminal, civil, and even politically controversial
cases. Lower level courts reportedly are more susceptible to political pressure. Ex-
amples of lower courts refusing bail in cases which higher courts granted bail or
dismissed, include the case of BNP leader Nazibul Bashar Maizbhandari.
Maizbhandari was arrested during a BNP strike, on September 22. The Chief Met-
ropolitan Magistrate's court (CMN) in Dhaka denied nis requests for bail three
times. The district and sessions judge granted bail on September 28, and
Maizbhandari was admitted to a hospital for injuries alleged to have resulted from
police abuse.
1618
On March 20, four ranking BNP leaders were arrested without warrant or
charges. In the lower courts, bail was refused. Petitions were filed before the High
Court challenging the detentions. On April 7, the court declared the detentions ille-
gal, ordered the release of the BNP leaders, and ordered that the Government
should pay compensation of $2,220 (100,000 taka) each.
The court system has two levels, the lower courts and the Supreme Court. Both
hear civil and criminal cases. The lower courts consist of magistrates, who are part
of the administrative branch of government, and session judges, who belong to the
judicial branch. The Supreme Court is divided into two Sertions, the High Court
and the Appellate Court. The High Court hears original cases and also reviews
cases from the lower courts. The Appellate Court has jurisdiction to hear appeals
of judgments, decrees, orders, or sentences of the High Court. Rulings of the Appel-
late Court are binding on all other courts.
Trials are public. Tne law provides the accused with the ri^t to be represented
by counsel, to review accusatory material, to call witnesses, and to appeal verdicts.
In practice, the largely rural, illiterate population does not always understand these
rights, nor do the authorities always respect them. There is a system of bail, and
bail is commonly granted for both violent and nonviolent crimes. However, if bail
is not granted, the law does not specify a time limit on pretrial detention. State-
funded defense attorneys are rarely provided, and there are few legal aid programs
to offer financial assistance. In rural areas, individuals may receive no legal rep-
resentation. In urban areas, legal counsel is generally available if individuals can
afford the expense. However legal education is poor, so most legal representation
is inadequate.
There is corruption within the legal process. Small sums must be paid to a num-
ber of court officials in order for a civil suit to be filed. While these may appear
to be processing fees, they are more in the nature of bribes; they are not established
by statute or regulation, are paid to officials personally, and there is no accountabil-
ity for failure to discharge duties paid for. Defendants can sometimes pay to avoid
being served with a notice or suit. Because of the difficulty accessing the courts and
because litigation is time-consuming, alternate dispute resolution by traditional vil-
lage leaders is popular in rural communities.
A major problem of the court system is the overwhelming backlog of cases. Accord-
ing to the Government, about 575,000 cases were pending in criminal and civil
courts in July, and about 32,000 people, or 68 percent of the country's total prison
population, were awaiting trial or under trial. Government sources report that the
period between detention and trial averages 6 months, but press and human rights
groups report many instances of pretrial detention lasting for several years. These
conditions, and the corruption encountered in the judicial process, effectively pre-
vent many people from obtaining a fair trial or justice.
The Government claims that it holds no political prisoners, but the BNP and
human rights monitors claim that many opposition activists have been arrested and
convicted under criminal charges as a pretext for their political activities (see Sec-
tion 2.d.).
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The law
requires authorities to obtain a judicial warrant before entering a home. However,
according to human rights monitors, police rarely obtain warrants, and officers vio-
lating the procedure are not punishea. In addition, the SPA permits searches with-
out a warrant.
The police Special Branch, National Security Intelligence, and the Directorate
General of Forces Intelligence employ informers and conduct surveillance of citizens,
particularly those perceived to be political opponents of the (jovemment. Human
rights activists, foreign nongovermental organizations (NGO's), and journalists re-
port occasional harassment oy these organizations (see Section 2.a.). The Govern-
ment reportedly opens international mail and monitors telephone calls on occasion.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech,
expression, and the press, subject to "reasonable restrictions" in the interest oi secu-
rity, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency and morality, or to
prohibit defamation or incitement to an oflense. With some exceptions the Govern-
ment generally respects freedom of speech and of the press. Since taking office, the
Awami League Government has issued press guidance restricting coverage of a very
limited number of stories. Opposition papers reported that the Government was giv-
ing "press advice" asking government-owned papers not to carry news of the Free-
dom Party, Juba (Youth) Command and BNP leader Anwar Zahid, Zobaida Rashid,
wife of colonel Rashid, or statements from BNP leaders. News and statements of
opposition leader Khaleda Zia and some BNP leaders were permissible. The govern-
1619
ment papers were also asked not to publish reports on rallies or processions of the
ENPs student front, Jatiyatabadi Chatra Dal. This advice was not a binding regula-
tion. The Awami League enjoys support from most major newspapers in the country.
While supporting overall policies, many papers report critically on the activities of
the Government and ruling party, including the Prime Minister.
The Government owns and controls radio and television, which do not provide bal-
anced coverage of the news. The activities of the Prime Minister occupy the bulk
of prime time news bulletins on both television and radio, followed by the activities
of other members of the Cabinet. Opposition party news gets little coverage. The
Government alleges that television crews assigned to cover BNP activities are pre-
vented by the BNP from doing so. In response, the BNP claims that news items
about its party activities are purposely ignored or distorted. The British Broadcast-
ing Corporation (BBC) and the Cable News Network (CNN) international news are
retransmitted live and uncensored for several hours each day. There are no restric-
tions on the installation of satellite dishes, which are widely owned both in Dhaka
and throughout the country, including in remote villages.
There is one government-owned (BSS) and one privately owned wire service, the
United News oi Bangladesh (UNB), which distribute stories nationally. In May a
London-based Bangladeshi journalist launched a bilingual wire service called "Ban-
gladesh News Service," which mainly caters to the needs of newspapers outside
Dhaka.
Newspaper ownership and content are not subject to direct government restric-
tion. The press, numbering hundreds of daily and weekly publications, is a forum
for a wide range of views. Papers that cannot obtain enough government newsprint
to meet their needs must buy it on the open market at higher prices. Many papers
do so. There were no reports of papers not able to publish due to lack of newsprint.
The Government controls the distribution of advertisements issued by different
government agencies through the Ministry of Information. This is a major source
of revenue for all newspapers. The practice of using government advertisements to
reward supporters and punish critical newspapers exists, although the (Jovemment
claims that advertisements are allocated solely on the basis of circulation.
Foreign publications are subject to censorship. When enforced, this is most often
for immodest or obscene photographs or perceived misrepresentation or defamation
of Islam.
In its election manifesto, the Awami League called for the privatization of the
state-controlled media. Upon taking power, tne Government set up a committee to
recommend measures for authorizing private radio and television broadcasts. The
committee has submitted a report to the Government, but it has not been released
to the general public, and no cnanges in the existing legal framework have been an-
nounced. The League's manifesto also vowed to privatize the government-run news-
papers. In DeceniDer the two government newspapers Doynik Bangla and Ban-
gladesh Times were closed and are expected to be sold to private buyers. Several
newsmen working for the government-run wire service, BSS, were transferred to
district towns. Many claim that they were transferred because they were perceived
to favor the BNP. Journalists appointed in Bangladesh diplomatic missions as press
ministers/counselors were recalled and replaced by pro-Awami League journalists.
The Awami League Government reportedly advises the government wire service and
government-run newspapers not to cover news of BNP leaders' activities, except
those of the BNP leader, deputy leader, and secretary general.
Several sources have reported that the State Minister for Information established
an office at Bangladesh Television (BTV) to monitor or edit news items. The Govern-
ment denies this allegation, claiming that the office at BTV premises was renovated
to be used as a VIP waiting room.
Attacks on journalists and efforts to intimidate them by government officials, po-
litical party activists, and others, occasionally occur. For example, the Rajshahi bu-
reau cnief of Dinkal, the main opposition BNP daily, was physically assaulted in
July by an armed group near his residence in Rajshahi and he was seriously in-
jured. He reported the incident to police, and three persons were arrested. After the
arrests, other persons attacked ana ransacked his house and beat the occupants. Re-
ports differ on whether this incident was politically motivated or the result of a pri-
vate dispute.
Another newsman, a reporter for the large circulation Bangladesh daily
Janakantha, published in Dhaka, was arrested in June by police at a small town-
shin outside Dhaka following a complaint of "journalistic slander." He was released
on Dail after 26 days' detention, and his case was pending in the courts at year's
end.
In July an armed group attacked the office of the Daily Comilla Barta, a vernacu-
lar daily at Comilla, about 60 miles east of Dhaka. The newspaper is run by an
1620
Awami League group. An opposing Awami League group was upset with the news-
paper's reporting oi corruption in the local hospital. Some newspaper employees
were assaulted, the oflice was ransacked, and death threats were made against the
editor. No arrests were made by the police.
An editor of another daily was apparently harassed for his critical reports on the
performance of some ministries, including the Ministry of Finance. Income ttix in-
vestigators interrogated him, and revenue officials audited his tax records. He re-
ceived telephone threats. The dau^ter-in-law of the Finance Minister sued him and
his publisher in June for printing stories that alleged that she was involved in ma-
nipulating the country's stock market.
A journalist who writes critically of the Awami League Government's policies re-
ports that he and his family have been harassed by government intelligence serv-
ices, including surveillance and telephone threats. Another journalist said that he
received telephone threats in February from a government security offlcial, after re-
porting on misuse of government resources by the Prime Minister's oflice.
Feminist author Taslima Nasreen, whose writings and statements provoked death
threats from some Islamic groups in 1993 and 1994, still lives abroad after her de-
parture for Europe in 1994. The Government charged Nasreen in 1994 under a Sec-
tion of the penal code that stipulates punishment for anyone convicted of inten-
tionally insulting religious beliefs; the case is still filed against her. The Govern-
ment has taken no action against those who issued death tnreats against Nasreen,
even though such threats also violate the law.
TTie Government's film censor board temporarily canceled the censor certificates
of three English films and prohibited their screening on grounds of obscenitv. In
past years the board banned several locally produced and foreign films, usually on
the grounds that the films promoted immorality. The film censor board also consid-
ers issues of state security, law and order, religious sentiment, obscenity, foreign re-
lations, defamation of a person, and plagiarism in deciding whether to ban a film.
Academic freedom is generally respected by the Government. Teachers and stu-
dents at all levels are free to pursue academic assignments except on extremely sen-
sitive religious and political topics.
The situation on public university campuses remains volatile, seriously inhibiting
the ability of students to receive university educations, and teachers to teach.
Armed clashes between rival student groups have resulted in closures of the univer-
sities of Dhaka, Rajshahi, Chittagong, Jahan^magar, and Islamic University on
several occasions. The vice-chancellors of Rajshahi and Islamic universities ap-
pointed by the previous BNP government were forced by the student fronts of the
ruling Awami League and Jamaat-E-Islami to resign. Campus violence between stu-
dent political factions has little to do with ideological dilTerences, and more to do
with physical control of dormitories and student concessions by nonstudent party ac-
tivists. The result is that, on average, it takes 6 years or more to earn a 4-year de-
gree.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom of assembly, subject to restrictions in the interest of public order and public
health. The Government sometimes prohibits rallies for security reasons, but many
independent observers believe such explanations are usually a pretext.
Both the Grovemment and opposition parties frequently interfere with each other's
rallies and public meetings. Throughout the year partisans of the ruling and opposi-
tion parties used violence to disrupt political gatherings. In addition, both have used
a statute that allows public assemblies to be prohibited — to prevent possible vio-
lence— if two or more parties have scheduled rallies for the same time and place.
Political parties, after learning of planned opposing-party public gatherings, sched-
ule other rallies for the same time and place, in hopes of forcing authorities to can-
cel both events. For example, in June an opposition BNP rally was banned by au-
thorities after the local Awami League organization called a rally for the same time
and place. Similarly, in August a pro-Awami League organization called a rally in
Dhaka for the same time and place as a previously scheduled rally by an Islamic
group opposed to the Government. In this case authorities did not ban the rallies,
but attempted to prevent Islamic activists from attending, several people were in-
jured in the resulting clashes between Islamic party activists, police, and Awami
League activists (see Section l.a.).
In September the Awami League mayor of Dhaka banned political rallies in public
streets and required rallies to be held in seven designated sites instead, with the
declared rationale of improving traffic flow in the capital. Opposition parties de-
nounced the ban as a unilateral restriction on freedom of assembly but declined the
mayor's offer to discuss alternatives to the designated venues. There were repeated
clashes in Dhaka as opposition parties demonstrated against the ban, or sought to
assemble prior to processions on public streets. Police enforcement of the ban on op-
1621
position gatherings was usually strict, while processions of the governing Awanai
League were unmolested. Police and the opposition blamed each other for frequent
violent clashes as the ban was enforced.
The Constitution provides for the right of every citizen to form associations, sub-
ject to "reasonable restrictions" in the interest of morality or public order, and in
general the Government respects this right. In practice, individuals are free to join
private groups, but a local magistrate must approve public meetings.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution establishes Islam as the state religion
but also stipulates the ri^ht to practice the reli^on of one's choice, and the Govern-
ment respects this provision in practice. Approximately 88 percent of the 124 million
population is Muslim. Some members of the Hindu, Christian, and Buddhist minori-
ties continue to perceive and experience discrimination toward them from the major-
ity community (see Section 5).
The law permits citizens to proselytize. However, strong social resistance to con-
version from Islam means that many of the missionary efforts by non-Muslims are
aimed at Hindus and tribal groups. The Government allows various religions to es-
tablish places of worship, train clergy, travel for religious purposes, and maintain
links with coreligionists abroad. Foreign missionaries may work in Bangladesh, but
their right to proseljdize is not protected by the Constitution, and some missionaries
face proolems in obtaining visas.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens are able to move freely within the country. Travel by foreign-
ers is restricted in the CHT, some other border areas, and in the military canton-
ments. Citizens are generally free to travel abroad and emigrate. The right of repa-
triation is generally observed.
Approximately 250,000 Rohingyas (Muslims from Burma's Arakan State) crossed
into southeastern Bangladesh in late 1991 and 1992 fleeing repression. Since 1992
approximately 238,000 Kohingyas have voluntarily repatriated to Burma leaving ap-
proximately 21,(X)0 in two camps in Bangladesh. Following the expiration of its own
self-imposed August 15 deadline, Burma clocked further repatriation, but few of the
remaining Rohingyas have appeared willing to repatriate voluntarily. The UNHCR
has encouraged Bangladesh to allow the remaining Rohingyas to settle locally, but
the Government has responded repeatedly that all the Roningyas must eventually
return to Burma. Several thousand more Rohingyas arrived during the year. Esti-
mates of their number vary from 5,000 to 18,000, and most are thought to be living
in villages and town in the southeast.
During the year, incidents of physical abuse and other mistreatment of individ-
uals were reportedly perpetrated by police and other refugees. In December locally
hired workers with Medecines Sans Frontieres-Holland (MSF-H) were fired for beat-
ing refugees. Police abuse was a concern during the forced repatriation in August.
Abuse of refugees by other refugees in the camps is also a problem. With only
21,000 refugees remaining from an original number of 250,(X)0, some of the more
diflicult and criminal cases are concentrated in this residual population. To ensure
that efforts at voluntary repatriation fail, some refugees intimiaate and beat other
refugees in the camps to stop them from cooperating with UNHCR or government
officials. Intimidation by the militant refugee elements also included lengthy food
strikes during which pregnant and lactating women, and the malnourished children
were prevented from receiving supplemental feedings. The lack of supplemental
feedings appears to have resulted in an increase in the child mortality rates in the
camps.
There are about 238,(X)0 Bihari Muslims living in camps at various places around
the country. They have remained in Bangladesh since 1971 awaiting settlement in
Pakistan. Biharis are non-Bengali Muslims who emigrated to Bangladesh during
the 1947 partition. Most supported Pakistan during the independence war in 1971.
They later declined to accept Bangladesh citizenship and asked to be repatriated to
Pakistan. The Pakistan government historically has been reluctant to accept the
Biharis. In December a representative organization for the Biharis announced that
the Pakistan government was willing to begin repatriating 5,000 stranded Paki-
stanis from Bangladesh in the next year.
Since March, in five separate phases, 26,063 Chakma tribals have returned to
Bangladesh from refugee camps in the neighboring Indian state of Tripura. The re-
patriation is the result of an agreement between the (jovernment and tribal leaders
to repatriate those who had fled the internecine violence of tribals and Bengali set-
tlers in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The sixth phase, which started in December, is
to go until January 1998 and expected to result in the return of 7,505 more tribals
(see Section 5).
Bangladesh is not a party to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. The Government generally cooperates with
1622
the UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The law
does not provide for first asylum or resettlement of asylum seekers. However, in
practice the Government does grant temporary asylum to individual asylum seekers
whom the UNHCR has interviewed and recognized as refugees, on a case-by-case
basis. At the request of the UNHCR, the Government has allowed about 200 asylum
seekers, mostly from Somalia and Iran, to remain in Bangladesh for several years
until they can arrange their resettlement in a third country. In the case of the
Rohingya arrivals and attempted arrivals in 1996 and 1997, the Government effec-
tively aenied first asylum by categorizing them as illegal economic migrants, deny-
ing the UNHCR official access to those that did successfully enter Bangladesh,
jaSing many of them, and turning back as many as possible at the border. Non-
governmental organizations and journalists said that the new arrivals had fled var-
ious hardships and mistreatment, including forced labor.
In July the Government forcibly sent approximately 400 Rohingya refugees back
to Burma, including 67 children sent back without their parents. This was in viola-
tion of its agreement with UNHCR and Burma to adhere to strict voluntariness in
the repatriation program. These refugees had been cleared by the Burmese Govern-
ment as Burmese nationals. However, the individuals were not willing at that time
to return to Burma. Some of the refugees indicated they feared persecution in
Burma. The Bangladesh Government apparently was anxious to meet the August
deadline that the Burmese Government had set for repatriations.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Bangladesh is a multiparty, parliamentaiy democracy in which elections by secret
ballot are held on the basis of universal suflrage. Members of Parliament are elected
at least every 5 years. The Parliament has 300 elected members, with 30 additional
seats reserved for women, who are in turn elected by Parliament.
Bangladesh last held national elections in June 1996, after which the Awami
League took office. That election was held under a neutral caretaker government.
Domestic and international observers deemed it to be generally free and fair, and
high voter turnout of 75 percent set new records for the country. In June a by-elec-
tion was held in Manikgai^, and also was judged generally free and fair. Neverthe-
less, elections in Bangladesh are often marred by violence, intimidation of voters,
and vote-rigging. The Government and activists of the major political parties fre-
Quently engage in violence and harassment against political opponents, practices
tnat intensify in the period prior to elections. Thirty people were reported killed
during the course of nationwide local government elections in December. Election
officials noted that this death toll was less than in previous similar elections. Inde-
pendent groups monitoring the elections described the polls as substantially free
and fair, although they identified many instances of violence or malpractice, includ-
ing some by election officials. Political activists, at the local and national levels, also
reportedly engage in extortion from businesses and individuals. In the Maghbazar
area of Dhaka, student political activists reportedly extort money from local shop
owners and businessmen.
In addition to the 30 parliamentary seats reserved for women (whose occupants
are chosen by Parliament), women are free to contest any seat in Parliament. Seven
women were elected in their own right in the 1996 national elections. Seats are not
specifically reserved for other minority groups, such as tribal people. However, tribal
people have some parliamentary representation; 8 members from minority groups
won seats in the last elections.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
The Government generally permits human rights groups to conduct their activi-
ties. In 1997 such groups published reports, held press conferences, and issued ap-
peals to the Government with regard to specific cases. However, the Government
continues to refuse to register the Bangladesh Section of Amnesty International
(AI). Since 1990 the AI Section has applied several times for registration under the
Societies Registration Act. Without this registration, a voluntary organization can-
not receive funding from abroad. Observers attribute the situation to resentment of
criticism of its human rights record by Amnesty International.
The Government is sensitive to international opinion regarding human rights is-
sues. It has been open to dialog with international organizations and foreign diplo-
matic missions regarding issues such as detention of^opposition leaders and prob-
lems of trafficking in women and children.
The Government has put pressure on individual human rights advocates. Father
Richard Timm, an American Catholic priest and human rignts advocate who has
1623
worked in Bangladesh for over 40 years, has faced long delays in obtaining reentry
visas. At year's end, Father Timm was still in Bangladesh on a 6 month visa. Other
missionaries who advocate human rights have faced similar problems in the past.
Human rights organizations report that the Government sometimes puts pressure
on them, usually in the form of harassment by government intelligence agencies,
and threats from activists of the ruling party (see Section l.f.). No major incidents
of attacks on NGO workers or human rights activists were reported during the year.
In past years representatives of local human rights groups have at times been phys-
ically attacked by religious extremists, who considered their activities un-Islamic.
The Government has miled to bring to justice those who engaged in such violence.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution states that "all citizens are equal before the law and are entitled
to equal protection by the law." In practice, the Government does not strongly en-
force laws aimed at eliminating discrimination. In this context, women, children, mi-
nority groups, and the disabled often confront social and economic disadvantages.
Women.— Violence against women is difficult to quantify because of unreliable sta-
tistics, but wife beating appears to be widespread. A growing awareness of the prob-
lem is fostered by the Government, media, and by women's rights organizations.
Much of the violence against women is related to disputes over dowries. According
to one human rights group, there were 68 dowry related killings through September.
Human rights groups and press reports indicate that incidents of vigilantism
against women — sometimes led by religious leaders — are common occurrences, par-
ticularly in rural areas. These include humiliating, painful punishments, such as
the whipping of women accused of moral offenses. For example, in July in a village
in Sylhet district, local leaders reportedly whipped an unmarried 16-year-old girl
and her parents because the girl was pregnant. Few perpetrators of such
extrajudicial punishments are prosecuted. Other examples of extrajudicial action
against women include an incident in August at the Golachipa police station. Police
arrested a woman and her husband based on charges filed oy the woman's former
husband. The police allegedly brought the couple in front of the station, and before
a crowd of hundreds, stripped them and forced the wife to have oral sex with her
husband. The police then reportedly beat the couple. A few days after the incident,
the couple was granted bail by the courts. The police warned the couple not to file
any complaints and local authorities have taken no action to punish the fx)lice. In
September a 14-year-old Shapna Begum was reportedly beaten to death when her
eloer brother and sister caiight her having an affair. In October newspapers re-
ported three Bangladesh Rifles soldiers in Dinaipur detained a women as a sus-
pected smuggler. They raped her and left her on the street unconscious.
The law prohibits rape and physical spousal abuse, but it makes no specific provi-
sion for spousal rape as a crime. The Government has enacted laws specifically pro-
hibiting certain forms of discrimination against women, including the Anti-Dowry
Prohibition Act of 1980, the Cruelty to Women Law of 1983, and the Women Repres-
sion Law of 1995. Enforcement of these laws is weak, however, especially in rural
areas, and the Government seldom prosecutes those cases that are filed. However,
in 1996 the Government accepted a suit against the State by a women's activist
group in connection with the 1995 rape and murder of Yasmeen, a 14-year-old girl,
by police officers; in August 3 police officers were convicted of the murder and sen-
tenced to death (see Section l.a.).
There is extensive trafficking of women and children for prostitution, within Ban-
fladesh and to other countries in Asia. The number of women trafficked is un-
nown; human rights monitors estimate that several thousand women and children
are victims of trafficking every year (see Section 5). While the law provides severe
penalties for trafficking, few perpetrators are ever punished. Human rights groups
reported approximately 50 persons were prosecuted for trafficking in 1997. Exact
numbers are difficult to obtain as charges against trafficking are usually for lesser
crimes, such as crossing borders without proper documents. Human rights groups
attribute this to lack of^concem on the part of some local authorities regarding en-
forcement of trafficking laws (see Section 6.c.).
Women remain in a subordinate position in society. The Government has not
acted effectively to protect their basic freedoms. Approximately 25 percent of women
are literate, compared with 35 to 40 percent of the general population. In recent
years, female school enrollment has improved. Approximately 50 percent of primary
and secondary school students are female. Women are often unaware of their rights,
because of continued high illiteracy rates among adults and unequal educational op-
portunities. Strong social stigmas and lack of economic means to obtain legal assist-
ance frequently keep women from seeking redress in the courts.
1624
According to the 1961 Muslim Family Ordinance, female heirs receive less inherit-
ance than male heirs, and wives are more restricted in divorce rights. Men are per-
mitted to have up to four wives, although this right is rarely exercised. Laws pro-
vide some protection for women against arbitrary divorce and the taking of addi-
tional wives by husbands without the first wife's consent, but the protections gen-
erally apply only to registered marriages. Marriages in the countryside are often not
registered because of ignorance of the law.
While employment opportunities have been stronger for women than for men in
the past few years, this is to a large extent due to the growth of the garment indus-
try, in which female workers are prevalent. Programs extending credit to large num-
bers of rural women have also contributed to greater economic power for them. How-
ever, women still occupy only a small fraction of other wage-earning jobs, and hold
fewer than 5 percent of government jobs. The Government's policy to include more
women in government jobs has had limited effect.
Children. — The Government undertakes programs in the areas of primary edu-
cation, health, and nutrition. The Government made universal primary education
between the ages of 6 and 10 years mandatory in 1991 but stated that it could not
fuUy implement the law because of a lack of resources. The Government has also
initiated programs that offer incentives for female children between the ages of 12
and 16 to remain in school. According to Education Ministry figures, approximately
86 percent of the children between the ages of 5 and 10 years are enrolled in school,
including 84 percent of girls.
Because of widespread poverty, many children are compelled to work at a very
young age. This results in abuse of children, mainly through mistreatment by em-
ployers during domestic service, other labor servitude, and prostitution; this labor-
related child abuse occurs commonly at all levels of society and throughout the
country (see Section 6.d.).
Reports from human rights monitors indicate that child abandonment, kidnaping,
and trafficking for labor bondage and prostitution continue to be serious and wide-
spread problems. The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) has estimated that
there are about 10,000 child prostitutes in Bangladesh. Other estimates have been
as high as 29,000. The law does not allow anyone under 18 years of age to engage
in prostitution and stipulates a maximum sentence of life imprisonment for persons
found guilty of forcing a child into prostitution. However, procurers of minors are
rarely prosecuted. Prostitution is legal for those over the age of 18 with government
certification, but this minimum age requirement is commonly ignored by authorities.
There are large numbers of child prostitutes in government-sanctioned brothels.
There is extensive trafficking in both women and children, primarily to the Mid-
dle East, India, Pakistan, and Southeast Asia, and also within the country. The
trade, which mainly is for purposes of prostitution and labor servitude, is difficult
to quantify. Press reports and evidence from human rights monitors indicate that
it is widespread. The connivance of officials at various levels allows the trade to
function. Human rights monitors report that police and local government officials
often either ignore trafficking of children and women for prostitution, or actually
profit from it. Enforcement oi laws against it is hampered by poor records and easy
access to forged identity documents. Most trafficked persons are lured by promises
of good jobs or marriage. The Government has expressed concern about the problem
and has worked with U.N. agencies and nongovernmental organizations to seek
ways to combat it. Awareness of the issue is mcreasing, and it receives frequent
press coverage.
People With Disabilities. — The laws provide for equal treatment and freedom from
discrimination for the disabled, but tney face social and economic discrimination.
The Government has not enacted specific legislation or otherwise mandated acces-
sibility for the disabled. There are not adequate facilities for treating the mentally
iU or the retarded. Unless a family has money to provide personalized service or to
send the mentally disabled overseas, a mentally ill person will find little treatment
in the country.
Indigenous People. — Tribal people have had a marginal ability to influence deci-
sions concerning the use of their lands. Until 1985, the Government regularly par-
celed out land m the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) to Bengali settlers. This led to
the displacement of many tribal groups such as the Chakmas and Marmas.
The Shanti Bahini, a tribal insurgency group, had waged a low-level conflict in
the CHT since the early 1970's. The violence was to deter nontribal Bengali settlers
who sought to exploit the Tracts' fertile and sparsely populated land. Government
settlement programs increased the number of Bengali inhabitants in the CHT from
3 percent of the region's total population in 1947 to approximately 50 percent in
1997.
1625
During the periods of violence, all those who were involved — indigenous tribes,
settlers, and security forces — accused each other of human rights violations. The
specific incidents have been difficult to verify because the government travel restric-
tions, tight security, difficult terrain, and unsafe conditions created by the insur-
gency limited access to the area.
In 1994 the Government and the Shanti Bahini agreed to a cease-fire, which was
extended at regular intervals. Discussions began under the recently elected Awami
League Government to find a permanent settlement to the conflict.
On December 2, after several rounds of discussions, the Government signed a
peace agreement with the representatives of the Shanti Bahini. The terms of the
pact include a strong Regional Council (RC), consisting of mostly tribal representa-
tives; reduction of the mflitary presence in the CHT region; and a substantial com-
pensation package for displaced tribal families. The Regional Council is to be the
primary governing body of the Hill Tracts region. It is to consist of 21 members,
15 of them tribal. The chairman is also to be a tribal. The Regional Council is to
have a broad range of responsibilities, including control of local administration, elec-
tions, law and order activities, taxes, and licensing, and must be consulted when the
Government institutes any laws or amendments related to the CHT. The agreement
is to lead to the gradual closing of all army and Bangladesh Rifles camps, except
the larger, permanent cantonments. For compensation, the tribal families returning
from refugee camps in the neidiboring Indian state of Tripura are to receive ap-
proximately $1,100 (50,000 iaka), bank loans are to be written off, and each landless
tribal family is to receive 2 acres of land.
In conjunction with the peace agreement discussions, repatriation of tribal refu-
gees from the neighboring Indian state of Tripura began in March. In the five
phases of repatriation completed since March, 26,063 tribals have returned. All
sides have complained of some problems in the repatriation, but no complaints have
been significant enough to halt the process. With the signing of the peace agree-
ment, the Shanti Bahini has been more supportive of the repatriation. As part of
the agreement the Shanti Bahini has begun turning its weapons into the Govern-
ment.
Tribal people in other areas have reported similar problems of loss of land to Ben-
ffali Muslims through questionable legal practices and other means. The Garos, who
ive in the Madhapur forest region in north central Bangladesh, continue to face
problems in maintaining their cultural traditions and livelihoods in the face of refor-
estation projects. Human rights monitors in the region claim that the Garos are
being harassed and intimidated into leaving their homes to make way for govern-
ment-run, internationally financed economic development projects.
The Government had indicated in 1995 that it would establish a national park
of 400 acres in the Mymensingh district. Part of that land would be taken from the
Garo tribals. Action is still pending on that proposal. The Government has not ruled
out moving the tribals from the land.
Religious Minorities. — Hindus, Christians, and Buddhists make up an estimated
10 percent of the population. Although the Government is secular, religion exerts
a powerful influence on politics. The Government is sensitive to the Muslim con-
sciousness of the majority of its citizens. However, the Jamaat-E-Islami, the coun-
try's largest Islamic political party, went from 18 seats in Parliament after the 1991
elections, to 3 in the 1996 elections.
Islamic extremists have occasionally attacked women, religious minorities, and de-
velopment workers. The Government has sometimes failed to denounce, investigate,
and prosecute perpetrators of these attacks. Attacks were made on Hindu temples
in Cnoumuhani, Tangail, and Patuakhali during the time of Durga Puja in Octooer.
Local political party activists allegedly attacked the temples and puja (worship) or-
ganizers for failing to pay extortion fees. Fifteen people were injured and religious
scriptures were desecrated during the attacks. In all, 33 people were injured in at-
tacks around the country during tne Durga Puja festivals.
Religious minorities are in practice disadvantaged in such areas as access to gov-
ernment jobs and political oftice. Selection boards in the government services are
often without minority group representation.
Property ownership, particularly among Hindus, has been a contentious issue
since independence in 1971, when many Hindus lost landholdings because of anti-
Hindu discrimination in the application of the law. Prior to its 1996 election victory,
the Awami League promised to repeal the Vested Property Act, the law used to de-
prive Hindus of their property. However, the Government has so far taken no ac-
tion. There have been in past years cases of violence directed against religious mi-
nority communities that have also resulted in the loss of property. Such intercom-
munal violence has caused some members of religious minority groups to depart the
country.
1626
Section 6. Worker rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right to join unions
and — with government approval — the right to form a union. Approximately 1.6 mil-
lion members of the country's total work force of about 45 to 50 million workers be-
long to unions. Only about 3 million workers are involved in the formal industrial
sector. There is a large unreported informal sector, for which no reliable labor sta-
tistics exist.
For a union to obtain and maintain its registration, 30 percent employee partici-
f>ation in the workplace is required. Moreover, would-be unionists are technically
brbidden to engage in many labor "activities" prior to registration. Labor activists
have protested that this requirement severely restricts workers' freedom to organize.
Witn the exception of workers in the railway, postal, telegraph and telephone de-
partments, government civil servants are forbidden to join unions. This ban also ap-
plies to security-related government employees such as members of the military and
police. Civil servants forbidden to join unions, such as teachers and nurses, have
formed associations that perform functions similar to labor unions, i.e., providing for
members' welfare, offering legal services, and airing grievances. Collective bargain-
ing, however, is prohibited. Some workers have formed unregistered unions, particu-
larly university employees and workers in the construction and transport (both pub-
lic and private) industries.
Ten to 15 percent of approximately 4,200 labor unions are affiliated with 23 offi-
cially registered National Trade Union (NTU) centers (there are also several unreg-
istered NTU's). There are no legal restrictions on political activities by labor unions,
although the calling of nationwide general strikes or transportation blockades by
unions is considereaa criminal rather than a political act and thus forbidden.
While unions are not part of the government structure, they are highly politicized.
Virtually all the NTU centers are afiiliated with political parties, including one with
the ruling Awami League. Some unions are militant and engage in intimidation and
vandalism. Illegal blockades of public transportation routes l)y strikers occurred fre-
quently during the year. Pitched battles between members of rival labor unions
occur regularly. Fighting often is over the control of rackets or extortion payoffs and
tjrpically involves knives, guns, and homemade bombs.
Workers are eligible for membership on their unions' executive staff, the size of
which is set by law in proportion to the number of union members. Registration of
a union may only be canceled by the Registrar of Trade Unions with the concur-
rence of the Labor Court, but no such actions were known to have been taken in
1997. Several cases were filed, invariably by employers claiming a union's member-
ship had fallen below the requisite level, but, because of a backlog and other admin-
istrative problems, these cases have not come under review.
The right to strike is not specifically recognized in the law, but strikes are a com-
mon form of protest. There were 4 full-day, and 2 half-day general strikes during
1997. While such strikes were greatly reduced compared with 1996, politicallv moti-
vated strikes increased during the last months of tne year. A nationwide indiistrial
strike was called on July 30 by a confederation of 17 national-level labor organiza-
tions. The demands included establishing a national minimum monthly wage of $68
(3,000 taka), and increased investment in state-owned industries. Other prominent
strikes, primarily over pay, included those by inland water transport employees and
workers at Chittagong port, the country's major harbor. Some employees organized
in professional associations or unregistered unions also went on strike during 1997.
University teachers struck for short periods from time to time over the continuing
problem of campus violence.
General strikes are standard tools of political opposition groups and are used to
pressure the Government to meet political demands. Such strikes were greatly re-
duced compared with 1996, but 2 full-day general strikes and 2 half-day strikes for
political reasons had occurred by the end of August. Wildcat strikes are illegal but
occur frequently, with varying government responses. Wildcat strikes in the trans-
portation sector are particularly common.
The Essential Services Ordinance permits the Government to bar strikes for 3
months in any sector that it declares essential. This ban, generally obeyed, has so
far been applied to national airline pilots, water supply workers, shipping operations
employees, and electricity supply workers. The bans tend to be renewed eveiy 3
months. The (jovemment is empowered to prohibit a strike or lockout at any time
before or after the strike or lockout begins and to refer the dispute to the labor
court. Mechanisms for conciliation, arbitration, and labor court dispute resolution
were established under the Industrial Relations Ordinance of 1969. Workers have
the right to strike in the event of a failure to settle. If a strike lasts 30 days or
longer, the Government may prohibit the strike and refer the dispute to the Labor
Court for adjudication. This has not happened since 1993.
1627
There are provisions in the Industrial Relations Ordinance for the immunity of
registered unions or union ofiicers from civil liability. Enforcement of these provi-
sions is uneven. In the case of illegal work actions, such as transportation block-
ades, police have arrested union members under the Special Powers Act or regular
criminal codes.
There are no restrictions on affiliation with international labor organizations, and
unions and federations maintain a variety of such links. Trade unionists are re-
quired to obtain government clearance to travel to International Labor Organization
(ILO) meetings, but no clearances were reported denied in 1997.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — Collective bargaining is legal
only for private sector workers, on condition that the workers are represented oy
unions legally registered as collective bargaining agents by the Registrar of Trade
Unions. Collective bargaining occurs on occasion in large private enterprises such
as pharmaceuticals or jute and textiles, but with unemployment in the 30 percent
range, woricers' concerns over job security often outweigh wage and other issues.
Collective bargaining generally does not occur in small private enterprises.
Public sector workers' pay levels and other benefits are recommended by the Na-
tional Pay and Wages Commission. The Commission's recommendations are binding
and may not be disputed except on the issue of implementation.
Under the Industrial Relations Ordinance, there is considerable leeway for dis-
crimination against union members and organizers by employers. For example, the
Ordinance allows arbitrary transfer of workers suspected of union activities or ter-
mination with payment of mandatory severance benefits (2 weeks' salary). Com-
plaints that employers routinely engage in antiunion discrimination and harass-
ment, including physical attack, are particularly common in the garment industry.
In practice, private sector employers, sometimes working in collaboration with local
police, tend to discourage any union activity. The Registrar of Trade Unions rules
on discrimination complaints. In a number of cases the Labor Court has ordered the
reinstatement of workers fired for union activities. However, the Labor Court's over-
all effectiveness is hampered by a serious case backlog, and there have also been
allegations that some of its deliberations have been corrupted by employers.
The law prohibits professional and industw-based unions in the two export proc-
essing zones (EPZ's). A small number of workers in the EPZ's have skirted pronibi-
tions on forming unions by setting up associations. The BNP government stated in
1992 that labor law restrictions on freedom of association and formation of unions
in the EPZ's would be lifted by 1997. So far, however, this has not been done. In
the burgeoning garment industry, there have been numerous complaints of workers
being harassed and fired in some factories for trying to organize unions. In addition
to the prohibition on unions, no collective bargaining takes place in the EPZ's. About
48,000 persons are employed in EPZ's, primarily in the textile and apparel, elec-
tronics component, and leather industries.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits forced
or compulsory labor, including that performed by children. The Factories Act and
Shops and Establishment Act, both passed in 1965, set up inspection mechanisms
to enforce laws against forced labor. These laws are not rigorously enforced, partly
because resources for enforcement are few. There is no large-scale bonded labor.
However, some domestic servants, including many children, work in conditions that
resemble servitude and may suffer physical abuse, sometimes resulting in death.
There is extensive trafficking in both women and children, primarily to the Mid-
dle East, India, Pakistan, and Southeast Asia, and also witnin Bangladesh. The
trade, which mainly is for purposes of prostitution and labor servitude, is difficult
to quantify. The connivance of officials at various levels allows the trade to function.
Human rights monitors report that police and local government ofiicials often either
ignore trafficking of children and women for prostitution, or actually profit from it.
Enforcement of laws against it is hamperea by poor records and easy access to
forged identity documents. Most trafficked persons are lured by promises of good
jobs or marriage. The Government has expressed concern about the problem and
nas worked witn U.N. agencies and nongovernmental organizations to seek ways to
combat it. Awareness oi the issue is increasing, and it receives frequent press cov-
erage.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
prohibits labor by children, including forced or bonded labor. However, such prac-
tices occur (see Section 6.c.). The Factories Act of 1965 bars children under the age
of 14 from working in factories. This law also stipulates that young workers (chil-
dren and adolescents) are only allowed to work a maximum 5-hour day and only
between the hours of 7 a.m. and 7 p.m.
Enforcement of these rules is inadequate. Because of widespread poverty, many
children begin to work at a very young age. According to a 1996 labor force survey
1628
by the Government, the country has 6.3 million working children between the ages
of 5 and 14 years, the great majority of whom performed unpaid labor for their fami-
lies, especially in agricultural areas. UNICEF and ILO surveys indicate that, of chil-
dren 6 to 17 years of age, 21 percent of boys and 4 percent of girls are working in
paid employment. Children are commonly seen driving rickshaws, breaking bncks
at construction sites, carrying fruit, vegetables, and dry goods for shoppers at mar-
kets, and working at tea stalls. They are found as peelers, packers, and beach-
combers in the shrimp industry. Also, children work side by side with other family
members in small-scale and subsistence agriculture. Children routinely perform do-
mestic work. Cases of children being physically abused and occasionally killed by
heads of households where they work are reported in the press. Under the law,
every child must attend school through the fifln grade, or to age 10 years. However,
the Government continues to maintain that it does not yet nave the resources to
inaplement this law effectively.
Protracted negotiations led to the July 1995 signing of a memorandum of under-
standing (MOU) between the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters
Association (BGMEA), UNICEF, and the ILO to eliminate child labor in the export
farment sector. Under the MOU, the garment sector was to become child labor free
y October 31, 1996, with former child laborers enrolled in UNICEF-run schools,
and follow-up inspections of factories by ILO inspection teams. The children receive
a small monthly stipend while attending school to help replace their lost income.
Under the MOU, more than 8,000 former child laborers were enrolled in over 300
UNICEF schools during 1997. Since October 1996, follow-up inspection teams have
consistently found more than 80 percent of factories child labor free. Violations of
the ban on child labor were minimal and declining. According to ILO inspectors,
most violating factories had one or two laborers, and only about 1 percent of the
factories more than this number. The almost 3,000 new child laborers who had been
found by inspection teams by the end of November were subsequently enrolled in
MOU schools. The BGMEA imposed some fines on members who were found to be
violating the MOU, although an arbitration committee that imposed these fines
functioned slowly. As of September 1, BGMEA began to assess violating factories
charges equal to the cost oi providing stipends and schooling to newly discovered
laborers, and the ILO credited this development with causing a significant reduction
in the violations. The number of children working in nonexpert, or nonfactory gar-
ment production, is unknown.
The law allows prostitution for those over the age of 18 with government certifi-
cation. The law provides a maximum sentence of life imprisonment for persons
found guilty of forcing a child into prostitution. However, minimum age require-
ments are commonly ignored by authorities, abetted by lax age documentation. Pro-
curers of minors are rarely prosecuted. As a result, there are large numbers of child
prostitutes in government-sanctioned brothels. Human rights groups have estimated
there may be over 8,000 child prostitutes, most of them coerced, in the government-
sanctioned brothels.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — There is no national minimum wage. Instead,
the wage commission, which convenes every several years, sets wages and benefits
industry by industry. In most cases, private sector employers ignore this wage struc-
ture. Organized jute and textile workers have called strikes in an attempt to win
wage parity for their industry's private sector workers. The average monthly wage
is sufficient to provide an individual with a minimal standard of living but is not
sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family.
The law sets a standard 48-hour workweek with 1 day off mandated. A 60-hour
workweek, inclusive of a maximum 12 hours of overtime, is allowed. The law is
poorly enforced in industries such as hosiery and ready-made garments.
The Factories Act of 1965 nominally sets occupational health and safety stand-
ards. The law is comprehensive but appears to De largely ignored by employers.
Workers may resort to legal action for enforcement of the law s provisions, out few
cases are actually prosecuted. Enforcement by the Labor Ministry's industrial in-
spectors is weak. Due to high unemployment and inadequate enforcement of the
laws, workers demanding correction of dangerous working conditions or refusing to
participate in perceived dangerous activities risk losing their jobs.
BHUTAN
Bhutan is a monarchy without a constitution or a bill of rights. The Wangchuk
Dynasty of hereditary monarchs has ruled the country since 1907. King Jigme
Singh ye Wangchuk, on the throne since 1972, has continued efforts toward social
1629
and political modernization begun by his father. In recent years, there has been
rapid progress in education, health, sanitation, and communications, and an in-
crease in elected representatives and their role in decisionmaking. The judiciary is
not independent of the King.
Approximately two-thirds of the government-declared population of 600,000 is
composed of Buddhists with cultural traditions akin to those of Tibet. The Buddhist
majority comprises two principal ethnic and linguistic groups: the Ngalops of west-
em Bhutan and the Sharchops of eastern Bhutan. The remaining third of the popu-
lation are mostly Hindus of Nepalese origin inhabiting the countiys southern ais-
tricts. Bhutanese dissident groups claim that the actual population is between
650,000 and 700,000 and that the Government underreports the number of ethnic
Nepalese living in the country. The rapid growth of this ethnic Nepalese segment
of the population led the Buddhist majority to fear for the survival of their culture.
Government efforts to tighten citizenship requirements and control illegal immigra-
tion resulted in political protests and led to ethnic conflict and repression of ethnic
Nepalese in soutnem districts during the late 1980's and early 1990's. Tens of thou-
sands of ethnic Nepalese left Bhutan in 1991-92, many forcibly expelled. Approxi-
mately 91,000 ethnic Nepalese remain in refugee camps in Nepal and upwards of
15,000 reside outside the camps in the Indian states of Assam and West Bengal.
The Government maintains that some of those in the camps were never residents
of Bhutan, therefore, have no right to return.
The Royal Bhutan Police, assisted by the Royal Bhutan Army, including those as-
signed to the Royal Body Guard, and a national militia, maintain internal security.
Some members of these forces committed human rights abuses against ethnic Nepa-
lese.
The economy is based on agriculture and forestry, which provide the main liveli-
hood for 90 percent of the population and account for about half of the gross domes-
tic product. Agriculture consists largely of subsistence farming and animal hus-
bandry. Cardamon, citrus fruit, and spices are the leading agricultural exports. Ce-
ment and electricity are the other important exports. Strong trade and monetary
links align the economy closely to that of India. Hydroelectric power production po-
tential and tourism are key resources, although the Government limits foreign tour-
ist arrivals by means of pricing policies. The gross national product per capita is
estimated to be $470. Bhutan remains among the poorest and least developed coun-
tries in the world.
The Government significantly restricts the rights of the Kingdom's citizens. The
King exercises strong, active, and direct power over the Government. Citizens do not
have the right to change their government. The Government discourages political
parties, and none operates legally. Judges serve at the King's pleasure. Criminal
cases and a variety of civil matters are adjudicated under a legal code established
in the 17th century and revised in 1965. Programs to build a body of written law
and train lawyers are progressing. For example, the Government has recently sent
15 to 20 students to India and other countries for legal training. The Government
restricts freedom of speech, the press, assembly, association, and worker rights.
There are significant limitations on the right to a fair trial, freedom of religion, and
citizens' privacy. Private television reception has been banned since 1989. iTie Gov-
ernment nas failed to reach agreement with the Government of Nepal on procedures
for screening and repatriation of ethnic Nepalese in refugee camps. The Government
claims that it has prosecuted government personnel for unspecified abuses commit-
ted in the early 1990's; however, public indications are that it has done little to in-
vestigate and prosecute security force officials responsible for torture and other
abuses committed against ethnic Nepalese residents. A resolution adopted by the
National Assembly m July prohibits the still-resident family members of ethnic
Nepalese refugees from holding jobs with the Government or in the armed forces,
although it was not enforced during the year.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of political or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
According to the Center for the Treatment of Victims of Torture, numerous ethnic
Nepalese refugees attempting to return to Bhutan were captured by security forces,
tortured, and sent back across the border. Instances of torture of ethnic Nepalese
who attempted to return to Bhutan occurred in 1996. There have been no such cases
in 1997.
1630
Refugee groups credibly claim that persons detained as susp>ected dissidents in
the etiriy 1990s were tortured by security forces, who also committed acts of rape.
During those years, the Government's ethnic policies and the crackdown on ethnic
Nepalese political agitation created a climate of impunity in which the Government
tacitly condoned the physical abuse of ethnic Nepalese. The Government denies
these abuses but also claims it has investigated and prosecuted three government
personnel for unspecified abuses of authority during that period. Details of these
cases have not been made public and there is little indication that the Government
has adequately investigated or punished any security force officials involved in the
widespread abuses of 1989-92. Human rights groups allege that Gomchen Karma,
a Bud(^ist monk arrested on October 23 during a peaceful demonstration in eastern
Bhutan, was beaten to death by government ofiicials subsequent to his arrest. Ac-
cording to the Government, an investigation of the incident is underway and an ar-
rest has been made.
Prison conditions are reportedly adequate if austere. A program of visits to pris-
ons in tjie capital, Thimphu, begun in 1993 by the International Committee of the
Red Cross (ICRC) and opening of a new prison in Chemgang in 1994 contributed
to substantial improvement in conditions of detention over the primitive conditions
that existed until a few years ago. The ICRC completed its most recent visits to the
Chemgang central jail and the Thimphu detention center in October. Bhutanese
human rights groups active outside the country maintain that prison conditions out-
side of Thimphu remain oppressive.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Under the Police Act of 1979, police may
not arrest a person without a warrant and must produce an arrested person before
a court within 24 hours of arrest, exclusive of travel time from place of arrest. Legal
protections are incomplete, however, due to the lack of a fully elaborated criminal
procedure code and deficiencies in police training and practice. Arbitrary arrest and
detention remain a problem but are not routinely used as a form of harassment.
There sometimes have been delays in informing family members of an arrest. In-
communicado detention of suspected militants was a serious problem in 1991 and
1992, but the initiation of ICRC prison visits and establishment of an ICRC mail
service between detainees and family membe.s has helped allay this problem. Of
those detained in connection with political dissidence and violence in southern Bhu-
tan in 1991-92, 1,685 were ultimately amjiestied, 68 are serving sentences after
conviction by the High Court, nine were acquitted by the High Court, and 71 were
released after serving prison sentences.
Four persons were arrested in February in Trashi and charged with involvement
in seditious activities. They were convicted by the High Court and are currently
serving prison sentences. Human rights groups allege that in July and August, the
Royal Bhutan Police (RBP) in and around Samdrup Jongkar town in the east ar-
rested some 50 suspected supporters of a Bhutanese dissident group active outside
the country. The Government states that only 16 persons were arrested during this
period and that they have been charged with involvement in seditious activities and
are awaiting trial. Many were said to be supporters of United Front for Democracy
in Bhutan (UFD) leader Rongthong Kunley Dorji, who was arrested in India on
April 18 following the issuance of an extradition request by Bhutanese authorities.
Dorji faces extradition proceedings in India and possible return to Bhutan to face
charges of fraud and nonpayment of loans, and incitement to violence. The ori^nal
Bhutanese extradition request included a third charge, "anti-national activities, but
this was later dropped when it became clear that Indian law would preclude his ex-
tradition to face political chaises. Human rights groups say that the charges
brought against Dorji are politically motivated and constitute an attempt by the
government to suppress his pro-democracy activities.
Amnesty International (AI) reported that some of those arrested are feared to be
at risk of torture. Bhutanese human rights groups outside the country claim that
the arrests, including those of several Buddhist monks, are aimed at imposing
Ngalop norms on the eastern, Sharchop community, which has a distinct ethnic and
religious identity.
Human rights activists allege that police arrested as many as 50 more persons
participating in a peaceful demonstration in eastern Bhutan on October 23, bringing
to approximately 100 the number of persons held on suspicion of involvement in se-
ditious activities at year's end. Gomchen Karma, a Buddhist monk among those ar-
rested on October 23, is alleged to have been beaten to death by a government offi-
cial subsequent to his arrest. Another Buddhist monk arrested October 23, Thinley
Oezor Khenpo, chief monk of eastern Bhutan, was still in custody at year's end.
Although the Gk)vemment does not formally use exile as a form of punishment,
many accused political dissidents freed under government amnesties say that they
1631
were released on the condition that they depart the country. Many of them subse-
quently registered at refijgee camps in Nepal.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — There is no written constitution, and the judiciary
is not independent of the King.
The judicial system consists of district courts and a High Court in Thimphu.
Judges are appointed by the King on the recommendation oi the Chief Justice and
may be removed by him. Minor oiTenses and administrative matters are adjudicated
by village headmen.
Criminal cases and a variety of civil matters are adjudicated under a legal code
established in the 17th century and revised in 1965. For offenses against the State,
state-appointed prosecutors file charges and prosecute cases. In other cases, the rel-
evant organizations and departments of government file charges and conduct the
prosecution. Defendants are supposed to be presented with written charges in lan-
guages that they understand and given time to prepare their own defense. This
practice is not always followed, however, according to some political dissidents. In
cases where defendants cannot write their own defense, courts assign judicial offi-
cers to assist defendants. A legal education program is gradually building a body
of persons who have received wrmal training in the law abroad. Village headmen,
who have the power to arbitrate disputes, make up the bottom rung of the judicial
system. Their decisions can be reviewed by magistrates, each with responsibility for
a block of villages. Magistrates' decisions can be appealed to district judges, of which
there is one for each of the country's 20 districts. The High Court in Thimphu is
the country's supreme court. Its decisions can be appealed to the king.
Defendants have the right to appeal to the High Court and may make a final ap-
peal to the King, who traditionally delegates the decision to the Royal Advisory
Council. Trials are supposed to be conducted in open hearings, however, political
dissidents claim that this is not always the case in practice.
Questions of family law, such as marriage, divorce, and adoption, are resolved ac-
cording to a citizen's religion: Buddhist tradition for the majority of the population
and Hindu tradition, which predominates in areas inhabited by ethnic Nepalese, for
the nunority.
Some or all of the approximately 75 prisoners serving sentences for offenses relat-
ed to political dissidence or violence, primarily by ethnic Nepalese during 1991-92,
may be political prisoners.
Tek-Nath Rizal, an ethnic Nepalese and internationally recognized political pris-
oner, remained in prison following his 1993 conviction under the National Security
Act for writing and distributing political pamphlets and attending poHtical meet-
ings. Nevertheless, a United Nations Human Rights Commission working group on
arbitrary detention that visited Bhutan in 1994 at the Government's invitation de-
termined that Rizal had received a fair trial and declared his detention "not to be
arbitrary."
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — There
are no laws providing for these rights. The Government requires ail citizens, includ-
ing minorities, to wear the traditional dress of the Buddhist majority when visiting
Buddhist religious buildings, monasteries, government offices, and in schools and
when attending official functions and public ceremonies. According to human rights
groups police regularly conduct house to house searches for suspected dissidents
without explanation or legal justification.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Government restricts freedom of speech
and the press.
The country's only regular publication is Kuensel, a weekly newspaper with a cir-
culation of 10,000, enjoys autonomous status, but is not privately owned. Bhutanese
human rights groups state that government ministries regularly review editorial
material and have tne power to, and regularly do, suppress or change content. They
allege that the board of directors nominally responsible for editorial policy is ap-
pointed by and can be removed by the Government. Kuensel, which publishes simul-
taneous editions in the English, Dzongkha, and Nepali languages, supports the Gov-
ernment but does occasionally report criticism of the King and government policies
in the National Assembly. Indian and other foreign newspapers are available.
The Government bans all private television reception in the country. Since 1989
all television antennas and satellite receiving dishes have been ordered dismantled.
The Government radio station broadcasts each day in the four major languages
(Dzongkha, Nepali, English, and Sharchop).
English is the medium of instruction in schools and the national language,
Dzongkha, is taught as second language. The teaching of Nepali as a second lan-
guage was discontinued in 1990.
1632
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Government restricts free-
dom of assembly and association. Citizens may engage in peaceful assembly and as-
sociation only for purposes approved by the Gfovemment. Although the Government
allows civic and business organizations, there are no legal politick parties. The Gov-
ernment regards parties organized by ethnic Nepalese exiles — the Bhutan People's
Party (BPP), the Bhutan National Democratic Party (BNDP), and the Druk Na-
tional Congress (DNC) — as "terrorist and anti-national" organizations and has de-
clared them illegal. These parties do not conduct activities inside the country. They
seek the repatriation of refugees and democratic reform.
c. Freedom of Religion. — ^Buddhism is the state religion. The Government sub-
sidizes monasteries and shrines and provides aid to about a third of the kingdom's
12,000 monks. That part of the monastic establishment following the school of Bud-
dhism practiced by the western, Ngalop ethnic group enjoys statutory representa-
tion in the National Assembly and Royal Advisory Council and is an influential
voice on public policy. Citizens of other faiths, mostly Hindus, enjoy freedom of wor-
ship but may not proselytize. Under the law, conversions are illegal.
"Die King has declared major Hindu festivals to be national holidays, and the
royal famify participates in them. Foreign missionaries are not permitted to pros-
elytize, but international Christian reliei organizations and Jesuit priests are active
in education and humanitarian activities.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens traveling in border regions are required to show their citizen-
ship identity cards at immigration check points, which in some cases are located at
a considerable distance from what is in eflect an open border with India. By treaty,
citizens may reside and work in India.
See Section 5 regarding the ethnic Nepalese refugee situation.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. Bhutan is a monarchy
with sovereign power vested in the King. There are, however, elected or partially
elected assemblies at the local, district, and national levels, and the Government
purports to encourage decentralization and citizen participation. Since 1969, the Na-
tional Assembly has had the power to remove ministers, who are appointed by the
King, but has never done so. Political authority resides ultimately in the King and
decisionmaking involves only a small number of officials. However, major decisions
are routinely made by officials subject to questioning by the National Assembly, but
it is not known to have overturned any decisions reacned by the King and govern-
ment oflicials.
Political parties do not legally exist, and their formation is discouraged by the
Government as unnecessarily divisive. The Government prohibits parties estab-
lished abroad by ethnic Nepalese (see Section 2.b.).
The National Assembly established in 1953, has 150 members. Of these, 105 are
elected by the people, 10 are selected by a part of the Buddhist clergy, and the re-
maining 35 are appointed by the King to represent the Government.
The procedures for the nomination and election of National Assembly members
are set out in an amendment to the country's Basic Law proposed by the King and
adopted by the 73rd session of the National Assembly in 1995. It provides that in
order to be eligible for nomination as a candidate for election to the National Assem-
bly, a person must be a citizen of Bhutan, be at least 25 years of age, not be married
to a foreign national, not have been terminated or compulsorily retired for mis-
conduct from government service, not have committed any act of treason against the
King, the people, and country, have no criminal record or any criminal case pending
against him, have respect for the nation's laws, and be able to read and write in
Ddzongkha (the language, having different dialects in eastern and western Bhutan,
spoken by Bhutanese Buddhists).
Each National Assembly constituency consists of a number of villages. Each vil-
lage is permitted to nominate one candidate but must do so by consensus. There
is no provision for self-nomination and the law states that "no person . . . may cam-
paign for the candidacy or canvass through other means." If more than one village
within a constituency puts forward a candidate, an election is conducted by the dis-
trict development committee, and the candidate obtaining a simple majority of votes
cast is declared the winner. The law does not make clear how a candidate is selected
if none achieves a simple majority. It does state, however, that in case of a tie
among the candidates in the election, drawing of lots shall be resorted to. The can-
didate whose name is drawn shall be deemed to be elected.
Bhutanese human rights activists state that the only time individual citizens have
any involvement in choosing a National Assembly representative is when they are
1633
asked for their consensus approval of a village candidate by the village headman.
The name put to villagers for consensus approval by the headman is suggested to
him by district officials, who in turn take tneir direction from the central govern-
ment. Consensus approval takes place at a public gathering. There is no secret bal-
lot, according to human rights activists.
The Assembly enacts laws, approves senior government appointments, and ad-
vises the King on matters of national importance. Voting is by secret ballot, with
a simple majority needed to pass a measure. The King may not formally veto legis-
lation, but may return bills for further consideration. The Assembly occasionally re-
jects the King's reconunendations or delays implementing them, but in general, the
King has enough influence to persuade the Assembly to approve legislation that he
considers essential or to withoraw proposals he opposes. The Assembly may ques-
tion government officials and force them to resign by a two-thirds vote of no con-
fidence. However, the National Assembly has never compelled any government offi-
cial to resign.
Women are underrepresented in government and politics, although they have
made small but visible gains. Three women hold seats in the National Assembly.
All major ethnic groups, including ethnic Nepalese, are represented in the Na-
tional Assembly. There are 16 "southern Bhutanese" in the National Assembly.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are no legal human rirfits nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) in Bhu-
tan. The Government regards human rights groups established by ethnic Nepalese
exiles — the Human Rights Organization of Bhutan, the People's Forum for Human
Rights in Bhutan, and the Association of Human Rights Activists - Bhutan — as po-
litical organizations and does not permit them to operate in Bhutan. Amnesty Inter-
national visited Bhutan in 1992 to investigate and report on the alleged abuse of
ethnic Nepalese. It has not been permitted to return in the years since.
ICRC representatives continue their periodic prison visits, and the Government
has allowed them access to detention facilities, including those in southern districts
inhabited by ethnic Nepalese. The chairman and members of the United Nations
Human Rights Commission Working Group on Arbitrary Detention made a second
visit to Bhutan in May 1996 as a follow-up to an October 1994 visit. In addition
to meetings with government officials, members of the working group visited prisons
and interviewed prisoners in Thimphu, Phuntsoling, and Samtse.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
Ongoing Government efforts to cultivate a national identity rooted in the lan-
guage, refigion, and culture of the Ngalop ethnic group constrain cultural expression
by other ethnic groups. In the 1980's and early 1990's, concern over rapid population
growth and political agitation by ethnic Nepalese resulted in policies and abusive
practices that led to the departure of tens of thousands of members of this group,
many forcibly expelled.
The Government claims that ethnic and gender discrimination in employment is
not a problem. It claims that ethnic Nepalese fill 28 percent of Government jobs,
which slightly exceeds their share of the current total population. Bhutanese human
rights groups active outside the country claim that ethnic Nepalese actually make
up about 35 percent of Bhutan's p)opulation and that the Government under-reports
their number. Women are accorded respect in the traditions of most ethnic groups;
however, persistence of traditional gender roles apparently accounts for the low pro-
portion of^ women in Government employment. Exile groups claim that ethnic and
gender discrimination is a problem.
Women. — There is no evidence of extensive rape or spousal abuse. Kuensel re-
Eorted that charges of rape or attempted rape were brought in at least one case,
[owever, a conviction and sentence was not reported.
There are credible reports by refugees ana human rights groups that security
forces raped large numbers of ethnic Nepalese women in southern Bhutan in 1991
and 1992. According to Amnesty International, some women were said to have died
as a result. In one independent survey of 1,779 refugee families, 26 percent of the
respondents cited rape, fear of rape, or threat of rape as a prime reason for their
departure from Bhutan. The Government has denied these reports.
Rape was made a criminal offense in 1953, but that law had weak penalties and
was poorly enforced. In 1993 the National Assembly adopted a revised rape act with
clear definitions of criminal sexual assault and stronger penalties. In cases of rape
involving minors, sentences range from 5 to 17 years. In extreme cases, a rapist
may be imprisoned for life.
1634
Women comprise 48 percent of the population and participate freely in the social
and economic life of the country. Forty-three percent of enrollment in school is fe-
male, and women account for 16 percent of civil service employment. Inheritance
law provides for equal inheritance among all sons and daughters, but traditional in-
heritance practices, which vary among ethnic groups, may be observed if the heirs
choose to forego le^al challenges. Dowry is not practiced, even among ethnic Nepa-
lese Hindus, mhentance practices favoring daughters among some groups are said
to account for large numbers of women among owners of shops and Dusinesses and
an accompanying tendency of women to drop out of higher education to go into busi-
ness. On the other hand, female school enrollment has been growing in response to
government policies. Women are increasingly found among senior officials and pri-
vate sector entrepreneurs, especially in the tourism industry. Women in unskilled
jobs are generally paid slightly less than men.
Polygyny is sanctioned provided the first wife gives her permission. Marriages
may be arranged by partners themselves as well as oy their parents. Divorce is com-
mon. Recent legislation requires that all marriages must be registered and favors
women in matters of alimony.
Children. — The Government has demonstrated its commitment to child welfare by
its rapid expansion of primary schools, health-care facilities, and inununization pro-
frams. The mortality rates for both infants and children under 5-years have
ropped dramatically since 1989, and primary school enrollment has increased at
9 percent a year since 1991, with enrollment of girls increasing at a yet higher rate.
In 1995 the participation rate for boys and girls in primary schools was estimated
at 72 percent, with the rate of completion of 7 years of schooling at 60 percent for
firls and 59 percent for boys. Children enjoy a privileged position in society and
enefit from international development programs focused on maternal and child
welfare.
A study by UNICEF found that boys and girls receive equal treatment regarding
nutrition and health care and that there is fittle difference in child mortality rates
between the sexes. Gk)vemment policies aimed at increasing enrollment of girls have
increased the proportion of girls in primary schools from 39 percent in 1990 to 43
percent in 1995.
There is no societal pattern of abuse against children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no evidence of official discrimination toward
people with disabilities but the Gfovemment has not passed legislation mandating
accessibility for the disabled.
National / Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Ethnic Nepalese have lived in southern
Bhutan for centuries, and the early phases of economic development at the turn of
the century brought a large influx of additional ethnic Nepalese. In the late 1980's,
concern over the increase of population and political agitation among ethnic Nepa-
lese prompted aggressive government efforts to assert a national culture, tighten
control over southern regions, control illegal immigration, expel ethnic Nepalese,
and promote national integration. Early eiiorts at national integration focused on
assimilation, including financial incentives for intermarriage, education for some
students in regions other than their own, and an increase in development funds in
the south.
Beginning in 1989, more discriminatory measures were introduced, aimed at
shaping a new national identity, known as Drukpa, based on the customs of the
non-Nepalese Ngalong ethnic group predominant in western Bhutan. Measures in-
cluded a requirement that national dress be worn for official occasions and as a
school uniform, the teaching of Dzongkha as a second language in all schools, and
an end to instruction in Nepali as a second language (English is the language of
instruction in all schools). Also, beginning in 1988, the Government refused to
renew the contracts of tens of thousands ofNepalese guest workers. Many of these
workers had resided in Bhutan for years, in some cases with their families.
Citizenship became a highly contentious issue. Requirements for citizenship were
first formalized in the Citizenship Law of 1958, which granted citizenship to all
adults who owned land and had lived in Bhutan for at least 10 years. In 1985, how-
ever, a new citizenship law significantly tightened requirements for citizenship and
resulted in the denaturalization of many ethnic Nepalese. While previously citizen-
ship was conferred upon children whose father was a citizen under the 1958 law,
the 1985 law raised tnis standard by requiring that both parents be citizens to con-
fer citizenship on offspring. The law permits residents who lost citizenship under
the 1985 law to apply for naturalization if they can prove residence during the pre-
vious 15 years. The Government declared as illegal immigrants all residents who
could not meet the new requirements.
The 1985 Citizenship Act also stipulates the revocation of citizenship of any natu-
ralized citizen who "has shown by act or speech to be disloyal in any manner what-
1635
soever to the King, country, and people of Bhutan." The Home Ministry, in a cir-
cular notification in 1990, advised that "any Bhutanese nationals leaving the coun-
try; to assist and help the anti-nationals shall no longer be considered as Bhutanese
citizens . . . such people's family members living in the same household will also
be held fully responsible and forfeit their citizenship." Human rights groups allege
that these provisions were widely used to revoke the citizenship of ethnic Nepalese
who were subsequently expelled or otherwise departed from Bnutan. Beginning in
1988, the Government expelled numbers of ethnic Nepalese through enforcement of
the citizenship laws.
Outraged by what they saw as a campaign of repression, ethnic Nepalese mounted
a series of demonstrations, sometimes violent, in September 1990. The protests were
spearheaded by the newly-formed Bhutan People's Party (BPP) which demanded full
citizenship rights for ethnic Nepalese, the reintroduction of Nepali as a medium of
education in the south, and democratic reforms. Characterizing the BPP as a "ter-
rorist" movement backed by Indian sympathizers, the authorities cracked down on
its activities and ordered the closure of local Nepalese schools, clinics, and develop-
ment programs afler several were raided or bombed by dissidents. Many schools
were reportedly turned into Army barracks. There were credible reports that many
ethnic Nepalese activists were beaten and tortured while in custody, and that secu-
rity forces committed acts of rape. There were also credible reports that militants,
including BPP members, attacked and murdered census ofTicers and other officials,
and engaged in bombings. Local officials took advantage of the climate of repression
to coerce ethnic Nepalese to sell their land below its fair value and emigrate.
Beginning in 1991, ethnic Nepalese began to leave southern Bhutan in large num-
bers and take refuge in Nepal. Many were forcibly expelled. According to Amnesty
International, entire villages were sometimes evicted en masse in retaliation for an
attack on a local government official. Many ethnic Nepalese were forced to sign "vol-
untary migration forms" wherein they agreed to leave Bhutan, after local officials
threateneato fine or imprison them for failing to comply. By August 1991, according
to NGO reports, 2,500 refugees were already camped illegally in Nepal, with a
steady stream still coming from Bhutan. The UNHCR began providing food and
shelter in September of that year, and by year's end, there were 6,000 refugees in
Nepal. The number of registered refugees grew to approximately 62,000 by August
1992, and to approximately 80,000 by June 1993, when the UNHCR began individ-
ual screening of refugees. The flow slowed considerably thereafter and is now less
than a dozen persons a month. At the close of 1997, there were approximately
91,000 refugees registered in camps in Nepal, with much of the increase since 1993
the result of natural increase. An additional 15,000 refugees, according to UNHCR
estimates, are living outside the camps in Nepal and India.
Ethnic Nepalese political groups in exile complain that the revision of Bhutan's
citizenship laws in 1985 denaturalized tens of thousands of former residents of Bhu-
tan. They also complain that the new laws have been selectively applied and make
unfair demands for documentation on a largely illiterate people in a country that
has only recently adopted basic administrative procedures. They claim that many
ethnic Nepalese whose families have been in Bhutan for generations were expelled
in the early 1990's because they were unable to document their claims to residence.
The Government denies this and asserts that a three-member village committee —
typically ethnic Nepalese in southern Bhutan — certifies in writing that a resident
is a Bhutanese citizen in cases where documents cannot be produced.
The Government maintains that many of those who departed Bhutan in 1991-92
were Nepalese or Indian citizens who came to Bhutan afler the enactment of the
1958 Citizenship law but were not detected until a census in 1988. The Government
also claims that many persons registered in the camps as refugees may never have
resided in Bhutan. A royal decree in 1991 made forcible expulsion of a citizen a
criminal offense. In a January 1992 edict, the King noted reports that officials had
been forcing Bhutanese nationals to leave the country but stressed that this was
a serious and punishable violation of law. Nevertheless, only three officials were
ever punished for abusing their authority during this period. According to the
UNHCR, the overwhelming majority of refugees who have entered the camps since
screening began in June 1993 have documentaiy proof of Bhutanese nationality.
Random checks and surveys of camp residents — including both pre- and post-June
1993 arrivals — bear this out.
A Nepal-Bhutan ministerial committee met seven times in 1994-96, and a sec-
retarial-level committee met twice in 1997 in efforts to resolve the Bhutanese refu-
gee problem. These discussions have made little progress. In March 1996 refugees
began a series of "peace marches" from Nepal to Bhutan to assert their right to re-
turn to Bhutan. The marchers who crossea into Bhutan in August, November, and
December were immediately detained and deported by Bhutanese police. In the De-
1636
cember 1996 incident, police reportedly used force against the marchers. A resolu-
tion adopted by the National Assembly in July prohibits the still-resident family
members of ethnic Nepalese refugees from holtfing jobs with the Government or in
the armed forces. Under the resolution, those now holding such jobs are to be invol-
untarily retired. By year's end, the resolution mandating involuntary retirement
from government service or the armed forces for family members of ethnic Nepalese
refugees had not been enforced, i.e., no one had been forcibly retired for this reason.
The Government made clear that for the purposes of this resolution, family member
would be defined as a parent, child, sibling, or member of the same household.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — ^Trade unionism is not permitted, and there are no
labor unions. Workers do not have the right to strike, and the Government is not
a member of the International Labor Organization.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — There is no collective bargain-
ing in industry, which accounts for about 25 percent of the gross domestic product,
but it employs only a minute fraction of the total work force. The Government af-
fects wages in the manufacturing sector through its control over wages in state-
owned industries.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Government abolished its sys-
tem of compulsory labor taxes in December 1995. Laborers in rural development
schemes previously paid through this system will now be paid regular wages. There
is no evidence to suggest that domestics are subject to coerced or bonded labor. The
law does not specifically prohibit forced and bonaed labor by children, but such prac-
tices are not known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The law
set the minimum age for employment at 18 years for citizens and 20 years for non-
citizens. A UNICEF study suggested that children as young as 11 years are some-
times employed with road-building teams. The law aoes not specifically prohibit
forced ana bonded labor by children, but such practices are not known to occur (see
Section 6.c.). Primary school education is free and compulsory, and 72 percent of the
sckool-aged population is enrolled. Children often do agricultural work and chores
on family farms. While there is no law barring ethnic Nepalese children from at-
tending school, the fact that most of the 75 primary schools in southern Bhutan that
were closed in 1990 remain shut today acts as an effective barrier to this group at-
taining primary education.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — A circular effective February 1, 1994, estab-
lished wage rates, rules and regulations for labor recruiting agencies, and regula-
tions for payment of workmen's compensation. Wage rates are periodically revised,
and range upward from a minimum of roughly $1.50 (50 ngultrums) per day for un-
skilled and skilled laborers, with various allowances paid in cash or kind in addi-
tion. This minimum wage does provide a decent standard of living for a worker and
family in the local context. The workday is defined as 8 hours with a 1 hour lunch
break. Work in excess of this must be paid at one and a half times normal rates.
Workers paid on a monthly basis are entitled to 1 day's paid leave for 6 days of
work and 15 days of leave annually. The largest salaried work force is the govern-
ment service, which has an administered wage structure last revised in 1988 but
supplemented by special allowances and increases since then, including a 25 percent
increase on July 1. Only about 30 industrial plants employ more than 50 workers.
Smaller industrial units include 69 plants oi medium size, 197 small units, 692
"mini" units, and 651 cottage industry units. Bhutan's rugged geography and land
laws that prohibit a farmer from selling his last five acres result in a predominantly
self-employed agricultural work force. Workers are entitled to free medical care
within the country. They are eligible for compensation for partial or total disability,
and in the event of death, their families are entitled to compensation. Existing labor
regulations do not grant workers the right to remove themselves from work situa-
tions which endanger health and safety without jeopardizing their continued em-
ployment.
E^DIA
India is a longstanding parliamentary democracy with a bicameral parliament.
Prime Minister I.K. Gujral, whose Janata Dal Party was part of the 16-party United
Front (UF) coalition, took office in April and heads the Cfovernment. President R.K.
Narayanan, who was elected by an electoral college made up of Members of Par-
1637
liament and members of state assemblies, is Head of State and also has special
emergency powers. President Narayanan dissolved the lower house of Parliament on
December 4. Elections are scheduled for February and March 1998. The judiciary
is indef>endent.
Although the 25 state governments have primary responsibility for maintaining
law and order, the central Government provides guidance and support through use
of paramilitary forces throughout the country. The Union Ministry for Home Affairs
controls most of the paramilitary forces, the internal intelligence bureaus, and the
nationwide police service; it provides training for senior police officers for the state-
organised police forces. The armed forces are under civilian control. Security forces
committed significant human rights abuses, particularly in Jammu and Kashmir
and in the northeastern states.
India is in a transition from a government-controlled economy to one that is large-
ly market-oriented. The private sector is predominant in agriculture, most non-
iinancial services, consumer goods manufacturing, and some heavy industry. Eco-
nomic liberalization and structural reforms begun in 1991 continue, although mo-
mentum has slowed. The country's economic problems are compounded by rapid
population growth of 1.7 percent per year with a current total above 950 million.
Income distribution remained very unequal. Forty percent of the urban population
and half the rural population live below the poverty level.
There continued to be significant human rights abuses, despite extensive constitu-
tional and statutory safeguards. Many of these abuses are generated by intense so-
cial tensions, violent secessionist movements and the authorities' attempts to re-
press them, and deficient police methods and training. These problems are acute in
Janrniu and Kashmir, where the judicial system has been disrupted by terrorist
threats, by judicial tolerance of the Government's heavy handed antimilitant tactics,
and by the refusal of security forces to obey court orders. Separatist insurgent vio-
lence in the northeastern states increased, along with reported incidents of security
force abuses.
Serious human ri^ts abuses include: Extrajudicial executions and other political
killings and excessive use of force by security forces combating active insurgencies
in Jammu and Kashmir and several northeastern states; torture and rape by police
and other agents of government, and deaths of suspects in police custody throughout
the country; jx)or prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and incommunicado detention
in Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast; continued detention throughout the
country of thousands arrested under special security legislation; lengthy pretrial de-
tention; prolonged detention while under trial; legal and societal discrimination
against women; extensive societal violence against women; female bondage and
prostitution; discrimination and violence against indigenous people and scheduled
castes and tribes; widespread intercaste and communal violence; child prostitution,
trafficking, and infanticide; and widespread exploitation of indentured, bonded, and
child labor.
During 1997 India made further progress in resolving human rights problems. In
Puiyab serious abuses of the early 1990's were acknowledged and condemned by the
Supreme Court. The Supreme Court's investigation of serious abuses in the Punjab
in the early 1990's continues. Continuing International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) prison visits in Jammu and Kashmir demonstrated some government trans-
parency on human rights problems. However, researchers for international human
rights organizations like Amnesty International (AI) and Human Rights Watch
(HRW) were not permitted to visit Jantunu and Kashmir or the northeast. The Gov-
ernment's signing of the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other
Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment was welcomed by human
rights activists. However, its decision not to accept Articles 20, 21, and 22 of the
Convention means effectively that the U.N. Human Rights Commission will not be
able to investigate allegations of torture in India. However, insurgency-related
deaths were slightly higher than last year, due largely to an increase in violent en-
counters in the Northeast. The proportion of civilian deaths increased slightly ap-
parently due to militant efforts to disrupt the newly elected government in Jammu
and Kashmir.
Separatist militants were responsible for numerous, serious abuses, including
extrajudicial executions and other political killings, torture, and brutality. Separat-
ist militants were also responsible for kidnaping and extortion in Jammu and Kash-
mir and northeast India.
1638
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Political killings by government
forces (including deaths in custody and faked encounter killings), progovemment
countennilitants, and insurgents continued at a high level in the state of Jammu
and Kashmir and the seven northeastern states, where separatist insurgencies con-
tinued. Security forces offered bounties for wanted militants brought in dead or
alive.
Security forces committed an estimated 100-200 extrajudicial killings of suspected
militants in Janmiu and Kashmir. Although well-documented evidence to corrobo-
rate cases and quantify trends is lacking, most observers believe that the number
of killings attributed to regular Indian forces declined slightly from the previous
year. According to press reports and anecdotal accounts, those killed typically had
been detained oy security forces, and their bodies, bearing multiple bullet wounds
and often marks of torture, were returned to relatives or were otherwise discovered
the same day or a few days later. In early March, for example, three leaders of the
Hizbul Mujahadin militant group were arrested in Srinigar by the Special Oper-
ations Group of Jammu and Kasnmir state police; they were later found dead. Al-
though the arrest took place in the presence of eyewitnesses, police claimed that the
killings occurred in an armed encounter. Nongovernmental organizations (NGO's)
active in Jammu and Kashmir reported that the bodies of two youths taken into
custody by the Special Operations Group on March 22 were found shortly thereafter
in Bemina; the bodies bore the marks of torture and bullet wounds. On June 5, the
bodies of three youn^ men arrested by soldiers in Chanpora were later found
dumped in a nearby village; in this case too, their bodies bore the marks of torture.
Security forces claim that these killings, when acknowledged at all, occur in armed
encounters with militants. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has di-
rected that all deaths in encounters be immediately investigated by an independent
agency, but members of the security forces are rarely held accountable for these
kulings. The NHRC itself may inquire into alleged human rights abuses by security
forces in Jammu and Kashmir, but does not have the statutory power to investigate
such allegations if it is not satisfied with the responses to its inquiries. Authorities
have generally not reported so-called encounter deaths occurring in Jammu and
Kashmir to the NHRC.
Security forces also held persons in incommunicado detention; on occasion, as in
the 1996 case of human rights activist Jalil Andrabi, such missing persons were
later found dead (see Section l.b.).
Impunity has been and remains a serious problem in Jammu and Kashmir. Secu-
rity lorces have committed thousands of serious human rights violations over the
course of the conflict, including extrajudicial killings, disappearances, and torture.
Yet, during the period January 1, 1990 to June 30, 1997, only ten members of the
security forces were tried and sentenced to 10 or more years imprisonment for viola-
tions of human rights in Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab (separate figures for
Jammu and Kashmir are not available.) An additional fourteen received sentences
of between 1 and 10 years, and 73 received sentences of less than 1 year. During
the same period, 42 members of the security forces were dismissed or compulsorily
retired and 20 were reduced in rank or seniority following conviction on charges of
human rights violations. Seventy-one members of the security forces who are alleged
to have conmiitted human rights violations are currently under investigation, ac-
cording to the Ministry of Home Affairs. Scrutiny by the NHRC and international
human rights organizations, when permitted, and the persistence of individual mag-
istrates have resulted in greater accountability of the security forces in Jammu and
Kashmir over the years. However, the vast majority of violations by security forces
have gone and continue to go uninvestigated and unpunished.
There were many allegations that military and paramilitary forces in the north-
east engage in arbitrary detention, abduction, torture, and extrajudicial execution
of militants, as well as rape (see Sections I.e. and l.g.). The Armed Forces Special
Powers Act of 1958 and the Disturbed Areas Act remained in effect in several
states, i.e., in Jammu and Kashmir, Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and parts of
Tripura. Human rights activists remain concerned about the reports of deaths that
are described as having occurred during "encounters" between insurgent groups and
security forces. Several activists allege that the "encounters" are staged and that
those insurgents reported dead were Killed after being detained by security forces.
In March an Amnesty International report concluded that the pattern of killings in
the Northeast point to an official policy sanctioning extrajudicial killing. It noted
that "a pattern of apparently unlawful killings of suspected members of armed oppo-
sition groups (in Manipur) has resulted from the systemic use of lethal force as an
1639
alternative to arrest by the security forces." The report, Official Sanction for Killings
in Manipur, cited the following examples of killings carried out with impunity by
¥olice and security forces in Manipur: the killing of Mayanglambam Ibotombi and
hondam Muhinc&o, two forest ofncers, on 26 December 1996; the killing of Ms.
Kehtrumayum Ongbi Prabhahmi Devi and injury to her daughter on 3 May 1996;
the killing of Ms. Oinam Ongbi Amina Devi and injury to her oaby on 5 April 1996;
the killing of Netaji on 28 February 1996; and the killing of nine civilians at the
regional medical college hospital in the state capital, Imp^al, on 7 January 1995.
However, precise information on human rights violations in this relatively remote
region is rare.
Throughout the countir, numerous accused criminals continue to be killed in en-
counters with police. In March police shot and killed two businessmen and another
individual in downtown New Delhi after mistakenly identifying the unarmed busi-
nessmen as wanted criminals. The Delhi Police Commissioner was transferred and
the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) is pursuing murder charges against 10
police officers involved in the incident. The most recent statistics, lor 1995, show
that 525 civilians and 159 police died in exchanges of gunfire involving police.
While extrajudicial killings continued in areas buffeted by separatist insurgencies,
the press and judiciary continued to give attention to deaths in police custody and
faked encounter killings elsewhere. According to NHRC statistics, 201 persons died
in police custody in 1996. Many such persons were tortured (see Section I.e.). The
NHRC has focused on torture and deaths in custody. It has directed district mag-
istrates to report all deaths in police and judicial custody and stated that failure
to do so would be interpreted as an attempted coverup. Magistrates appear to be
complying with this directive. However, the NHRC has no authority directly to in-
vestigate abuses by the security forces, and security forces are therefore not re-
quired to — and do not — report custodial deaths in Jammu and Kashmir or the
Northeast. In early March, two former Ahmedabad ofUcials, including a district su-
perintendent of police, received unprecedented life sentences for their involvement
in a June 1996 custodial death incident. Four New Delhi policemen were suspended
and face charges of negligence in connection with the death of an inmate in Tilak
Nagar Police Station on April 23. In December 1996, the Supreme Court placed
tighter controls on arrest and interrogation procedures. According to NHRC report-
ing, more than 700 persons died in prison between April 1996 and March 1997,
many from natural causes, in some case aggravated by poor prison conditions (see
Section I.e.).
Killings and abductions of suspected militants and other persons by
progovernment countermilitants continued as a significant pattern in Jammu and
Kashmir. Countermilitants are former separatist militants wno have surrendered to
government forces but have retained their arms and paramilitary organization. Al-
tnough precise numbers are unavailable, progovernment countermilitants may have
committed 100 to 200 extrajudicial killings in Jammu and Kashmir during of the
year. Human rights groups believed that the number was slightly lower than in
1996. CJovemment agencies fund, exchange intelligence with, and direct operations
of countermilitants as part of the counterinsurgency effort. Countermilitants are
known to screen passersby at roadblocks and guard extensive areas of the Kashmir
Valley from attacks by militants. In sponsoring and condoning countermilitant activ-
ity, which takes place outside the legal system, the (jovemment cannot avoid re-
sponsibility for killings, abductions, and other abuses committed by these irregulars.
Perhaps as many as 3,000 continue to operate in Jammu and Kashmir, particularly
in the countryside, outside major towns. During the year, the (jovemment took
steps to organize Kashmiri counter-militants as a battalion in the paramilitary
forces as a means of bringing them under enhanced control and military discipline.
Extensive, complex patterns of violence continued in the seven states of north-
eastern India. The main insurgent groups in the northeast include two factions of
the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in Nagaland; Meitei extremists
in Manipur; the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) and the Bodo Security
Force in Assam; and the all Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) and the National Liberation
Front of Tripura (NLFT) in Tripura. The proclaimed object of many of these groups
is to break out of the Indian union, creating new, independent nations. Their stated
grievances against the Indian Grovernment range from charges of neglect and indif-
ference to the endemic poverty of the region, to allegations of active discrimination
against the tribal and non-tribal peoples of the region by the center. The oldest of
these conflicts, involving the Nagas, started with India's independence in 1947. On
August 1, a ceasefire between the Government and the ISAC-Muivah faction of the
NSCN went into effect and has been largely observed by the Government and all
insurgent groups in the state. However, factional feuds among rival Naga insurgent
groups claimea an estimated 120 lives during the first 3 months of the ceasefire.
45-909 98-53
1640
The Government extended the ceasefire for another 3 months on November 1, uni-
laterally including even those armed groups in Nagaland which had not been party
to the original ceasefire.
According to the Union Home Ministry, 918 civilians, 189 members of the security
forces, and 1,114 militants were killed in Jammu and Kashmir during the period
January 1 to December 15. In 1996 the totals were 1,214 civilians, 94 security force
personnel and 1,271 militants, according to reliable press reports. NGO and other
sources agree that civilian deaths attributed to security forces have decreased. Press
reports indicate that the increase in civilian deaths is attributable to militant efforts
to disrupt the new government.
Since 1980 clashes between police and Naxalite Maoist revolutionaries of the Peo-
ples' War Group (PWG) have taken place in northwestern Andhra Pradesh. Over
the past few years, hundreds of policemen and suspected Naxalites have been killed,
according to press reports and numan rights organization. As of September police
had killed 102 Naxalites in approximately 80 "encounters." Seventeen years of guer-
rilla-style conflict have led to serious human rights abuses by both sides. Human
rights groups allege that "encounters" are usually faked by the police to cover up
the torture and subsequent murder of Naxalite suspects, sympatnizers, or inform-
ers. These groups cite as evidence the refusal of police to hand over corpses of sus-
pects killed in encounters," which are often cremated before families can view the
bodies. Villagers in PWG-dominated areas complain of regular harassment and arbi-
trary detention by police. Police ofiicials are rarely if ever held accountable for
human rights abuses.
The Disturbed Areas Act has been in force in a number of districts in Andhra
Pradesh for more than a year. It gives police extraordinary powers of arrest and de-
tention. Human rights groups allege that security forces have been able to operate
with virtual impunity in parts of Andhra Pradesh under the act. They further allege
that Andhra police nave contributed to the establishment of an armed vigilante
group known as the "Green Tigers," whose mission is to combat Naxalite groups in
the state. The NHRC is investigating some 285 reported cases so-called 'fake en-
counter deaths" allegedly committed by the Andhra police in connection with anti-
Naxalite operations. Amnesty International reported that T. Puroshotham, joint sec-
retary of tne Andhra Pradesn Civil Liberties Committee and a lawyer, was attacked
and beaten on May 27 by persons he believed to have been plain-clothes police. The
Green Tigers group claimed responsibility for this attack a few days later. Amnesty
also reported tnat on April 6, Gadder, who had been campaigning against the police
practice of cremating as "^inidentified" the bodies of suspected Naxalites killed in
encounters" with police, was shot five times at his home in Andhra Pradesh. Again,
the Green Tigers claimed responsibility for this attack, alleging that Gadder and
APCLC activists were "Naxalite sympatnizers."
As of September, Naxalites had killed 44 police personnel and 202 civilians.
Naxalites killed two senior BJP party workers in September, and some politicians
have given up campaigning in Naxalite areas because of the security threat. On No-
vember 17, about 150 armed members of the Maoist Communist Center (MCC) over-
powered Bihar military police (BMP) patrolling a cattle fair, killing three BMP
members and one assistant sub-inspector of police. On March 2, suspected Naxalites
shot dead a ruling Telegu Desam party leader, Bhimreedy Mohan Reddy, outside
his residence in Chautuppal in Nalgonda district, Andhra Pradesh. In areas under
their control, Naxalites oispense summary justice in "people's courts" which in some
cases condemn to death suspected police informers, village headmen, and others
deemed to be "class enemies" or "caste oppressors." The Naxalites extort money
from business firms, and railway services in one area had to be canceled in July
and August due to PWG destruction of stations, track and signaling equipment. The
MCC and the CPI(M-L) Party Unity and Liberation factions are essentially engaged
in caste warfare. Their victims, in addition to police and local government officials,
include suspected police informers, village headmen, and landlords whom they ac-
cuse of oppressing scheduled caste members.
Insurgency and increased ethnic violence took a heavy toll in the northeast and
in the case of Assam, led to the installation of a "unified command" of civilian, mili-
tary and paramilitary forces in the state.
While there were numerous allegations of human rights violations directed
against security forces, public attention began to focus on the actions of insurgents.
Tne kidnaping of NGO environmental activist Sanjay Ghosh in July and his death
at the hands of his United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) captors led to wide
public criticism. On August 6, the ULFA confirmed that Ghosh died in captivity; he
nad been "arrested and tried" by the ULFA on July 4. The Chief Minister of Assam
and a High Court judge in Meghalaya survived attempts to kill them during the
year. According to tne Union Home Ministry's 1996-97 report, a total of 201 persons
1641
were killed in Assam between April 1996 and March 1997. The ULFA was respon-
sible for 107 deaths, and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) was
responsible for 174 deaths during this period. However, Mass, a human rights orga-
nization in Assam with a credible record, claims that during the period Januarv 1
through July 21, a total of 202 people were killed in the state (of which 68 died at
the hands of security forces and 57 were killed by the ULFA). Compilation of reports
of killings from the press suggests that the numbers may be even nigher. On March
15, ULFa insurgents shot and killed an army lieutenant colonel and wounded his
wife at a temple in Tezpur, Assam. Members of the same group killed an army brig-
adier and colonel on August 8 in Guwahati in front of the brigadier's teenage daugh-
ters.
On November 19, an independent commission of inquiry set up by Parliament in
August 1991 to investigate the May 21, 1991 assassination of former prime minister
Ra^iv Gandhi tabled an interim report of its findings in the Lok Sabna. The report
pointed clearly to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as having been re-
sponsible for the assassination, but was inconclusive on the question of whether the
LTTE had received assistance in carrying out the murder. It criticized the then-In-
dian government for an alleged failure to provide comprehensive security for the
former prime minister. The commission is expected to conclude its work in February
1998.
b. Disappearance. — According to human rights groups, unacknowledged, inconunu-
nicado detention of suspected militants continued in Jammu and Kashmir although
the practice again decreased compared with previous years. Between January and
June, 197 new writs of habeas corpus were filed v/ith the Jammu and Kashmir High
Court and the Supreme Court, most by family members of disappeared persons in
Jammu and Kashmir. The Government acknov/ledges that, as of August, it held
about 1,600 persons in connection with the insurgency in 5 detention centers in
Jammu and Kashmir, compared with 2,070 persons acknowledged held in 1995. Of
these 1,298 were held under the Public Safety Act and 772 under other laws, includ-
ing the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act (TADA). The Government acknowl-
edged holding 112 persons in the northeast at year's end under special security acts.
Although the Government allowed the TADA to lapse in 1995, several hundred per-
sons remained in detention awaiting prosecution under the law. Several thousand
others are held in short-term confinement in transit and interrogation centers.
Human rights groups maintain that as many as 3,000 more are held by the mili-
tary and paramiGtary forces in long-term unacknowledged detention in interroga-
tion centers and transit camps in Jammu and Kashmir and in the Northeast nomi-
nally intended for only short-term confinement. Jammu and Kashmir courts cur-
rently have a backlog of more than 600 pending habeas corpus cases filed by family
members of those who are missing, according to credible human rights groups. The
U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture reported that more than 15,000 habeas corpus
petitions have been filed in India since 1990, "but that in the vast majority of these
cases the authorities had not responded to the petitions." In one prominent case in
Jammu and Kashmir, the Government responded to the U.N. Special Rapporteur on
Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions stating that human rights activist
Jahl Andrabi was not arrested by security forces, as alleged by human rights
groups, but was abducted by "unidentified armed persons." Andrabi was last seen
alive in the presence of countermilitants and members of the security forces on
March 8, 1996 in Srinagar. Despite the Government's statement, the army in Feb-
ruary 1996 identified to a Srinagar court a major with a temporary commission as
the individual primarily responsible for Andrabi's death. Andrabi's body was
dumped in the Jnelum River, allegedly by security forces. His case is also the sub-
ject of inquiry by the NHRC, and there were no significant developments in the case
by year's end.
'The Government maintains that screening committees run by the state govern-
ment provide information about detainees to their families. However, other sources
indicate that families are able to confirm the detention of their relatives only by
bribing prison guards. A program of prison visits by the ICRC, which began in Octo-
ber 1995, is designed in part to help assure communications between detainees and
their families. Between July 1996 and April 1997, the ICRC visited 3,249 detainees
in Jammu and Kashmir. All acknowledged detention centers in Jammu and Kash-
mir and Kashmiri detainees elsewhere in the country have been visited. The ICRC
is not authorized access to interrogation centers or transit centers, nor does it have
access to regular detention centers in the Northeast.
In Punjab the pattern of disappearances prevalent in the early 1990's appears to
be at an end. Hundreds of police and security officials have not been held account-
able for serious human rights abuses committed during the counterinsurgency of
1984-94. However, steps have been taken against a few such violators. The CBI ac-
1642
tively is pursuing charges against dozens of police officials implicated in the "mass
cremations" case. Police in the Tarn Taran district secretly disposed of bodies of sus-
pected militants believed to have been abducted and extrajudicially executed, cre-
mating them without the knowledge or consent of their families. The Central Bu-
reau of Investigation (CBI) has reported that 984 unidentified bodies were cremated
by Punjab police in Tarn Taran. Most reportedly were killed by border security
forces while trying to cross into India from Pakistan, were unidentified victims of
accidents or suicide, or died in clashes between militant factions. However, 424 were
apparently militants killed in the interior of the district, 291 of whom were subse-
auently identified. These numbers demonstrate the extent of the bloodshed during
those years and, given the pattern of police abuses prevalent during the period,
credibly include many killed in extrajudicial executions. The NHRC is seeking to ob-
tain compensation for the families of those victims whose remains have been identi-
fied, but the government has challenged the NHRC's jurisdiction in the case. The
Supreme Court has yet to rule on this question.
In June the former Tarn Taran senior superintendent of police, Ajit Singh
Sandhu, died in an apparent suicide. At the time of his death, Sandhu was free on
bail after having been charged with the abduction and murder of human rights ac-
tivist Jaswant Singh Khalra, who had been investigating the cremation of unidenti-
fied bodies by Tarn Taran police. Sandhu's suicide prompted extended public debate
over the accountability of Punjab police for excesses during the suppression of a
bloody insurgency. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, as of June, 29 mem-
bers of the Punjab police were being held pending trial on charges of human rights
violations, 34 members had been suspended and faced possible charges, and inves-
tigations had been ordered into the actions of at least 122 additional members of
the force.
There are credible reports that police throughout the country often do not file re-
quired arrest reports. As a result, there are Hundreds of unsolved disappearances
in which relatives claim an individual was taken into police custody and never
heard from again. Police usually deny these claims, countering that there are no
records of arrest.
Militants in Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast continued to use kidnapings
to sow terror, seek the release of detained comrades, and extort funds. According
to the Government, terrorists in Jammu and Kashmir kidnaped 422 persons during
the year, of whom 181 were killed by their captors, 82 were released, and 158 re-
mained unaccounted for. The July 1995 kidnaping of American, British, German,
and Norwegian nationals by terrorists remains unresolved. The Norwegian captive
was beheaded in August 1995. A captured terrorist stated that the remaining hos-
tages— one American, two Britons, and a German — were murdered by their captors
in December 1995. There has not been a verifiable contact with the hostages for
more than 2 years.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The law prohibits torture, and confessions extracted by force are generally inadmis-
sible in court. Nevertheless, torture is common througnout the country and authori-
ties often use torture during interrogations. In other instances, they torture detain-
ees to extort money and sometimes as summary punishment.
On October 14, the Government signed the United Nations Convention Against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and the
decision to accede was welcomed by human rights organizations. However, the Gov-
ernment's decision not to accept Articles 20, 21, and 22 of the Convention means
effectively that the U.N. Human Rights Commission will not be able to investigate
allegations of torture in India.
In 1997 the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture reported that torture was prac-
ticed systematically by the security forces against persons in Jammu and Kashmir
"in order to coerce them to confess to militant activity, to reveal information about
suspected militants, or to inflict punishment for suspected support or sympathy with
militants." According to the Rapporteur, "on no occasion had information been made
public regarding instances of action taken against security force personnel in
Jammu and Kashmir for acts of torture."
The U.N. Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Executions received responses from
the Government to several inquiries. In the case of Purushottam Kumar and Manoj
Kumar, who reportedly died in police custody as a result of torture, the Government
stated that four police officers had been found guilty and that further investigations
by the state police were under way. The Government denied wrongdoing by the po-
lice in several other cases involving allegations of death from torture while in police
custody, telling the Rapporteur that those in question had died of cardiac arrest or
other illness, or by mishap during altercations with police. The Special Rapporteur
on Torture noted that methods oT torture included beating, rape, crushing the leg
1643
muscles with a wooden roller, burning with heated objects, and electric shocks. Be-
cause many alleged torture victims die in custody, and others are afraid to speak
out, there are few firsthand accounts, although the marks of torture have often been
found on the bodies of deceased detainees. The U.N. Special Rapporteurs on Torture
and on Extrajudicial Killings renewed their requests to visit Jammu and Kashmir
to the Government in 1997, out they were not permitted to do so.
The prevalence of torture by police in detention facilities throudiout the country
is borne out by the number of cases of deaths in police custody (see Section l.a.).
In May human rights activists reported that Srinagar^s S. K. Institute of Medical
Sciences treats six to seven cases of renal failure weekly as a result of police torture.
On March 2, it was announced in the West Bengal state assembly that there had
been 84 custodial deaths in the state in the 5 previous years; others claim that the
figure is much higher.
According to the U.N. Special Rapporteur, torture victims or their relatives have
reportedly had difficulty in filing complaints because police in Jammu and Kashmir
were issued instructions not to open a case without f)ermission from higher authori-
ties. In addition. Section 7 of the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Pow-
ers Act provides that unless approval is obtained from the central Government, no
"prosecution, suit, or other legal proceeding shall be instituted. . . .against any per-
son in respect of anything done or purported to be done in exercise of the powers
of the Act." This provision reportedly allows the security forces to act with virtual
inmunity.
The rape of persons in custody is part of the broader pattern of custodial abuse.
Limits placed on the arrest, search, and police custody of women appear effectively
to limit the frequency of rape in custody, although it does occur on occasion. The
NHRC received reports of only three cases of custodial rape during the 1995-96 fis-
cal year. The 24-hour reporting requirement applies to custodial rape as well as cus-
todial death. However, the requirement does not apply to rape by policemen outside
police stations. NGO's claim that rape by police, including custodial rape, is more
common than NHRC figures indicate. Although evidence is lacking, a larger number
appears credible, in light of other evidence of abusive behavior oy police and the
likelihood that many rapes go unreported due to a sense of shame.
A pattern of rape by paramilitary personnel allegedly exists in Jammu and Kash-
mir and the northeast (see section l.g.), but is not included in NHRC statistics be-
cause it involves military forces. Human rights activists allege that Indian army
Eersonnel raped two sisters of a suspected militant on January 8 in the village of
[akura, Anantnag district, Jammu and Kashmir. Human rights activists alleged
that on February 4, security force members tortured and humiliated several girls
and women in Waloo Noorabad Kulgam, Jammu and Kashmir.
On March 30, a soldier from the 15th Maratha Light Infantry raped a 12-year-
old girl in the Mokukchnag District of Nagaland; a court of inquiry found him guilty
and recommended court martial. On March 27, a police constable was sentenced to
death for the rape and murder of a minor girl in North Dinajpur, West Bengal in
1995.
Although custodial abuse is deeply rooted in police practices, increased press re-
porting and parliamentary questions provide evidence of growing public awareness
of the problem. The NHRC has identified torture and deaths in detention as one
of its priority concerns.
Between April 1996 and March 1997, 888 cases of custodial death were reported
to the NHRC, including 188 deaths in police custody. The 700 deaths in judicial cus-
tody, occurring in a prison population of approximately 155,000, many of whom are
held for years, include a large proportion of deaths from natural causes, in some
cases aggravated by poor conditions in prisons. Deaths in police custody, which typi-
cally occur within hours or days of initial apprehension, more clearly imply violent
abuse. The NHRC has no authority to investigate abuses by security forces directly,
and security forces in Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast are not required to
report custodial deaths to the Commission.
As a result of NHRC investigations during the fiscal year, 22 police personnel
were prosecuted during the fiscal year and 79 were suspended, most in both cases
due to involvement in custodial abuse. Charges against police prosecuted for custo-
dial abuse include murder.
Prison conditions are poor. Prisons are seriously overcrowded, often housing over
three times their designed capacity. The largest class of prisoners typically sleeps
on bare floors, has inadecjuate sanitary facilities, and receives inadequate food and
medical care. Prisoners with privileged status or with the personal or family means
can supplement what is normally provided. There are three classes of prison facili-
ties. Prisoners are not classified by the nature of their crimes, but by their standing
in society. Class "C" prisoners are those who cannot prove they are college grad-
1644
uates or income taxpayers. Their cells are overcrowded, often have dirt floors, no
furnishings, and poor quality food. The use of handcuffs and fetters is common.
Class "B prisoners — college ^aduates and taxpayers — are held under markedly
better conditions. Class "A prisoners are prominent persons, as designated by the
Government, and are accorded private rooms, visits, and adequate food, which may
be supplemented by their families. Class "A" prisoners are usually held in govern-
ment guest houses.
Overcrowding in jails is severe. According to a statement in Parliament in 1994
by the Minister of State for Home Affairs, New Delhi's Tihar jail, considered one
of the best-run in the country, housed 8,577 prisoners in facilities designed to hold
2,487. According to the Minister, 7,505 detainees awaited the completion of their
trials, while 672 others had been on trial for 3 years or longer. As a result of an
NHRC inquiry into the causes of 46 custodial deaths reported at Tihar Prison be-
tween April 1994 and June 1995, a new building was constructed at the prison in
1996 to nouse 750 inmates. In addition, about 130 new staff members were hired
and the medical staff was augmented. Elsewhere in India, prison conditions remain
little changed from previous years.
Nevertheless, prison conditions are a subject of press reports and court cases and
have received attention from human rights groups. Press accounts of prison condi-
tions include reports of sexual abuse of prisoners, the use of prisoners by prison offi-
cials as domestic servants, the sale of food and milk for prisoners on the black mar-
ket, the sale of female prisoners to brothels, and the marketing and export of prison-
made goods. Women constitute 3 percent of the prison population, the Union Min-
istry 01 Home Affairs said at years end. Although Parliament passed a Children's
Act in 1960 to safeguard young prisoners against abuse and exploitation and a Juve-
nile Justice Act in 1986 provides that boys under 16 and girls under 18 are not to
be held in prison, most states have not implemented these acts. The Supreme Court
has criticized the state governments for not providing reformatories and separate
detention facilities for children. In March the NHRC recommended that the Govern-
ment enact a central law regulating state prisons, in order to replace the Prison Act
of 1894.
With the exception of an agreement with the ICRC for visits to detention facilities
in Jammu and Kashmir, the Government does not allow NGO's to monitor prison
conditions.
Over the course of the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir, security forces have de-
stroyed more than 800 homes of suspected militants and their family members as
a form of "collective punishment," accordingto credible human rights groups.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile.— -The Government implemented during the
early 1980's a variety of special security laws intended to help law enforcement au-
thorities fight separatist insurgency. There were credible reports of widespread arbi-
trary arrest and detention under these laws.
Although the law that had been subject to the most extensive abuse — the Terror-
ist and Disruptive Practices (Prevention) Act (TADA) — lapsed in May 1995, 3,785
persons previously arrested under the act continued to be held in a number of states
at year's end, and a small number of arrests under TADA continued for crimes al-
legedly committed before the law lapsed. Criminal cases are proceeding against
most of those still held under TADA, with more than 3,000 charged under other
laws in addition to TADA. In March, the Government asserted that all TADA cases
would be reviewed. In February 1996, the Supreme Court eased bail guidelines for
persons accused under TADA, taking into account the large backlog of^cases in spe-
cial TADA courts. In reply to a question in the Jammu and Kashmir state assembly
in May, the Government reported that 15,826 people were detained under TADA in
the state between 1990 and 1995. TADA courts use abridged procedures. For exam-
ple, defense counsel is not permitted to see witnesses for the prosecution, who are
kept behind screens while testifying in court. Also, confessions extracted under du-
ress are permitted in evidence.
The Constitution provides that detainees have the right to be informed of the
grounds for arrest, to be represented by counsel, and, unless the person is held
under a preventive detention law, to appear before a magistrate within 24 hours of
arrest. At this initial appearance, the accused must either be remanded for further
investigation or releasea. The Supreme Court has upheld these provisions. An ac-
cused person must be informed of his right to bail at the time of arrest and may,
unless he is held on a nonbailable offense, apply for bail at any time. The police
must file a charge sheet within 60 to 90 days of*^ arrest; if they fail to do so, court
approval of a bail application becomes mandatory.
The Constitution permits preventive detention laws in the event of threats to pub-
lic order and national security. These laws provide for limits on the length of deten-
tion and for judicial review. &veral laws of this type remain in effect.
1645
The National Security Act (NSA) of 1980 permits detention of persons considered
security risks; police anywhere in the country (except Jammu and Kashmir) may de-
tain suspects under NSA provisions. Under these provisions the authorities may de-
tain a suspect without charge or trial as long as 1 year on loosely defined security
grounds. The state government must confirm the detention order, which is reviewed
by an advisory board of three high court judges within 7 weeks of arrest. NSA de-
tainees are permitted visits by family members and lawyers and must be informed
of the grounds for detention within 5 days (10 to 15 days in exceptional cir-
cumstances). At year's end, approximately 500 persons continue to be detained
under the NSA. The NSA does not define "security risk." Human rights groups al-
lege that preventive detention can be ordered and extended under the act purely
on the opinion of the detaining authority. Such a subjective decision cannot be over-
turned by any court.
The Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act (PSA) of 1978 covers corresponding
procedures for that state. Over half of the detainees in Jammu and Kashmir are
held under the PSA.
The court system is overloaded. The result has been the detention of persons
awaiting trial for periods longer than they would receive if convicted. Prisoners may
be held months or even years before obtaining a trial date. According to a reply to
a parliamentary question in July 1994, more than 111,000 criminal cases were
pending in the Allahabad High Court, the most serious case backlog in the country,
of which nearly 29,000 cases nad been pending for 5 to 8 years. A statement to Par-
liament in July 1996 indicated that criminal and civil cases pending before the
country's hi^ courts numbered nearly 2.9 million in 1995, roughly the same as in
1994 but an increase from 2.65 million in 1993. The Government acknowledged that
73 percent of all prisoners held at year's end were so-called "under-trials," i.e.
unconvicted remand prisoners awaiting the start or conclusion of their trials.
In June Rongthong Kunley Dorji, a Bhutanese dissident, was placed in judicial
custody pending review of an extradition request from the Government of Bhutan
on charges that included political offenses as well as financial malfeasance. Dorji
remained in custody in New Delhi at year's end, awaiting conclusion of his extra-
dition hearing.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — There is an independent iudiciary with strong con-
stitutional safeguards. Under a Supreme Court ruling, tne Chief Justice, in con-
sultation with his colleagues, has a decisive voice in selecting judicial candidates.
The President appoints the judges, and they can serve up to the age of 62 on the
state high courts and up to tne age of 65 on the Supreme Court.
Courts of first resort exist at the subdistrict and district levels. More serious cases
and appeals are heard in state-level high courts and by the national-level Supreme
Court, which also rules on constitutional questions. Subdistrict and district judicial
magistrates are appointed by state governments. High court judges are appointed
on the recommendation of the federal Law Ministry, with the advice of the Supreme
Court, the High Court Chief Justice, and the chief minister of the state, usually
from among district judges or lawyers practicing before the same courts. Supreme
Court judges are similarly appointed from among high court judges. The Chief Jus-
tice is selected on the basis of seniority.
When legal procedures function normally, they generally assure a fair trial, but
the process can be drawn out and inaccessible to the poor. Defendants have the
right to choose counsel from a bar that is fully independent of the Government.
There are effective channels for appeal at most levels of the judicial system.
The Criminal Procedure Code provides for an open trial in most cases, but it al-
lows exceptions in proceedings involving official secrets, trials in which statements
prejudicial to the safety of the State might be made, or under provisions of special
security legislation. Sentences must be announced in public.
Muslim personal status law governs many noncriminal matters involving Mus-
lims— including family law, inheritance, and divorce. The Government does not
interfere in the personal laws of the minority communities, with the result that laws
that discriminate against women are upheld.
In Jammu and Kashmir, the judicial system barely functions due to threats by
militants against judges, witnesses, and their family members, because of judicial
tolerance of the Government's heavy-handed antimilitant actions, and the frequent
refusal by security forces to obey court orders. Courts there are not willing to hear
cases involving terrorist crimes or fail to act expeditiously on habeas corpus cases,
if they act at all. As a result, there have been no convictions of alleged terrorists
in Janamu and Kashmir since before 1994, even though some militants have been
in detention for years.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
1646
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The po-
lice must obtain warrants for searches and seizures. In a criminal investigation, the
police may conduct searches without warrants to avoid undue delay, but they must
justify the searches in writing to the nearest magistrate with jurisdiction over the
offense. The authorities in Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, and Assam have special
powers to search and arrest without a warrant.
The Indian Telegraph Act authorizes the surveillance of communications, includ-
ing monitoring telephone conversations and intercepting personal mail, in case of
public emergency or "in the interest of the public saiety or tranquillity." These pow-
ers have been used by every state government. The Union Government also uses
the powers of the Indian Telegraph Act to tap phones and open mail.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— Government forces continue to commit serious violations of humanitarian
law in the disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir. Between 350,000 and 400,000
army and paramilitary forces are deployed in Jammu and Kashmir. The Muslim
majority papulation in the Kashmir Valley suffers from the repressive tactics of the
security forces. Under the Jammu and Kashmir Disturbed Areas Act, and the
Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, both passed in July 1990,
security forces personnel have extraordinary powers, including authority to shoot
suspected lawbreakers and those disturbing the peace, and to destroy structures
suspected of harboring militants or arms.
Cfivilian deaths caused by security forces diminished for the fourth consecutive
year in Jammu and Kashmir. This decrease apparently is due to press scrutiny and
public criticism of abuses in previous years, increased training of military and para-
military forces in humanitarian law, and greater sensitivity of commanders to rule
of law issues. The improvement has taken the form of increased discipline and care
in avoiding collateral civilian injuries and deaths (i.e., deaths in crossfire). The
Union Home Ministry reported that 84 such deaths had occurred in Jammu and
Kashmir in 1996-97, compared with 171 the previous reporting period. The security
forces have not abandoned the abduction and extrajudicial execution of susp)ected
militants, nor accepted accountability for these abuses. However, the inclination of
many commanders to distance their units from such practices has led to reduced
participation in them and a transfer of some of such actions to countermilitants.
In April the alleged rape by security forces of nine women in the village of
Wawoosa, near Srinagar, led to protest demonstrations. There is no evidence that
charges have been brought in the alleged rape by security forces of nine women in
Wawoosa. Kashmiris asserted that the incident was part of a larger pattern of rape
committed by army personnel in the valley. In a separate incident in May, four
members of the Rashtriya Rifles were sentenced by military authorities to 10 years
in prison for the rape of two women in south Kashmir.
Kashmiri militant groups also committed serious abuses. In addition to political
killings and kidnapings oi politicians and civilians (see Sections l.a. and l.o.), ter-
rorists engaged in extortion and carried out acts of random terror that killed hun-
dreds of Kashmiris. Terrorist acts by Kashmiri groups have also taken place outside
Jammu and Kashmir. Many of the terrorists are not Indian citizens, but are of Af-
ghan, Pakistani and other nationalities.
On March 22, seven members of the Hindu Pandit community in the Kashmir val-
ley were abducted and killed. On March 29, at least 16 people were killed and 60
injured when two bombs exploded outside a concert arena in Jammu. Chief Minister
Farooq Abdullah was scheduled to attend the concert, but arrived after the blasts
and was unhurt. On June 29, an explosion at the heavily guarded Legislative As-
sembly members' hostel killed three people, including an assembly member who was
a former militant. On 31 and November 1, militant separatist organizations ex-
f)loded bombs in Srinigar, Kashmir, injuring several civilians and killing 2 security
orces personnel. On November 30, three persons were killed and 58 were injured,
when two bombs exploded in a crowded marketplace in New Delhi.
Kashmiris continued to be caught in the crossfire between militants on one side
and security forces and countermilitants on the other. Unlike past years, however,
there were no large-scale or prolonged clashes resulting in extensive loss of civilian
life or property.
Government security forces in the northeast have been responsible for human
rights abuses ranging from extrajudicial killings and disappearances to torture and
rape. There are approximately 40,000 government security forces deployed in the
northeast. Througn June, the Government stated that militants in the northeast
had killed 163 members of the security forces and 363 civilians. Militant violence
directed against civilians resulted in numerous deaths and drove thousands of per-
sons from their homes (see Section l.a). Bodo militants attempted to blow up a pas-
1647
senger train on August 13. They also planted explosive devices under a number of
bridges in Assam during August.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — ^The Constitution provides for these rights, and
with some limitations they are exercised in practice. A vigorous press reflects a wide
variety of public, social, and economic beliefs. Newspapers and magazines regularly
publish investigative reports and allegations of government wrongdoing, and the
{)re8s as a whole champions human rights and criticizes perceived government
apses.
The Press Council of India is a statutory body of journalists, publishers, academ-
ics, and politicians with a chairman appointed by the Government. Designed to be
a self-regulating mechanism for the press, it investigates complaints of irresponsible
journalism and sets a code of conduct for publishers. This code includes not publish-
ing articles or details that might incite caste or communal violence. The Council
publicly criticizes newspapers or journalists it believes have broken the code of con-
duct, but its findings, while noted by the press community, carry no legal weight.
Parliament adopted a freedom of information act in June.
National television and radio, which are government monopolies, are frequently
accused of manipulating the news to the benefit of the Government. However, inter-
national satellite television is widely distributed in middle class neighborhoods by
cable and is gradually eroding the Government's monopoly on television.
Under the Official Secrets Act (OSA), the Government may restrict publication of
sensitive stories, but the Government sometimes interprets this broadly to suppress
criticism of its policies. Human rights activists state that government pressure
caused one national, English-language daily to suppress some stories and transfer
a staff reporter. The 1971 Newspapers Incitements to Offenses Act remains in effect
in Jammu and Kashmir. Under the act, a district magistrate may prohibit the press
from publishing material resulting in "incitement to murder" or "any act of vio-
lence." As punishment the act stipulates that the authorities may seize newspapers
and printing presses. Despite these restrictions, newspapers in Srinagar regularly
publish militant press releases attacking the Government and report in detail on
alleged human rights abuses. The authorities allowed foreign journalists to travel
freely in Janmiu and Kashmir, where they regularly spoke with militant leaders,
and filed reports on government abuses.
On June 27 in Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir police attacked a group of journal-
ists protesting police brutality. On March 16, unidentified gunmen murdered jour-
nalist Saidain Shafi in Srinagar. There is no active investigation of the Saidan Shafi
murder. In late August, Assam police arrested several members of a local human
rights organization on allegations that they were helping the United Liberation
Front of Assam (ULFA) insurgents. One of those arrested, Ajit Bhuyan, is also the
editor of two Assamese language daily newspapers that had been critical of the state
government. Local journalists alleged that the arrests constituted a violation of free-
dom of speech. In January 1998, the International Federation of Journalists re-
ported that seven journalists were murdered in India in 1997, allegedly because of
stories they had written or in order to halt investigations they were conducting.
A government censorship board reviews films before licensing them for distribu-
tion. The board deletes material deemed offensive to public morals or communal
sentiment. Producers of video news magazines must also submit their products to
the board, which occasionally censors stories that portray the Government in an un-
favorable light. The board's ruling may be appealed and overturned.
Kashmiri groups threatened journalists and editors and even imposed temporary
bans on some publications.
Citizens enjoy complete academic freedom, and students and faculty espouse a
wide range oi views. In addition to 10 national universities and about 160 state uni-
versities, states are empowered to accredit locally run private institutions.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right of peaceful assembly, and the Government generally respected these rights
in practice.
The authorities sometimes require permits and notification prior to holding pa-
rades or demonstrations, but local governments ordinarily respect the right to pro-
test peacefully. At times of civil tension, the authorities may ban public assemblies
or impose a curfew under the Criminal Procedure Code.
Srinagar and other parts of Jammu and Kashmir occasionally came under curfew,
but were more often affected by strikes called by the militants. The Kerala High
Court ruled in July that "bandhs," or forced public closures, as opjxjsed to dem-
onstrations or rallies, forcibly interfered in the affairs of others, and thus rep-
1648
resented a violation of the constitutional ri^t to assemble peaceably. Critics of the
ruling say that the court overstepped its bounds by restricting the right to protest.
The Constitution provides for tne right to form associations, and the Government
generally respected these rights in practice.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the
Government respects this right in practice. India is a secular state in which all
faiths generally enjoy freedom of worship. Government policy does not favor any re-
ligious group. There is no national law to bar proselytizing by Indian Christians.
Foreign missionaries can generally renew their visas but since the mid-1960's the
Government has refused to admit new resident foreign missionaries. Those who ar-
rive now do 30 as tourists and stay for short periods. As of January 1993, there were
1,923 registered foreign Christian missionaries. As in the past, state oflicials refused
to issue permits for foreign Christian missionaries to enter some northeastern
states. Tension between Hindus and Muslims continues to pose a challenge to the
secular foundation of the State (see Section 5).
The U.N. Special Rapporteur for all forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination
Based on Religion or Belief published a report in February on his visit of December
2-14, 1996 at the invitation of the Government. Having studied the situation of the
majority Hindus and minority Muslims, Christians, and Sikh's, the Rapporteur con-
cluded that the country's constitutional and legislative guarantees of religious free-
dom contributed to religious tolerance in India as did 'a conception of secularism
implying not the rejection of religion but equality for all religions." He warned, how-
ever, that tolerance was susceptible to attack by religious extremists (see Section
5).
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens enjoy freedom of movement within the country except in cer-
tain border areas where, for security reasons, special permits are required. Under
the Passports Act of 1967, the Government may deny a passport to any applicant
who "may or is likely to engage outside India in activities prejudicial to the sov-
ereignty and integrity of India. The Government uses this provision to prohibit the
foreign travel of some government critics, especially those advocating Sikh inde-
pendence.
Citizens may emigrate without restriction.
India is not a party to the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refu-
gees or its 1967 Protocol. It cooperates with the office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in the care of certain groups of refugees (nota-
bly Afghans, Iranians, Somalis, Burmese, and Sudanese), but not in the case of
other groups, most notably the Sri Lankan Tamils to whose canips in Tamil Nadu
the Government has barred access by the UNHCR and NGO's. India does provide
first asylum to refugees, most notably in recent years to Tibetan and Sri Lankan
Tamil refugees. However, this policy is inconsistently applied. For example, the in-
sistence of some border authorities on the presentation of passport and visas by
those claiming refugee status has occasionally resulted in individuals or groups
being refused admittance. This has occurred in recent years in cases involving Ira-
nians who had transited Pakistan to enter India, and some Chin and Rakhine refu-
gees from Burma. Human rights groups allege that the Government forced 5,000 to
6,0(X) Jumma refugees to return to Bangladesh, where no adequate housing was
provided for them. Refugees are not required to make claims in third countries.
Cramped and unhygienic conditions are reported to exist in some of the camps for
Sri Lankan Tamils in Tamil Nadu.
The Government recognizes certain groups, including Chakmas from Bangladesh,
Tamils from Sri Lanka, and Tibetans, as refugees, providing them assistance in ref-
ugee camps or in resettlement areas. According to a government statement to Par-
liament in July 1996, there were 98,000 Tibetans, 87,729 Sri Lankan Tamils, 66,234
Chakmas and Hajongs from Bangladesh, and 52 Burmese refugees. In the state-
ment, the Government indicated that 18,932 Afghans, 255 Somalis, and 308 persons
of other nationalities were living in India "under the mandate" of the UNHCR. Al-
though the Government does not formally recognize persons in this latter category
as refugees, it does not deport them. Instead, these people receive renewable resi-
dence permits or their status is ignored.
According to the UNHCR, as of August, there were about 65,000 Tamil refugees
from Sri Lanka living in 115 camps in India, including approximately 6,000 who
fled the upsurge in fighting in Sri Lanka during 1996 and 338 suspected of militant
activities, who are detained in special camps. An estimated 30,00(>-60,000 more Sri
Lankan Tamils are not registered as refugees and are living outside the camps. The
Government states that there are some 57,000 Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in camps
in India and a few thousand more living outside the camps. NGO's report refugee
complaints about deteriorated housing, poor sanitation, delayed dole payments, and
1649
inadequate medical care. The state government, using central government re-
sources, provides shelter and subsidized food for those in the camps. Enforcement
of a Tamil Nadu government ban on NGO assistance to the camps has been relaxed
and NGO's have visited the camps.
There are Chin ethnics among nonrecognized refugees in the northeastern states,
particularly Mizoram. Their presence is generally tolerated. However, recent ten-
sions between security forces and Chin National Force (CNF) insurgents ojjerating
in Burma have allegedly resulted in detention, interrogation, and expulsion of some
f)er8on8 associated with the CNF. More than 100,000 Buddhist Chakma refugees
ive in uncertainty over their futures in Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, and Mizoram.
About 40,000 in Arunachal Pradesh live under the threat of deportation following
a series of acts of student-led agitation against their presence in the state. Human
rights activists alleged that the government forcibly repatriated 5,000 to 6,000
Jumma refugees from the eastern state of Tripura to Bangladesh in March, despite
evidence that they would face reprisals there. The Government maintained that
there was not sufficient evidence to suggest a possibility of reprisal on return. Mili-
tant organizations in Manipur are forcing all non-Manipuris above the age of 12 to
pay a $3 "tax" in order to continue to live in the state.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens exercise this right freely. India has a democratic, parliamentary system
of government with representatives elected in multiparty elections under universal
adult suffrage. A parliament sits for 5 years unless dissolved earlier for new elec-
tions, except under constitutionally defined emergency situations. State govern-
ments are elected at regular intervals except in states under President's Rule, i.e.,
rule by the central Government.
On the advice of the Prime Minister, the President may proclaim a state of emer-
gency in any part of the national territory in the event of war, external aggression,
or armed rebellion. Similarly, President's Rule may be declared in the event of a
collapse of a state's constitutional machinery. The Supreme Court in May 1995
upheld the Government's authority to suspend fundamental rights during an emer-
gency.
President Narayanan dissolved the lower house of Parliament on December 4.
Elections are scheduled for February and March 1998.
There are no legal impediments to participation by women in the political process.
A lai^e proportion of women participate in voting throughout the country, and nu-
merous women represent all major parties in the national and state legislatures.
There are 59 women in the Parliament, including the deputy speaker of the upper
house, and 5 women in the 45-member Cabinet. The 1993 passage of the
"Panchayati Raj" constitutional amendments, reserved 30 percent of seats in elected
village councils (panchayats) for women. Debate over the reservation of parliamen-
tary and state assembly seats for women continued throughout 1997.
The Constitution reserves seats in Parliament and state legislatures for "sched-
uled tribes" and "scheduled castes" in proportion to their population (see Section 5).
Indigenous people participate actively in national and local politics, but their impact
depends on their numerical strength. In the northeastern states, indigenous people
are a large proportion of the population and consequently exercise a dominant politi-
cal influence in the political process. In Maharashtra and Gujarat, on the other
hand, tribal peoples are a small minority and have been unsuccessful in blocking
projects they oppose.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Independent human rights organizations operate throughout most of the country
investigating abuses and publishing their findings. Human rights activists in
Jammu and Kashmir, however, have been unable to move around the state to docu-
ment human rights violations for fear of threats by countermilitants and security
forces. Since 1992 several individuals closely involved in the documentation of viola-
tions there, including lawyers and journalists, have been attacked and in some cases
killed. International human rights groups have had difficulty in obtaining visas to
visit India for research purposes. For example, a visa application by Amnesty Inter-
national researchers was pending throughout the entire year. Moreover, the police
and security forces have targeted human rights monitors for arrest and harassment.
No definitive resolution of the case of abducted and murdered Kashmir human
rights activist Jalil Andrabi was reached. The army and other branches of the Gov-
ernment have issued conflicting statements as to the responsibility of security forces
in this death (see Section l.b). A warrant for the arrest of an army major has been
1650
issued in connection with the case. He reportedly resigned his commission shortly
after the crime was committed and is now in custody. In Assam the investigation
into the murder of human rights activist and journalist Parag Das has yiel(fed no
definitive information on the identity of his killer. Das was killed in May 1996. The
assailant was allegedly a militant who had previously surrendered and was sup-
ported by the Government. Human rights activists in Andhra Pradesh were at-
tacked by unidentified assailants in April and May. The director of the South Asian
Human Rights Documentation Center was questioned and threatened in September
by persons claiming to be police officers but who refused to prof>erly identity them-
selves. The evidence suggests that this was an attempt to intimidate the director
and obstruct the work oi the South Asian Human Rights Documentation Center.
The Government appointed a National Human Rights Commission in October
1993 with powers to investigate and recommend policy changes, punishment, and
compensation in cases of police abuse. In addition, the NHRC is directed to contrib-
ute to the establishment, growth, and functioning of nongovernmental human rights
organizations. The Government appoints the members and finances the operations
of the NHRC. The NHRC is seriously understafied and prohibited by statute from
directly investigating allegations of abuse involving army and paramilitary forces.
Between April and November, the NHRC received more than 30,000 complaints.
It considered 15,086 of these complaints, of which it dismissed 7,474 and transmit-
ted 2,991 to other governmental authorities for disposition. It held inquiries into
4,050 complaints, concluding 571 cases. During the entire 1995—96 fiscal year, the
Commission received about 20,000 complaints, considering 9,751 of them. The in-
creased number of complaints made to the commission this year is thought to be
the result of its increased visibility.
Human rights groups alleged that persons protesting the World Bank-sponsored
National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) project in Singrauli were harassed by
police and NTPC officials, but these allegations could not be verified. Human rights
groups also reported that the NTPC project displaced a number of people, causing
them to lose tneir homes and livelihoods without compensation. According to Am-
nesty International, groups protesting the construction of a power plant by the
Dabhol Power Company in Maharashtra were harassed by police.
The NHRC has pursued the building of a culture of human rights by fostering
human rights education in schools and universities, by offering support and encour-
agement to human rights NGO's, by supporting training programs for the police,
military forces, and paramilitary forces, and by making recommendations to central
and state governments. In November the NHRC recommended the preparation of
a human rights training program, including stress counseling, for state police. The
NHRC has also influenced the legislative process (particularly in advocating aboli-
tion of the TADA and by proposing prison reform legislation). State human rights
commissions have been established in West Bengal, Himachal Pradesh, Assam, and
Madhya Pradesh. In addition, special courts to hear human rights cases have been
established in Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, and Andhra Pradesh.
The NHRC was also involved in programs to eliminate child labor (see Section 6).
A state human rights commission was established in Jammu and Kashmir by act
of the state legislature on May 30. Its powers to independently investigate alleged
human rights violations committed by members of the security forces are strictly
limited. Credible human rights activists state that the Jammu and Kashmir com-
mission has not yet demonstrated effective, independent protection of human rights
in the state.
The prison visits program in Jammu and Kashmir by the ICRC, initiated in Octo-
ber 1995, continued in 1997. ICRC representatives also continued training police
and border security force personnel in international humanitarian law. The U.N.
Special Rapporteurs on Torture and Extrajudicial Execution renewed their requests
to the Government this year to visit Jammu and Kashmir, but were not permitted
to do so.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The traditional caste system as well as differences of ethnicity, religion, and lan-
guage deeply divide society. Despite laws designed to prevent discrimination, there
are other laws as well as social and cultural practices that have a profound discrimi-
natory impact. More than 60 persons were killed in caste-related violence in BUiar
State and a score or more died as a result of incidents in Tamil Nadu.
Women. — Domestic violence in the context of dowry disputes is a serious problem.
In the typical dowry dispute, a groom's family members harass a woman they be-
lieve has not provided a sufficient dowry. This harassment sometimes ends in the
woman's death, which family members often try to portray as a suicide or kitchen
1651
accident. Although most "dowry deaths" involve lower and middle-class families, the
phenomenon crosses both caste and religious lines. The Government stated at year's
end that 3,899 dowry deaths had occurred during the year.
Under a 1986 amendment to the Penal Code, the court must presume the hus-
band or the wife's in-laws are responsible for every unnatural death of a woman in
the first 7 years of marriage — provided that harassment is proven. In such cases,
police procedures require that an officer of deputy superintendent rank or above
conduct the investigation and that a team of two or more doctors perform the post
mortem procedures.
There is an elaborate system of laws to protect the rights of women, including the
Equal Remuneration Act, the Prevention of Immoral Trafiic Act, the Sati (widow
burning) Prevention Act, and the Dowry Prohibition Act. However, the Government
often is unable to enforce these laws, especially in rural areas where traditions are
deeply rooted. Female bondage and forced prostitution are widespread in parts of
society.
National Crime Record Bureau statistics show that registered cases of violence
against women — including molestation, rape, kidnaping, and wife murder (dowry
deaths)— numbered 83,964 in 1993, 98,948 in 1994 and 100,846 in 1995 (the last
year for which such statistics are available.) In Orissa State alone, 710 cases of
dowry torture were reported by mid-year. There were continued reports during 1997
of gang rapes as penalties for alleged adultery or as means of coercion or revenge
in rural property aisputes and feuds.
Higher female mortality at all age levels, including female infanticide, accounts
for a decline in the ratio of females to males to 927 per 1,000 in 1991, from 955
per 1,000 in 1981 and 972 per 1,000 at the turn of the century.
The personal status laws of the religious communities discriminate against
women. Under the Indian Divorce Act of 1869, a Christian woman may demand di-
vorce only in the case of spousal abuse and certain categories of adultery while for
a man acmltery alone is sufficient. In May the Bombay High Court recognized abuse
alone as sufficient grounds for a Christian woman to obtain a divorce. Under Islamic
law, a Muslim husband may divorce his wife spontaneously and unilaterally; there
is no such provision for women. Islamic law also allows a man to have up to four
wives but prohibits polyandry.
The Hindu Succession Act provides eaual inheritance rights for Hindu women, but
married daughters are seldom given a snare in parental property. Islamic law recog-
nizes a woman's right of inheritance but specifies that a daughter's share should
be only one-half that of a son.
Under tribal land systems, notably in BUiar, tribal women do not have the right
to own land. Other laws relating to the ownership of assets and land accord women
little control over land use, retention, or sale.
There are thousands of grassroots organizations working for social justice and the
economic advancement of women, in addition to the National Commission for
Women. The Government usually supports these elTorts, despite strong resistance
from traditionally privileged groups.
Children. — The United Front coalition Government pledged in 1996 to enact legis-
lation making free and compulsory elementary education a fundamental right and
to increase funding for primary education, but such legislation has not yet been
ftassed. The Government continued efforts initiated in August 1994 to pass more
aws banning child labor and to enhance enforcement of existing laws. The Govern-
ment's program to eliminate child labor is aimed at progressively withdrawing chil-
dren from the workplace in hazardous industries and placing them in schools by
20(X) through initiatives in education, rural development, woman and child develop-
ment, health, and labor programs. Government efforts to eliminate child labor have
touched only a small fraction of children in the work place. The United Front gov-
ernment pledged in 1997 to eliminate child labor by 2010. A Supreme Court decision
in Decemoer 1996 raised penalties for employers of children in hazardous industries
and established a welfare fund for formerly employed children (see Section 6.d.).
There are an estimated 500,000 street children nationwide. Child prostitution is
occurring in the cities, and there is a growing pattern of trafTic in child prostitutes
from Nepal. According to one estimate 5,000 to 7,000 children, mostly between the
ages 10 and 18, are victims of this trafTic annually. In a well publicized case, poor
Muslims from Murshidabad District, West Bengal, were found to be sending tneir
children (usually maimed or disabled girls) to Saudi Arabia to beg, in return for
payment of about $1,400. Authorities arrested three traffickers and prosecuted them
under the Immoral Traffic Act.
The Child Marriage Restraint (Amendment) Act of 1976 prohibits child marriage,
a traditional practice in northern India. The act raised the age of marriage for girls
to 18 from 15, but the Government does not enforce it effectively. According to one
1652
report, 50 percent of the girls in Bihar, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya
Pradesh are married at or before age 16.
The traditional preference for male children continues. Although a law passed in
September 1994 prohibits the use of amniocentesis and sonogram tests for sex deter-
mination, they are widely misused for this purpose and termination of a dispropor-
tionate number of pregnancies with female fetuses occurs. In the 9 years since the
southern state of Maharashtra passed a law banning the use of such tests for sex
determination, the state government has filed charges against one doctor; he was
acquitted. Human rights groups estimate that at least 10,000 cases of female infan-
ticide occur yearly, primarily in poor rural areas. In addition, parents often give pri-
ority in health care and nutrition to male infants. Women's rights groups point out
that the burden of providing girls with an adequate dowry is one factor that makes
dau^ters less desirable. Although abetting or taking dowry is theoretically illegal
under the Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961, it is still widely practiced.
People With Disabilities. — The Ministry of Welfare has principal responsibility for
programs for the disabled, and it delivers comprehensive rehaliilitation services to
the rural population through 16 district centers. A national rehabilitation plan com-
mits the Government to putting a rehabilitation center in each of more than 400
districts, but services are still concentrated in urban areas. The Government re-
serves 3 percent of positions in official offices and state-owned enterprises for people
with visual, hearing, or orthopedic disabilities. The Government provides special
railway fares, education allowances, scholarships, customs exemptions, and rehabili-
tation training to assist people with disabilities. There is no legislation or otherwise
mandated provision of accessibility for the disabled. The National Human Rights
Commission sought to improve conditions in mental hospitals and enhance aware-
ness of the rights of those with mental disabilities during the year. It commissioned
an assessment of conditions at mental hospitals throughout the country, to be con-
ducted by the National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Science. The rights
of the mentally ill and mentally retarded are protected by the Constitution and the
Mental Health Act of 1987. The NHRC noted, however, that despite these protec-
tions, "conditions in many mental hospitals in the country are far from satisfactory.
They continue to embody old concepts of mental health care and function essentially
as custodial rather than therapeutic institutions. Overcrowded and serving as
"dumping grounds" by desperate relatives, some of them lack even basic amenities
and have poor medical facilities."
Indigenous People. — The Innerline Regulations enacted by the British in 1873 still
provide the basis for safeguarding tribal rights in most of the border states of north-
eastern India. These regulations prohibit any person, including Indians from other
states, from going beyond an inner boundary without a valid permit. No rubber,
wax, ivory, or other forest products may be removed from the protected areas with-
out prior authorization. No outsiders are allowed to own land in the tribal areas
without approval from tribal authorities.
Despite constitutional safeguards, the rights of indigenous groups in eastern India
are often ignored. Indigenous people suffer discrimination and harassment, have
been wrongly deprived of their land, and have been subject to arbitrary arrest and
torture. There has been encroachment on tribal land in almost all the states of east-
em India, including by illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, and by businesses that
have removed forest and mineral products without authorization. Moreover, persons
from other backgrounds often usurp places reserved for members of tribes and lower
castes in national education institutions.
Such violations have given rise to numerous tribal movements demanding protec-
tion of land and property rights. The Jharkhand Movement in Bihar and Orissa,
and the Bodo Movement in Assam, reflect deep economic and social grievances
among indigenous people. In the Jharkhand area, tribal people complain that they
have been relegated to unskilled mining jobs, have lost their forests to industrial
construction, and have been displaced by development projects. The Government
has considered the creation of an independent Jharkand State, but the affected state
governments oppose the idea.
However, there is some local autonomy in the northeast. In Meghalaya tribal
chiefs still wield influence in certain villages. The Nagaland government controls
the rights to certain mineral resources, and autonomous district councils in Tripura,
Assam, and Meghalaya control matters such as education, rural development, and
forestry in cooperation with the state governors.
National / Racial f Ethnic Minorities. — The Constitution gives the President author-
ity to specify historically disadvantaged castes and tribes, which are entitled to af-
firmative action in employment and other benefits. These "scheduled" tribes and
castes benefit from special development funds, government hiring quotas, and spe-
cial training programs. According to the 1991 census, scheduled castes made up 16
1653
{>ercent and scheduled tribes 8 percent of the country's 1991 population of 846 mil-
ion.
The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989
specifies new ofTenses against disadvantaged people and provides stiffer penalties
for offenders. However, this act has had only a modest effect in curbing abuse. Gov-
ernment statistics indicate that 20,312 crimes against scheduled castes and 3,193
crimes against scheduled tribes were recorded during the year.
The practice of untouchability was in theory outlawed by the Constitution and the
1955 Civil Rights Act, but it remains an important asf)ect of life. Intercaste violence
claims hundreds of lives each year; it was particularly pronounced in Bihar and
Tamil Nadu states.
During the year, inter-caste violence rose sharply in the northern state of Bihar,
where both upper-caste private armies and lower-caste armed groups committed
massacres witn impunity on a monthly basis. The inability of Bihar's authorities to
cope with caste violence was the subject of emergency state- center consultations fol-
lowing the December 1 massacre by the Ranvir Sena in Lakshmanpur-Bathe village.
On March 23, 10 members of a lower-caste community in Hawaspur were killed by
alleged members of an upper-caste private army: on April 20, 6 upper-caste villagers
in Raghopur were killed by members of a Naxalite group, who reportedly stated that
their assault was intended to avenge the March 23 incident. On December 1, Ranvir
Sena (a private army of landlords and upper-caste Hindus) killed at least 63 — and
perhaps as many as 75 — low-caste persons in Lakshampur Bathe village, in Bihar,
apparently in retaliation for the deaths of six landlords who were killed 2 months
earlier by Naxalites in the neighboring village of Bathani Tola. A government com-
mission is charged with giving special attention to the problems of the scheduled
castes and tribes and submits an annual report. In Tripura in January, 36 people
were killed and 200 homes were burned when tribal militants attacked Bengali set-
tlers in Khowai district. In four similar incidents between February 12 and 15, trib-
al extremists killed 37 people, including 8 children, and destroyed 66 houses in
Khowai district and Jharul-Bachal village.
Religious Minorities. — Controversy between Hindus and Muslims continues with
regard to three sites where mosques were built centuries ago on sites where temples
are believed to have previously stood. The potential for renewed Hindu-Muslim vio-
lence remains considerable.
The Religious Institutions (Prevention of Misuse) Act makes it an offense to use
any religious site for political purposes or to use temples for harboring persons ac-
cused or convicted of crimes. While specifically designed to deal with Sikh places
of worship in the Punjab, the law applies to all religious sites.
Fear of political violence drove most Hindus in the Kashmir Valley (Pandits) to
seek refuge in camps in Jammu or with relatives in New Delhi or elsewhere. The
Pandit community criticizes bleak conditions in the camps and fears that a nego-
tiated solution giving greater autonomy to the Muslim majority might threaten its
own survival in Jammu and Kashmir as a culturally and historically distinctive
group. On March 22, seven members of this community were abducted from their
homes in the Kashmir valley and killed (see Section l.a). In his report on his 1996
visit, the U.N. Special Rapporteur for all forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination
Based on Religion or Belief cited the "traumatic situations" in Jammu and Kashmir
and Punjab, as well as intercommunal rioting in Mumbai and incidents of religious
extremism, the Rapporteur warned that the country's tradition of religious tolerance
is susceptible to attack by religious extremists (see Section 2.c.). In Bmar, there was
evidence of a pattern of violence against the Christian minority. In the last week
of October, A. T. Thomas, a Jesuit priest, was beheaded by unknown persons in
Hazaribagh village, Bihar. On September 2, another Jesuit priest, Christudas, was
stripped and paraded naked in Dumka village, Bihar. In looking into these inci-
dents, the National Minorities Commission found police guilty of "gross dereliction
of duty and bias" in handling these cases.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the right of associa-
tion. Workers may establish and join unions of their own choosing without prior au-
thorization. There are five major recognized national trade union centrals, each of
which is associated with, but not necessarily controlled by, a political party. Some
15 to 20 percent of the approximately 28 million persons employed in tne so-called
"organized sector," that is, "all public sector ana non-agricultural establishments
employixig more than 10 people," according to government definition, belong to
unions. Tne vast majority of the country's approximately 360 million workers are
employed in the "informal," i.e., not the "organized," sector.
1654
Trade unions often exercise the right to strike, but public sector unions are re-
quired to give at least 16 days' notice prior to striking. Some states have laws re-
quiring^orkers in certain nonpublic sector industries to give prior strike notice.
The Essential Services Maintenance Act allows the Government to ban strikes
and requires conciliation or arbitration in specified essential industries. Legal mech-
anisms exist for challengingthe assertion that a given dispute falls within the scope
of this act. The Industrial Disputes Act prohibits retribution by employers against
employees involved in legal strike actions. This prohibition is observed in practice.
When abuses, such as intimidation or suppression of legitimate trade union activi-
ties, are occasionally perpetrated against nationally organized or other large-scale
unions or unionized workers, civil authorities generally respond by prosecuting and
punishing those responsible. Unaffiliated unions of low caste or tribal workers are
not always able to secure for themselves the protections and rights provided by law.
However, six men were convicted in June on charges related to the 1991 murder
of tribal union leader Shankar Guha Niyogi. The gunman was sentenced to death,
while industrialist Chandrakant Shah and four others received life sentences.
Unions are free to affiliate with international trade union organizations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right to bargain collec-
tively has existed for decades. The Trade Union Act prohibits discrimination against
union members and organizers, and employers may be penalized if they discrimi-
nate against employees engaged in union activities.
Collective bargaining is the normal means of setting wages and settling disputes
in unionized plants in the organized industrial sector. Trade unions vigorously de-
fend worker interests in this process. Although a system of specialized labor courts
adjudicates labor disputes, there are long delays and a backlog of unresolved cases.
When the parties are unable to agree on equitable wages, the Government may set
up boards of union, management, and government representatives to determine
them.
In practice legal protections of worker rights are effective only for the 28 million
workers in the organized industrial sector, out of a total work force of more than
376 million. Outside the modem industrial sector, laws are difficult to enforce.
Union membership is rare in this informal sector and collective bargaining does not
exist.
There are seven export processing zones (EPZ's). Entry into the EPZ's is ordi-
narily limited to the employees. Such entry restrictions apply to union organizers.
While workers in the EyPZ s have the right to organize and bargain collectively,
union activity is rare. In addition unions, content with their role in public sector
enterprises, have not vigorously pursued efforts to organize private-sector employees
anywnere in the years since EPZ's were established. Women constitute the bulk of
the work force in the EPZ's.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is pro-
hibited by both the Constitution and specific statute. Bonded labor, as a form of
compulsory labor, is also prohibited by statute (the Bonded Labor System (Abolition)
Act of 1976). Enforcement of this statute, which is the responsibility of state govern-
ments, has not been adequate due to lack of adequate resources available to the gov-
ernment machinery and, to some extent, societal acceptance. Estimates for the num-
ber of bonded laborers range to as high as 5 million, an unknown number of these
are children. Enforcement of the statutory prohibitions on bonded labor varies from
state to state, but has generally been inadeauate.
A Supreme Court decision defined forced labor as work at less than the minimum
wage, which is usually set by the state governments. Under this definition, which
diners from that of the International Labor Organization (ILO), forced labor is wide-
spread, especially in rural areas.
Bonded labor, the result of a private contractual relationship whereby a worker
incurs or inherits debts to a contractor and then must work on the debt plus inter-
est, is illegal but widespread. The Government estimates that between enactment
of the Bonded Labor (Regulation and Abolition) Act in 1979 and March 31, 1993,
approximately 251,424 bonded workers had been released from their obligations.
Otner sources maintain that those released are only one-twentieth of the total num-
ber of bonded laborers. State governments are responsible for enforcing the act. In
February the Supreme Court required state governments to file detailed affidavits
on the status of bonded labor. Offenders may be sentenced to up to 3 years in prison
but prosecutions are rare. The Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act of 1976 pro-
hibits all bonded labor, by adults and children, but the Government does not enforce
this prohibition effectively.
The situation of some domestics and some children in the work place amounts to
bonded labor. Children sent from their homes to work because their parents cannot
afford to feed them, or in order to pay ofT a debt incurred by a parent or relative.
1655
have little choice in the matter. There are no universally accepted figures for the
number of bonded child laborers. However, in the carpet industry alone, human
rights organizations estimate that there may be as many as 300,000 children work-
ing, many of them under conditions that amount to bonded labor.
There were press reports that prison officials used prisoners as domestic servants,
and that they sold female prisoners to brothels (see Section I.e.).
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Article 24
of the Constitution and the Child Labor (Prohibition and Regulation) Act of 1986
are the principal protections from exploitation of children in the work place. Provi-
sions for the protection of children in the work place are also made in the Beedi
and Cigar Workers (Condition of Employment) Act of 1966, the Factones Act of
1948, the Mines Act of 1952, the Motor Transport Workers Act of 1961, the Planta-
tions Labor Act of 1951, and the Minimum Wages Act of 1948. The Government pro-
hibits forced and bonded labor by children, but does not enforce this prohibition ef-
fectively (see Section 6.c.).
The enforcement of child labor laws is the responsibility of the state governments.
Enforcement is inadequate, especially in the informal sector where most children
who work are employed. The continuing prevalence of child labor may be attributed
to social acceptance of the practice and the failure of the state governments to make
primary school education compulsory.
Work by children is completely barred in "hazardous" industries," which include
passenger, goods, and mail transport by railway; carpet weaving; cinder picking,
cleaning of ashpits; cement manufacturing; building and construction; cloth print-
ing; dyeing and weaving; manufacturing of matches, explosives, fireworks; catering
within railway premises or port limits; beedi (cigarette) making; mica cutting ana
splitting; abattoirs; wool cleaning; printing; cashew and cashew nut descaling and
processing; and soldering processes in electronics industries.
Industries which utilize child labor include hand-knotted carpets, gemstone
polishing, brass and base metal articles, glass and glassware, footwear, textiles, silk,
and fireworks.
In occupations and processes in which child labor is permitted, work by children
is permissible only for six hours between 8:00 am and 7:00 pm with one day's week-
ly rest.
Primary school education is not compulsory, free, and universal.
Of a primary school-age population (between the ages of 5 and 14) of approxi-
mately 205 million, about 120 million children attend school. No significant sectors
or groups are actively excluded, but the economic reality is that children of more
weli-to-ao families are more likely to attend school than those of poor families. Ac-
cording to a UNDP study conducted in 1993 the drop-out rate from primary school
was 34 percent.
Estimates of the number of child laborers range widely. The Government esti-
mates that there were 17.5 million child workers in 1985. The ILO estimates the
number at 44 million, while NGO's claim that the figure is 55 million. Interpolation
of census figures by the National Labor Institute indicates that of a total of 203 mil-
lion children between the ages of 5 and 14, 116 million are in school, 12.6 million
are in full time employment, and the status of 74 million is unknown. Most, if not
all, of the 87 million children not in school do housework, work on family farms,
work alongside their parents as paid agricultural labor, work as domestic servants,
or are otherwise employed.
The United Front Government has continued its predecessors' comprehensive plan
to eliminate child labor from hazardous industries by the year 2000, and from all
industries by 2010. This program, for which approximately $260 million has been
budgeted, includes enhanced enforcement of child labor laws, income supplements
for families, subsidized school lunches in areas where child labor is concentrated,
and a public awareness campaign. Recognizing a need to ensure that primary edu-
cation 18 made universal and compulsory by state governments, the Government has
committed itself to making primary education a fundamental constitutional right,
not merely a directive principle. About 59 percent of school-age children go to school.
It has also pledged to raise educational expenditures to 6 percent of the budget and
to spend at least 50 percent of this amount on primary education. The actual per-
centage of the union budget spent on education is approximately 2.0 percent. The
state governments also spend on education, but no comprehensive figure of com-
bined union-state expenditure is available. A 1993 study commissioned by the
UNDP estimated that India as a whole (states and union government) devoted
about 3.7 percent of GNP to education. The NHRC, continuing its own child labor
agenda, organized NGO programs to provide special schooling, rehabilitation, and
family income supplements for children in the glass industry in Firozabad. The
NHRC also intervened in individual cases. A December 10, 1996 Supreme Court de-
1656
cision imposed a penalty of about $570 (20,000 rupees) on persons employing chil-
dren in hazardous industries and stipulated that parents or guardians of children
receive an income supplement payment from a fund created with this money, on
condition that the children removed from employment attend school. A survey of
chUd labor throughout the country ordered by the Supreme Court in this judgment
was completed during the year and documented the existence of some 150,000 wage-
earning child laborers. However, this number understates the true dimension of 9ie
problem.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — The directive principles of the Constitution de-
clare that "the State shall endeavor to secure ... to all workers ... a living wage,
conditions of work ensuring a decent standard of life and full enjoyment of leisure
and social and cultural opportunities." Laws set minimum wages, hours of work,
and safety and health standards. Laws governing minimum wages and hours of
work are generally observed in industries subject to the Factories Act but are large-
ly unenforced elsewhere and do not ensure acceptable conditions of work for the
nine-tenths of the work force not subject to the Factories Act. Enforcement of safety
and health standards is lax.
Minimum wages vary according to the state and sector of industry. Such wages
are considered adequate only for a minimal standard of living. Most workers em-
ployed in units subject to the Factories Act receive much more than the minimum
wage, including mandated bonuses and other benefits. The state governments set
a separate minimum wage for agricultural workers but do not enforce it well.
The Factories Act establishes an 8-hour workday, a 48-hour workweek, and var-
ious standards for working conditions. These standards are generally enforced and
accepted in the modem industrial sector, but tend not to be observed in older and
less economically robust industries. State governments are responsible for enforce-
ment of the Factories Act. However, the large number of industries covered by a
small cadre of factory inspectors and their limited training and susceptibility to
bribery result in lax enforcement.
Although occupational safety and health measures vary widely, in general neither
state nor central government resources for inspection and enforcement of standards
are adequate. Safety conditions tend to be better in the EPZ's. The law does not pro-
vide workers with the right to remove themselves from work situations that endan-
ger health and safety without jeopardizing their continued employment.
MALDIVES
The Republic of Maldives comprises 1,190 islands scattered across an area 500
miles long by 75 miles wide in the Indian Ocean. The population is about 245,000
persons. The Maldives has a parliamentary form of government with a very strong
executive. The President appoints the Cabinet, menribers of the judiciary, and one-
sixth of the Parliament. Tne President derives additional influence from his con-
stitutional role as the protector of Islam. Political parties are officially discouraged,
and candidates for the unicameral legislature, the Citizens' Majlis, run as individ-
uals. The Majlis selects a single presidential nominee who is approved or rejected
in a national referendum. The Majlis must approve all legislation and can enact leg-
islation without presidential approval. Civil law is subordinate to Islamic law, but
civil law is generally applied in criminal and civil cases. The judiciary is subject to
executive influence.
The National Security Service (NSS) performs its duties under effective civilian
control. The NSS includes the armed forces and police, and its members serve in
both police and military capacities during their careers. The police division inves-
tigates crimes, collects intelligence, makes arrests, and enforces house arrest.
Fishing, small-scale agncmture, and tourism provide employment for over one-
half the work force. Tourism accounts for over one-quarter of government revenues
and rou^ly 40 per cent of foreign exchange receipts. Manufacturing accounts for
6 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
The Government restricts human rights in several areas. The Majlis assumed a
more active political role and its menibers routinely differ with government policy
on many issues. However, the President's power to appoint a significant portion of
the Parliament still constrains citizens' ability to change their government. An eas-
ing of government restrictions and the Press Council's balanced handling of issues
related to journalistic standards allowed a greater diversity of views in tne media.
Nevertheless, a journalist was convicted in 1996 for comments in an article about
the 1994 general elections. In addition, the Government banned a book in Septem-
ber because it contained derogatory comments about a previous president. The Gov-
1657
emment limits freedom of assembly and association. There are significant restric-
tions on the freedom of religion, and women face a variety of legal and social dis-
advantages. Some of these restrictions are linked to the Government's observance
of Sharif (Islamic law) and other Islamic customs. The Government restricts worker
rights. Nonetheless, there was some progress in certain areas, as the courts were
reorganized, and constitutional reforms were finalized.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — There were no reports of pohtical or
other extrajudicial killings.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
There were no reports of beatings or other mistreatment of persons in police cus-
tody. Convicted criminals may be flogged under judicial supervision when this pun-
ishment is prescribed by Islamic law (i.e., only when the criminal confesses to the
crime and only for the offenses of marital infidelity and alcohol abuse). There were,
however, no public floggings in 1997. Punishments are usually confined to fines,
compensatory payment, house arrest, imprisonment, or banishment to a remote
atoll. The Government generally permits those who are banished to receive visits
by family members.
Prison conditions, including food and prisoner housing, are adequate. Prisoners
are allowed to work in prison and given the opportunity for regular exercise and
recreation. Spouses are allowed privacy during visits with incarcerated partners.
The Government has permitted prison visits by foreign diplomats.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution states that no person
shall be apprehended, except on a verdict specified by Shari'a or civil law. Police
initiate investigations based on suspicion of criminal activity or in response to writ-
ten complaints from citizens, police ofTicers, or government officials. They are not
required to obtain warrants for arrests. Based on the results of police investigations,
the Attorney General refers cases to the appropriate court. The authorities generally
keep the details of a case confidential until they are confident that the charges will
be upheld.
Depending on the charges, a suspect may remain free, detained in prison, or
under house arrest for 15 days during investigations. The President may extend pre-
trial detention for an additional 30 days, but in most cases the suspect is released
if not brought to trial within 15 days. Those who are released pending trial may
not leave a specific atoll. The law, however, permits indefinite detention without
charge while an investigation continues for suspects accused of drug abuse, terror-
ism, or attempted overthrow of the (}ovemment. A small number of people were de-
tained for investigation. There is no right to legal counsel during police interroga-
tion. There is no provision for bail.
TTie Government may prohibit access to a telephone and non-family visits to those
under house arrest. While there have been no reported cases of incommunicado de-
tention in recent years, the law does not provide safeguards against this abuse.
The (jovemment detained three individuals in April 1995 who remained under
house arrest without charge until October 1995, when their detention was lifted. No
charges were brought against them. The Government has offered no reasons for
their detention. It is widely believed, however, that their detention was the result
of political differences with the (}overnment rather than due to any threat that the
men — all of whom are elderly and well known figures — pose to national security.
There were no reports of external exile. However, the Government sometimes ban-
ishes convicted criminals to inhabited atolls away from their home communities.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution does not provide for an inde-
pendent judiciary. The judiciary is subject to executive influence. In addition to his
authority to review High Court decisions, the President influences the judiciary
through his power to appoint and dismiss judges, all of whom serve at his pleasure
and are not subject to confirmation by the Majlis. The President has nevertheless
removed only two judges since 1987. Both dismissals followed the recommendation
of the Justice Ministry which found the judges' professional qualifications to be
below standard. The President may also grant pardons and amnesties.
In September the court system, under the Ministry of Justice, was reorganized
and court administration has improved. There are three courts: one for civil mat-
ters; one for criminal cases; and one for family and juvenile issues. A principal judge
for each court is appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Ministry
of Justice. There is also a High Court on Male', which is independent of the Justice
Ministry and which handles a wide range of cases, including politically sensitive
1658
ones, and acts as a court of appeals. Under a 1995 presidential decree, High Court
rulings can be reviewed by a 5-member advisory council appointed by the President.
The President also has authority to afYirm judgments of the High Court, order a sec-
ond hearing, or overturn the Court's decision. In addition to the Male' courts, there
are 204 general courts on the islands.
There are no jury trials. Most trials are public and are conducted by judges and
magistrates trained in Islamic, civil, and criminal law. Cases on outer islands are
usually adjudicated by magistrates, but when more complex legal questions are in-
volved, the Justice Ministry will send more experienced judges to handle the case.
During a trial, the accused may defend himself, call witnesses, and be assisted
by a lawyer. Courts do not provide lawyers to indigent defendants. Judges question
the concerned parties and attempt to establish the facts of a case.
Civil law is subordinate to Islamic law, or Shari'a. Shari'a is applied in situations
not covered by civil law as well as in certain acts such as divorce and adultery.
Courts adjudicating matrimonial and criminal cases generally do not allow legal
counsel in court because, according to a local interpretation of Shari'a, all answers
and submissions should come directly from the parties involved. However, the High
Court allows legal counsel in all cases, including those in which the right to counsel
was denied in tne lower court. Under Islamic practice, the testimony of two women
is required to equal that of one man in matters involving finance and inheritance.
In other cases, the testimony of men and women are equal.
Dyas Ibrahim, the President's chief rival for the 1993 presidential nomination,
had been tried in his absence in 1994 and sentenced to 15 years' banishment on
the charge of illegally attempting to become President and to 6 months' banishment
for violating his oath as minister. Ilyas returned from his self-imposed foreign exile
in April 1996 and was placed under house arrest for several months. He has since
been pardoned by the President and there are no restrictions on his political rights.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — ^The
Constitution prohibits security officials from of)ening or reading letters, telegrams,
and wireless messages or monitoring telephone conversations, "except in accordance
with the sf>ecific provisions of the law." The NSS may open the mail of private citi-
zens and monitor telephone conversations if authorized in the course oi a criminal
investigation.
Although the Constitution requires the authorities to respect private premises and
dwellings, there is no legal requirement for search or arrest warrants. The Attorney
General or a commanding olHcer of the police must approve the search of private
residences.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Law No. 4/68 of 1968 prohibits public state-
ments that are contrary to Islam, threaten the public order, or are libelous. In April
1996, a journalist was sentenced under this law to 2 years' imprisonment for com-
ments made about the 1994 general elections in an article published in the Phil-
ippines. On appeal the High Court reduced his sentence to 6 months. The journalist
was pardoned by the President at the beginning of 1997.
The Penal Code prohibits inciting the people against the Government. However,
a 1990 amendment to the Penal Code decriminalized "any true account of any act
of commission or omission past or present by the Government in a lawfully reg-
istered newspaper or magazine, so as to reveal dissatisfaction or to effect its re-
form."
The Press Council established by the Government in December 1993 is composed
of official government and private media representatives, lawyers, and government
officials. The Council reviews charges of journalist misconduct (advising the Min-
istry of Information, Arts, and Culture on measures to be taken against reporters,
when appropriate) and promotes the professional standards within the media (rec-
ommending reforms and making suggestions for improvement). The Council met
regularly and private ioumalists were satisfied with its objectivity and performance.
Regulations that made publishers responsible for the content of the material they
published remained in effect, but did not result in any legal actions against publish-
ers. The Government agreed that private journalists, rather than the Government,
should take responsibility for preparation of a journalistic code of ethics. Individual
newspapers and ioumals established their own ethical guidelines in many cases.
The Government has not amended regulations that make publishers responsible for
the content of the material they publish, despite reports in 1994 that the regulations
were under review and a change was likely.
There were no reports of government censorship of the electronic media, nor were
there closures of any publications or reports of intimidation of journalists. The Gov-
1659
emment banned a book written by an elderly close relative of the President for its
derogatory comments about a deceased previous president, after the relatives of the
latter complained. No journalists were arrested in 1997. The Government discon-
tinued its practice of providing reporting guidelines to the media in 1994.
Television news and public affairs programming routinely discussed topics of cur-
rent concern and freely criticized government performance. Regular press con-
ferences instituted with government ministers in 1995 continued. Journalists are
more self-confident than in the past; self-censorship appears to have diminished, al-
though it remains a problem. Since it is not clear when criticism violates Law 4/
68, journalists and publishers continue to watch what they say, particularly on po-
litical topics, to avoid entanglement with the Government.
The Government owns and operates the only television and radio station. It does
not interfere with foreign broadcasts or the sale of satellite receivers. Reports drawn
from foreign newscasts are aired on the Government television station.
Cable News Network is shown, uncensored, daily on local television. In October
1996, a company began providing Internet services. The Government enacted no
regulations governing Internet access but does seek to block distribution of porno-
graphic material via Internet.
Ninety-one newspapers and periodicals are registered with the Government.
Aafathis, a morning daily, is published by the brother of the President's principal
political rival, Ilyas Ibrahim, and is often critical of government policy. Another
daily, Miadhu, began publishing in October 1996 and Haveeru is the evening daily.
Both Miadhu's and Haveeru's publishers are progovemment.
There are no legal prohibitions on the import of foreign publications except those
containing pornography or material otherwise deemed objectionable to Islamic val-
ues. No seizures of foreign publications were reported during the year. There are
no reported restrictions on academic freedom, nor any governmental censorship or
control over classroom materials. Some teachers are reportedly vocal in their criti-
cism of the Government.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
the right to assembly, as long as the law or the Islamic code of behavior are upheld.
The Home Ministry permits public political meetings during electoral campaigns but
limits them to small gatherings on private premises.
The Government registers clubs and other private associations if they do not con-
travene Islamic or civil law. While not forbidden by law, political parties are ofTi-
cially discouraged by the President on the grounds that they are inappropriate to
the homogeneous nature of society. However, many Majlis members were active and
outspoken critics of the Government and have stimulated closer parliamentary ex-
amination of government policy.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Freedom of religion is significantly restricted. The Con-
stitution designates Islam as the ofiicial religion and requires all citizens to be Mus-
lims. The practice of any religion other than Islam is prohibited by law. However,
foreign residents are allowed to practice their religion if they do so privately.
There are no places of worship for adherents of other religions. The Government
prohibits the importation of icons and religious statues. It also prohibits non-Muslim
clergy and missionaries from proselytizing and conducting public worship services.
Conversion of a Muslim to another faith is a violation of Shari'a and may result in
a loss of the convert's citizenship, although law enforcement authorities say this pro-
vision has never been applied.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Citizens are free to travel at home and abroad, emigrate, and return.
Because of overcrowding, the Government discourages migration into the capital is-
land of Male' or its surrounding atoll. Foreign workers are often kept at their work
sites. Their ability to travel freely is restricted, and they are not allowed to mingle
with the local population on the islands. The issue of the provision of first asylum
did not arise in 1997. The Government has not formulated a policy regarding first
asylum. There were no reports of forced expulsion of those having a valid claim to
refugee status.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens' ability to change their government is constrained, as a strong executive
exerts significant influence over both the legislature and the judiciary. The Majlis
chooses a single presidential nominee who must be a Sunni Muslim male. The can-
didate is not permitted to campaign for the nomination and is confirmed or rejected
by secret ballot in a nationwide referendum. In 1993 President Gayoom was re-
elected to a fourth 5-year term.
1660
The elected members of the Majlis serve 5-year terms. All citizens over 21 years
of age may vote. Of the body's 48 members, 40 are elected — 2 from each of the 19
inhabited atolls and 2 from Male' — and the President appoints 8 members. Individ-
uals or groups are free to approach members of the Majlis with grievances or opin-
ions on proposed legislation, and any member may introduce legislation. There are
no political parties, which are officially discouraged.
The Office of the President is the most powerful political institution. The Con-
stitution gives Islamic law preeminence over civil law and designates the President
as the protector of Islam. The President's authority to appomt one-sixth of the
Majlis members, which is one-third of the total needed for nominating the Presi-
dent, provides the President with a power base and strong political leverage.
Relations between the Government and Majlis have been constructive. The Gov-
ernment may introduce legislation, but may not enact a bill into law without the
Majlis' approval. However, the Majlis may enact legislation into law without presi-
dential assent if the President fails to act on the proposal within 30 days or if a
bill is repassed with a two-thirds majority. In recent years, the Majlis has become
increasingly independent, challenging government policies and rejecting government
proposed legisl ation .
In 1993 the Majlis introduced a question time in which members may question
government ministers about public policy. Debate on the floor has since become in-
creasingly sharp and more open. The fast Majlis election was held in December
1995. According to South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation observers, the
elections were generally free and fair. Irregularities were observed and repoUing re-
quired in one of 29 constituencies. Over 200 candidates campaigned freely for 40
seats.
Since 1980 the Government, with the participation of the citizen's special Majlis,
conducted a review of the 1968 Constitution to revise and modernize it. Many of the
draft proposals would strengthen civil and political rights and restrict the power of
the Government. The new Constitution was approved and ratified in November and
was to go into effect on January 1, 1998.
Women are not eligible to become president but may hold other government posts.
For reasons of tradition and culture, few women seek or are selected for public of-
fice. Three women served in the Majlis and one in the Cabinet.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Although not prohibited, there are no active local human rights groups. The Gov-
ernment has been responsive to at least one foreign government's interest in exam-
ining human rights issues. The Government also facilitated the visit of a team of
Soutn Asian Association for Regional Cooperation election observers in 1994.
Section 5. Discrimitiation Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution declares all citizens equal before the law, but there is no specific
provisions to prohibit discrimination based on these factors. Women have tradition-
ally been disadvantaged, particularly in terms of education and the application of
Islamic law to matters such as divorce, inheritance, and testimony in legal proceed-
ings.
Women. — There are no firm data on the extent of violence against women because
of the value attached to privacy in this conservative society. The Government has
commissioned a study from a local NGO on domestic violence, but the results were
not available by year's end. Police officials report that they receive few complaints
of assaults against women. Women's rights advocates agree that wife beating and
other forms of violence are not widespread. Rape and other violent crimes against
women are rare. None were reported or prosecuted in 1997.
Women traditionally have played a subordinate role in society, although they now
participate in public life in growing numbers and gradually are participating at
higher levels. Well-educated women maintain that cultural norms, not the law, in-
hibit women's education and career choices. In many instances, education for girls
is curtailed after the seventh grade, largely because parents do not allow girls to
leave their home island for one having a secondary scnool. Due largely to orthodox
Islamic training, there is a strong strain of conservative sentiment — especially
among small businessmen and residents of the outer islands — which opposes an ac-
tive role for women outside the home. The Government has undertaken legal lit-
eracy programs to make women aware of their legal rights.
Under Islamic practice, husbands may divorce their wives more easily than vice
versa, absent any mutual agreement to divorce. Islamic law also governs inherit-
ance, granting male heirs twice the share of female heirs. A woman's testimony is
1661
equal to only one-half of that of a man in matters involving finance and inheritance
(see Section I.e.). Women who work for wages receive pay equal to that of men in
the same positions. About 10 per cent of uniformed NSS personnel are women.
Children. — The Government does not have a program of compulsory education.
The percentage of school-age children actually in school is as follows: (grades 1—5)
99.26 percent, (grades 6-7) 96.2 percent, and grades (8-10) 51.09 percent. Of the
students enrolled 49.27 percent are female and 50.73 percent are male. The Govern-
ment is committed to protection of children's rights and welfare. Government policy
provides for equal access to educational and health programs for both male and fe-
male children. Laws protecting children's rights apply with equal force to children
of either sex.
Children's rights are incorporated into law, which specifically protects children
from both physical and psychological abuse, including aouse at the hands of teach-
ers or parents. The Ministry of Women's Affairs and Social Welfare has the author-
ity to enforce this law, takes its responsibility seriously, and has received strong
popular support for its efforts. The (jovemment is reviewing this law to see if im-
provements and additional protections are necessary. There is no reported societal
pattern of abuse directed against children.
People With Disabilities. — There is no law that specifically addresses the rights
of the physically or mentally disabled. However, the (jovemment has establisned
programs and provided services for the disabled. There is no legislated or mandated
accessibility for the disabled.
Persons with disabilities are usually cared for by their families. When such care
is unavailable, they are kept in the Institute for Needy People. The (government
provides free medication for all mentally ill persons in the islands, and mobile teams
regularly visit mentally ill patients.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — While the (government does not expressly prohibit
unions, it recognizes neither the right to form them nor the right to strike. There
were no reports of efforts to form unions during the year.
The work force consists of approximately 60,000 persons, about 20 percent of
whom are employed in fishing. About 23,000 foreigners work in Maldives, many in
tourist hotels, factories, or on construction projects. The great maiority of workers
are employed outside the wage sector. The (Government estimates that the manufac-
turing sector employs about 15 percent of the labor force and tourism another 10
percent.
Workers can afliliate with international labor federations.
In 1995 the U.S. (Government suspended Maldives' eligibility for tariff preferences
under the U.S. Generalized System of Preferences because the Government failed
to take steps to afford internationally recognized worker rights to Maldivian work-
ers.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The law neither prohibits nor
protects workers' rights to organize and bargain collectively. Wages in the private
sector are set by contract between employers and employees and are usually based
on the rates for similar work in the public sector. There are no laws specifically pro-
hibiting antiunion discrimination by employers against union members or organiz-
ers. The (Government has exerted pressure in the past to discourage seamen from
joining foreign seamen's unions as a means to secure higher wages. There have been
no reported complaints alleging such discrimination or claiming government inter-
ference with workers' attempts to join unions in the past 4 years.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — Forced or compulsory labor is not
prohibited by law. However, there were no reports that it is practiced. The Govern-
ment does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, but such
practices are not Known to occur.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — There is
no compulsory education law, but more than 96 percent of school-age children to
grade 7 are enrolled in school. A 1992 law bars children under 14 years of age from
"places of waged works and from work that is not suitable for that child's age,
health, or physical ability or that might obstruct the education or adversely affect
the mentality or behavior of the child. An earlier law prohibits government employ-
ment of children under the age of 16. There are no reports of children being em-
ployed in the small industrial sector, although children work in family fishing, agri-
cultural, and commercial activities. The hours of work of young workers are not spe-
cifically limited by statute. The (Government does not specifically prohibit forced and
bonded labor by children, but such practices are not known to occur (see Section
B.C.). A Children's Unit in the Ministry of Women's Affairs and Social Welfare is re-
1662
sponsible for monitoring compliance with the child labor regulations. It relies upon
complaints filed with it rather than initiating its own inspections to ensure compli-
ance. As a result, oversight is incomplete.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — In 1994 the Government promulgated its first
set of regulations for employer-employee relations. The regulations specify the terms
that must be incorporated into employment contracts and address such issues as
training, work hours, safety, remuneration, leave, fines, termination, etc. There is
no national minimum wage for the private sector, although the Grovernment has es-
tablished wage floors for certain kinds of work. Given the severe shortage of labor,
employers must offer competitive pay and conditions to attract skilled woncers.
There are no statutory provisions for hours of work, but the regulations require
that a work contact specify the normal work and overtime hours on a weekly or
monthly basis. In the public sector, a 7-hour day and a 5-day workweek have been
established through administrative circulars from the President's office. Overtime
pay in the public sector was instituted in 1990. Employees are authorized 20 da^s
of annual leave, 30 days of medical leave, maternity leave of 45 days, and special
annual leave of 10 days for extraordinary circumstances. There are no laws govern-
ing health and safety conditions. However, there are regulatory requirements that
employers provide a safe working environment and ensure the observance of safety
measures. It is unclear, however, whether workers can remove themselves from un-
safe working conditions without risking the loss of their jobs.
In 1997 the Government for the first time worked closely with the International
Labor Organization (ILO) to address a number of labor issues, including the right
of association, the right to organize, and acceptable conditions of work.
NEPAL
Nepal is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary form of government. In
1990 the King, formerly an absolute monarch, legalized political parties after which
an interim government promulgated a new constitution. The King retains important
residual powers, but has dissociated himself from direct day-to-day government ac-
tivities. The democratically elected Parliament consists of the House of Representa-
tives (lower house) and the National Council (upper house). Since 1990, Nepal has
held four national elections, two for the Parliament and two nationwide elections
for local government offices. International observers considered these elections to be
fenerally free and fair. In February 1996, the leaders of the Maoist United People's
ront (UPF) launched a 'Teople's War" in mid-western Nepal, which has produced
incidents in 27 of 75 districts. The insurrection has been waged through torture,
killings, and bombings involving civilians, and public olTicials. The Constitution pro-
vides for an independent judiciary, however, the courts are susceptible to political
pressure and corruption.
The National Police Force maintains internal security, assisted as necessary by
the Royal Nepalese Army (RNA). Police reaction to the "People's War" insurgency
led to incidents of unwarranted force against prisoners and noncombatants. The
army is traditionally loyal to the King ana has avoided involvement in domestic pol-
itics. However, with the continued threat from the Maoist insurgents, the RNA may
take on a more active security role. The police are subject to civilian control, but
local officials have wide discretion in maintaining law and order. The police commit-
ted human rights abuses.
Nepal is an extremely poor country, with an annual per capita gross domestic
product of approximately $200. Over 80 percent of its 21 million people support
themselves through subsistence agriculture. Principal crops include rice, wheat,
maize, jute, and potatoes. Tourism and the export oi carpets and garments are the
major sources of foreign exchange. Foreign aid accounts for more than half the de-
velopment budget. The economy is mixed with approximately 50 public sector firms.
Many former government firms have been privatized since 1992.
Since political reform began in 1990, Nepal has made progress in its transition
to a more open society with greater respect for human rights. However, problems
remain, and the Government nas not enforced all the Constitution's provisions re-
garding basic human rights. The police continue to abuse detainees, using torture
as punishment or to extract confessions. The Government rarely investigates allega-
tions of police brutality or takes action against accused police officers. There were
also allegations that police killed unarmed civilians in the course of operations
against the insurgents, and while these persons were held in custody. The authori-
ties use arbitrary arrest and detention, and prison conditions remain poor. Judicial
susceptibility to political pressure and corruption, long delays before trial, and
1663
lengthy pretrial detention remain problems. The Government continues to impose
some restrictions on freedom of religion and expression. Lower castes and women
suffer widespread discrimination. Trafiicking in women and girls, violence against
women, forced labor, and child labor also remain serious problems.
In July 1996, Parliament unanimously enacted a bill to establish a permanent
human rights commission with the authority to investigate human rights abuses.
However, the commission has not yet been established.
The Maoist insurgents continued to commit numerous abuses, including killings
and bombings. They also forced the postponement of local elections in several mid-
western districts.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — On a number of occasions, the Gov-
ernment is alleged to have used unwarranted lethal force against persons suspected
of involvement in the "People's War" in central Nepal. Launched in February 1996
by UPF leaders Baburam Bhattarai and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the "People's War"
is a self-declared Maoist insurgency.
In March Amnesty International (AI) reported that in 1996 that police "have re-
peatedly resorted to the use of lethal force in situations where such force was clearly
unjustified." AI's statement was based on an investigation of 50 killings committed
by police, mostly in 1996.
Violence declined somewhat in 1997. A local nongovernmental organization (NGO)
reported that the police killed 19 persons in Maoist-related encounters during the
year. Several of these incidents reportedly involved unarmed civilians, but others oc-
curred during armed conflict. In August, for example, four men were killed when
a police patrol came under attack. The national police department issued strict in-
structions to its officers not to use excessive force after some of these incidents were
reported. The police conducted an inquiry into the killings, but concluded that the
oflicers were acting within their rights. According to a local human rights NGO,
three persons died during the year as a result of police torture (see Section I.e.).
The insurgents were responsible for numerous abuses. Guerrillas, usually armed
with homemade guns, explosives, knives, and sticks, attacked landowners, civilians,
government ofTicials, and government facilities in a number of districts. For exam-
ple, on January 11, Balaram Pokharel of the Chhoparak village development com-
mittee was attacked in his house by 10 suspected Maoists, who afterward dragged
him outside and stabbed him to death in public. In Rolpa district a police officer
was attacked and killed in front of his wife and child in October. In 1996 the Gov-
ernment responded to the insurgency by sending contingents of police to the affected
districts. A total of 113 persons died in the violence since November 1995, most of
them killed by the insurgents.
b. Disappearance. — There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
Two student activists that the police took into custod.y in 1993 and 1994 remain
missing.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
The Constitution and criminal law prohibit torture; however, the f)olice often use
beatings and torture to punish suspects or to extract confessions. According to a
local human rights NGO, three persons died during the year as a result of police
torture (see Section l.a.). For example, in February Til Bahadur Bhujel died after
being beaten by police who arrested him for illegally cutting wood in Jhapa district.
In Kathmandu Balajiu, a woman died of wounds inflicted by the police who came
to arrest her son. The Government has failed to conduct thorough and independent
investigations of reports of police brutality and has refused to take significant dis-
ciplinary action against officers involved. Police are often unwilling to investigate
and discipline fellow officers, and people are afraid to bring cases against police for
fear of reprisals. The Constitution provides for compensation for victims of torture,
and a bill providing for such compensation was passed by Parliament in September
1996. The Government has begun human rights education for the police force.
Human rights groups have reported instances of torture in areas affected by the
"People's War." Dozens of male detainees reported torture inflicted on them by po-
lice, while women in these areas have reported instances of rape and sexual abuse
by the police. For example, in Kavre district, according to a local human rights
NGO, five people were arrested in early October after a prominent politician was
murdered in a suspected Maoist attack. These people were reportedly severely tor-
tured while in police custody. They remained in jail at year's end.
Local and international human rights groups have also documented Maoist vio-
lence in these areas, including the 'severing of arms and limbs. The Maoists have
1664
most often targeted political leaders, local elites, and suspected informers, including
representatives of the more moderate Communist Party of Nepal — the United Marx-
ist Leninist party (UML). A village development leader from the UML was attacked
in his house in January (see Section l.a.), and on July 9, approximately nine
Maoists tied and seriously assaulted six UML workers in Sindhuli district.
Prison conditions are poor. Overcrowding is common in prisons and authorities
sometimes handcuff or letter detainees. Women are normally incarcerated sepa-
rately fr-om men, but in similar conditions. The Government still has not imple-
mented a provision in the 1992 Children's Act calling for the establishment of a ju-
venile home and juvenile court. Consequently, children are sometimes incarcerated
with adults — either as criminals or with an incarcerated parent. The Department
of Prisons says that there are 174 cases of children in jaiVcustody; approximately
30 of these persons are non-criminal dependent children of adult inmates (also see
Section 5). In Rukum district, a 13-year-old boy was arrested and accused of being
a Maoist. He was held for 6 months with 54 adults in a cell designed for only 15
persons, before a trial date was scheduled.
There has been some improvement in prison conditions. The authorities are more
likely to transfer sick prisoners to hospitals than they were in the past. Due to the
inadequacy of medical facilities in the country, the authorities sometimes place the
mentally ill in jails under inhumane conditions. The Government permits local
human rights groups to visit prisons.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The Constitution stipulates that the au-
thorities must arraign or release a suspect within 24 hours of arrest, but the police
oft^n violate this provision. Under the Public Offenses Act of 1970, the police must
obtain warrants for an arrest unless a person is caught in the act of committing
a crime. For many offenses, the case must be filed in court within 7 days of arrest.
If the court upholds the detention, the law authorizes the police to hold the suspect
for 25 days to complete their investigation, with a possible extension of 7 days. How-
ever, the police often hold prisoners longer. The Supreme Court has on occasion or-
dered the release of detainees held longer than 24 hours without a court appear-
ance.
Detainees do not have the legal right to receive visits by family members and they
are permitted access to lawyers only after the authorities file charges. In practice
the police grant access to prisoners on a basis that varies from prison to prison. Per-
sons have a right to legal representation and a court appointed lawyer, out govern-
ment lawyers or access to private attorneys is provided only on request. Con-
sequently, those unaware of their rights may not have legal representation. There
is a system of bail, but bonds are usually too expensive for most citizens. According
to the Department of Prisons, over half of the 6,(X)0 people imprisoned are awaiting
trial. Due to court backlogs, a slow appeals process, and poor access to legal rep-
resentation, it is common for persons to be held for perioas longer than their sen-
tences after conviction.
Under the Public Security Act, the authorities may detain persons who allegedly
threaten domestic security and tranquillity, amicable relations with other states,
and relations between citizens of different classes or religions. Persons whom the
Government detains under the act are considered to be in preventive detention and
can be held for 6 months without being charged with a crime. As of August, 38 peo-
ple had been placed under detention in accordance with provisions of the Public Se-
curity Act as a result of Maoist-related activities. Human rights groups allege that
the police have used arbitrary arrest and detention during the "People s War^ to in-
timidate communities considered sympathetic to the Maoists. Since the insurgents
began their terrorist campaigns" 1,661 Maoist-related arrests have been made. Of
those arrested approximately 930 persons have been released, while 731 have been
charged with crimes and are awaiting trial. Of those charged, 246 are still being
held in jail.
The 1991 amendments to the Public Security Act allow the authorities to extend
{)eriods of detention after submitting written notices to the Home Ministry. The po-
ice must notify the district court of the detention within 24 hours, and it may order
an additional 6 months of detention before authorities file official charges.
Other laws, including the Public Ofienses Act, permit arbitrary detention. This
Act and its many amendments cover such crimes as disturbing the peace, vandal-
ism, rioting, and fighting. Under this Act, the Government detained hundreds of
civil servants during a 55-day antigovernment strike in 1991. Human rights mon-
itors express concern that the Act vests too much discretionary power in the Chief
District Officer (CDO), the highest ranking civil servant in each of the country's 75
districts. The Act authorizes the CDO to order detentions, to issue search warrants,
and to specify fines and other punishments for misdemeanors without judicial re-
view. Few recent instances of use of the Public Offenses Act have come to light,
1665
since it has become more common, particularly with the Maoists, to arrest people
under the Public Security Act.
Under the Public Offenses Act hundreds of people were arrested on March 18,
1996 for staging a peaceful protest of the human rights situation in China organized
by Amnesty International (AI) in Kathmandu. Although most were released the
same day, several AI ofTicers and 14 Tibetans were held in jail for up to 7 days,
some without charge.
The Constitution prohibits exile; it is not practiced.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent iudi-
ciary and the Supreme Court has demonstrated independence. However, lower level
courts remain vulnerable to political pressure. In addition, bribery of lower level
judges and court staff is endemic.
iTie Supreme Court has the right to review the constitutionality of legislation
passed by Parliament. It has ruled that provisions in the 1992 Labor Act and in
the 1991 Nepal Citizenship Act are unconstitutional. In 1995 the Court also decided
that the dissolution of the Parliament at the request of a former Prime Minister was
unconstitutional, and ordered the body restored.
Appellate and district courts have become increasingly independent, although
they sometimes bend to political pressure. In Rolpa, one of the districts most af-
fected by the 'People's War," human rights groups have accused the district courts
of acting in complicity with CDO's in violating detainees' rights. These groups allege
that arrest without a warrant, prolonged detention without trial, and police torture
occur in these areas.
The judicial system consists of three levels: district courts, appellate courts, and
the Supreme Court. The King appoints judges on the recommendation of the Judi-
cial Council, a constitutional body chaired by the Chief Justice. The Council is also
responsible for the assignment of judges, disciplinary action, and other administra-
tive matters. Judges decide cases; there is no jury system.
Delays in the administration of justice are a severe problem. According to the lat-
est statistics, 145,354 cases active throughout the country. The Supreme Court has
a backlog of approximately 8,950 cases, which it expects to take 4 years to clear.
A case appealed to the Supreme Court may take more than 10 years to conclude.
The Constitution provides for the right to counsel, equal protection under the law,
protection from douole jeopardy, protection from retroactive application of the law,
and for public trials, except in some security and customs cases. All lower court de-
cisions, including acquittals, are subject to appeal. The Supreme Court is the court
of last appeal, but the King may grant pardons. The King can also suspend, com-
mute, or remit any sentence. On the recommendation of the Government, the King
often pardons up to 12 prisoners — if they have served 75 percent of their sentence
and shown good behavior — on national holidays.
Military courts adjudicate cases concerning military personnel, who are immune
from prosecution in civilian courts. In 1992 the Supreme Court ruled that military
courts may no longer try civilians for crimes involving the military services.
The authorities may prosecute terrorism or treason cases under the Treason Act.
Specially constituted tribunals hear these trials in closed sessions. No such trials
took place during the past 2 years.
There were no reports of political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government generally respected the privacy of the home and family. Search war-
rants are required before search and seizure except in cases involving suspected se-
curity and narcotics violations. As amended, the Police Act of 1955 empowers the
J)olice to issue warrants for search and seizure in criminal cases upon receipt of in-
brmation about criminal activities. Within 24 hours of their issuance, warrants in
misdemeanor cases must be approved by the CDO. Court judges must approve them
in felony cases.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution specifies that all citizens shall
have freedom of thought and expression and that the Government may not censor
any news item or other reading material. Nevertheless, the Constitution prohibits
speech and writing that would threaten the sovereignty and integrity of tne King-
dom; disturb the harmonious relations among people of different castes or commu-
nities; promote sedition, defamation, contempt of court, or crime; or contradict de-
cent public behavior or morality.
The Press and Publications Act provides for the licensing of publications and the
granting of credentials to journalists. The Act includes penalties for violating these
requirements. The Act also prohibits publication of material that, among other
things, promotes disrespect toward the King or royal family; that undermines secu-
1666
rity, peace, order, the dignity of the King, or the integrity or sovereignty of the
KingQom; that creates animosity among people of different castes and religions; or
that adversely affects the good conduct or morality of the public. The regulation also
provides a basis for banning foreign publications. However, foreign publications are
now widely available.
There are hundreds of independent vernacular and English newspapers represent-
ing various political points of view, most have a small circulation and limited im-
pact. The Government owns the daily Nepali Language newspaper with the largest
circulation. Editors and writers at the Government newspaper practice self-censor-
ship and generally reflect government policy. Ruling political parties have influ-
enced the editorial policy oi the government newspaper to their advantage. How-
ever, despite the sensitivity of the Government to the "People's War," the press has
not faced overt pressure to report on it in a particular way. Views of human rights
groups, the statements of the police, and the press releases of UPF leader Bhattarai
have all been reported in the local press.
The Government owns and controls the most radio and television stations, al-
though there is now an operating private radio station. Radio Sagamatha. Television
time on the government-owned television station is regularly leased to private pro-
ducers. Radio reaches the greatest number of people and has the largest influence.
Programming currently reflects a broader range of^ interests and political viewpoints
than prior to the political transformation in 1990. The Government does not restrict
access to foreign radio broadcasts or to the purchase of television satellite dishes
that can access international news from the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)
and the Cable News Network (CNN). A small but growing number oi Nepalese also
have access to foreign news through private cable networks.
The Broadcast Act of 1993 allows private parties to broadcast television and FM
radio, but implementation by the Government has been slow. There are two private
cable television networks, which have been operating for close to 2 years in the
Kathmandu valley. They provide mainly entertainment programming, but com-
mentary critical of government policies occurs occasionally during publicly broadcast
discussion programs.
There has been much debate about liberalizing the media and privatizing govern-
ment-owned media. This debate has put pressure, so far successfully resisted, on
successive governments to open the air waves and divest government-controlled
printing operations.
The Government limits academic freedom to the same extent as the media. No
overt efforts to enforce these limitations were reported this year.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — Although the Constitution pro-
vides for freedom of assembly, this right may be restricted by law on vague grounds
such as undermining the sovereignty and integrity of the State or disturbing law
and order. Persons protesting Chinese human rights policy were arrested and de-
tained in March before and during peaceful protests (see Section l.d.).
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution describes Nepal as a Hindu Kingdom,
although it does not establish Hinduism as the state religion. The majority of citi-
zens are Hindu. The Constitution permits the practice of all religions and prohibits
discrimination on the basis of caste except for traditional religious practices at
Hindu temples, where, for example, members of the lowest caste are not permitted.
Although the Government has generally not interfered with the practice of other
religions, conversion is prohibitecT and punishable with fines or imprisonment, the
police occasionally harass members of minority religions. Some groups are concerned
that the ban on proselytizing limits the expression of non-Hindu religious belief.
Foreigners convicted of proselytizing can be expelled from the country.
Arrests for proselytizing are rare. The only incident to occur in the past few years
was in September 1994 when 11 Christians were sentenced to 2 years in jail The
King pardoned them afler they had served 3 months of their sentence.
A Seventh Day Adventist aid organization came under government scrutiny in
August afler a disgruntled employee reportedly spread rumors to the press and
Hindu organizations that the group was proselytizing. For a period of approximately
a month, the organization was the subject of'^ slanderous and vituperative attacks
by Hindu organizations. The Government convened a committee that asked Advent-
ist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) to confine itself to relief and welfare ac-
tivities for which it was registered While ADRA denied that it had proselytized, in
did have links to an Adventist school (established for the children of Adventist
workers in Nepal), which also had been accused of proselytizing. To clarify its func-
tion and role, ADRA severed all official ties with the school. The school continues
to operate normally.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution provides for freedom oT movement and residence, and
1667
the Government generally does not restrict travel abroad. However, the Government
restricts travel to some areas near the Chinese border for foreign tourists and for
foreign residents, such as Tibetans residing in Nepal. The Government allows citi-
zens abroad to return, and is not known to revoke citizenship for political reasons.
The Government has no official refugee policy and is party to neither the 1951
U.N. Convention relating to the Status of Refugees nor the 1967 Protocol. However,
it does provide asylum for refugees and has cooperated with the office of the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and with other humanitarian
organizations, in assisting refugees from Bhutan and Tibet (China). The UNHCR
has maintained an office in Kathmandu since 1989. Since 1959 the Government has
accepted approximately 20,000 Tibetan refugees, many of whom still reside in the
country. Since 1991 it has also provided asylum to more than 90,000 Bhutanese ref-
ugees, the great majority of whom are now living in UNHCR-administered camps
in eastern Nepal.
Although in 1995 the Government reversed a 1960's decision to suspended the is-
suance of identification cards to Tibetans, there remain many Tibetans with no form
of identification and no permanent status. Undocumented Tibetan residents face dif-
ficulties in obtaining basic citizens' rights and are unable to travel abroad or access
such services as banking. The UNHCR donates blank resident identification cards
to the (Government for Tibetans, but as of August 1997, approximately 4,000 Tibetan
refugees within the Kathmandu valley remained without identification cards.
China and the Government of Nepal tightened control of movement across their
border in 1986, but both sides have enforced these restrictions haphazardly. Police
and customs ofiicials occasionally harass Tibetan asylum seekers who cross the bor-
der from China. Border police often extort money from Tibetans in exchange for pas-
sage. With the change from a Communist Party government to a coalition govern-
ment headed by the Nepal Congress Party in September 1995, the former practice
of forcibly returning asylum seekers to China has stopped. There were no reports
of forced expulsion of Tibetan asylum seekers in 1997.
There are approximately 92,000 ethnic Nepali refugees from Bhutan in UNHCR-
administered camps in southeastern Nepal. An additional 20,000 refugees reside
outside the camps in either Nepal or India. The total represents approximately one-
sixth of Bhutan's estimated pre-1991 population.
The UNHCR monitors the condition of the Bhutanese refugees and provides for
their basic needs. The Government accepts the refugee presence as temporary, on
humanitarian grounds, but offers little more than a place to stay. The Government
officially restricts refugee freedom of movement and work, but does not strictly en-
force its policies. Living conditions in the camps have improved dramatically since
1992. Adequate clean water is available and health, sanitation, and nutrition stand-
ards are acceptable. Violence has sometimes broken out between camp residents and
the surrounding local population. The UNHCR and other donors and relief organiza-
tions have defused tensions through a refugee affected areas assistance plan aimed
at improving conditions in communities adjacent to the camps.
In 1993 the Governments of Nepal and Bhutan formed a joint committee to re-
solve the refugee problem and to determine different categories of refugees in prepa-
ration for future repatriation. Seven rounds of bilateral talks have been held, but
with little concrete progress. A visit to Bhutan by the Nepali acting Foreign Sec-
retary in August led to speculation that a resolution might be in sight, but no agree-
ments were reached and no breakthrough occurred. The lack of significant progress
in bilateral negotiations has led to increased frustration in the camps, and to a re-
cent campaign of "peace marches" by refugees seeking to return to Bhutan.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens, through their elected representatives, have the right to amend the Con-
stitution with the exception of certain basic principles that they may not change —
sovereignty vested in the people, the multiparty system, fundamental rights, and
the constitutional monarchy.
Parliamentary elections are scheduled at least every 5 years. Midterm elections
may be called if the ruling party loses its majority, loses a vote of no confidence,
or calls for elections. The Constitution grants suffrage to all citizens of age 18 and
over.
The House of Representatives, or lower house, may send legislation directly to the
King by majority vote. The National Council, or upper house, may amend or reject
lower house legislation, but the lower house can overrule its objections. The upper
house may also introduce legislation and send it to the lower house for consider-
ation.
1668
The Kingexercises certain powers with the advice and consent of the Council of
Ministers. These include exclusive authority to enact, amend, and repeal laws relat-
ing to succession to the throne. The King's income and property are tax-exempt and
inviolable, and no question may be raised in any court about any act performed by
the King. The Constitution also permits the King to exercise emergency powers in
the event of war, external aggression, armed revolt, or extreme economic depression.
In such an emergency, the King may suspend without judicial review many basic
freedoms, including the freedoms of expression and assembly, freedom from censor-
ship, and freedom from preventive detention. However, he may not suspend habeas
corpus or the right to form associations. The King's declaration of a state of emer-
f[ency must be approved by a two-thirds majority of the lower house of the Par-
iament. If the lower house is not in session, the upper house exercises this power.
A state of emergency may be maintained for up to 3 months without legislative ap-
{jroval and up to 6 months, renewable only once for an additional 6 months, if the
emslature grants approval.
The Constitution bars the registration and participation in elections of any politi-
cal party that is based on "religion, community, caste, tribe, or region," or that does
not operate openly and democratically.
There are no specific laws that restrict women, indigenous peoples, or minorities
from participating in the Government or in political parties. Conservative traditions
limit the roles of women and of some castes and tribes in the political process. The
Constitution requires that women constitute 5 percent of each party's candidates for
the House of Representatives. A royal ordinance, which has since been ratified by
Parliament, also requires that 20 percent of all village and municipal level seats be
reserved for female candidates. Currently, 7 of the 205 members of the lower house
are women and 5 of the 60 members of the upper house are women.
In March, when local elections were scheduled across the country, Maoist violence
and threats forced the postponement of voting in parts of 15 of the 75 electoral dis-
tricts. Ofiicials recorded 16 deaths, mostly civilians, from election-related violence
during these elections. The Maoists' efibrts to disrupt the elections caused some can-
didates to withdraw and voters to avoid polling stations. Since no one was elected
to office in these areas, they remain without elected boards to manage district gov-
ernance.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are a dozen nongovernmental (NGO) human rights organizations. These in-
clude the Human Rights Organization of Nepal (HURON), the Informal Sector Serv-
ices Center (INSEC), the International Institute for Human Rights, Environment,
and Development (INHURED), and the Forum for the Protection of Human Rights
(FOPHUR). The Nepal Law Society also monitors human rights abuses and a num-
ber of NGO's focus on specific areas such as torture, child labor, women's rights,
or ethnic minorities. Groups are free to publish reports on human rights abuses.
The Government has also allowed groups to visit prisons and prisoners. The Govern-
ment rarely arrests or detains those reporting on human rights problems.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution specifies that the State shall not discriminate against citizens
on grounds of religion, race, sex, caste, or ideology. However, there is still a caste
system. Discrimination against lower castes and women remains common, especially
in rural areas.
Women. — Violence against women is a serious problem and effects almost every
citizen. There is no law against domestic violence, which is widespread. In one
study, 50 percent of the respondents said that they know someone who was the vic-
tim of domestic violence. In another survey, respondents listed the perpetrators of
violence in 77 percent of incidents as family members, and 58 percent reported that
it is a daily occurrence. Little public attention is given to violence against women
in the home; the Government makes no special effort to combat it.
Rape and incest are also problems, particularly in rural areas. There is a law
against rape of non-prostitute women wnich imposes sentences of from 3 to 5 years.
In the case of rape of prostitutes, sentences range from a fine of 500 rupees ($9.00)
to 1 year's imprisonment.
There is a general unwillingness among citizens, particularly government figures,
to recognize violence against women as a problem. In a survey conducted by Saathi,
a local NGO, 42 percent of the respondents said that in their experience medical
practitioners were uncooperative or negligent in cases of violence against women
and girls. This unwillingness to recognize violence against women and girls as unac-
1669
ceptable in daily life is seen not just in the medical profession, but among the police
and politicians as well.
The police department has a "women's cell" in five cities, including Kathmandu.
These cells are made up entirely of female ofiicers, who receive special training in
handling victims. The police have also sent out directives instructing all officers to
treat domestic violence as a criminal offense that should be prosecuted. However,
according to a police official, this type of directive is difficult to enforce because of
entrenched social attitudes. Even though the police may arrest a man, further pros-
ecution is seldom pursued by the woman or by the Government.
A large number of NGO's in Kathmandu work on the problem of violence against
women. Saathi's assistance program includes a women's shelter and a suicide inter-
vention center. The shelter provides housing, medical attention, counseling, and
legal advocacy for the victims of violence.
Two conferences were held in the fall that focused on the problem violence against
women. One was a national conference of NGO's, government ofiicials, and par-
liamentarians organized by the NGO Saathi. The Government announced new ini-
tiatives at the meeting, including the formation of a new National Women's Com-
mission to help guide government policy. The conference participants also formu-
lated a conunon strategy to unite NGO efforts in the field. There was also an inter-
national conference organized by the UNICEF regional ofiice for South Asia.
The dowry tradition is strong, with greater prevalence in the Terai region. Killing
of brides because of defaults on dowry payments is rare, but does occur. More com-
mon is the physical abuse of wives by tne husband and the husband's family to ob-
tain additional dowry or to force the woman to leave to enable the son to remarry.
Trafficking in women and girls remains a deeply ingrained social problem in sev-
eral of the country's poorest areas. Estimates of the number of girls and women
working as prostitutes in India range between 40,000 and 100,000. The best avail-
able data suggest that approximately 5,000 to 7,000 girls between the ages of 10
and 18 are lured or abducted into prostitution each year. Prostitution is also a prob-
lem in the Kathmandu valley. A children's human rights group in Nepal states that
20 percent of prostitutes are younger than 16 years old. In many cases, parents or
relatives sell women and young girls into sexual slavery.
There is legislation to protect women from coercive trafficking, but it is not well
enforced. The fear of the spread of AIDS by returning prostitutes has discouraged
the Government from promoting the rehabilitation oi prostitutes. Government ef-
forts focus more on preventing prostitution and trafficking in women. The Ministry
of Labor and Social Welfare sponsors job and skill training programs in several poor
districts known for sending prostitutes to India. Several NGO's have similar pro-
grams.
Although the Constitution provides protections for women, including equal pay for
equal work, the Government nas not taken significant action to implement its provi-
sions. Women face discrimination, particularly in rural areas, where religious and
cultural tradition, lack of education, and ignorance of the law remain severe imf)edi-
ments to their exercise of basic rights sucn as the right to vote or to hold property
in their own names.
Women have benefited from changes in marriage and inheritance laws. In 1994
the Supreme Court struck down provisions of the Citizenship Law that discrimi-
nated against foreign spouses of Nepalese women. However, many other discrimina-
tory laws still remain. According to legal experts, there are more than 20 laws that
discriminate against women. For example, the law grants women the right to di-
vorce, but on narrower grounds than those applicable to men. The law on property
rights also favors men in its provisions for inheritance, land tenancy, and the divi-
sion of family property. In August 1995, the Supreme Court also ordered the Council
of Ministers to enact legislation within 1 year giving women property rights in re-
gard to inheritance and land tenancy equal of those of men. Legislation addressing
women's issues, including property rights and rape, was introduced into the Par-
liament, but has not yet been passed.
According to the 1991 census, the female literacy rate is 26 f)ercent, compared
with 57 percent for men. Human rights groups report that girls attend secondary
schools at a rate half that of boys. There are now many NGO's focused on integrat-
ing women into society and the economy. These NGO's work in the areas of literacy,
small business, skills transfer, and against trafficking in women and girls.
There are a growing number of women's advocacy groups and nearly all political
f>arties have their own women's group. Members of Parliament have begun working
or the passage of tougher laws for crimes of sexual assault, but have had little suc-
cess so far.
Children. — Although education is not compulsory, the Government provides free
primary education for all children between the ages 6 and 12, but many families
1670
cannot afford school supplies or clothing. Schools charge fees for further education.
Free health care is provided through government clinics, but they are poorly
equipped and too few in number to meet the demand. Community -based healtn pro-
grams assist in the prevention of childhood diseases and provide primary health
care services. Due to poor or nonexistent sanitation in rural areas many children
are at risk from severe and fatal illnesses.
The Child Act of 1992 provides legal protection for children in the workplace and
in criminal proceedings. Although it calls for the establishment of child welfare com-
mittees and!^ orphanages, the Government has established few such facilities. The
Labor Act of 1992 prohibits employment of minors under 14 years of age, but em-
ployers, particularly in the informal sector or agriculture, widely ignore tne law.
Children under the age of 16 work in all sectors of the economy. Children's rights
groups estimate that up to half of all children work. As recently as early 1994, the
carpet industry employed large numbers of children, an estimated 23,000, nearly
one-third of all workers in that industry. Due to negative publicity in consumer na-
tions, children now account for approximately 5 percent of the carpet industry's em-
ployees, about 6,000 workers (see Section 6.d.). In 1996 a consortium of carpet man-
ufacturers is moving to establish a certification system for carpets made without
child labor. The Ministry of Labor is increasing its efforts to monitor the use of child
labor.
Prostitution and trafficking in young girls remain serious problems.
Social attitudes view a female child as a commodity, to be bartered off in mar-
riage, or as burden. Some people, in fact, consider marrying a girl before menarche
an Honorable, sacred act that increases one's chances of a oetter afterlife. As a re-
sult, child-brides are common. According to the UNICEF's Regional Office for South
Asia, 40 percent of all marriages are consummated with a girl under 14 years of
age. The age difference in marriage is often cited as one cause of domestic violence.
Approximately 140 to 144 children considered delinquents or accused for public
offenses are incarcerated with adults because the Government has not established
juvenile homes. Another 30 children are in jails as non-criminal dependents of incar-
cerated adults. Some of the allegedly delinquent children are as young as 9 years
old, even though, under the law, children under 18 cannot be charged with crimes
(see Section I.e.).
People With Disabilities. — ^The disabled face widespread discrimination. Families
oft«n are stigmatized by and ashamed of disabled family members, who may be hid-
den away or neglected. Economic integration is further hampered by the general
view that the disabled are unproductive. The mentally retarded are associated with
the mentally ill. Sometimes, mentally ill and retarded, persons are placed in prisons
due to the lack of facilities or support.
The Government has long been involved in providing for the disabled, but the
level of government assistance has not met the needs of the disabled. The 1982 Dis-
abled Persons Protection and Welfare Act and additional 1994 rules mandate acces-
sibility to buildings, transportation, employment, education, and other state serv-
ices. However, despite government funding for special education programs, the Gov-
ernment does not implement or enforce laws regarding the disabled. A number of
NGO's working with the disabled receive significant funding from the Government,
but persons who are physically or mentally disabled rely almost exclusively on fam-
ily members to assist them.
National/ Racial / Ethnic Minorities. — Nepal has over 75 ethnic groups speaking
50 languages. The Constitution provides that each community "shall have the right
to preserve and promote its language, script, and culture." It further specifies that
eacn community has the right to operate schools up to the primary level in its moth-
er tongue.
Discrimination against lower castes is especially common in the rural areas of
western Nepal. Although the Government has outlawed the public shunning of "un-
touchables, an exception was retained for traditional practices at Hindu religious
sites. Economic, social, and educational advancement tend to be a function of histor-
ical patterns, geographic location, and caste. Better education and higher levels of
prosperity, especially in the Kathmandu valley, are slowly reducing caste distinc-
tions and increasing opportunities for lower socioeconomic groups. Better educated
urban-oriented castes (Brahmin, Chhetri, and certain elements of the Newar com-
munity traditionally dominant in the Kathmandu valley) continue to dominate poli-
tics, senior administrative and military positions, and to control a disproportionate
share of natural resources in their territories.
In remote areas, school lessons and national radio broadcasts are often in the
local language. However, in areas with nearby municipalities, education at the pri-
mary, secondary, and university levels is conducted almost exclusively in Nepali,
which is constitutionally mandated as the official language of the State. Human
1671
rights groups report that the languages of the small Kusunda, Dura, and Meche
communities are nearly extinct ana that non-Hindu peoples are losing their culture.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Constitution provides for the freedom to estab-
lish and join unions and associations. It permits restriction of unions only in cases
of subversion, sedition, or similar conditions. Despite the political transformation in
1990, trade unions are still developing their administrative structures to organize
workers, bargain collectively, and conduct woriier education programs. The prior
UML government "automatically" registered its own affiliated unions but interfered
in the registration of unions associated with the Nepali Congress Party's labor orga-
nization.
Union participation in the formal sector is significant, but it accounts for only a
small portion of the labor force. In 1992 Parliament passed the Labor Act and the
Trade Union Act, and formulated enabling regulations. However, the Government
has not yet fully implemented the laws. The Trade Union Act defines procedures
for establishing trade unions, associations, and federations. It also protects unions
and officials from lawsuits arising from actions taken in the discharge of union du-
ties, including collective bargaining.
The law permits strikes, except by employees in essential services such as water
supply, electricity, and telecommunications. The law empowers the Government to
halt a strike or suspend a union's activities if the union disturbs the peace or if it
adversely affects the nation's economic interests. Under the Labor Act, 60 percent
of a union's membership must vote in favor of a strike in a secret ballot for the
strike to be legal.
The Trade Union Act prohibits employers from discriminating against trade union
members or organizers. There have been few reports of discrimination against union
members.
The Government does not restrict unions from joining international labor bodies.
Several trade federations and union organizations maintain a variety of inter-
national affiliations.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The Labor Act provides for
collective bargaining, although the organizational structures to implement the Act's
provisions have not been established. Collective bargaining agreements cover an es-
timated 20 percent of wage earners in the organized sector. However, labor remains
widely unable to use collective bargaining effectively due to inexperience and em-
ployer reluctance to bargain.
There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution prohibits slavery,
serfdom, forced labor, or traffic in human beings in any form. The Department of
Labor enforces laws against forced labor in the small formal sector, but remains un-
able to enforce the law outside that sector.
Large numbers of women are still forced to work against their will as prostitutes
(see &ction 5). Bonded labor is a continuing problem, especially in agricultural
work. Bonded laborers are usually members of lower castes. An estimated 100,000
persons are forced to work under the "Kamaiya" or bonded labor system in the
southern Terai region. These "Kamaiyas" generally are agricultural workers who
work for the same landlords their family may have served for many generations.
The Government has not yet enacted legislation or taken other significant steps to
address the problem.
The Nepal Labor Act specifically prohibits forced or bonded child labor, but en-
forcement of this law is inadequate. Forced child labor exists in many sectors of the
economy.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — The Con-
stitution stipulates that children shall not be employed in factories, mines, or simi-
lar hazardous work. The law also establishes a minimum age for employment of mi-
nors at 16 years in industry and 14 years in agriculture. The Constitution limits
children between the ages of 14 and 16 years to a 36-hour work week. The law also
mandates acceptable working conditions for children. However. Both the resources
and the commitment devoted to the enforcement of these provisions are limited and
child workers are found in many sectors of the economy (see section 5). Although
the law prohibits forced or bonded labor children, it exists in many sectors (see Sec-
tion 6.C.).
Up to half of all children work, mostly in agriculture. In 1996 a certification sys-
tem for carpets made without child labor was established. Of the 207 carpet fac-
tories that export, approximately 30 have signed on to this or a similar agreement
(see Section 5). Partially as a result of this initiative, and of consumer pressure,
children now reportedly constitute only 10 percent of the work force in the export-
45-909 98-54
1672
oriented carpet industry. However, children's rights activists say that, in the smaller
factories, children are still a large part of the work force. Few or no children work
in the garment industry.
The Ministry of Labor's enforcement record is improving. In the urban formal sec-
tor, it has had some success in enforcing laws relating to tenure, minimum wage,
and holidays. Government inspectors are also increasing their monitoring of the use
of child labor in carpet factories.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — In August legislation was passed that raised
the minimum wage for unskilled labor to $22 (1,300 rupees) per month up from $19
(1,150 rupees). The law also defined monthly minimum wages for semi-sKilled labor
at $23 (1,350 rupees), skilled labor at $25 (1,460 rupees), and highly-skilled labor
at $ 28 (1,650 rupees). The minimum wage for chiloren ages 14 to 16 was set at
$17 (1,025 rupees). These wages are sufiicient only for the most minimal standard
of living. Wages in the unorganized service sector and in agriculture are often as
much as 50 percent lower.
The Labor Act calls for a 48-hour work week, with 1 day off per week, and limits
overtime to 20 hours per week. Health and safety standards and other benefits such
as a provident fund and maternity benefits are also established in the act. Imple-
mentation of the new Labor Act has been slow, as the (jovernment has not created
the necessary regulatory or administrative structures to enforce its provisions.
Workers do not have the right to remove themselves from dangerous work situa-
tions. Although the law authorizes labor officers to order employers to rectify unsafe
conditions, enforcement of safety standards remains minimal.
PAKISTAN
Pakistan is an Islamic republic with a democratic political system. A popularly-
elected parliament and a government headed by a Prime Minister have wide con-
stitutional power, shared to a limited extent with the President and, informally, the
Chief of the Army Staff who wields considerable influence on many major policy de-
cisions. The Pakistan Muslim League government of Prime Minister Mian Nawaz
Sharif, which came to power in February with a massive parliamentary majority,
passed a constitutional amendment in April that removed tne President s power to
dismiss the Government and dissolve parliament "in his discretion." As a result, the
popularly-elected government has greater power than any of its predecessors since
the return of formal democracy in 1988. The (jovernment's power was further en-
hanced by the constitutional confrontation between the Prime Minister and the
Chief Justice over the selection of five new justices for the Supreme Court. As a re-
sult of this struggle over judicial versus executive authority, President Levari re-
signed in early December, and the Prime Minister's own candidate was elected to
the presidency on December 31. Also in December, a ten-judge Supreme Court panel
deprived the Chief Justice of his position and a new (jhiei Justice was sworn in.
Some observers fear that this confrontation damaged the prestige and independence
of the judiciary. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however,
it is suDJect to executive branch influence.
Responsibility for internal security rests primarily with the police, although para-
military forces, such as the Rangers and Frontier Constabulary, are called in to pro-
vide additional support in areas where law and order problems are especially acute,
such as Karachi and the frontier areas. Provincial governments control the police
and paramilitary forces when they are assisting in Taw and order operations. The
army is also occasionally deployed to assist in maintaining public order in sensitive
areas during certain religious holidays. Members of the security forces committed
numerous serious human rights abuses.
Pakistan is a poor country, with great extremes in the distribution of wealth be-
tween social classes. Its per capita annual income is $470, and its rate of illiteracy
is extremely high, esj)ecially among women. The economy includes both state-run
and private industries and financial institutions. The Constitution provides for the
right of private businesses to operate freely in most sectors of the economy. The
Government has taken some steps in pursuit of economic reforms, emphasizing the
privatization of government-owned financial institutions, industrial units, and utili-
ties. Cotton, textiles and apparel, rice, and leather products are the principal ex-
ports.
The Government's human rights record remained poor, with serious problems re-
garding police abuse, religious discrimination, and child labor. Police conunitted nu-
merous extrajudicial killings and tortured, abused, and raped citizens and in many
cases were not brought to justice. Prison conditions remained poor, and police arbi-
1673
trarily arrested and detained citizens. Since the dismissal of the Pakistan People's
Party (PPP) government of Benazir Bhutto by President Leghari in November 1996,
both the caretaker government and later the elected Nawaz Sharif government took
some steps to end human rights abuses by police and paramilitary To rces. However,
in general, police continued to commit serious abuses with impunity. In Karachi, for
example, there have been few verified reports of extrajudicial killing by security
forces, though representatives of the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) charge
that their party continues to be targeted by the security forces. The Government has
sometimes used the "accountability" process — by which the present Government
hopes to expose previous wrongdoing, recoup ill-gotten gains, and restore public con-
fidence in government institutions — for political purposes by arresting a number of
prominent politicians and bureaucrats connected with the main opposition party.
Few of those arrested and questioned have been put on trial. Case backlogs lead
to long delays in trials, and lengthy pretrial detention is common. The judiciary is
subject to executive influence, and suffers from inadequate resources, inefficiency,
and corruption. Sectarian strife in Punjab province and politically-motivated vio-
lence in Karachi prompted the Government in August to pass a law creating a sys-
tem of Special Courts to try persons accused of terrorism and other "heinous
crimes." Human rights advocates, opposition leaders, and others criticized the law,
charging that it violates the Constitution by setting up a parallel judicial system
charged with deciding cases in truncated time periods (7 days) and by granting the
police extraordinary powers that threaten individual liberties. The Government in-
fringed on citizens' privacy rights. Although the press largely publishes freely, jour-
nalists practice self-censorship and the broadcast media remain a closely-controlled
government monopoly. The Government imposes limits on the freedom of assembly,
movement, and — for the Ahmadis in particular — religion.
Political groups, including rival Sunni and Shi'a sectarian extremists and the
MQM and their opponents, were responsible for killings, while religious zealots con-
tinued to discriminate against and persecute religious minorities, particularly
Ahmadis and Christians, basing their activities in part on legislation that discrimi-
nates against non-Muslims. Govemment-iniposed procedural changes have made the
registration of blasphemy charges more difticult. Nonetheless, three Ahmadis were
convicted under the blasphemy law during the year and a number of people are still
facing trial. Religious and ethnic -based rivalries resulted in numerous murders and
civil disturbances. Traditional social and legal constraints kept women in a subordi-
nate position in society. They continued to be subjected to violence, abuse, rape,
trafficking, and other forms of degradation by their spouses and members of society
at large. Violence against children, as well as child abuse and prostitution, remained
problems. Female children still lag far behind boys in education, health care, and
other social benefits. The Government and employers continued to restrict worker
rights significantly. Bonded labor by both adults and children remained a problem.
The use of child labor remained widespread, although it is now generally recognized
as a serious problem and industrial exporters have adopted a number of measures
to eliminate child labor from specific sectors.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Police professionalism is low. The
extrajudicial killing of criminal suspects, often in the form of deaths in police cus-
tody or staged encounters in which the police shoot and kill the suspects, is com-
mon. In September the Prime Minister took note of the number of individuals killed
while in police custody and called on the Punjab chief minister — who is the Prime
Minister's brother — to crack down on police torture. Rival political groups use police
to kill each other's activists in such fake encounters and criminal organizations use
police to kill members of rival organizations, in a similar fashion. Suspected crimi-
nals are murdered by the police to prevent them from implicating police in crimes
during court proceedings. Police officials maintain in private that due to the lack
of concrete evidence, witness intimidation, corruption in the judiciary, and some-
times political pressure, courts often fail to punish criminals involved in serious
crimes. The police view the killings of criminal suspects as appropriate in light of
the lack of action by the judiciary against criminals. The judiciary, on the other
hand, faults the police for presenting weak cases that do not stand up in court.
Police officers are occasionally transferred or brieny suspended for their involve-
ment in extrajudicial killings. However, court-ordered inquiries into these murders
have failed to result in any police officer receiving criminal punishment, though sev-
eral have recently been charged with criminal offenses in such cases. In May and
June, Lahore police killed several notorious alleged criminals, including Snahid
1674
Butt, wanted in a number of murders, robberies and kidnapings. The police claimed
that Shahid was killed in a shootout after running a roadblock on May 31. Sh^id's
family claims that he was in police custody for 4 days before he was shot. The police
who took part in the alleged encounter were rewarded with cash prizes and pro-
motions.
In one of many examples of police murders, Mohammad Ali, age 27, was tortured
and killed by Punjab police in the early morning hours of July 27, according to the
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. His legs had been crushed, evidently by
some sort of roller, and his torso was marked by numerous wounds. After a day and
a half of torture, police dumped his body at Sahiwal hospital where an alert staff
member challenged the police. Although seven ofilcers were arrested for the murder,
actual criminal punishment of the officers is considered unlikely, according to
human rights advocates. Police torture was common and resulted in other deaths
(see Section I.e.).
The death while in police custody of an alleged goat thief, Muhammed Islam,
spariced a series of violent protests against police cruelty in Lahore in September.
According to press reports, Islam's family alleged that police tortured Islam to death
during interrogation, while the police maintained that Islam had committed suicide
by hanging himself. A post-mortem report found evidence of torture on Islam's body,
but did not mention the cause of death. In the wake of protests by residents of the
area and activists of the Islamist political party Jamaat-I-Islami's youth wing, the
police arrested a police sub-inspector and a constable on charges of murder.
PPP party members demonstrated in Karachi in September to protest the killing
of a PPP activist who was shot by police. The victim, Abdul Karim Khaskali, report-
edly was picked up by police while on his way to donate blood. The police initially
claimed that Khaskali was shot while trying to escape from custody, out they later
arrested a head constable on murder charges.
At times police used excessive force against demonstrators. For instance, two peo-
ple were shot and killed by police at the Prime Minister's appearance at 50th anni-
versary celebrations in Karachi at the mausoleum of Pakistan's founder, Muham-
mad Ali Jinnah, when crowds pressed against the Prime Minister's entourage.
Karachi remained a hotbed of politically-motivated violence, although
extrajudicial killings by security forces there diminished, after the MQM became a
coalition partner in the state government. Tensions between the federal and provin-
cial governments and the MQM continued, despite the fact that the MQM became
a coalition partner with the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) both in the Sindh Gov-
ernment and the federal Government, and now holds half the cabinet positions in
Sindh and one minister in the federal government. The MQM was formed in 1984
as a response to a set of real and perceived political grievances on the part of the
Mohajirs, Urdu-speaking Muslims who migrated from India to Pakistan following
partition in 1947, and their descendants. The MQM, in part because of its successful
organizational structure and its willingness to use violence and intimidation to fur-
ther its ends, grew to become the dominant political party in urban Sindh, sweeping
to power in November 1987 local elections in Karachi and Hyderabad. Relations be-
tween the MQM and the Government have been contentious and often violent ever
since.
After the formation of the new Sindh government in February, MQM hopes that
the paramilitary Rangers would return to their barracks were thwarted, and a
build-up of Ranger forces was ordered, despite criticism from the MQM, which be-
lieved itself to be the Rangers' chief target. The Government has constituted a com-
mittee of PML and MQM leaders to investigate extrajudicial killings and missing
MQM workers, but there has been little progress in the investigations. Impunity of
security forces and police personnel remains a problem.
On November 12, four U.S. citizen employees of Union Texas Pacific, along with
their Pakistani driver, were shot and killed while traveling to the company's head-
quarters in Karachi. No one has claimed responsibility for the killings, and exten-
sive investigations have failed to establish any motives or suspects. On September
17, five Iranian air force personnel and their Pakistani driver were killed at a busy
intersection in Rawalpindi. The radical Sunni organization Lashkar-I-Jhangvi
claimed responsibility for the killings. A number of arrests have been made in con-
nection with the case, but it is not yet clear whether those who have been arrested
will be charged with carrying out the murders.
Asif Ali Zardari, husband of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, is on trial for
the murder of Benazir Bhutto's brother, Murtaza Bhutto. The trial is talking place
in closed session at the Karachi iail. In March Zardari was elected to the Senate
on the PPP ticket but was not allowed to take the oath of office until December,
when the Sindh High Court decided that he should be allowed to take his seat in
1675
the Senate. He is to attend future Senate sessions under guard and is to be housed
in a jail in Rawalpindi during the sessions.
b. Disappearance. — There were no confirmed cases of politically motivated dis-
appearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
Although expressly forbidden by the Constitution and the Penal Code, torture and
other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment by police remained common practice.
Police routinely use force to elicit confessions. Authorities suggest that because of
the widespread use of physical torture by the police, suspected criminals usually
confess to the crimes with which they are charged regardless of their guilt or inno-
cence; subsequently, many such confessions are thrown out by the courts.
Common torture methods include: beating, burning with cigarettes, whipping the
soles of the feet, sexual assault, prolongea isolation, electric shock, denial oi food
or sleep, hanging upside down, forced spreading of the legs, and public humiliation.
Some magistrates help cover up the abuse by issuing investigation reports stating
that the victims died of natural causes. According to press reports, in August two
men died while in police custody in Hyderabad. Doctors' reports stated that the
deaths were due to torture. Police torture resulted in other deaths (see Section l.a.).
In September the Rawalpindi bench of the Laihore High Court directed the police
to file charges against nine policemen who allegedly detained and tortured a man
charged with thert. According to the first incident report (FIR) — an official document
that initiates a criminal investigation — the man was held for 6 days, during which
time he was hung upside down and repeatedly tortured by constables.
On April 28, Mohammad Ayyaz Baluch was arrested at his Islamabad home by
Pakistani authorities. There is evidence that he was tortured in custody prior to his
trial and conviction by a military court.
The overall failure of successive governments to prosecute and punish abusers is
the single greatest obstacle to endmg or even reducing the incidence of abuse by
the police. The authorities sometimes transferred, suspended, or arrested offending
officers, but seldom prosecuted or punished them. Investigating officers generally
shield their colleagues. Amnesty International (AI) estimates that up to 100 people
die from police torture each year.
The Anti-Terrorism Law passed in August allows confessions obtained while in
police custody to be used to convict defendants in the new "special courts." Human
rights organizations and the press have criticized this provision of the law, as it is
commonly believed that the police regularly torture suspects. However, the law stip-
ulates that the confession must be taken by a police officer not below the rank of
deputy superintendent and that the court may require a videotape of the confession.
In general, due to greater scrutiny by nongovernmental organizations (NGO's) and
media attention, as well as more freauent and thorough prison inspections, torture
and abuse is less common in prisons tnan it is in police stations.
Police and prison officials frequently use the threat of abuse to extort money from
prisoners ana their families. Police accept money for registration of cases on false
charges and may torture innocent citizens. People pay police to humiliate their op-
ponents and to avenge their personal grievances.
In the past, successive governments recruited police officers in violation of consid-
erations of merit and the department's regulations. In some instances, recruits had
criminal records. In July Punjab province chief minister Shahbaz Sharif declared his
own police were "corrupt and inefficient." He appointed new senior ofiicers to im-
prove effectiveness, while resisting pressure to appoint those recommended by influ-
ential supporters to police positions.
It is commonly accepted, and President Leghari has publicly stated, that police
stations are sold — meaning that police officials pay bribes to politicians and senior
officials in the department in order to get posted to the police stations of their
choice. They then recoup their investments by extorting money from the citizenry.
Special women's police stations were established in 1994 in response to growing
numbers of complaints of custodial abuse of women, including rape. These police
stations, staffed oy female personnel, are provided with even more inadequate mate-
rial and human resources than regular police stations, according to human rights
advocates. According to the Government's own Commission of Inquiry for Women,
the stations do not lunction independently or fulfill their purpose. Despite court or-
ders and regulations requiring that female suspects be interrogated only by female
police officers, women continued to be detained overnight at regular police stations
and abused by male officers. In a study of Lahore newspapers from January to July,
the Commission of Inquiry for Women found 52 cases of violence or torture of
women while in police custody. A particularly brutal example of such abuse involved
a 16-year-old girl who was suspected of helping a woman run away from home. Two
reliable human rights organizations report that the girl was gang-raped by police
1676
and relatives of the missing woman, after which hot chilies were forced inside her
vagina. In another incident involving police misconduct with women, the Prime Min-
ister ordered an inquiry into a report that the Secretariat police station had kept
a woman, Shamim Akhtar, in custody for 3 days in July, allegedly for helping her
husband in a car theft. Akhtar was reportedly tortured and paraded naked around
the police station before being presented in court, which subsequently released her
on bail. Instances of abuse of women in prisons are less frequent than in police sta-
tions (see Section 5).
The Hudood Ordinances, promulgated by the central martial law government in
1979, were an attempt to make the Penal Code more Islamic. These ordinances pro-
vide for harsh punishments for violations of Islamic law, or Shari'a, including death
by stoning for unlawful sexual relations and amputation for some other crimes.
Tnese Koranic penalties — known as Hadd punishments — require a high standard of
evidence. In effect, four adult Muslim men of good character must witness an act
for a Hadd punishment to apply. In 18 years, not a single Hadd punishment has
been carried out. However, on the basis of lesser evidence, ordinary punishments
such as jail terms or fines may be imposed. From 1979 to 1995, over 1 million
Hudood cases were filed with the police, and 300,000 have been heard by the courts.
The laws are applied to Muslims and non-Muslims alike.
Women are frequently charged under the Hudood laws on sexual misconduct, such
as adultery. Approximately one-third of the women in Lahore central jail are await-
ing trial for adultery. Most women tried under the ordinance are acquitted, but the
stigma of having been jailed for adultery is severe. A Hudood law meant to deter
false accusations is weakly enforced and one human rights monitor claimed that 80
percent of all adultery- related Hudood cases are filed without any supporting evi-
dence. According to Amnesty International, men accused of rape are sometimes ac-
quitted and released while their victims are held on adultery cnarges. The Commis-
sion of Inquiry for Women has recommended that the Hudood laws be repealed, as
thev are based on an erroneous interpretation of Shari'a (see Section 5).
FVison conditions are poor. Overcrowding is a major problem, and the Law Com-
mission estimates that almost every jail in the country has three times more pris-
oners than its nominal capacity. For example, according to the Pakistan Law (Jom-
mission's report on jail reform, issued in August, Pakistan's jails have a capacity
of 34,014 prisoners, but, as of mid- 1996, they held 74,483 convicted and "under
trial" prisoners. In addition, according to a report issued by the Punjab Prisons De-
fiartment in June, 52,826 prisoners (including 928 women) were being held in 28
acilities with a capacity of 17,271. The Karachi central jail houses 4,700 prisoners,
though its capacity is only 1,000. According to press reports, only 391 of these pris-
oners have been convicted, while the rest are either awaiting trial or pursuing ap-
peals.
There are three classes (A, B, and C) of prison facilities. Class "C" cells generally
hold common criminals and those in pretrial detention. Such cells often have dirt
floors, no furnishings, and poor food. The use of handcuffs and fetters is common.
Prisoners in these cells reportedly suffer the most abuse, such as beatings and being
forced to kneel for long periods. Conditions in "B" and "A" cells are markedly better
with prisoners in "A" cells permitted to have servants, special food, and televisions.
The authorities reserve "A cells for prominent persons. Especially prominent indi-
viduals— including some political figures — are sometimes held under house arrest
and permitted to receive visitors. The (government announced in September that im-
prisoned women who are not facing criminal charges have been transferred to "B"
cells.
The Government permits prison visits bv human rights monitors.
There were reports that wealthy landlords or political parties operated private
jails. Many such jails are believed to exist in tribal and feudal areas and one press
report stated that as many as 50 private jails were being maintained by landlords
in lower Sindh. Some of the prisoners reportedly have been held in them for many
years. An investigation by an English-language daily in September uncovered a pri-
vate torture cell, allegedly run by an assistant sub-inspector (ASI) of police, in which
victims; none of whom were charged with crimes, were held and tortured in order
to extort money from them and their families. The ASI and one of his constables
subsequently were suspended by the Punjab inspector general of police.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — The law regulates arrest and detention
procedures; however, the authorities do not always comply with the law. The law
permits a Deputy Commissioner (DC) of a local district to order detention without
charge for 30 days of persons suspected of threatening public order and safety. The
DC may renew detention in 30-day increments, up to a total of 90 days. Human
rights monitors report that there have been instances in which prisoners jailed
under the Maintenance of Public Order Act have been imprisoned for up to 6
1677
months without charge. For other criminal offenses, the police may hold a suspect
for 24 hours without charge. After the prisoner is produced before a magistrate, the
court can grant permission for continued detention for a maximum period of 14 days
if the police provide material proof that this is necessary for an investigation.
Police may arrest individuals on the basis of a FIR filed by a complainant. The
ftolice have been known to file FER's without supporting evidence. FIR's are thus
requently used to harass or intimidate individuals. Charges against an individual
may also be based on a "blind" FIR, which lists the perpetrators as "person or per-
sons unknown." If the case is not solved, the FIR is placed in the inactive file. When
needed, a FIR is reactivated and taken to a magistrate by the police, who then
name a suspect and ask that the suspect be remanded for 14 days while they inves-
tigate further. After 14 days, the case is dropped for lack of evidence, but another
FIR is then activated and brought against tne accused. In this manner, rolling
charges can be used to hold a suspect in continuous custody.
If the police can provide material proof that detention (physical remand or police
custody for the purpose of interrogation) is necessary for an investigation, a court
may extend detention for a total 0114 days. Such proof, however, may be little more
than unsubstantiated assertions by the police. In practice, the authorities do not
fully observe the limits on detention. Police are not required to notify anyone when
an arrest is made and oft«n hold detainees without charge until they are challenged
by a court. The police sometimes detain individuals arbitrarily without charge, or
on false charges, in order to extort payment for their release. Human rights mon-
itors report that a number of police stations have secret detention cells in which in-
dividuals are kept while the police bargain for a higher price for their release. There
are also reports that the police move prisoners from one police station to another
if they suspect a surprise visit by higher authorities. Some women continue to be
arbitrarily detained and sexually abused (see Section I.e.). Police also detain rel-
atives of wanted criminals in order to compel suspects to surrender (see Section
l.f.). The law stipulates that detainees must be brought to trial within 30 days of
their arrest. However, in many cases trials do not start until about 6 months after
the filing of charges.
The Government permits visits by human rights monitors and family members
and lawyers. However, in some cases, authorities refuse family visits and in some
police stations people are expected to pay bribes in order to visit a prisoner.
The Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have a separate legal system,
the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), which recognizes the doctrine of collective re-
sponsibility. Authorities are empowered to detain the fellow members of a fugitive's
tribe, or to blockade the fugitive's village, pending his surrender or punishment by
his own tribe in accordance with local tradition. Tne Government continued to exer-
cise such authority, repeatedly, during the year. For example, in July in an effort
to resolve a kidnapping, government authorities in Bajaur Agency detained a 17-
year-old boy who had no connection to the alleged crime. The boy's father appealed
to the Prime Minister in an effort to obtain the release of his son. In ouier in-
stances, in July and August, the Government used this authority in Khyber Agency
to find "proclaimed offenders" who had sought refuge in this tribal agency. The Gov-
ernment demolished the houses of several alleged criminals.
However, in April the Government issued an amendment to the FCR that allows
residents of the FATA to appeal decrees, sentences, and other acts of the pwlitical
agent. As of September 10, Hundreds of appeals of political agents' decisions had
been lodged.
The (jovemment sometimes uses mass arrests to quell civil unrest. Sectarian vio-
lence in the Punjab caused the Government on several occasions to round up hun-
dreds of members of extremist groups and students at religious schools believed to
be terrorist recruiting centers and training grounds. Police also arrested demonstra-
tors, including members of religious minorities and political parties (see Section
2.b.).
The Accountability Commission established by the caretaker government and
headed by a retired judge has been overshadowed by an "accountability cell" headed
by a close associate of the Prime Minister. This cell has been accused of conducting
fjolitically-motivated investigations of politicians, senior civil servants, and business
igures, designed to extract evidence and in some cases, televised confessions of al-
leged wrongdoers. Some examples of televised confessions included Salman Farooqi,
Secretary of Commerce under Benazir Bhutto; Ahmed Sadiq, Benazir Bhutto's prin-
cipal secretary; and Zafar Iqbal, chairman of the Capital Development Authority.
Most politicians and bureaucrats who have been charged with corruption or other
crimes are out on bail (in addition to murder, Benazir Bhutto's husband, Asif
Zardari, has also been charged with corruption). The MQM contends that several
thousand of its members are still in jail on politically-motivated charges which date
1678
from the 1992-96 period. The Government is supposed to be reviewing the cases of
these imprisoned individuals (most of whom are awaiting trial) to see if they can
be released. To date, few of them have been released.
The Government does not use forced exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, however, in practice, the judiciary is subject to political influence. Nonethe-
less, during the course of 1996—1997 the judiciary vigorously asserted its authority
in a number of disputes with the executive branch. The Government's power was
further enhanced by the constitutional confrontation between the Prime Minister
and the Chief Justice over the selection of five new justices for the Supreme Court.
As a result of this struggle over judicial versus executive authority, President
Leghari resigned in early December, and the Prime Minister's own candidate was
elected to the presidency on December 31. Also in December, a ten-judge Supreme
Court panel deprived the Chief Justice of his position and a new Chief Justice was
sworn in. Some observers fear that this confrontation damaged the prestige and
independence of the judiciary. Low salaries, inadequate resources, heavy workloads,
and corruption contribute to judicial inefficiency, particularly in the lower courts.
The judicial system involves several different court systems with overlapping and
sometimes competing jurisdictions. There are civil and criminal systems with special
courts for high-profile cases, as well as the federal Shari'a appeals courts for certain
Hudood offenses. The appeals process in the civil system is: civil court, district
court. High Court, and the Supreme Court. In the criminal system, the progression
is magistrate, sessions court, High Court, and the Supreme Court.
Special terrorist courts began operation in Punjab in August. These courts, de-
signed for speedy punishment of terrorist suspects, have special streamlined proce-
dures. The new Anti-Terrorism Law, under which the courts were established, sanc-
tions the death penalty for "terrorist acts", which are defined very broadly, that
cause the death of any person, and jail sentences of 7 years to life for other terrorist
acts. Acts, including speech, intended to stir up religious hatred are punishable by
up to 7 years' rigorous imprisonment. Cases are supposed to be decided within 7
working days, and trials in absentia are permitted. Appeals to an appellate tribunal
are also required to take no more than 7 days. Bail is not to be granted if the court
has reasonable grounds to believe the accused is guilty. Those charged with offenses
committed prior to the date of the act are subject to the special courts, but can only
receive punishments that were stipulated by laws in force at the time the crime was
committed. Leading members of the judiciary, human rights groups, the press, and
politicians from a number of parties expressed strong reservations about the new
courts, charging that they constitute a parallel judicial system and could be used
as tools of political repression.
The anti-terrorist courts are also empowered to try people accused of particularly
"heinous" crimes, such as gang rape and murders that are not terrorist-related. In
September, for example, an anti-terrorist court in Faislabad sentenced a man to
death for killing seven members of his own family. In addition, the Punjab Advocate
General on September 9 told the Lahore High Court bench that all cases filed under
Section 295 oi the Penal Code (the so-called blasphemy law) would be transferred
to the special courts. Human rights advocates fear that if this occurs, alleged blas-
phemers who in the past were normally granted bail or released for lack of evidence
are likely to be convicted, given the less stringent rules of evidence required under
the Anti-Terrorism Act. In Punjab province — where the bulk of the anti-terrorist
courts are located and where the vast majority of sectarian-related cases are being
tried — 146 sectarian-related cases were referred to the courts, but only 13 have been
decided. In those 13 cases, two death sentences were handed down, three sentences
of life imprisonment were given, and there were eight acquittals. A total of 1311
non-sectarian cases were turned over to the anti-terrorist courts in Punjab, but only
146 had been decided by year's end. No death sentences have been carried out by
year's end.
Following the historic March 1996 judgment of the Supreme Court curtailing pow-
ers of the executive to appoint and transfer judges of the superior courts, the judici-
ary has been asserting its authority more aggressively. However, the confrontation
between the Prime Minister and the Chief Justice which resulted in the removal
of Sajjad Ali Shah as Chief Justice is widely viewed as a setback to the cause of
judicial independence.
In August a commission chaired by Supreme Court Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah
opposed the establishment of "a parallel system" of special anti-terrorist courts. Also
in August, taking note of ongoing sectarian violence and the (jovernment's failure
to control it, the Chief Justice summoned administrators and leaders of various Is-
lamic sects to discuss ways to quell the violence. The judiciary has argued that it
1679
has not been able to try and convict terrorist suspects speedily because of poor po-
lice casework, prosecutorial negligence, and the resulting lack of evidence.
The civil judicial system provides for an open trial, presumption of innocence,
cross-examination by an attorney, and appeal of sentences. Attorneys are appointed
for indigents only in capital cases. There are no jury trials. Due to the limited num-
ber of judges, the heavy backlog of cases, and lengthy court procedures, cases rou-
tinely take years, although defendants are required to make frequent court appear-
ances. Under both the midood and standard criminal codes, there are bailable and
nonbailable offenses. According to the Criminal Procedures Code, the accused in
bailable offenses must be granted bail. The Code also stipulates that those accused
in nonbailable offenses should be granted bail if the crime of which they are accused
carries a sentence of less than 10 years.
The federal Shari'a Court and the Shari'a bench of the Supreme Court serve as
appeals courts for certain convictions in criminal court under the Hudood Ordi-
nances. The Federal Shari'a Court also may overturn any legislation judged to be
inconsistent with the tenets of Islam. However, these cases may be appealed to the
Shari'a bench of the Supreme Court.
The judicial process continued to be impeded by bureaucratic infighting, inac-
tivity, and the overlapping jurisdictions of the different court systems. Scores of po-
sitions in both the higher and lower courts remained unfilled. For example, the La-
hore High Court operates with only 43 judges, though it is entitled to have 50. This
shortage is partly due to a lack of money: a High Court judge costs the Government
roughly $2,500 (approximately 100,000 rupees) per month, which includes funds for
salary, travel allowances, housing, and servants. The politicized appointment proc-
ess also holds up the promotion of many lower court judges to the higher courts.
Although the higher level judiciary is considered competent and generally honest,
there are widespread reports of corruption among lower level magistrates.
Persons in jau awaiting trial are sometimes held for periods longer than the sen-
tence they would receive if convicted. For example, the large backlog in the Rawal-
pindi bench of the Lahore High Court delays justice for citizens. As of September,
there were 10,000 cases pending, with only a handful of judges to review them.
Court officials report that each judge reviews between 70 and 80 cases per day, but
action is taken on only 3 or 4 each week. The Law Ministry, in reply to a question
in the National Assembly in late September, reported that there are over 150,000
cases pending with the superior judiciary, which includes the Supreme Court and
the four provincial high courts. Clogged lower courts exacerbate the situation; the
majority of cases in the high courts consist of appeals of lower court rulings. Once
an appeal reaches the High Court, there are furtner opportunities for delay because
decisions of individual judges are frequently referred to panels composed of two or
three High Court judges.
The Penal Code incorporates the doctrines of Qisas (roughly, an eye for an eye)
and Diyat (blood money), with the result that compensation is sometimes paid to
the family of a victim in place of punishment of the wrongdoer. The right to seek
pardon or commutation is not available to defendants under these ordinances. The
Hudood, Qisas, and Diyat ordinances apply to both ordinary criminal courts and
Shari'a courts. According to Christian activists, if a Muslim murders a non-Muslim,
he can compensate for the crime by paying the victim's family Diyat; however, if
a non-Muslim murders a Muslim, he does not have the option of paying Diyat and
must serve a iail sentence or face the death penalty for his crime. Though not com-
monly used, these doctrines are occasionally applied, particularly in the NWFP. For
example, in July a convicted murderer waiting to be hanged in the Mardan district
jail was freed hours before his scheduled execution. The family of the killer reached
a compromise with the family of the victim. Besides agreeing to other terms and
conditions, the murderer's family paid Diyat. However, another person in the same
case was hanged, as no compromise was reached with the victim's family.
Appeals of certain Hudood convictions involving penalties in excess oi 2 years' im-
firisonment are referred exclusively to the Shari'a courts and are heard jointly by
slamic scholars and High Court judges using ordinary criminal procedures. Judges
and attorneys must be Muslim and be familiar with Islamic law. Within these lim-
its, defendants in a Shari'a court are entitled to the lawyer of their choice. There
is a system of bail.
The Hudood Ordinances criminalize nonmarital rape, extramarital sex (including
adultery and fornication), and various gambling, alcohol, and property offenses. Of
fenses are distinguished according to punishment, with some offenses liable to Hadd
(Koranic punishment) and others to Tazir (secular punishment) (see Section I.e.).
Although both types of cases are tried in ordinary criminal courts, special rules of
evidence apply in Hadd cases. For example, a non-Muslim may not testify against
a Muslim, but may testify against another non-Muslim. Likewise, the testimony of
1680
a woman is not admissible in cases involving Hadd punishments. No Hadd punish-
ment has ever been applied in the 18 years that the Hudood Ordinances have been
in force. A woman's testimony regarding financial matters is not admissible unless
corroborated by another woman (see Section 5).
There continued to be charges that magistrates and police, under pressure to
achieve high conviction rates, persuade detainees to plead guilty without informing
them of the consequences. Politically powerful persons also attempt to influence
magistrates' decisions and have used various forms of pressure on magistrates, in-
cluding the threat to transfer them to other assignments.
Administration of justice in the FATA is normally the resjwnsibility of tribal el-
ders and maliks, or leaders. They may conduct hearings according to Islamic law
and tribal custom. In such proceedings the accused have no right to legal represen-
tation, bail, or appeal. The usual penalties consist of fines, even for murder. How-
ever, the dovernment's p>olitical agents, who are federal civil servants assigned to
local governments, oversee such proceedings and may impose prison terms of up to
14 years. Paramilitary forces under the direction of the political agents frequently
perform punitive actions during enforcement operations. For example, in raids on
criminal activities, the authorities have been known to damage surrounding homes
as extrajudicial punishment of residents for having tolerated nearby criminal activ-
On October 30, following the Supreme Court's decision to suspend the 14th Con-
stitutional Amendment (which prohibits individual members of parliament from "de-
fecting" to rival political parties after their election). Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif
accused the Court and, in particular, the Chief Justice of encouraging political
"horse trading" by removing the ban on changing political allegiances. The Chief
Justice took tne view that this constituted "contempt of court" and Nawaz Sharif
and others have been on trial since then on this charge. The 14th Amendment re-
mains suspended pending a Supreme Court decision on the constitutionality of pro-
visions that may infringe on a parliamentarian's freedom of speech.
In remote areas outside the jurisdiction of federal political agents, tribal councils
occasionally levy harsher, unsanctioned punishments, including flogging or death by
shooting or stoning. In July tribal elders of Mohmand agency banished an individual
from the agency and razed his dwellings for firing on a tribal lashkar (armed levy).
In May a politico-religious organization called the Tanzeem Ittihad-I Ulema-I
Qaba'il (Organization of the Union of the Ulema of the Tribes) (TIUQ), which is
striving for the implementation of stricter Islamic law in the FATA, publicly flogged
a man and a teenager for their alleged involvement in homosexual behavior — the
first Islamic punishment that the TIUQ has carried out since it was banned in 1995.
On December 2, a couple was publicly executed in the Khyber tribal agency after
a court set up by the TIUQ found them guilty of incest. The court stated that a
mother-in-law cannot marry her son-in-law even if she is divorced. The family of the
convicted couple carried out the sentence by shooting them to death. Since the re-
vival of the group during the year it also has carried out other punishments, such
as destroying the homes of alleged thieves.
Another related form of rougn justice operating in the NWFP, particularly in the
tribal areas, is the concept of Pakhtunwali, or the Pakhtun Tribal Code, in which
revenge is an important element. Under this Code, a man, his family, and his tribe
are obligated to take revenge for wrongs — either real or perceived — in order to re-
deem their honor. More often than not, these disputes arise over women and land,
and frequently result in violence. For example, in June several jewelers from Pesha-
war who were suspected of kidnaping tribeswomen from the Khyber agency and set-
ting them up in a prostitution racket were killed by the women's relatives.
Most politicians and bureaucrats who have been charged with corruption or other
crimes are out on bail (in addition to murder, Benazir Bhutto's husband, Asif
Zardari, has also been charged with corruption). The MQM contends that several
thousand of its members are still in jail on politically-motivated charges which date
from the 1992-96 period.
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
new Anti-Terrorism Law allows police, or military personnel acting as police, to
enter and search homes and offices without search warrants, and confiscate prop-
erty or arms likely to be used in a terrorist act (which is defined very broadly). This
provision has yet to be tested in the courts. Prior to this, by law the police had to
obtain a warrant to search a house, but they did not need a warrant to search a
person. However, even before passage of the Anti-Terrorism Law, the police entered
homes without a warrant and have been known to steal valuables during searches.
In the absence of a warrant, a policeman is subject to charges of criminal trespass.
However, policemen are seldom punished for illegal entry.
1681
The Government maintains several domestic intelligence services that monitor
politicians, political activists, suspected terrorists, and suspected foreign intelligence
agents. Credible reports indicate that the authorities commonly resort to wire-
tapping and occasionally intercept and open mail. In his order dismissing former
prime minister Bhutto in 1996, President Leghari accused the Government of mas-
sive illegal wiretapping, including eavesdropping on the telephone conversations of
judges, political party leaders, and military and civilian officials. In the Supreme
Court's judgment on the legality of Leghari's dismissal of the Bhutto government,
which was issued in September, the Supreme Court directed the federal Govern-
ment to seek the Court's permission before carrying out any future wiretapping or
eavesdropping operations. Nonetheless, in December a lawyer for a former director
of the Intelligence Bureau, charged with illegal wiretapping during Benazir Bhutto's
second term in office, presented the Supreme Court with a list of 12 Government
agencies which are still tapping and monitoring telephone calls of citizens. The case
is still pending in the Supreme Court.
Police sometimes arrest and detain relatives of wanted criminals in an attempt
to compel suspects to surrender. In some cases, the authorities have detained whole
families to force a relative who was the subject of an arrest warrant to surrender
(see Section l.d.).
The Frontier Crimes Regulation, the separate legal system in the FATA, permits
collective responsibility, and empowers the authorities to detain innocent members
of the suspect's tribe, or blockade an entire village (see Section l.d.). The Govern-
ment demolished the houses of several alleged criminals, as well as the homes of
who allegedly tolerated nearby criminal activity (see Sections l.d. and I.e.).
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — The Constitution provides for freedom of speech
and of the press, and citizens are broadly free to discuss public issues. However,
journalists practice a degree of self-censorship, conforming to prevailing journalistic
practice and local mores. True investigative journalism is rare; instead the press
acts freely to publish charges and countercharges by named and unnamed parties
and individuals representing competing class, political and social interests.
The Constitution also stipulates the death penalty for anyone who damages the
Constitution by any act, including the publication of statements against the spirit
of the Constitution. However, prosecutions under this provision have been rare. The
Constitution also prohibits the ridicule of Islam, the armed forces, or the judiciary.
This provision served as grounds in late December for legal charges against the can-
didacy of Rafiq Tarar, the current President, based on press statements made sev-
eral years ago that were critical of the judiciary.
The competitive nature of politics helps to ensure press freedom, since the media
often serve as a forum for political parties, commercial, religious, and various other
interests, as well as influential individuals, to compete with and criticize each other
publicly. Although the press does not criticize Islam as such, leaders of religious
parties and movements are not exempt from the public scrutiny and criticism rou-
tinely experienced by their secular counterparts. The press has traditionallv avoided
negative coverage of the armed forces, ana the Office of Inter-Services Public Rela-
tions (ISPR) has served to hold press coverage of military matters under close re-
straint.
Officially, the ISPR closely controls and coordinates release of military news and
access to military sources. Leaks, while not uncommon, are carefully managed: it
is common knowledge that journalists, routinely underpaid, are on the unofTicial
payrolls of many competing interests, and the military (or elements within it) is pre-
sumed to be no exception. Rumors of intimidation, heavy-handed surveillance, and
even legal action to quiet the unduly curious or nondeferential reporter are common.
During the year this pattern of control and restraint loosened somewhat: early in
the year — after an election in which corruption in high places was the principal
issue — the press published charges of corruption and misuse of office against senior
navy and air force officers and the navy chief was forced to resign. In the summer,
the deaths of several air force cadets while undergoing training prompted news-
paper reports of brutal training officers and procedures, and those found responsible
were held to public account.
In a case followed closely by the press and human rights groups, journalist
Humayun Fur, bureau chief of the Urdu daily Mashriq, was arrested by intelligence
agency operatives on June 28 and imprisoned on charges of "anti-State activities."
Fur was found guilty by a military court in September and sentenced to 5 years'
imprisonment. A handout issued by the Defense Ministry stated that the court con-
victed Fur of espionage for passing sensitive state secrets to personnel from a "for-
eign diplomatic mission" in Islamabad (two Indian High Commission staff members
1682
were expelled in connection with the case in September). Human rights groups ex-
pressed concern that Fur was tried by a military court and urged that he oe retried
in an open court under civil law. The press reported that Fur was only the second
journalist in the country's history to be tried by court martial. Fur was released in
October after the chief of army staff remitted the unserved portion of his sentence
on humanitarian grounds because of Fur's ill-health.
Detailed public discussion of the military as an institution is severely hampered
since any published discussion, let alone criticism, of the defense budget is pro-
scribed by law. However, late in the year this code of silence was undermined wnen
a National Assembly committee, by discussing defense appropriations and corrup-
tion in defense contracts in an open session, made possible (and legal) newspaper
coverage of the same issues.
The Penal Code mandates the death sentence for anyone defiling the name of the
Prophet Mohammad, life imprisonment for desecrating the Koran, and up to 10
years in prison for insulting another's religious beliefs (i.e., any religion, not just
Islam) with intent to outrage religious feelings (see section 2.c.). The new Anti-Ter-
rorist Act stipulates imprisonment with labor for up to 7 years for using abusive
or insulting words, or possessing or distributing written or recorded material, with
intent to stir up sectarian hatred. No warrant is required to seize such material.
The State no longer publishes daily newspapers; the former Press Trust sold or
liquidated its string of newspapers and magazines in the early 1990's. The Ministry
of Information controls and manages the country's primary wire service — APP, the
Associated Press of Pakistan. APP is both the Government's own news agency and
the official carrier of international wire service stories to the local media. The few
small, privately-owned wire services operating in Pakistan are usually circumspect
in their coverage of sensitive domestic news and tend to follow a government line.
A Print, Press, and Publications Ordinance, requiring the registration of printing
presses and newspapers, was allowed to lapse in 1997 after several years of waning
application. In practice, registering a new publication is a simple administrative act,
and is not subject to political or governmental scrutiny.
Foreign books must pass government censors before being reprinted. Books and
magazines may be imported freely, but are likewise subject to censorship for objec-
tionable sexual or religious content.
Privately-owned newspapers freely discuss public fx)licy and criticize the Govern-
ment. They report remarks made by opposition politicians, and their editorials re-
flect a wide spectrum of views. The effort to ensure that newspapers carry their
statements or press releases sometimes leads to undue pressure by political parties,
ethnic, sectarian, and religious groups, militant student organizations, and occasion-
ally commercial interests. Such pressure is a common feature of journalism, and,
when the group is extreme in its views, can include physical violence, the sacking
of offices, intimidation or beating of journalists, and interference with the distribu-
tion of newspapers. For example, the Sindhi daily Awami Awaz has charged a
Sindhi nationalist party with intercepting deliveries of its publication and two other
Sindhi dailies in central Sindh province. Journalists working in small provincial
towns and villages generally can expect more difficulties from arbitrary local au-
thorities and influential individuals than their big-city counterparts.
In September journalists protesting against violence directed at the press were
beaten by police in Karachi, according to newspaper accounts. The police maintained
that the demonstration was illegal because it violated the ordinance prohibiting
gatherings of five or more f>eople.
Zafaryab Ahmad, a free-lance Lahore-based journalist, was arrested in 1995 and
chargea with sedition after he reported on child labor. He was accused of working
with Indian intelligence to damage Pakistan's carpet industry exports through false
reporting. His case is still pending in the courts. During the year, reporting and
published debate on child labor became much more common in the print media.
The broadcast media are government monopolies. The Government owns and op-
erates the bulk of radio and television stations through its two official broadcast bu-
reaucracies, the Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) and Pakistan Television
(PTV). Domestic news coverage and public affairs programming on these broadcast
media is closely controlled by the Government and has traditionally reflected strong-
ly the views of the party in power. One private radio station, one television broad-
caster, and a semi-private cable television operation have been licensed under spe-
cial contractual arrangements with the Government (and these are currently under
investigation for possible corruption in the form of sweetheart deal-making.) None
of these stations is permitted to produce news and public affairs programming; the
private television station rebroadcasts or simulcasts the regular PTV evening news.
However, the private Shalimar Television Network (STN) fills the bulk of non-prime
broadcasting hours with rebroadcasts of Cable News Network or British Broadcast-
1683
ing Corporation feeds. While STN routinely censors those segments considered to be
socially or sexually ofFensive, rarely, if ever, are foreign news stories censored for
content. The Ministry of Information monitors advertising on all broadcast media,
editing or removing those deemed morally objectionable. Satellite dishes are readily
available on the local market and are priced within reach of almost everyone witn
a television set — well into the lower-middle classes. South Asian satellite channels
(usually India-based) have become very important sources of news and information,
as well as popular entertainment.
Literary and creative works remain generally free of censorship. Obscene lit-
erature, a category broadly defined by the Government, is subject to seizure. Dram-
as and documentaries on previously taboo subjects, including corruption, social
privilege, narcotics, violence against women, and female inequality, are frequently
Droadcast on television.
The Government and universities generally respect academic freedom. However,
the atmosphere of violence and intolerance fostered by student organizations, typi-
cally tied to political parties, continued to threaten academic freedom, despite tne
fact that a 1992 Supreme Court ruling prohibits student political organizations on
campuses. On some campuses, well-armed groups of students, primarily from radi-
cal religious organizations, clash with and intimidate other students, instructors,
and administrators on matters of language, syllabus, examination policies, grades,
doctrine, and dress. These groups facilitate cheating on examinations, interfere in
the hiring of staff at the campuses, control new admissions, and sometimes control
the funds of their institutions. At Punjab University, the largest university in the
province, Islami Jamiat-E-Tulaba (IJT — the student wing of the religious j)olitical
party Jamaat-I-Islami) imposes its self-defined code of conduct on teachers and
other students.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The Constitution provides for
freedom "to assemble peacefully and without arms subject to any reasonable restric-
tions imposed by law in the interest of public order." Although the Government gen-
erally permits peaceful assembly, it occasionally interferes with large rallies, which
are held by all political parties.
District magistrates occasionally exercised their power under the Criminal Proce-
dures Code to ban meetings of more than four people when demonstrations seemed
likely to result in violence. This provision was invoKed frequently in May during the
Islamic month of Muharram, when tensions between Sunni and Shi'a Muslims tra-
ditionally peak.
Christian activists charged that police overreacted in handling marches staged in
Karachi in February by Christian groups protesting the attack on the village of
Shantinagar (see Section 2.c.). They maintain that the marchers were peaceful, but
that police attacked them with batons, resulting in scores of injuries. Cfver 700 peo-
ple were arrested, all of whom were released within a few days except for two indi-
viduals charged with murder, who were released from custody a month later. In
January, nurses demonstrating against a superintendent at a teaching hospital in
Peshawar were allegedly beaten by plainclothes policemen. The nurses claimed that
five of their colleagues were seriously wounded in the attack.
In September journalists protesting against violence directed at the press were
beaten by police in Karachi, according to newspaper accounts. The police maintained
that the demonstration was illegal because it violated the ordinance prohibiting
gatherings of five or more people.
The Government did not usually interfere with large political rallies. However,
the authorities sometimes prevented leaders of politico-religious parties from travel-
ing to certain areas if they believed that the presence of such leaders would increase
sectarian tensions or cause public violence. In August the (jovernment detained
Jamaat-I-Islami (JI) chief Qazi Hussain Ahmed to prevent an announced public
rally of his party in Khyber tribal agency, where there is a government ban on polit-
ical party rallies and activities. JI activists in Peshawar demonstrated to protest
their chiefs arrest and police wielding batons charged the rally, arresting 45 party
workers.
The Constitution provides for freedom of association subject to restriction by gov-
ernment ordinance and law. There are no banned groups or parties.
c. Freedom of Religion. — Pakistan is an Islamic republic in which 96 percent of
the population are Muslims. The Constitution requires that laws be consistent with
Islam and imposes some elements of Koranic law on both Muslims and religious mi-
norities. While there is no law establishing the Koranic death penalty for apostates
(those who convert from Islam), social pressure against such an action is so powerful
that most such conversions take place in secret. Reprisals against suspected con-
verts are common. For example, in July a young woman from Sheikhupura was
murdered by her brother after allegedly undergoing a Christian baptism.
1684
"Islamiyyat" (Islamic studies) is compulsory for all Muslim students in state-run
schools. Students of other faiths are not required to study Islam but are not pro-
vided with parallel studies in their own religion. In practice, many non-Muslim stu-
dents are compelled by teachers to complete the Islamiyyat studies.
Minority religious groups fear that Shari'a and its goal of Islamizing the Govern-
ment and society may further restrict the freedom to practice non-Islamic religions.
Discriminatory religious legislation has encouraged an atmosphere of religious intol-
erance, which has fed to acts of violence directed against minority Muslim sects, as
well as against Christians, Hindus, and members of Muslim offshoot sects such as
Ahmadis and Zikris (see Section 5). However, Prime Minister Sharif has spoken out
in support of the rights of religious minorities, and hosted a Christmas dinner for
1,200 persons.
On February 6 and 7, a mob looted and burned the Christian village of
Shantinagar in Punjab. Local police participated in the attack and are suspected of
having instigated the riot by inventing a spurious charge that a Christian man had
desecrated a copy of the Koran. Approximately 20,000 persons were rendered home-
less. The Central Government took immediate relief action, deploying troops briefly
to restore order, and the Prime Minister visited the village. The Government has
made serious efforts to rebuild damaged and destroyed homes, but has not provided
compensation for personal property lost in the incident. The villagers remain fearful
of further attacks, and the police officers believed to be responsible for the riot,
though transferred and briefly suspended, have not faced criminal sanctions. Mean-
while, the 86 people who were charged with offenses related to the attack were all
released on bail and there was no indication that authorities planned to bring them
to trial.
A 1974 constitutional amendment declared Ahmadis to be a non-Muslim minority
because they do not accept Mohammed as the last prophet of Islam. However,
Ahmadis regard themselves as Muslims and observe many Islamic practices. In
1984 the Government inserted Section 298(c) into the Penal Code, prohibiting an
Ahmadi from calling himself a Muslim and banning Ahmadis from using Islamic
terminology. The punishment is up to 3 years' imprisonment and a fine. Since that
time, the Government and some religious groups have used this provision to harass
Ahmadis (see Section 5).
Section 295(a), the blasphemy provision of the Penal Code, originally stipulated
a maximum 2-year sentence for insulting the religion of any class of citizens. This
sentence was increased to 10 years in 1991. In 1982 Section 295(b) was added,
which stipulated a sentence of life imprisonment for "whoever willfully defiles, dam-
ages, or aesecrates a copy of the holy Koran." In 1986 another amendment, 295(c),
established the death penalty or life imprisonment for directly or indirectly defiling
^he sacred name of tne Holy Prophet Mohammad." In 1991 a court struck down
the option of life imprisonment. These laws, especially Section 295(c), have been
used by rivals and authorities to threaten, punish, or intimidate Ahmadis, Chris-
tians, and even orthodox Muslims. Since 1996 magistrates are now required to in-
vestigate allegations of blasphemy to see whether tney are credible before filing for-
mal charges.
Three Ahmadis were convicted of blasphemy in December. Abdul Qadeer, Muham-
mad Shahbaz, and Ishfaq Ahmad were found guilty of violating Section 295(c) and
sentenced to life imprisonment and a 50,000 rupee fines. Lawyers for the men are
appealing their cases at both the High and Supreme Court levels; in the meantime,
the men are serving their sentences in the Sheikhupura jail. Meanwhile, a number
of persons are in jails awaiting trial on charges of violating them. Among the blas-
phemy cases opened through August was one brought against a Muslim religious
scholar, Muhammad Yusuf AH, who was charged under Section 295(c). He has oeen
jailed in a class "C cell since March. Due to threats, his wife had to resign her job
as a professor and go into hiding with their children. In January five Christians
were detained by police for 2 weeks because they supposedly signed a letter that
blasphemed the Prophet Mohammed and threatened to blow up a mosque. The five,
all poor and reportedly illiterate, were eventually found innocent and released. The
cases of Christians Anwar Masih (jailed for the past 4 years) and Ayub Masih (de-
tained since October 1996), both of whom are charged under Section 295(c), remain
pending in the courts. Christian activists allege that on November 6, someone fired
a shot at Ajoib outside the court. The police allege that the sound of gunfire was
caused by a firecracker and have closed the investigation of the incident. According
to Ahmadi activists, during the vear 32 Ahmadis were charged with violating the
blasphemy laws and sections of the Pakistan Penal Code that were Ahmadi-specific.
Ahmadi leaders state that of 156 Ahmadis awaiting trial on various charges related
to their religious beliefs, as of December 151 were Tree on bail. Four of the five who
were in prison as of December — Riaz Ahmed, Bashir Ahmed, Qamar Ahmed, and
1685
Mushtaq Ahmed — were released from prison after their application for bail was ap-
proved by the Supreme Court.
Ahmadis continue to suffer from a variety of problems, including violation of their
places of worship, being barred from burial in Muslim graveyards, denial of freedom
of faith, speech, and assembly, restrictions on their press, a social boycott, and al-
leged official support of extremist elements who act against the Ahmadi community
(see Section 5). Several Ahmadi mosques remained closed. In January extremist re-
ligious agitation forced the caretaker Government to back down from a decision to
replace the term "non-Muslim" with "Ahmadi" under the category of religion on
passports.
In the Punjab, a deadly pattern of Sunni-Shi'a violence has emerged in which ter-
rorists murder people who are targeted because of their membership in rival sects.
Attacks on places of worship occur frequently and have created a climate of fear
among those who attend public prayer services (see Section 5).
When religious cases are brought to court, extremists often pack the courtroom
and make public threats about the consequences of an acquittal. As a result, judges
and magistrates, seeking to avoid a confrontation with the extremists, oft!en con-
tinue trials indefinitely, and the accused is burdened with further legal costs and
repeated court appearances. Prior to his murder in October, Lahore High Court jus-
tice Arif Iqbal Hussain Bhatti, one of the two judges who in 1995 ruled to acquit
accused Christian blasphemers Salamat and Rehmat Masih, received several death
threats from Islamic extremist groups. Bhatti's killer had not been arrested by
year's end.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— Most citizens enjoy freedom of movement within the country and to
travel abroad. However, the authorities at times prevented political party leaders
from traveling to certain areas of the country (see Section 2.D.). Travel to Israel is
legally prohibited, (jovemment employees must obtain "no objection certificates" be-
fore traveling abroad. Students are also required to have these certificates from
their institutions, though this requirement is rarely enforced. Citizens regularly ex-
ercise the right to emigrate. However, an exit control list (ECL), which is constantly
being revised, is used to prevent the departure of wanted criminals and individuals
under investigation for defaulting on loans, corruption, or other offenses. An esti-
mated 3,000 to 4,(X)0 individuals are on the ECL. No judicial action is reauired to
add a name to the ECL, and there is no judicial recourse or formal appeal mecha-
nism if one's name is added. However, in some cases courts have directed the (jov-
emment to lift restrictions on some ECL-listed politicians' travel abroad.
While use of the ECL authority to harass political opponents has abated, opposi-
tion members charge that they are still singled out. PPP leader Benazir Bhutto was
briefly detained at Karachi airport on her way to London in July. In August another
PPP leader, Munir Ahmed Khan, was removed from a New York -bound flight at the
Lahore airport. Khan claimed that the (government wanted to prevent him from
traveling for fear that he was planning to arrange antigovernment demonstrations
during the Prime Minister's travel abroad. After filing a petition at the Lahore High
Court, justice Faqir Muhammad Khokhar ordered that the petitioner be allowed to
leave the country after depositing a 500,000 rupee bond.
The (jovemment cooperates with the office of the United Nations High Commis-
sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting ref-
ugees. First asylum has been provided to refugees from Afghanistan since 1979,
when several million Afghans ueeing Soviet occupation poured across the border
into Pakistan. There are still believed to be more than 1 million Afghan refugees
in Pakistan who have been granted first asylum.
The Government has not legally granted permanent resettlement to Afghan refu-
fieea but allows them to live and work in Pakistan. Many are self-supporting and
ive outside of refugee camps, which has resulted in some hostility among local com-
munities, whose residents believe that Afghans take job opportunities from them.
According to the UNHCR, there were no reports of forced return of persons to a
country where they feared persecution. The Government is cooperating with the
UNHC;R in an effort to encourage repatriation of Afghans to rural areas of Afghani-
stan considered to be safe. Surveys have been conducted in the camps and over
15,000 families have registered for repatriation. Since January 85,000 persons have
returned to Afghanistan. Since 1988, over 2.5 million Afghans have been repatri-
ated.
Afghan refugees have limited access to legal protection and depend on the ability
of the UNHCR and leaders of their groups to resolve disputes among themselves
and with elements of Pakistani society. Police also frequently prevent Afghan na-
tionals from entering the cities. Most able-bodied male refugees nave found at least
intermittent employment but are not covered by labor laws. Women and girls ob-
1686
tained increasingly better education and health care than is available in Afghani-
stan, as NGO's provided increased services. However, Afghan women working for
NGO's have occasionally been targets for harassment ana violence by conservative
elements in the camps.
The resettlement of Biharis continued to be a contentious issue. The Biharis are
Urdu-speaking people from the Indian state of Bihar who went to East Pakistan —
now Bangladesh — at the time of partition in 1947. When Bangladesh became inde-
pendent from Pakistan in 1971, tne Biharis indicated a preference for resettlement
in Pakistan. Since that time, approximately 250,000 Biharis have been in refugee
camps in Bangladesh. While the Mohajir community — descendants of Muslims who
emigrated to present-day Pakistan from India during partition — supports resettle-
ment, the Sindhi community opposes the move. In 1993 the Government flew 342
Biharis to Pakistan and placed them in temporary housing in central Punjab. No
further resettlement has occurred.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the right and the ability to change their government peacefully.
With certain exceptions, citizens 21 years of age and over nave the right to vote.
However, several million bonded laborers and nomads may not vote because the na-
tional election commission has ruled that they do not "ordinarily reside in an elec-
toral area, nor do they own or possess a dwelling or immovable property in that
area." Political parties have been allowed to operate freely since tne full lifting of
martial law in 1988. Unregistered political parties are permitted to participate in
elections, members of the national and provincial assemblies are directly elected.
The Constitution requires that the President and Prime Minister be Muslims.
Under the electoral system, minorities vote for reserved at-large seats, not for
non-minority candidates who represent actual constituencies. Because of this, local
parliamentary representatives have little incentive to promote their minority con-
stituents' interests. In the National Assembly (NA), Christians hold four reserved
seats, Hindus and members of scheduled castes another four, Ahmadis one, Sikhs,
Buddhists, Parsis, and other non-Muslims one. Each of the four categories is main-
tained on a separate electoral roll, and minorities cannot cast votes for the Muslim
constituency seats. Also, under article 106 of the Constitution, seats in the provin-
cial assemblies are reserved for minorities. Population estimates are out-of-date be-
cause there has not been a census since 1981, but the election conunission of the
1997 general election report states that each Christian NA member represents
327,6(^ people; each Hindu and scheduled castes NA member, 319,029; the Sikh,
Buddhist, Parsi and other non-Muslim member, 112,801; and the Ahmadi member
104,244. These figures significantly understate the population of most of the minor-
ity groups.
National elections for national and provincial assemblies were held on February
3. Election observers, including teams from the Human Rights Commission of Paki-
stan (HRCP), and groups representing the European Union, the Commonwealth of
Nations, and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, concluded that
the elections were generally "free and fair" with no evidence of systemic or wide-
spread abuse of the electoral process.
Elections for local government bodies have not been held since 1993, when these
bodies were dissolved by the caretaker government because of charges of corruption.
The Government intends to hold elections for local government bodies subsequent
to a national census, which is scheduled to take place in March 1998. Meanwhile,
appointed bureaucrats continue to administer local government.
Due to a December 1996 decision by President Leghari and the caretaker govern-
ment, the February 3 elections for the eight national assembly members from the
FATA were for the first time conducted on the basis of universal adult franchise.
Prior to 1997, in keeping with local traditions, tribal leaders, or maliks, appointed
in the governor's name by the central Government's political agents in each agency,
elected the FATA National Assembly members. In accordance with the Govern-
ment's general ban on political party activities in the FATA, candidates were not
allowed to register by political party and political party rallies were not allowed in
this first universal franchise election in the tribal areas. However, several political
parties did covertly campaign for their candidates. Tribal people, including large
numbers of women in some of the tribal agencies, registered to vote, despite cam-
paigns by some tribes against female participation in the elections. However, on
election day, far fewer registered women in proportion to registered men actually
voted, as tribal traditions against public roles for women reasserted themselves.
Because of a longstanding territorial dispute with India, the political status of the
northern areas — Hunza, Gilgit, and Baltistan — is not resolved. As a result, more
1687
than 1 million inhabitants of the northern areas are not covered under any constitu-
tion and have no representation in the federal legislature. The area is administered
by an appointed civil servant. While there is an elected Northern Areas Council, this
body serves in an advisory capacity to the federal Government and has no authority
to change laws or raise and spend revenue.
Although women participate in government, they are underrepresented in political
life at all levels. Six women hold seats in the 217-member National Assembly, up
from 4 seats in the previous parliament. Thirty-five women, more than ever before,
contested seats in the February national elections. The Parliamentary Commission
on the Status of Women in Pakistan recommended reserving one-third of seats in
all elected bodies for women. While women participate in large numbers in elections,
some women are dissuaded from voting in elections by family, religious, and social
customs in rural areas. According to the Parliamentary Commission, women in some
tribal areas were intimidated into not voting during the February elections. An-
nouncements were made on mosque loudspeakers that voting by women was un-Is-
lamic and women going to polling stations risked having their houses burned down.
As a result no more than 37 women out of 6,600 registered to vote actually cast
ballots in Jamrud, in the Khyber Agency. A national census has not been held since
1981, despite the requirement that one be conducted every 10 years. A census has
been repeatedly postponed due to pressure from ethnic groups and provincial rival-
ries. Everyone agrees that the country's population has grown considerably in the
past 17 years, and that millions of people have moved from the countryside into the
cities. The new census figures would presumably refiect these shifts and serve as
the basis for determining political representation and also for allocating funds to the
various provinces from the federal treasury. Thus, those favored by the status quo
have resisted holding a new census.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
There are several domestic human rights organizations, and new human rights
and legal aid groups continue to form. These groups are generally free to operate
without government restriction. The Government has provided protection to human
rights lawyers defending accused blasphemers following threats and attacks on the
lawyers by religious activists.
International human rights organizations have been permitted to visit Pakistan
and travel freely.
The Ministry of Human Rights, established in November 1995, is now a cell with-
in the Ministry of Law, Justice, Human Rights, and Parliamentary Affairs. The cell
is staffed by roughly 100 employees, most of whom are based at the cell's head-
quarters in Islamabad. To date, the cell has set up a "women in distress" fund and
put together a jail reform package, in addition to dealing with individual human
rights cases, particularly those involving rape and bonded labor. Because of limited
budget and staff, the cell operates primarily on a case-by-case basis. It is not viewed
as very effective by human right observers.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equality before the law for all citizens and broadly
frohibits discrimination based on race, religion, caste, residence, or place of birth,
n practice, however, there is significant discrimination based on these factors.
Women. — Domestic violence is a widespread and serious problem. Human rights
groups estimate that anywhere from 80 to 90 percent of women are victims oi do-
mestic violence. The Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry for Women reported that
violence against women "has been described as the most pervasive violation of
human rights" in Pakistan, and it called for legislation clearly stating that domestic
violence against women is a criminal offense. While abusive spouses may be charged
with assault, cases are rarely filed. Police usually return battered wives to their
abusive husbands. Women are reluctant to file charges because of societal mores
that stigmatize divorce and make women economically and psychologically depend-
ent on their husbands and male relatives. Relatives are also reluctant to report
cases of abuse in order to protect the reputation of the family.
In 1997 there were hundreds of incidents involving violence against women re-
ported in the press. For example, almost 300 cases of wife-beating were reported as
of September in Islamabad and Rawalpindi alone, and human rights groups say
that these figures are derived primarily from cases reported by middle- and upper-
class women. The press continued to draw attention to murders of married women
by relatives over dowry or other family-related disputes. Most of the victims are
burned to death, allegedly in kitchen stove accidents. A study of 145 "stove deaths"
1688
covering the period from January to July found that almost all the fires were delib-
erately set. According to the Commission of Inquiry for Women, newspapers from
Lahore reported an average of 15 cases a month durinff a 6-month penoa in 1997;
most of the victims were young married women. The Commission noted that many
cases are not reported by hospitals and, even when they are, the police are reluctant
to investigate or file charges. Human rights monitors agree that most "stove deaths"
are in fadt murders based upon a suspicion of illicit sexual relationship or on dowry
demands. Increased media coverage of cases of wife burnings, spousal abuse, spous-
al murder, and rape has helped to raise awareness about violence against women.
Several daily newspapers in Islamabad and Rawalpindi ran frontpage stories on
September 27 on the case of a woman from a village near the town of Gujar Khan
who was mutilated by her husband because he suspected her of adultery. Nusrat
Perveen told the press that her husband was actually enraged over the fact that
she complained to her mother-in-law over his mistreatment of her, and that he cut
off her nose and hair in retaliation. The victim stated that her relatives refused to
help her after the incident, and local police pressured her into signing a statement
absolving her husband of the crime.
A crisis center for women in distress was opened in late October in Islamabad.
The center, the first of its kind in Pakistan, is an initiative of the Ministry of Wom-
en's Development with the assistance of local NGO's. The center offers legal and
medical referrals from volunteer doctors and lawyers, counseling from trained psy-
chologists, and a hotline for women in distress. The center was opened before fund-
ing had been allocated and staff hired. For its first 2V2 months of business the cen-
ter relied on volunteer staff and received only 15 walk-in cases. A second shelter
was opened in late in the year in Vehari, a town in southern Punjab.
Rape is a widespread problem. In April the National Assembly in April passed
a law providing for the death penalty for persons convicted of gang rape. The first
conviction under this new law took place in July in Mardan, where two defendants
were sentenced to death. Nevertheless, it is estimated that less than one-third of
all rapes are reported to the police. The police themselves are frequently charged
with raping women. In July, a woman in Rawalpindi was alleged raped by three
policemen, while her companion was beaten and robbed (see Section I.e.). According
to a police official, in a majority of rape cases the victims are pressured to drop rape
charges because of the threat of Hudood adultery charges being brought against
them. All consensual extramarital sexual relations are considered violations of the
Hudood ordinances. However, according to an HRCP lawyer, the Government has
brought fewer charges against women under the Hudood ordinances than in the
past, and the courts have shown greater leniency toward women in their sentences
and in the granting of bail. In Hudood cases, a female or non-Muslim witness is not
accepted. This means that if a man rapes a woman in the presence of several
women, he cannot be convicted under the Hudood ordinances because female wit-
nesses are not accepted. Similarly, if a Muslim man rapes a Christian woman in
the presence of several Christian men and women, he cannot be convicted under
Hudood ordinances because non-Muslim witnesses are not accepted.
The Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry for Women criticized the Hudood ordi-
nances and recommended that they be repealed. The Commission charged that the
laws on adultery and rape have been subject to widespread misuse, with 95 percent
of the women accused of adultery being found innocent either in the court of first
instance or on appeal. However, by that time, the Commission pointed out, the
woman may have spent months in jail, suffering sexual abuse at the hands of the
police and the destruction of her reputation. The Commission found that the main
victims of the Hudood laws are poor women who are unable to defend themselves
against slanderous charges. The laws have also been used by husbands and other
male family members to punish their wives and female relatives for reasons having
nothing to do with sexual propriety, according to the Commission.
Marital rape is not a crime. The 1979 Hudood ordinances abolished punishment
for raping one's wife. The Commission of Inquiry for Women has, however, rec-
ommended reinstating penalties for marital rape. Marriage registration (nikah)
sometimes occurs years before the marriage is consummated ('rukh sati"). The
"nikah" (non-consummated) marriage is regarded as a formal marital relationship.
In one 1996 case, a 13-year-old girl, whose nikah had been performed but rukhsati
had not taken place, decided to divorce her husband. The husband kidnaped the
girl, raped her, and then released her. The police refused to register a rape case ar-
guing tnat they were a married couple.
There are numerous reports of women killed or mutilated by male relatives who
suspect them of adultery. Few such cases are investigated seriously and those who
are arrested are often acquitted on the grounds that they were "provoked," or for
a lack of witnesses. Scores of men and women from Balochistan and rural areas of
1689
Sindh and Punjab provinces are killed annually for alleged illicit sexual relations
in so-called "honor* killings. While the tradition of such killing applies equally to
offending men and women, women are more likely to be killed than men. In one
incident in March, seven people, including five policemen, were killed near Larkana
in Sindh. A reporter who covered the story said that the trouble stemmed from pro-
longed enmity Detween two factions of a clan over an "honor" murder. The Commis-
sion of Inquiry for Women rejected the whole concept of "honor" as a mitigating cir-
cumstance in a murder case and recommended that such killings be treated as sim-
ple murder.
The Commission also drew attention to the problem of "enforced prostitution and
traflicking in women," noting that women are the victims of exploitation by police
and pimps, and should be treated with compassion. Most of the women in question
are brought in from Bangladesh, usually under the false pretense of working in le-
^timate jobs in Pakistan. It is mostly a problem in Sindh province and includes
Bangladeshi, Burmese, Sri Lankan, Indian, and Afghani women.
There are significant barriers to the advancement of women, beginning at birth.
In general, female children are less valued and cared for than male children. Ac-
cording to a United Nations study, girls receive less nourishment, health care, and
education than boys. According to a 1996 report by the Islamabad-laased Human De-
velopment Center, only 16 women are economically active for every 100 men. Some
progress has been made over the past several years in getting more females into
school. A recent survey found that the enrollment rate for girls under age 12 was
65 percent, less than that of boys (75 percent), but considerably higher than the
1990 figure of 50 percent. Similarly, the female literacy rate has doubled during the
past two decades, although, at roughly 27 percent, it is just over half that of males.
Discrimination against women is particularly acute in rural areas. In some areas
of rural Sindh and Balochistan, female literacy rates are 2 percent or less. A survey
of rural females by the National Institute of Psychology found that 42 percent of
parents cited "no financial benefit" as the primary reason they tended to send their
sons rather than their daughters to school. Similarly, a study by the NWFP Direc-
torate of Primary Education discovered that most girls in rural areas do not go to
school because they have to look after the household while their mothers help their
fathers in the fields.
Human rights monitors and women's groups believe that Shari'a has had a harm-
ful effect on the rights of women and minorities, reinforcing popular attitudes and
perceptions, and contributing to an atmosphere in which discriminatory treatment
of women and non-Muslims is more readily accepted.
Both civil and religious laws theoretically protect women's rights in cases of di-
vorce, but many women are unaware of them, and often the laws are not observed.
The Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry for Women recommended that marriage
registration (nikahnama) be made mandatory and that women, as well as men, have
the right to initiate divorce proceedings. It also called for the punishment of those
who coerce women or girls into forced marriages. There is no concept of alimony.
A husband is legally bound to maintain his wife until 3 months after the divorce.
A father is bound to maintain his children until they reach the age of 14 for males,
or, if tJiey are females, 16 years old. However, the legal system is so complicated
and lengthy that is can take years for the children to get maintenance.
In inheritance cases women generally do not receive — or are pressed to surren-
der— their due share of the inheritance. In rural areas, the practice of a woman
"marrying the Koran" is still widely accepted if the family cannot arrange a suitable
marriage or wants to keep the family wealth intact. A woman "married to the
Koran' is forbidden to have any contact with males over 14 years of age, including
her immediate family members. Press reports indicate that the practice of buying
and selling brides still takes place in parts of NWFP and the Punjab.
In a case that was followed closely both in Pakistan and abroad, a special three-
member bench of the Lahore High Court on March 10 upheld the Federal Shari'a
Court's ruling that a Muslim woman can marry without the consent of her wali
(guardian), wnich in turn takes away the wali's right to grant such consent on be-
half of the woman without her approval. This decision in the so-called "Saima" case
overruled a 1996 decision by a Lahore High Court judge that a woman's marriage
without the consent of her parents or guardian was invalid.
There are limits on the admissibility and value of women's testimony in court (see
Section I.e.).
Although a small number of women study and teach in universities, postgraduate
employment opportunities remain largely limited to teaching, medical services, and
the law. Nevertneless, an increasing number of women are entering the commercial
and public sectors.
1690
According to the Ministry of Health, the Government through 1996 had trained
and deployed around 37,000 female rural health workers. The Government has
scrapped its previous goal of having 100,000 female health workers by 1998 because
it says it wants to improve the quality of those it has selected.
Women's organizations operate primarily in urban centers. Many concentrate on
educating women about existing legal rights. Other groups concentrate on providing
legal aid to poor women in prison who may not be able to afford an attorney.
Children. — There is no federal law on compulsory education, and neither the fed-
eral or provincial governments provide sufficient resources to assure universal edu-
cation. Pakistan's education system is in disarray, with studies showing that only
70 percent of children under the age of 12 are enrolled in school, less than half of
whom actually complete primary school. Even those children who make it to the
fifth grade are not assured of being able to read and write. According to UNICEF
figures, a nationwide sample of children in grade five revealed that only 33 percent
could read with comprehension, while a mere 17 percent were able to write a simple
letter. Development experts point to a number of factors for the poor state of public
education, including the low percentage of gross national product devoted to edu-
cation, and inefficient and corrupt federal and provincial bureaucracies. One mem-
ber of the Prime Minister's education task force estimated that up to 50 percent of
the education budget is "pilfered."
Government provision of health care for children is somewhat better — especially
with the program to deploy rural health workers — but health care services in most
areas remain seriously inadequate. Many children begin working at a very early age
(see Section 6.d.). At the age of 5 or 6, female children are often responsible for
younger siblings.
Children are sometimes kidnaped to be used as forced labor, for ransom, or to
seek revenge against an enemy (see Sections 6.c. and 6.d.). In rural areas, it is a
traditional practice for poor parents to give their children to rich landlords in ex-
change for money or land, according to human rights advocates. These children are
frequently abused by their owners. Incidents of rape and murder of minor teenage
children are common. A 1996 survey conducted in Punjab showed that 40 percent
of reported rape victims were minors, with the youngest victim in the study only
8 years old. A UNICEF-sponsored study of Punjab found that 15 percent of girls re-
ported having been sexually abused. Child prostitution involving boys and girls is
widely known to exist but is rarely discussed. The NGO Shabab-I-Milli launched a
campaign to combat child prostitution by raising public awareness about the prob-
lem. The Commission of Inquiry for Women observed that child sexual abuse is a
subject that "has been virtually ignored in Pakistan," and called for a public edu-
cation campaign on the subject, including introducing it into school curriculums and
training nurses and doctors in how to handle such cases.
Legal rights for children are theoretically protected by numerous laws that incor-
porate elements of the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, the
Government frequently fails to enforce these laws. There are two facilities — one in
Karachi and one in Multan — that serve are reform schools for juvenile offenders.
There is only one jail in each province for convicted prisoners under 21 years of age.
Although Punjab and Sindh provinces have laws mandating special judicial proce-
dures for child offenders, in practice, children and adults are essentially treated
equally. Human rights advocates estimate that roughly 3,500 minors, ages 9 to 21
years, are imprisoned in jails throughout the country.
According to press reports, there are several madrassahs (religious schools) where
children are illegally confined and kept in unhealthy conditions. One investigative
report, in an English-language daily, detailed the death of a 9-year-old boy who was
killed on September 23 while escaping from a madrassah near the Punjabi city of
Multan. The boy reportedly was kept in chains at the madrassah and, while at-
tempting to cut the chains on a railroad track, was struck and killed by a train.
The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan filed an appeal with a local court for
an investigation of the incident, as well as a cancellation of the madrassah's reg-
istration. As of December, the courts had not acted on the case.
People With Disabilities. — There are no laws requiring equal accessibility to public
buildings for disabled persons. The vast majority of mentally ill and mentally re-
tarded individuals are taken care of by their families. There is a legal provision re-
auiring organizations to reserve at least 1 percent of their work forces for qualified
isabled persons. Organizations that do not wish to hire disabled persons can in-
stead give a certain amount of money to the Government treasury, which goes into
a fund for the disabled.
Religious Minorities. — Government authorities afford religious minorities less
legal protection than is afforded to Muslim citizens. Members of religious minorities
1691
are subject to violence and harassment, and police at times refuse to prevent such
actions or to charge those who commit them.
Ahmadis are often targets of religious intolerance, much of it instigated by local
religious leaders. For example, the chief mullah of the central mosque of Pattoki dis-
tributed a handbill in which he declared that all Ahmadis, as apostates, should be
killed under Shari'a, but that, regretfully, the law had not been applied. Ahmadi
leaders charge that militant Sunni mullahs and their followers stage frequent
marches through the streets of the Ahmadi capital of Rabwah in central Punjab.
Backed by mobs of 100 to 200 people, the mullahs purportedly stride down the
streets uttering diatribes against Ahmadis and their founder, a situation that often
leads to violence. Police are generally on hand during these marches, the Ahmadis
claim, but as a rule do not intervene to prevent trouble. A number of Ahmadis were
seriously injured in attacks by religious extremists, and Ahmadi leaders attribute
three murders of their group during the year to anti-Ahmadi zealots. All three of
the victims had received numerous threatening letters prior to their murders.
Ahmadis suffer from harassment (see Section 2.c.) and discrimination and have
limited chances for advancement into management levels in government service.
Even the rumor that someone may be an Ahmadi or have Ahmadi relatives can sti-
fle opportunities for employment or promotion. Ahmadi students are subject to
abuse by their non-Ahmadi classmates, and the quality of teachers assigned to the
schools by the Government is poor. Young Ahmadis and their parents also complain
of difficulty in gaining admittance to good colleges, forcing many children to go
abroad for higher education. Certain sections of the Penal Code have also caused
problems for the group (see Section 2.c.), particularly the provision that forbids
Ahmadis from "directly or indirectly" posing as Muslims. Armed with this vague
wording, mullahs have brought charges against Ahmadis for using the standard
Muslim greeting form and naming their children Mohammad.
Other religious minority groups also experience considerable discrimination in em-
ployment and education. In Pakistan's early years, minorities were able to rise to
the senior ranks of the military and civil service. Today, many are unable to rise
above mid-level ranks. Discrimination in employment is believed to be common.
Christians in particular have difficulty finding jobs other than those of menial labor,
although Christian activists say that the employment situation has improved some-
what in the private sector. Christians find themselves disproportionately overrepre-
sented in Pakistan's most oppressed social group — that of bonded laborers. Like
Ahmadis, many Christians complain about the difficulty that their children have in
gaining admission to government schools and colleges, a problem they attribute to
discrimination. Many Christians continue to express fear of forced marriages be-
tween Muslim males and Christian women, although the practice is relatively rare.
Reprisals against suspected converts to Christianity are common, and a general at-
mosphere of religious intolerance has led to acts of violence against religious minori-
ties (see Section 2.c.). There are also restrictions on testimony in court oy non-Mus-
lims (see Section I.e.).
During the year, large-scale sectarian violence in the Punjab between Shi'a and
Sunni extremist groups claimed the lives of 195 people, including professionals, bu-
reaucrats, and religious scholars who were specifically targetea. Indiscriminate
shootings at mosques led to fear of general religious unrest. However, the public at
large generally supported government actions to stem terrorism. Press reports state
that over 220 people were killed nationwide in sectarian violence during the year.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association. — The Industrial Relations Ordinance of 1969 (IRO)
provides for the right of industrial workers to form trade unions but is subject to
major restrictions in some employment areas. The Essential Services Maintenance
Act of 1952 (ESA) covers sectors associated with the state administration, i.e., gov-
ernment services and state enterprises, such as oil and gas production, electricity
generation and transmission, the state-owned airline, and ports. Workers in these
sectors are allowed to form unions. However, the ESA sharply restricts normal
union activities, usually prohibiting, for example, the right to strike in affected orga-
nizations. The ESA also exempts export promotion zones (EPZ's) from the IRO's pro-
vision granting workers the right to form trade unions.
Union members make up only about 10 percent of the industrial labor force and
3 percent of the total estimated work force. Contract labor continues to fiourish, un-
dercutting the power of the unions and exploiting workers willing to work on tem-
¥orary contracts. These workers receive fewer benefits and have no job security,
here is no provision in the law granting the right of association to agricultural
workers.
1692
Legally required conciliation proceedings and cooling-ofF periods constrain the
right to strike, as does the Government's authority to ban any strike that may cause
"serious hardship to the conununity" or prejudice the national interest. The Govern-
ment may also ban a strike that has continued for 30 days.
Strikes are rare. When they occur, they are usually illegal and short. The Govern-
ment regards as illegal any strike conducted by workers who are not members of
a legally registered union. Police do not hesitate to crack down on worker dem-
onstrations. The law prohibits employers from seeking retribution against leaders
of a legal strike and stipulates criminal penalties for offenders. The courts may im-
prison employers for violating this prohibition, but they are more likely to fine
them. The law does not protect leaders of illegal strikes.
Unions may belong to federations, and there are seven major federations. The
Government permits trade unions all across the political spectrum. While many
unions remain aloof from party politics, the most powerful are those associated with
political parties. After the PPP came to power in 1988, it successfully organized
trade unions under the banner of the Peoples' Labor Bureau (PLB). The PLB s main
competitors are the Jamaat-I-Islami's National Labor Federation and the MQM-
backed labor unions.
In May the Cabinet passed an amendment to the ERO which states that: 1) only
employees of the represented industry can hold office in a trade union; and, 2) if
trade unions form a federation, the federation cannot bargain with individual em-
ployers; each component union has to bargain for itself. The first provision dis-
advantages smaller unions, which may not have enough officers capable of bargain-
ing. The second provision is an attempt to weaken the power of the federations. This
amendment has been challenged by the trade unions and, as a result, has not yet
come into force. On November 21, the Prime Minister announced the Government's
new investment policy, in which, in order to improve working relations among em-
ployees and employers, trade union activity will be industry -Based and not factory-
based. The new policy also decrees that, in order to check the growth of trade
unions, unions receiving less than 20 percent of the votes in a referendum will be
automatically dissolved and their registrations canceled.
The International Labor Organization (ILO) has repeatedly stated that current
law and practice violate the Government's commitments under ILO Convention 87.
The ILO nas urged the Government to lift prohibitions against union activity in re-
spect to teachers, radio, television, railway, forestry, hospital, and other government
employees, as well as to rescind the existing ban on strikes. The ILO also expressed
concern about the practice of artificial promotions that exclude workers from the
purview of Convention 111. In response to a government request, the ILO has pro-
vided technical assistance to help bring the country's labor laws into conformity
with the world body's conventions.
In 1994 a government task force on labor prepared a report recommending im-
provements on worker rights problems, which were the basis for the development
of a new labor policy by the Government. At present, the Government has not yet
approved the new labor policy. However, the Government has implemented two com-
ponents of the proposed labor policy: 1) improvements in the workers' welfare fund;
and, 2) increases in social security benefits for workers. On August 20, the Prime
Minister and trade union representatives agreed to establish a committee to exam-
ine the labor laws and draft legislation to bring them in conformity with ILO con-
ventions and the national constitution.
Federations are free to affiliate with international federations and confederations.
For example, trade unions belong to the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions (ICFTU) and to secretariats affiliated to the ICFTU.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively. — The right of industrial work-
ers to organize and freely elect representatives to act as collective bargaining agents
is established in law. The IRO prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers. If
found guilty of antiunion discrimination, employers are required to reinstate work-
ers fired for union activities.
In general, legally constituted unions have the right to bargain collectively. How-
ever, the many restrictions on forming unions (see Section 6.a.) preclude collective
bargaining by large sections of the labor force, e.g., agricultural workers, who are
not provided with the right to strike, bargain collectively, or make demands on em-
ployers.
The ESA also restricts collective bargaining. For each industry subject to the ESA,
the Government must make a finding, renewable every 6 months, on the limits of
union activity. In cases in which the Government prohibits collective bargaining,
special wage boards decide wage levels.
These boards are established at the provincial level and comprise representatives
from industry, labor, and the provincial labor ministry, which provides the chair-
1693
man. The chairman may name additional industry and labor representatives to the
board. Despite the presence of the labor representatives, unions are generally dis-
satisfied with the boards' findings. Disputes are adjudicated before the National In-
dustrial Relations Commission. A worker's right to quit may also be curtailed under
the ESA. Dismissed workers have no recourse to the labor courts.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor. — The Constitution and the law pro-
hibit forced labor. However, critics argue that the ESA's limitation on some worker
rights constitutes a form of compulsory labor. The Government informed the ILO's
Committee on the Application of Standards in 1990 that amendments were under
consideration to rectify the problem. However, the Government has taken no further
action.
Dlegal bonded labor is widespread. Bonded labor is common in the brick, glass,
and fishing industries and is found among agricultural and construction workers in
rural areas. There is no evidence that bonded labor is used in the production for
export of sporting goods and surgical equipment. However, bonded labor is report-
edly used m the production of carpets Tor export. Conservative estimates put the
number of bonded workers at several million.
According to press reports, in the remote areas of rural Sindh, reports of bonded
agricultural labor and oebt slavery have a long history. Landlords have kept entire
families in private prisons and families have been sold by one landlord to another.
According to press reports, raids by government ofTicials and human rights activists
over a 2-year period from January 1995 to January 1997 resulted in the liberation
of 349 bonded laborers.
The Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act adopted in 1992, outlawed bonded labor,
canceled all existing bonded debts, and forbade lawsuits for the recovery of existing
debts. However, the provincial governments, which are responsible for enforcing the
law, have failed to establish enforcement mechanisms. Hence, the law is largely in-
effective. Lacking employment alternatives, many workers have voluntarily re-
turned to bonded labor.
Children are sometimes kidnaped to be used as forced labor. According to ILO es-
timates from October 1996, 3.3 million children between the ages of 5 and 14 years
(about 8 percent of the reference population) are "economicallv active." Of these,
about two thirds work in agriculture alone. Seventy percent of the working children
have the status of "unpaid family helpers." Many observers believe that the ILO es-
timates understate the true dimensions of the problem. Observers also believe that
the incidence of bonded labor among such children is significant, but there are no
reliable figures available on this.
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. — Child
labor is common and results from a combination of severe poverty, employer greed,
and inadequate enforcement of laws intended to control it. The Constitution pro-
hibits slavery, forced labor, the trafficking in human beings, and employment of
children aged 14 years and under in factories, mines, and other hazardous occupa-
tions. The Employment of Children Act of 1991 prohibits the employment of cnil-
dren under age 14 in certain occupations and regulates their conditions of work.
Under this law, no child is allowed to work overtime or at night.
In October 1996, the (jovemment announced the results of its first comprehensive
child labor survey conducted with the assistance of the ILO's International Program
for the Elimination of Child Labor (ILO/IPEC). According to the survey, 8.3 percent
(or between 3.3 and 3.6 million) of children between the ages of 5 and 14 years
work. The child labor force is predominately male (73 percent) and predominately
rural (71 percent). About 60 percent of child labor is in Punjab. Some 45.8 percent
of child laoorers work 35 hours or more per week and 12.6 percent work 56 hours
or more. The majority (67 percent) of children work in agriculture, forestry, hunting,
and fishing industries; 11 percent in the manufacturing sector; 9 percent in whole-
sale/retail; and 8 percent in social/personal services. In occupational terms, craft and
related trade wort account for about 19 percent of child laoorers, while 71 percent
work in unskilled jobs. Only the Government and exporters regard the ILO survey
as an accurate measurement of the incidence of child labor. Many observers believe
that it understates the true dimensions of the problem.
Child labor is widely employed in the carpet industry, much of which is family-
run. Children are also employed in other export industries. However, some export
sectors have taken active measures to eliminate or phase out child labor. Human
rights activists acknowledge that surgical equipment manufacturers have removed
children from their factories; however, child laoor in this industry may still occur
at home. In February soccer ball manufacturers, importers, the ILO, and UNICEF
agreed upon an action plan (the Atlanta Agreement) to eliminate child labor from
the soccer ball industry within 18 months. This project, based in Sialkot, addresses
monitoring of the production and assembly of soccer balls, education of child labor-
1694
ers, rehabilitation and income generation. Under the Atlanta Agreement, soccer ball
manufacturers claimed to have eliminated 40 percent of their child labor before the
August implementation date of the agreement. However, such claims are not verifi-
able.
Under the memorandum of understanding with the Government, the ILO/IPEC
ftrogram in Pakistan is involved with a number of other projects concerning child
abor. There is an ILO country program in which the ILO works with the Govern-
ment, employers, workers, and NGO s to develop a national policy and plan of action
for child labor. The Government is establishing a pilot proCTam of 18 rehabilitation
centers for former child laborers through the Pakistan Bait-U-Mal, the Govern-
ment's social welfare fund. Each center educates 60 to 100 children. The ILO is cre-
ating a similar program in conjunction with the European Union.
In response to international criticism, the Government has begun to push provin-
cial authorities to enforce child labor laws. According to the Ministry oi Labor, dur-
ing the period from January 1995 to April 1997, 16,571 inspections of businesses
suspected of violating the Employment of Children Act of 1991 were carried out.
These resulted in 6,325 prosecutions and 1,409 convictions. Fines ranged from an
average of $7 in the NWFP to an average of $140 in Balochistan. However, these
fines are not large enough to be a significant deterrent.
The Child Care Foundation (CCF) of Pakistan, a national NGO, was established
in October 1996 with the support of the Government through the Ministry of Com-
merce. The CCF board is currently in the process of developing a child labor mon-
itoring system.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work. — Labor regulations are governed by federal stat-
utes applicable throughout the country. The minimum wage is approximately $47
(1,650 rupees) per month. Although this wage provides a meager subsistence living
for a small family, the minimum wage applies to only a small part of the work force,
and most families are large.
The law, applicable nationally, provides for a maximum workweek of 54 hours,
rest periods during the workday, and paid annual holidays. These regulations do not
apply to agricultural workers, workers in factories with fewer than 10 employees,
and to the small contract groups, which are subdivisions within factories of 10 or
fewer workers. Many workers are unaware of the regulations protecting their ri^ts
because of their lack of education.
The provinces have been ineffective in enforcing labor regulations, because of lim-
ited resources, corruption, and inadequate regulatory structures. In general, health
and safety standards are poor. Although organized labor presses for improvements,
the Government has done little and weakly enforces existing legal protection. Work-
ers cannot remove themselves from dangerous work conditions without risking loss
of employment.
SRI LANKA
Sri Lanka is a longstanding democratic republic with an active multiparty system.
Constitutional power is shared between the popularly elected President and the 225-
member Parliament. President Chandrika Kumaratunga leads the governing Peo-
ple's Alliance (PA), a coalition of parties. Both the Parliament and the President
were elected in free and fair elections in 1994. The (jovemment respects constitu-
tional provisions for an independent judiciary.
For the past 14 years the (jovemment has fought the Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam (LTTE), an insurgent organization fighting for a separate state for the coun-
try's Tamil minority. During the year, the fighting intensified. In May the (Jovem-
ment launched a major offensive aimed at opening a land route to the Jafi'na Penin-
sula through LTTE-controlled territory in the north. The offensive resulted in hun-
dreds killed on both sides and created tens of thousands of newly displaced persons.
The (jovemment controls all security forces. The 50,000-member police force is re-
sponsible for internal security in most areas of the country and has also been used
in military operations against the LTTE. The 118,000 member army (which includes
the Army Volunteer Force), and the 12,500-member navy and 10,000-member air
force, bear principal responsibility for conducting the war against the LTTE insur-
gents. The police paramilitary Special Task Force (STF) also battles the LTTE. The
5,000 strong home guards, an armed force drawn from local communities, provides
security for Muslim and Sinhalese village communities in or near the war zone. The
(jrovemment also arms and directs various Tamil militias opposed to the LTTE,
though at times these groups act independently of government authority. During the
year, some members o? the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.
1695
Sri Lanka is a low-income country with a market economy that is based on the
export of textiles, garments, tea, rubber, coconuts, and gems, and on earnings from
tourism and repatriated earnings of citizens employed abroad. The gross domestic
product per capita is about $780. The economy grew in excess of 5 percent per year
during 1990-1995 but growth slowed to 3.8 percent in 1996 due to the ongoing war
and a severe drought. Renewed investor confidence, an upswing in tourism, and
easier credit helped the economy rebound to a growth rate of almost 6 percent in
1997. During the year, the Government made significant steps toward economic re-
form, including trimming subsidies, privatizing government enterprises, and pro-
moting foreign investment and trade.
The Grovemment generally respected the human rights of its citizens in areas not
affected by the conflict. However, the ongoing war with the LTTE continued to be
accompanied by serious human rights abuses by the security forces. Security forces
committed as many as 100 extrajudicial killings. In addition, at least 100 individ-
uals disappeared from security force custody on and near the Jaffna Peninsula in
the north during the course of the year and 25 such disappearances occurred in the
eastern part of the island. Torture remained a serious problem, and prison condi-
tions remained poor. Arbitrary arrests — including short-term mass arrests and de-
tentions— continued, often accompanied by failure of the security forces to comply
with some of the protective provisions of the Emergency Regulations (ER). Impunity
for those responsible for human rights abuses remained a serious problem. No ar-
rests were made in connection with the disappearance and presumed killing of at
least 300 LTTE susjiects in Jaffna in 1996. Progress was made in a few longstand-
ing, high-profile cases of extrajudicial killing and disappearance. In most cases, how-
ever, no progress was made, or there was no investigation or prosecution at all, giv-
ing the appearance of impunity for those responsible for human rights violations.
Both the Government and the LTTE apparently killed prisoners taken on the battle-
field. The Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights and engaged in direct
censorship of domestic newspaper reporting and foreign television broadcasts from
January to May. Discrimination and violence against women, child prostitution, and
child labor continued to be problems.
In positive developments, the Government took steps to control the abuses. A per-
manent Human Rights Commission was constituted and began operations. A human
rights office opened officially on January 8, 1998 in Jaffna. Prosecutions of security
force personnel alleged to have engaged in human rights abuse continued in a few
cases. In the Krishanthi Kumaraswamy murder and rape case in which a young
woman and three other individuals were killed in September 1996 in Jaffna, the
Government ordered an expedited trial for the nine accused. The case came to trial
in September and was ongoing at year's end. There was no attempt, as in the past,
to use the ER to cover up security force misdeeds. Through its rulings, the judiciary
continued to exhibit its independence and uphold individual civil rights. Govern-
ment security forces continued to take effective measures to limit civilian casualties
during military operations. The Government also continued to provide relief to those
displaced by the conflict even though many were still under the control of the LTTE.
However, government restriction on medical supplies contributed to poor health con-
ditions for civilians in the Vanni. Three regional commissions established to inves-
tigate disappearances completed their investigations although the results of these
investigations were not made public.
Progovemment Tamil militants committed extrajudicial killings and were respon-
sible for disappearances, torture, detentions, and forced conscription.
The LTTE attacked civilians during the course of the year. The LTTE regularly
committed extrajudicial killings, and was also responsible for disappearances, tor-
ture arbitrary arrests, and detentions. The LTTE killed two parliamentarians and
nine other civilians in two separate incidents in Trincomalee in July. LTTE attacks
on international shipping resulted in the death of several crewmen and considerable
damage to property. The LTTE continued to take civilians hostage and, in July, ab-
ducted 32 Muslim villagers, demanding the release of 5 LTTE prisoners held by the
security forces. All of these hostages had been released by November. The LTTE at-
tacked a number of economic targets, including the October bombing of the World
Trade Center and nearby hotels and the July attack on a Panamanian-flag mer-
chant vessel. The LTTE continued to control large sections of the north and east
of the country through authoritarian military rule, denying the people under its au-
thority the right to change their government, infringing on their privacy rights, rou-
tinely violating their civil liberties, operating an unfair court system, and severely
discriminating against ethnic and religious minorities.
1696
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing. — Police (mostly STF oflicers) and
army and navy personnel committed extrajudicial killings in both Jaffna and the
Eastern Province. Most of these were associated with operations against the LTTE
insurgents or interrogation of suspected terrorists. Up to 100 mdividuals were
killed, although the exact number was impossible to ascertain due to censorship of
news relating to military or police operations, and lack of regular access to the north
and east where the war was being waged.
In some cases these extrajudicial killings were reprisals against civilians for
LTTE attacks in which members of the security forces were killed or injured. In
many cases, the security forces claimed that the victims were members of the LTTE,
but human rights monitors believe otherwise. The perpetrators of these killings had
not been arrested by the Government at year's end.
Impunity remains a serious problem. Since April 1995 at least 700 persons have
been extrajudicially killed by the security forces or disappeared after being taken
into security forces custody and are presumed dead. As of year's end, no member
of the security forces had been convicted for any of these crimes. In the vast major-
ity of cases where military personnel may have committed human rights violations,
the Government has not identified those responsible and brought them to justice.
The military leadership has failed also in this regard. Almost all senior military offi-
cers now serving were mid-level oflicers during the Janetha Vimukthi Peramuna
(JVP) uprising, when security forces were given great leeway in dealing with that
threat to the nation's security. Attitudes and practices have been slow to change.
Security force personnel were probably responsible for the death of Reverend
Innasi Arulpalan, a priest from the Jaffna Diocese of the Church of South India.
The University Teachers for Human Rights-Jaffna (UTHR-J) reported that wit-
nesses saw Rev. Arulpalan and two other individuals being taken away by the army
on August 25. Their three mutilated bodies were found on September 9. The mili-
tary formally denied responsibility for the incident and placed the blame on the
LTTE.
In November 1996, 16 police and army personnel were arrested for the rape and
murder of Krishanthi Kumaraswamy, the murder of 2 of her family members, and
the rape and murder of another individual. Although 11 of the security personnel
were originally accused in the case, charges against 2 have reportedly been dropped
in return for their cooperation in the investigation. The Government in February or-
dered a trial at bar against the 9 accused in an effort to expedite the case. A trial
at bar means that the case is to be heard by a panel of judges, dispensing with a
lengthier trial by jury. This is only the fourth time since independence that the Gov-
ernment has taken the step of ordering a trial at bar. The case came to trial in Sep-
tember and was ongoing at year's end.
The case against the eight soldiers and one reserve police constable arrested in
February 1996 in the Kumarapuram massacre of 24 Tamil villagers came to trial
in September and was ongoing at year's end.
In July 1996, the charred body of a Tamil textile merchant who had been detained
under the ER was found at Giribawa in North Central Province. Six police officers,
including the officer in charge of the police counter-subversive unit in Vavuniya,
were arrested and detained under the ER. The officers in the Giribawa case were
released on bail. The officer in charge was released at the end of December 1996;
the other officers were released in January. The Attorney General had not made a
recommendation to the High Court at year's end.
In October 1995, 22 members of the STF were arrested and detained under the
ER on suspicion of murdering 23 Tamil youths whose bodies were found floating in
Bolgoda Lake and other bodies of water near Colombo. The suspects were released
on bail and resumed their police functions in February 1996. At year's end the case
had not come to trial. It was delayed on several occasions by the prosecution's fail-
ure to be present during court proceedings.
A presidential commission was established to investigate alleged torture and mur-
der in the late 1980's at a government-run detention center at Batalanda Housing
Estate near Colombo. In August 1996 five police officers were arrested for alleged
complicity in the center's abuses. The investigation was continuing at year's end.
The People's Alliance (PA) Government came to power in 1994 promising to bring
to justice the perpetrators of extrajudicial killings from previous years. In 1994 it
began prosecutions of suspects in several extrajudicial murders allegedly per-
petrated by members of the security forces. The trial of 21 soldiers, accused of mas-
sacring 35 Tamil civilians in 1992 in the village of Mailanthani in Batticaloa dis-
trict, was transferred to the Colombo High Court in 1996. The trial was continuing
1697
at year's end. In April the 4 police officers indicted in 1994 for the 1990 murders
of 12 civilians in WavuUtelle were acquitted for lack of evidence.
There were no developments in the Government investigations into the mass
graves at Sooriyakanda, which contain an estimated 300 bodies, or the grave at
Ankumbura, which is thought to contain the bodies of 36 people killed by the police
in 1989. There were also no developments in the Nikaweratiya army camp incident
in which 20 youths were allegedly killed by soldiers in 1989 during the period of
the JVP uprising.
On July 10, tne ER, which had been in force throughout the country intermit-
tently since 1983, was lifted in most areas outside of the north and east and the
capital of Colombo. There was no evidence that the Government was using the regu-
lations, as in previous vears, to conceal extrajudicial killings or disappearances.
Nevertheless, crucial safeguards built into the ER and the legislation establishing
the new Human Rights Commission (HRC) — which replaced the Human Rights
Task Force (HRTF>— were being routinely ignored by the security forces — especially
those provisions requiring receipts to be issued for arrests and ordering the security
forces to notify the HRC (previously the HRTF) of any arrest within 48 hours. Al-
though security force personnel can be fined or jailed for failure to comply with the
ER, none were known to have been punished during the year.
In the east and in Vavuniya in the north, the military wing of the People's Libera-
tion Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), the Mohan group and the Rasheek
group — pro-government Tamil militant organizations — were responsible for killing a
numoer of people. The security forces arm and use these militias to provide informa-
tion, help identify LTTE insurgents and, in some cases, fight in military operations
against the insurgents. The exact size of these militias is impossible to ascertain but
they probably total less than 2,000 persons. Military oversight of these groups is in-
adequate. These groups frequently operated beyond government control. The mili-
tias gain access to internally displaced persons (IDP's) transit camps through a vari-
ety of means, including bribery and threats. Complaints about their activities con-
tinued as the number of IDPs interacting with them increased, especially in the
IDP transit camps in Vavuniya. It was impossible to determine the number of vic-
tims because of the secrewwith which these groups operated. Those killed by these
miUtants included both LTTE operatives and civilians who failed to comply with ex-
tortion demands.
Violence between supporters of the major political parties worsened during the
year, and six people, including a member of Parliament, were killed in violence re-
lated to local government elections held in March.
The LTTE continued to commit extrajudicial killings. In July it killed two mem-
bers of Parliament (M.P."s) in separate attacks that also claimed the lives of nine
other individuals, including a small child. Killings of political opponents in the east
continued, some perpetrated by "pistol gangs" which successfully carried out their
attacks using motorcycles and revolvers. The LTTE continued to execute suspected
government informants. In the past, the LTTE has killed university professors,
members of nonviolent Tamil opposition parties, and human rights monitors.
In July the LTTE hijacked an empty Indonesian-flag passenger ferry and subse-
quently burned it after releasing the crew. Later that month the LTTE hijacked a
North-Korean flag cargo vessel, killing a member of the crew. In September the
LTTE attacked and badly damaged a Panamanian-flag merchant vessel. Up to 15
civilians were killed in the attack, including Chinese crewmen.
The LTTE also attacked government installations. For example, in October there
were several attacks on police stations and military bases in the north and east.
Scores of people on both sides were killed in these actions.
There were no developments in the October 1994 suicide bombing that killed the
United National Party's presidential candidate, Gamini Dissanayake, and 58 other
people, although the LTTE is generally believed to be responsible.
b. Disappearance. — Disappearances at the hands of the security forces continued,
especially in the east and north. There were no reports of disapf>earances in
Colombo in 1997. Most of the disappearances were associated with the arrest of sus-
pected LTTE insurgents. At least 125 individuals disappeared, although, as with
extrajudicial killings, the exact number was impossible to ascertain due to censor-
ship of news about security force operations and infrequent access to the north and
east.
There were approximately 350 confirmed cases of disappearance in 1996, 34 in
1995, and 10 in 1994. The large number of disappearances in 1996 corresponded to
an intensification of the conflict with the LTTE, including the Governments capture
of the Jaffna Peninsula and several acts of terror by the LTTE, including a suicide
bombing in Jaffna in July 1996. Those who disappeared in 1997 and in previous
years are presumed dead. The disappearances involved persons last known to be in
1698
Police or army custody. The Commander of the Army and the Inspector General of
olice have both issued directives condemning disappearances and stating that per-
petrators would be called to account. No security force personnel have been pros-
ecuted to date.
In November 1996, the Ministry of Defense established a Board of Investigation
to look into disappearances in the north and east and review security forces proce-
dures. According to press reports, the Board received more than 2,500 complaints
of disappearances. After eliminating duplicated names, the Board found that 730
persons were alleged to have disappeared. It was able to trace 182, who were lo-
cated at home or in custody. The oalance of 548 cases was unresolved. The Board
completed its activities and disbanded by year's end, and its findings were not made
pubuc. At year's end, the Government had not publicly identified or charged those
responsible for disappearances during the year, although government officials have
indicated that those responsible would be held accountable.
The mandates of the three regional commissions set up in November 1994 to in-
quire into disappearances occurring after January 1, 1988 expired, and the commis-
sions submitted their final reports to FVesident Kumaratunga in September. The
commissions investigated 19,079 cases of disappearance, most of which occurred
during the 1988-89 period of the JVP uprising. The commissions are reported to
have found evidence that 16,742 persons disappeared after having been involuntar-
ily removed. The commissions were believed to have accumulated sufficient informa-
tion to prosecute a large number of government officials and security forces person-
nel for human rights violations. Their final reports had not been made public by
year's end, nor had the Government taken steps to prosecute those responsible for
the disappearances, although the Justice Minister promised that the Government
would do so.
The trial of 11 suspects, including an army brigadier general, in the disappear-
ance of 32 youths from the southern town of Embilipitiya in 1989 and 1990 contin-
ued at year's end. These were no developments in the Vantharamulle case, in which
army troops allegedly abducted 158 Tamils from a refugee camp in Batticaloa dis-
trict in 1990. Observers maintain there is credible evidence identifying the alleged
perpetrators. There was also no progress in the case of 31 youths who allegedly dis-
appeared following their arrests in Divulapitiya in 1989.
The Government continued to give the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) unhindered access to approximately 250 detention centers, police stations,
and army camps officially recognized as places of detention. This played an impor-
tant role in enabling the ICRC to monitor the human rightspractices of the security
forces, as did the work of the HRC, which replaced the HRTF in mid-year. However,
the HRC opened an office in JafTna on January 8, 1998. Progovemment Tamil mili-
tias detain people at various locations that serve, in effect, as undeclared detention
centers.
Progovemment Tamil militants in the east and north, acting independently of
government authority, were also responsible for disappearances. As in the case of
extrajudicial killings, it was impossible to determine the exact number of victims be-
cause of the secrecy with which these groups operated. The Government has taken
no clear public steps to condemn the militants' actions or to stop them.
The LTTE was responsible for an undetermined number of civilian disappear-
ances in the northeastern part of the island. Most of the 400 to 600 police officers
captured by the LTTE in 1990 are believed to be dead, as are over 200 security force
personnel captured at a battle in Pooneryn in 1993. Although the LTTE denies tak-
ing any prisoners following the MuUaittivu battle in July 1996, it is currently sus-
pected of holding some. The LTTE has not notified the ICRC of any new security
forces prisoners since 1994.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. —
In 1994 the Government acceded to the Convention Against Torture and Other
Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Parliament also enacted
legislation to implement the torture convention by making torture a punishable of-
fense. The Government, however, has not yet developed eifective regulations under
the new legislation to prosecute and punish military and police personnel respon-
sible for torture, though it has ceased paying fines incurred oy security force person-
nel gfuilty of the offense. Security forces personnel have been fined under civil law
for engaging in torture, but not prosecuted under criminal law (see Section I.e.).
Members of the security forces continued to torture and mistreat detainees and
other prisoners, both male and female, particularly during interrogation.
Progovemment Tamil militants in the east and north, directly responsible to the se-
curity forces, also engaged in torture. Most torture victims were Tamils suspected
of being LTTE insurgents or collaborators.
1699
Methods of torture included electric shock, beatings (especially on the soles of the
feet), suspension by the wrists or feet in contorted positions, burnings, and near
drownings. In other cases, victims are forced to remain in unnatural positions for
extended periods, or bags laced with insecticide, chili powder, or gasoline are placed
over their heads. Detainees have reported broken bones and other serious injuries
as a result of their mistreatment. There were no reports of rape in detention.
Under ftindamental rights provisions in the Constitution, torture victims may file
civil suit for compensation in the Supreme Court. The Court granted awards rang-
ing from $200 to $2,500. Most cases, nowever, take 2 years or more to move through
the courts. Moreover, because the 1994 Anti-torture Law imposes a heavy minimum
punishment of 7 years' imprisonment, the Court is scrutinizing fundamental rights
cases more carefully than in the past, since findings would weigh heavily in criminal
prosecutions of torturers. During the year, there were no cases brought before the
courts under the Anti-torture Law.
The LTTE reportedly used torture on a routine basis. Because of the secretive na-
ture of the LTTE, however, no first-hand information has available.
Prison conditions are generally poor and do not meet minimum international
standards because of overcrowding and lack of sanitary facilities. An increase in the
number of detentions associated with the war with the LTTE caused a significant
deterioration in already poor standards in short-term detention centers.
The Government permitted representatives from the ICRC to visit approximately
250 places of detention. The HRC also visited prisons on an ad hoc basis and other
places of detention regularly. Usually those in prison already have been convicted
and questions related to the proper use of the ER and PTA for arrest are no longer
relevant.
Conditions are also believed to be poor in detention facilities operated by the
LTTE.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile. — Under ordinary law, authorities must in-
form an arrested person of the reason for arrest and bring that person before a mag-
istrate within 24 nours. In practice, persons detained under ordinary law generally
appear before a magistrate within a few days of arrest. The magistrate may author-
ize bail or order continued pretrial detention for up to 3 months or longer. Under
the ER and the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), security forces mav detain sus-
pects for extended period of time without court approval. The ER, still in force in
many areas in the nation, allow pretrial detention for a maximum of four consecu-
tive 3-month periods. A magistrate must order further detention. Detainees may
challenge their detention and sue the Government for violating their civil rights in
the supreme court.
In June the Government used the ER to arrest Sirisena Cooray, former housing
minister under the UNP Government, who had formerly been a prominent figure
in the opposition party. In August the Supreme Court ruled the fundamental rights
of Cooray had been violated and ordered the (jovemment to release him from cus-
tody and pay $3,600 in compensation.
In spite 01 government announcements that it would close all secret detention cen-
ters, there were continued reports that the security forces held people in such a
manner, especially on the Jaffna Peninsula. Tamil militant groups, ostensibly under
the direct control of the security forces, were known to be operating illegal — and
unmonitored — detention centers in the east and in Vavuniya.
Detention of Tamils continued as a result of the continuing hostilities with the
LTTE. At year's end, the (Jovemment held more than 1,500 detainees under the ER,
compared with 1,500 at the end of 1996, 940 at the end of 1995, and 38() at the
end of 1994. Many of these detainees were arrested during operations against the
LTTE. Between January and July, 300 suspected members of the LTTE were de-
tained on the Jaffna Peninsula. The (jovemment continued to detain up to 300 indi-
viduals under the PTA, which permits detention without charge for up to 18
months. In some cases, Tamils have been detained without charge under the PTA
for up to 4 years.
Arrests and detentions by the police took place in violation of the legal safeguards
built into the ER and other legislation, particularly regarding requirements that re-
ceipts be issued and that the HRC (previously the HRTF') be notified of any arrest
witnin 48 hours. Those arrested by tne army were generally turned over to the po-
lice within 24 hours as required under the ER. The HRC has a legal mandate to
visit those arrested and this mandate was generally respected by police ofiicials.
Due to censorship and infrequent access to the area, it was unclear what was hap-
pening to detainees on the Jaffna Peninsula. The ICRC visits declared detention
centers, but there are undeclared detention centers in the north that are not visited
on a regular basis but are visited as needed when information received indicates
that persons are being held there. Reportedly there are not a large number of indi-
1700
viduals that are held in undeclared detention camps, probably fewer than 100. More
than 95 percent of the detainees are held in the main detention center, where condi-
tions reportedly are quite good. On the other hand, conditions in the undeclared cen-
ters range from adequate to extremely poor.
Security forces continued to conduct mass arrests of young Tamils, both male and
female. Major sweeps and arrests occurred in Colombo, the east, and on the Jaffna
Peninsula. Although exact numbers of arrests were impossible to determine, they
reached into the thousands. Hundreds of Tamils at a time were picked up during
police actions. Most were released after identity checks lasting several hours to sev-
eral days. The Government justified the arrests on security grounds, but many
Tamils claimed that the arrests were a form of harassment. In addition, those ar-
rested, most of whom were innocent of any wrongdoing, were detained in prisons
together with hardened criminals.
After a LTTE truck bomb exploded in Colombo in October (see Section l.g.), the
police and the military detained hundreds of Tamils in a broad sweep through the
citv. All but 50 persons were quickly released.
The HRTF and later the HRC continued to investigate the legality of detention
in cases referred to it by the Supreme Court and private citizens. Although the HRC
is legally constituted to exercise oversight over arrests and detentions by the secu-
rity forces and to undertake visits to prisons, members of the security forces some-
times breached the regulations and failed to cooperate with the HRC.
There were unconfirmed reports during the summer that the LTTE was holding
in custody more than 2,000 civilians in the northern part of the island, including
7 crew members of the Indonesian-flagged passenger ferry hijacked and burned that
same month. The LTTE did not permit the ICRC or any other humanitarian organi-
zation to visit its detainees aside from the 22 security force personnel and 5 crew
members of another civilian ferry hijacked in 1995. Three otner crew members of
the latter ferry and 17 Sinhalese fishermen previously held by the LTTE were re-
leased.
The Government does not practice exile. There are no legal provisions allowing
or prohibiting its use.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. — The Constitution provides for an independent judi-
ciary, and the Government respects these provisions in practice.
The President appoints judges to the Supreme Court, the courts of appeal, and
the high courts. A judicial service commission, comprised of the Chief Justice and
two Supreme Court judges appoints, transfers and dismisses lower court judges.
Judges serve until mandatory retirement age, which is 65 for the Supreme Court
and 62 for iudges on other courts. Judges can be removed for reasons oi misbehavior
or physical or mental incapacity, but only after a legal investigation followed by
joint action of the President and the Parliament.
In criminal cases, defendants are tried in public by juries. They are informed of
the charges and evidence against them, may be represented by the counsel of their
choice, and have the right to appeal. The Government provides counsel for indigent
persons tried on criminal charges in the high courts and the Court of Appeal but
not in other cases; private legal aid organizations assist some defendants. There are
no jury trials in cases brought under the PTA. Confessions, which are inadmissible
in criminal proceedings, are allowed in PTA cases. Most convictions under the PTA
rely heavily on them. Defendants bear the burden of proof to demonstrate that their
confessions were obtained by coercion. Defendants in PTA cases have the right to
appeal. There are approximately 1,100 people now remanded under the PTA.
Tnroujgh October, there were 844 cases filed under the PTA and ER this year. In
332 ofthese cases, indictments have been filed, but no cases came to trial during
the year.
The LTTE has its own court system, composed of young judges with little or no
legal training. The courts reportedly impose severe punishments. The courts operate
without codified or defined legal authority and essentially operate as agents of the
LTTE rather than as an independent judiciary.
The Government claims that all persons held under the ER and the PTA are sus-
pected members of the LTTE and, therefore, legitimate security threats. There is
insufficient information to determine whether these detainees or members of the
now legal Sinhalese JVP similarly detained in past years, were political prisoners.
Between 200 and 300 of those previously detained — mostly JVP members — have
been convicted under criminal law and remain incarcerated. In many cases, human
rights monitors question the legitimacy of the criminal charges brought against
these people.
The LTTE also holds a number of political prisoners. The number is impossible
to determine because of the secretive nature oi the organization. The LTTE refuses
to allow the ICRC access to these prisoners.
1701
f. Arbitrary Interference With Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence. — The
Government generally respects the constitutional protections of inoivldual privacy
and the sanctity of the family and home. The police obtain proper warrants for ar-
rests and searcnes conducted under ordinary law. The security forces, however, are
not required to obtain warrants for searches conducted under either the ER or the
PTA. The Secretary of Defense is responsible for providing oversight for such
searches. In at least one case, observers believe that the search of a prominent oppo-
sition politician's residence under the ER was in part politically motivated. There
is no judicial review or other means of redress for alleged illegal searches under the
ER.
The Government is believed to monitor telephone conversations and correspond-
ence on a selective basis. The security forces routinely open mail destined for the
LTTE-controUed areas and seize contraband.
Progovemment Tamil militant groups, nominally operating under government
control, use forced conscription. There are credible reports that Tamil youth in the
east in particular have been forced to join these groups under threats to themselves
and their families.
The LTTE routinely invades the privacy of citizens. It maintains an effective net-
work of informants. In 1990 the LTTE evicted thousands of Muslim residents from
their homes in the north. These Muslims currently live in refugee camps, although
a few have begun returning to their homes in Jaffna. There are credible reports the
LTTE has warned Muslims displaced from the Mannar area (approximately 50,000
persons) not to return to their homes until the war is over.
g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law In Internal Con-
flicts.— Hostilities between the Government and the LTTE continued throughout the
year. The security forces generally exercised greater restraint in the use of excessive
force than they had previously. From October 1995 through April 1996, the Govern-
ment conducted coordinated military attacks on LTTE-held territory in the Jaffna
Peninsula, resulting in the capture of Jaffna City in December 1995 and the remain-
der of the peninsula by April 1996. In May government forces launched a major of-
fensive north of Vavuniya in the Vanni region aimed at opening a land supply route
to the Jaffna Peninsula. Casualties in the offensive have been heavy. Over 400,000
people remain displaced by the past 2 years of fighting.
The fact that the Government was planning an offensive to open a land route to
Jaffna was widely publicized well before it began, allowing civilians time to vacate
the probable area of military operations. Civilian casualties were also reduced due
to the relatively slow and methodical manner in which government security forces
pushed forward, enabling the relatively few civilians remaining in the area to flee
well in advance of troop movements. Civilians living or moving near the military's
established forward defense lines, however, have been killed by security forces. Ac-
cording to credible reports, such killings have been a particular problem near
Kilinochchi in the north.
The Government organized convoys of food to the roughly 500,000 civilians living
in LTTE-controUed areas in the Vanni. During the year, it shipped 33,340 metric
tons of food, and furnished an additional 17,997 metric tons through Multi-Purpose
Cooperative Societies. These supplies, supplemented by locally produced food, were
adequate to satisfy the short-term minimum food needs of most civilians. Neverthe-
less, the food situation in the Vanni was serious. Experts noticed an increase in ane-
mia and a lower birth rate, both indications of lower levels of nutrition. Nutrition
levels were below the national average, and there were confirmed cases of malnutri-
tion, including hundreds of cases of malnourished children. Malnutrition resulted
from several factors, including food shortages, poverty, and war-related dislocations.
In addition, the LTTE appropriated government-supplied food for use by non-civil-
ians. In September, using estimates that 400,000 people in the Vanni were in need
of food assistance, the Government agreed with NGO s and international organiza-
tions that monthly deliveries of 6,000 metric tons were needed to provide a nutri-
tional minimum of 15 kilos per person. However, subsequent monthly shipments
averaged only 3,400 metric tons.
The Government maintained a long-list of prohibited "war-related" medical items,
such as sutures. Plaster of Paris, IV's, bandages, and some drugs. NGO's and other
groups desiring to take these items to LTTE-controlled areas in the Vanni needed
permission from local officials as well as the Ministry of Defense. Delays were com-
mon and approval was sometimes denied, lest supplies fall into the hands of the
LTTE. As a result, many medical items in the Vanni were in short supply. This
shortfall contributed to an already-serious deterioration in the quality and quantity
of medical care furnished to the civilian population.
The security forces also continued to receive instruction in international humani-
tarian law as part of their training courses (see Section 4). Civilian casualties in
1702
the north and east battle zone have been relatively low, but rose through the year.
The armed forces operate under written rules of engagement which severely restrict
the shelling, bombardment, or other use of firepower against civilian-occupied areas
such as villages. Although incidents occurred where the rules seemingly were
breached or waived, these were isolated cases. Poor targeting by the armed forces
resulted in civilian casualties from artillery fire and bombs. For example, in August,
a bomb from a government attack aircraft missed its intended target (an WTE
camp) by approximately a kilometer and struck a church, killing eight civilians and
wounding 14 others. In a separate incident, an attempt to bomb LTTE cadre near
Pooneryn resulted in several civilian deaths. The security forces use aerial observa-
tion for selecting targets for shelling and bombing. They also attempt to locate the
source of incoming mortar fire before responding. Government mortar and artillery
fire is, however, very inaccurate and has killed civilians.
The Government reported capturing seven LTTE cadre prisoner on the battlefield
during the year. In addition, the Ministry of Defense reported that in 1997 more
than 50 LTTE insurgents turned themselves in and in excess of 80 insurgents were
apprehended by security forces. Given the scale of hostilities and the large number
of LTTE casualties, observers found the number of prisoners taken under battlefield
conditions to be extremely low; many LTTE fighters were apparently killed rather
than taken prisoner. Observers believe that a "take-no-prisoners" policy was in ef-
fect, but that it was impossible to estimate the number of killings. Various cir-
cumstances may have worked to limit the number of LTTE fighters who were taken
prisoner, including LTTE guerrilla tactics, its efforts to remove wounded fighters
from the battlefield, and the proclivity of fighters to choose suicide over capture. No
army or other security forces personnel were prosecuted or disciplined for executing
prisoners.
The Government refused to permit relief organizations to provide medical atten-
tion to wounded LTTE fighters, although it has offered to treat any LTTE wounded
entrusted to government care.
The LTTE admits that it kills security force personnel rather than take them pris-
oner. It admits to holding only 22 security force prisoners, all of whom were cap-
tured in 1993 and 1994. the LTTE is believed to have killed most of the police offi-
cers and security force personnel that it has captured in recent years.
The navy sank or badly damaged seven LTTE boats and killed scores of rebels
in a 5-hour sea battle in October; at least 2 naval personnel were killed.
The LTTE uses excessive force in the war. During the course of the year, the
LTTE engaged in the killing of noncombatants, hostage-taking, hijackings, torture,
and bombing of civilian targets. On March 22, a bomb thrown at a crowd of PA sup-
porters in the north wounded 10 persons. On October 15, LTTE guerrillas set off
a powerful truck bomb in Colombo, killing 18 people and wounding more than 110
others. One of the LTTE terrorists fleeing the scene of the October 15 bombing ob-
served a group of devotees praying at a Buddhist temple. The terrorist threw a gre-
nade into the temple compound, killing a Buddhist monk.
The LTTE has been accused in the past of using church and temple compounds,
where civilians are instructed by the Government to congregate in the event of hos-
tilities, as shields for the storage of munitions. In the July 1996 attack on the army
base at MuUaitivu, the LTTE killed upwards of 1,500 government troops, reportedly
killing even those troops who attempted to surrender. During the Government offen-
sive on the Jaffna Peninsula in 1995-96, LTTE fighters forced some civilians to
abandon their homes and retreat with them, allegedly as human shields, in the face
of advancing government troops. Reports that the LTTE were using children on the
battlefield were unverified.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press. — Although the Constitution provides for freedom
of speech and expression, restrictions are permitted on national security grounds.
During the year, the Government strictly limited the access of domestic and foreign
media to information and censored news relating to military and police matters.
There was direct censorship of newspaper reports relating to ongoing military oper-
ations from January until the end of May, with censors deleting specifics regarding
these operations. International television broadcasts received in the country were
also censored during the same period, with references to Sri Lanka filtered out of
the broadcasts. The new Media Minister indicated in June that all censorship would
cease. During the year, the Government also limited access of journalist to areas
of conflict and in at least one case is believed to have harassed a journalist who
regularly reported on defense matters.
1703
The Government controls the country's largest newspaper chain, two major tele-
vision stations, and the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation. There are, however,
a variety of independent newspapers, journals, and raoio and television stations.
A number of government actions during the year were of concern to the media.
The Government has still failed to reform the Press Law and privatize government-
owned media as promised during the 1994 election campaign. The Government pre-
sented a draft, Broadcasting Reform bill in Parliament in April, but opposition from
members of the media was considerable, and in May the Supreme Court ruled that
the bill was inconsistent with the Constitution. In one of two defamation of char-
acter suits filed by President Kumaratunga in 1995 against leading editors, one edi-
tor was found guilty, fined $180, and sentenced to 18 months in prison. The sen-
tence was suspended, and the editor is appealing the verdict. The second defamation
case and three new ones — all against editors of major pro-opposition newspapers —
were pending at year's end. These cases were viewed by journalists as frivolous, in-
tended only to harass and intimidate the media. Journalists were also concerned
about continuing political attacks on the local press by leading politicians. Both for-
eign and national ioumalists are allowed to go to Jaffna, but they must first receive
permission from the Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Defense. There are oflien
bureaucratic delays in processing requests and some journalists complain that they
are individually prevented from going north. According to the Government, the
delays are a result of the limited number of seats on military aircraft flying journal-
ists to Jaffna. The Government occasionally organizes groups of journalists to visit
Jaffna and the front lines. There was also a local newspaper that published in
Jaffna.
Ishini Perara, news director of an independent television and radio company, had
been charged under the PTA for broadcasting news that could have incited inter-
communal violence. The charges were dismissed by court order in June. The court
stated that the case against Perera had been filed with vengeful motives and was
also critical of how the police handled the affair. In August there was evidence of
close government monitoring of a journalist who reported on defense matters, al-
though the Government denied the accusation.
In a positive development, the Government in September rescinded the Par-
liamentary Powers and FVivileges Act. This law stipulated an unlimited fine or up
to 2 years' imprisonment for anyone who criticizea a Member of Parliament. Al-
though the Government had not invoked the law since 1992, journalists and civil
libertarians complained that it was an unjustified infringement on freedom of the
press.
The LTTE does not tolerate freedom of expression. It tightly restricts the print
and broadcast media in areas under its control. In the past, the LTTE has killed
those reporting and publishing on human rights.
The Government generally respects academic freedom. During the year, the ER
were not used, as they had been in the past, to control students.
The LTTE also does not respect academic freedom and has repressed and killed
intellectuals who criticize it, such as a university vice-chancellor who was kidnaped
in November 1995 and released in January 1996. It has severely repressed meml^rs
of a human rights organization, the University Teachers for Human Rights, which
was formerly based on the JafTna Peninsula; most former members of this group
have been killed.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association. — The law provides for freedom
of assembly, and the Government respects this right in practice. Although the PTA
may restrict this freedom, the Government did not use the act for that purpose in
1997. The Government generally granted permits for demonstrations.
The law provides for freedom of association, and the Government respects this
right in practice. Although the PTA may restrict this right, the Government did not
use the act for that purpose in 1997.
c. Freedom of Religion. — The Constitution establishes Buddhism as the official na-
tional religion, but it also provides for the right of members of other faiths to prac-
tice their religions freely. The Government respects this right in practice. Foreign
clergy may work in Sri Lanka, but for more than 30 years the Government has pro-
hibited the entry of new foreign Jesuit clergy. Thirty years ago, the Government
reached an agreement with the Catholic Church that new foreign clergy would not
be permitted to enter the country on a permanent basis. As foreign clergy retired,
they would be replaced by Sri Lankans. It permitted those already in the country
to remain. However, the Jesuits want their clergy to be replaced by foreign members
of their order as they retire. The local Catholic Church hierarchy does not support
the Jesuits in the dispute and is not lobbying the Government to change the agree-
ment.
45-909 98-55
1704
Evangelical Christians, who constitute less than 1 percent of the population, have
expressed concern that their efforts at proselytization are often met with hostility
and harassment by the local Buddhist clergy and others opposed to their work (see
Section 5). They sometimes complain that the Government tacitly condones such
harassment. However, there is no evidence to support this. The Assemblies of God
filed a fundamental rights case with the Supreme Court, after the local village coun-
cil in Gampaha had tried to block the construction of a church on the grounds that
it would interfere with Buddhism. The Supreme Court ruled that the construction
of the church could proceed.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Re-
patriation.— The Constitution grants every citizen "freedom of movement and of
choosing his residence" and "freedom to return to Sri Lanka." The Government gen-
erally respects the right to domestic and foreign travel. Nonetheless, the war with
the LTTE prompted the Government to impose more stringent checks on travelers
from the north and the east and on movement in Colombo, particularly after dark.
These security measures had the effect of restricting the movement of Tamils, espe-
cially young males.
Prior to the Government military offensive on the Jaffna Peninsula in 1995 and
1996, an estimated 600,000 citizens had been displaced by the insurgency. Most
lived in camps financed by the Government and nongovernmental organizations
(NGO's). The Jaffna offensive, in addition to the military advance on Kilinochchi in
the Vanni region in July 1996, resulted in the displacement of 480,000 people in
LTTE-controUed areas of the Vanni; some of these people were being displaced for
a second or third time. Some of the displaced lived with friends or relatives, or in
"welfare centers" in schools, religious institutions, and other public buildings. Many
others lived in makeshift shelters or camped out under trees. The Government con-
tinued to supply them with food, medicine, and other essential supplies. A military
offensive in the Vanni that began in May created over 70,000 newly displaced peo-
ple. The return of tens of thousands of displaced persons to their homes on the
Jaffna Peninsula has helped to relieve the situation.
Prior to 1996, the LTTE severely restricted the movement of Tamils under its con-
trol, often levying a large "exit tax" on persons wishing to travel to areas under gov-
ernment control and requiring travelers to leave all their property in escrow. In ad-
dition, it would usually grant permission to only one family member to travel at a
time. Following the Government capture of Jaffna, however, the LTTE began to
allow people to move more freely into government-controlled areas, although it did
disrupt the movement of IDPs from Trincomalee and Mannar to Jaffna by hijacking
or attacking civilian shipping in the north.
From October 1996 until the end of 1997, over 90,000 people are estimated to
have moved out of LTTE -controlled regions through Vavuniya and other transit
points. Of these, over 60,000 persons were repatriated to Jaffna and other Tamil-
majority areas. Many had left the Vanni with the intention of proceeding south;
they opted for other destinations only aft«r learning they would have to remain in
transit camps until security clearances for southward travel were obtained. Obtain-
ing a clearance was oft^n a lengthy process and some human rights groups alleged
that the procedures were arbitrary and unreasonably strict. Clearance procedures
were applied to everyone, including the elderly and very young. While the Govern-
ment had a legitimate interest in identifying LTTE infiltrators, it also seemed reluc-
tant to allow displaced Tamils to travel to Colombo where they would contribute to
unemployment and other social problems. About 9,000 of these displaced people con-
tinue to live in substandard conditions in camps in Vavuniya. Many of these people
hope to return to their homes in the areas of conflict once the fighting stops.
Several thousand Tamils fled LTTE-controlled areas to Tamil Nadu in southern
India in 1997. An estimated 64,000 Tamil refugees were already estimated to live
in camps there. Another 100,000 refugees are believed to have been integrated into
Tamil society in southern India. On February 20, a boat carrying ethnic Tamils flee-
ing the fighting reportedly overturned. Authorities believe that approximately 165
persons were killed.
The Government cooperates with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees. The issue of
the provision of first asylum did not arise in 1997. The Government does not permit
the entry of refugees into the country, nor does it aid those who manage to enter
to seek permanent residence elsewhere. There were, however, no instances of forc-
ible repatriation.
1705
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Govern-
ment
Citizens have the constitutional right to change their government through peri-
odic multiparty elections based on universal adult suffrage. This right was exercised
during parliamentary elections in August 1994, when the People s Alliance Party
(PA) ended the 17-year rule of the United National Party, and during the Presi-
dential election in November 1994, when PA presidential candidate Chandrika
Kumaratunga won 62 percent of the vote. In March local elections for municipal,
urban, and village councils were held in those areas of the country under eovem-
ment control. The local elections were marked by significant violence and some
charges of electoral fraud. Most of the violence was simple hooliganism and thug-
gery. There was a considerable number of beatings and threats, as well as acts of
uiievery, arson, and vandalism. The violence did not seem to be organized, except
at the very local level by some px)ups of party activists. Neither political party took
action to discipline party activists who engaged in violence. Nevertheless, election
monitors generally believed that the outcome of the election — in which the PA won
most council seats — was not affected.
Although the Government planned to hold elections for local government bodies
on the Jaffna Peninsula during the year, the elections were postponed until January
1998 because of the prevailing security situation.
The Commissioner of Elections recognizes 34 parties; 9 hold seats in the 225-
member Parliament. The two most influential parties, the PA and the UNP, gen-
erally draw their support from the majority Sinhalese community. Historically,
these two parties have alternated in power. There are 27 Tamil and 20 Muslim
M.P.'8.
Although there are no legal impediments to the participation of women in politics
or government, the social mores in some communities limit women's activities out-
side the home. Nonetheless, in August 1994, voters elected a parliament that chose
a female Prime Minister for the third time in Sri Lanka's history. In November
1994, a woman was elected President for the first time. Eleven women hold seats
in the Parliament. In addition to the Prime Minister and the Minister for Women's
Affairs, four deputy ministers are women.
The LTTE remses to allow elections in areas under its control.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental In-
vestigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
In July 1996, Parliament passed the Human Rights Commission Act which cre-
ated a permanent human rights commission, the HRC. The five-member body is em-
powered to monitor government human rights practices, to ensure compliance with
constitutional fundamental rights provisions, and to investigate complaints of
human rights abuse. The HKC has assumed the Human Rights Task Force's
(HRTF) responsibility for investigating human rights complaints. Between June 2
and the ena of November, the HRC had received 1,235 complaints, averaging more
than 200 complaints a month. It had also conducted more tnan 600 visits to police
stations and 120 visits to detention camps. In addition, when the Sri Lanka Founda-
tion's Center for Elimination of Discrimination (CED) ceased operation in the sum-
mer, the HRC accepted 1,900 cases previously on the CED's books for investigation.
Some of these cases were duplicates of the 1,235 received directly by the HRC, but
it is estimated the HRC now has well over 2,000 cases pending. Recently, as pro-
vided by law, the Supreme Court has started referring cases involving the violation
of fundamental rights to the HRC for review. Thus far, the HRC has finished pre-
liminary investigative work on 50 to 75 cases. The slow progress is attributable to
the demands placed on the HRC in setting itself up, continuing the HRTF work in
visiting prisons and detention centers, and opening an office in Jaffna on January
8, 1998.
The legislation also provides safeguards for people detained under the PTA and
ER and gives the HRC the power to monitor the welfare of detainees. The Human
Rights Commission was constituted in March and began operations in mid-year.
The Cabinet ratified the optional protocol to the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights in September 1996. Administrative machinery to implement
government compliance with the protocol had not been established by year's end.
There are several local human rights groups, including the Movement for Inter-
racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE), the University Teachers for Human Rights,
the Civil Rights Movement (CRM), and the Law and Society Trust (LST), that mon-
itor civil and political liberties. There are no adverse government regulations gov-
erning the activities of local and foreign NGO's.
The Government continued to allow the ICRC unrestricted access to detention fa-
cilities. The ICRC provided international humanitarian law training materials and
1706
training to the security forces. The UNHCR, ICRC, and a variety of international
NGO's assisted in the delivery of food, medical and other essential supplies to the
northern war zone. Following the capture of the Jaffna Peninsula in April 1996, the
army seriously restricted the movement of supplies by international organizations
and NGO's to LTTE-controlled areas. Most of these restrictions were lifted by 1997,
although the Government periodically limited the delivery of supplies around the
time 01 military operations.
Section 5. Discrimination Based on Race. Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or So-
cial Status
The Constitution provides for equal rights under the law for all citizens and the
Government ^eneraUy respects these ridrits. The Supreme Court regularly upholds
court rulings in cases in wnich individuals file suit over the abridgment of their fun-
damental civil rights. The new Human Rights Commission is another mechanism
the Government has established to ensure enforcement of constitutional provisions
in addition to access to the courts.
Women. — Sexual assault, rape, and spousal abuse (often associated with alcohol)
represent serious and pervasive forms of societal violence against women. New
amendments to the Penal Code introduced in 1995 specifically addressed sexual
abuse and exploitation. Rape laws were modified to create a more equitable burden
of proof and to make punishments more stringent. Marital rape is considered an of-
fense in cases of spouses living under judicial separation, and laws govern sexual
harassment in the workplace and sexual molestation. While the Penal Code may
ease some of the problems faced by victims of sexual assault, many women's organi-
zations believe that greater sensitization of police and judicial officials is also re-
quired.
Laws against procuring and trafficking were strengthened in 1995, facilitating the
prosecution of brothel owners. Police statistics indicated that there were 26,862
crimes against women during the period from January to June, compared with
31,241 crimes during the same period in 1996.
The Constitution provides for equal employment opportunities in the public sec-
tor, but women have no legal protection against discrimination in the private sector,
where they are sometimes paid less than men for equal work, often experience dif-
ficulty in rising to supervisory positions, and face sexual harassment. Women con-
stitute approximately one-hau of the formal work force.
Women have equal rights under national civil and criminal law. However, issues
related to family law, including divorce, child custody, and inheritance, are adju-
dicated by the customary law ol each ethnic or religious group. In 1995 the Govern-
ment raised the minimum age of marriage for women from 12 to 18 years, except
in the case of Muslims, who continue to lollow their customary marriage practices.
The application of different legal practices based on membership in a religious or
ethnic group often results in discrimination against women.
During massacres of civilians in the east in October 1995, the LTTE raped a num-
ber of the victims. This marked the first time in the ethnic conflict that the LTTE
deliberately used rape as a weapon of terror. Such abuses were not reported in 1996
or 1997.
Children. — The Government is committed to protecting the welfare and rights of
children but is constrained by a lack of resources.
The Government demonstrates a strong commitment to children's rights and wel-
fare through its widespread systems of piiblic education and medical care. Education
is compulsory to the age of 12 and free through university. Health care, including
immunization programs, is also free.
TTiere is a significant problem of child prostitution in certain coastal resort areas.
The Government estimates that there are more than 2,000 active child prostitutes
in the country, but private groups that claim the number is much higher. Many of
these prostitutes are boys who sell themselves to foreign tourists, and the Govern-
ment has pushed for greater international cooperation to bring those guilty of
pedophilia to justice. The Penal Code was amended to strengthen punishments for
trafficking of persons. In 1995 the Ministry of Media, Tourism and Aviation created
a task force specificallv to study the problem of sex tourism and related offenses,
but no new legislation has resulted.
In the first half of 1997, the police recorded 1,633 cases of crimes against children,
a decrease from 3,687 crimes in the first half of 1996. NGO's attribute the problem
of exploitation of children to the lack of law enforcement rather than inadequate leg-
islation. Many law enforcement resources are diverted to the war with the LTTE.
Close to 26,000 children are known to be fully employed, compared with approxi-
mately 20,600 in 1996. Additional thousands of*^ children are believed to be working
in domestic service. There have been reports of rural children working as domestic
1707
servants in urban households — often given into service by poverty stricken par-
ents— and being abused by their employers. Some of these children have reportedly
been starved, beaten, sexually abused, and forced into prostitution (see Section 6.c.).
The Government states that it does not have sufficient resources to protect these
children from such exploitation (see Section 6.d.).
People With Disabilities. — The law does not mandate accessibility to buildings or
government services for people with disabilities. The World Health Organization es-
timates that 7 percent of the population is disabled. Most disabled people who are
unable to work are cared for by their families. The Department of Social Services
runs 8 vocational training schools for the physically and mentally disabled and
sponsors a program of job training and job placement for graduates. Some private
companies, at tne urging of the CJovernment, have provided training and jobs to dis-
abled veterans. The Government also provides some financial support to NGO's as-
sisting the disabled, subsidizes prosthetic devices and other medical aids for the dis-
abled, makes some purchases from disabled suppliers and has registered 74 schools
and training institutions for the disabled run by NGO's. In December 1996, Par-
liament passed legislation forbidding discrimination against any person on the
grounds of disability.
Indigenous People. — The indigenous people of Sri Lanka, known as Veddas, num-
ber less than a tnousand. They prefer to maintain their isolated traditional way of
life and are protected by the Constitution. There are no legal restrictions on their
participation in the political or economic life of the nation. However, some Veddas
complain that they are being forced off their traditional land and not allowed to live
according to their own culture and traditions. For the first time in 1996, the Govern-
ment allowed Veddas to participate in the U.N. Working Group on Indigenous Peo-
ple in Geneva, where they were able to state their grievances.
Religious Minorities. — ^Discrimination based on religious differences is much less
common than discrimination based on ethnic group or caste. In general, the mem-
bers of the various faiths tend to be tolerant of each other's religious beliefs. How-
ever, evangelical Christians have, on occasion, been harassed by Buddhist monks for
their attempts to convert Buddhists to Christianity (see Section 2.c).
In the northern part of the island, LTTE insurgents expelled some 46,0(X) Muslim
inhabitants from their homes in 1990 — virtually the entire Muslim population. In
the past the LTTE has expropriated Muslim homes, lands, and businesses and
threatened Muslim families with death if they attempt to return.
National / Racial/ Ethnic Minorities. — There are approximately 1