=00
Presented to the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
LIBRARY
by the
ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE
LIBRARY
1980
THE
COURT AND REIGN
OF
FRANCIS I
ourt an": 1
of
Francis the First
King of France
By
Julia Pardoe
With a Preface
By Adolphe Cohn
Volume I.
f,
<^t. i'
New York
James Pott & Companjj^P 1 ^
Mcmi.
SEEN BY
ION
CES
LIBRARY T
Copyrighted, 1901,
if
JAMES POTT & COMPANY
.
PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION
IN one of the most brilliant chapters of his " Essai
sur les Mceurs," Voltaire, speaking of the sixteenth
century, exclaims : " Nature then brings forth ex-
traordinary men, almost in every direction." And the
sixteenth century is not only a century of extraordi-
nary men, it is a century of extraordinary things. A
new world is then explored, and an empire created on
which the sun never sets. Art reaches a degree of
perfection which had been unknown since the most
brilliant period of Hellenic civilization. In the domain
of the mind the right of man to think for himself and
to examine the problems connected with his own des-
tiny, though far from being fully recognized yet, is
at least declared to exist within the bounds of Chris-
tian revelation ; and to every Western nation a choice
is offered between different interpretations of the
Scriptures held sacred by all of them. In the midst
of these momentous developments the attention of the
world is riveted upon a gigantic political and military
duel between the sovereign of the Hispano-German
empire and the sovereign of France, that is, of the
country which by its geographical position, dividing
the Spanish kingdom from its Italian possessions and
vi Preface to the American Edition
from the Austro-Burgundian dominions of its king,
seems to be the only obstacle to the acquisition by
Charles V. of what would have been practically uni-
versal monarchy.
The various incidents of this duel, the development
of French civilization, seemingly unimpeded by the
sufferings inseparable from an almost uninterrupted
state of war, arid especially the character of the leader
whom the laws of monarchical heredity had placed at
the head of France at the time of such a momentous
conflict, such is the fascinating subject of Miss Par-
doe's book. The task she had assumed was not an
easy one to perform. The information was very widely
scattered. Strange to say, the subject had never been
treated in its entirety by any French writer, save Gail-
lard, whose work is hardly anything more than a rhe-
torical amplification. Mignet's book, remarkable as it
is, treats only of the political rivalry between Francis
I. and Charles V. The best German work, Von
Ranke's " History of France, especially during the
Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," is also given
up almost entirely to political affairs ; and, moreover,
the space occupied in it by Francis I.'s reign is com-
paratively restricted. It is not too much to say, there-
fore, that Miss Pardoe's book is thus far the most
elaborate history of Francis I. in existence.
The picture she had to draw was one of extreme
complexity. Their due place had to be given to the
Church and to the early religious struggles of the
Reformation, as well as to the diplomatic and military
quarrels with Spain; the development of Art and
Letters had to be treated, and at the same time it was
Preface to the American Edition vii
necessary to describe the sufferings endured by the
country while it had to repel foreign invasion and to
defray the cost of an extravagant court. Unity has
been preserved by not forgetting for an instant that the
King was the central figure around which everything
else had to be grouped. At no time perhaps in the
history of great nations, to as high a degree as in the
sixteenth century, have great political interests been
treated as the private concerns of a few individuals.
A great deal of the history of the period consists of
the personal intercourse between Francis I., Charles
V., and Henry VIII. of England, and of the impres-
sion made upon the mind of each of them by the
doings of the others. It became, therefore, of the high-
est importance to ascertain what the real character of
the chief actor in the drama was.
Here the difficulties were not easy to overcome. A
legend had gathered around the figure of Francis I.
He had been knighted by Bayard, and was considered
the pattern of chivalry. The truth is, that Francis I.
was the most complete representative of the French
nobleman during the centuries that preceded the
French Revolution, and that the French nobleman,
after the great feudal families had been deprived of
political power, very quickly demonstrated his mental
and moral incapacity for dealing with the problems
and performing the duties of modern society. He was
brave, fond of display, disdainful of labor, and, above
all, self-centred. And yet he remained a social force
until public opinion was transformed by the writings
of Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Jean Jacques Rousseau.
The views he took of men and things were generally
viii Preface to the American Edition
accepted by the world at large, and seeing in Francis
I. a model of everything he wanted to be, he made of
that monarch the type of nearly every kingly virtue.
Society is no longer aristocratic, but it kept repeat-
ing the judgments rendered by the aristocratic society
of the past, and it has been the task of historians to
have such judgment revised and often reversed. The
severe conclusions reached by Miss Pardoe at the end
of her conscientious investigations need surprise no
one. They would not surprise Louis XII., and would
seem to him simply a justification of the fears ex-
pressed by him before he relinquished power to his
successor. They were in Fenelon's mind when he
wrote his " Dialogues of the Dead " for the benefit of
his royal pupil, the grandson of Louis XIV. They
agree with Michelet's, to whom we owe thus far the
most suggestive and penetrating of the complete his-
tories of France, and they were forestalled by Victor
Hugo when he drew the cold, selfish, and sensuous
portrait of Triboulet's master in his drama, " Le Roi
s'amuse."
ADOLPHE COHN.
PREFACE
IN attempting a record of the Court and Reign of
Francis L, I did not for a moment seek to blind my-
self to the extreme difficulty of the task which I was
about to undertake. The successor of Louis XII. has
been so universally quoted as the most chivalrous Mon-
arch who ever filled a European throne, that those who
are only superficially acquainted with his history can-
not fail to anticipate a succession of brilliant actions,
generous self-sacrifices, refined gallantries, and noble
feats of arms. Time and truth have, however, alike
tended to place his character in a less elevated point of
view ; and the truth may well be said to have been born
of time, for it is only of late years that any French his-
torian has been permitted to allow that a sovereign of
France could err.
Who that is acquainted with the anecdote, can have
forgotten the caution given by the Cardinal de Richelieu
to an honest and conscientious chronicler, whose zeal
had betrayed him into sundry animadversions on a
crowned head long laid in the royal mausoleum of St.
Denis?
ix
x Preface
" Sir," said the minister sternly to the scholar, whom
he had summoned to his presence, " you must revise
your work. You have been guilty of treason ; you have
dared to vilify a king."
" I have only recorded well-authenticated facts, your
Eminence."
" Perhaps so ; but those facts were not your property.
The person and fame of a monarch are alike sacred."
" Monseigneur will permit me to remind him that
Louis XI. has been dead two centuries."
"And what of that, Sir?" retorted the Cardinal
sharply. " Understand that it is treason to discuss the
actions of a king who has only been dead two centuries."
Upon the principle here educed, most of the ancient
French historians appear to have scrupulously acted;
and thus it is only by a reference to the more confidential
records and correspondence of the period, that a mod-
ern writer can hope to arrive at a just estimate of the
character and motives of the sovereign whom he seeks
to portray " in his habit as he lived."
There can be little doubt that much of the prestige
which attaches to the name of Francis I. may be attrib-
uted to this circumstance. To the great mass of read-
ers, alike French and English, he is necessarily known
only through the medium of the old and well-tutored
chroniclers, or rather, through the modern histories
which have been compiled exclusively upon their au-
thority ; and thus, thanks to the timid and time-serving
policy of those writers, the " divinity that doth hedge a
king " has protected his renown throughout the lapse
Preface
XI
of centuries. For this impunity Francis I. is conse-
quently mainly indebted to the scarcity of familiar
chronicles during an age in which, the whole of Europe
being almost perpetually in a state of warfare, few cared
to register the mere domestic events of the period.
Fortunately, however, for the after-labourers in the
same vineyard, the love of court-gossipry was not
altogether extinct, and thus some glimpses are
afforded of the man as well as of the monarch.
It was with the witty and accomplished Marguerite
de Valois, his sister, that the taste originated of per-
petuating by the pen the current of passing circum-
stances; and it is to her example that posterity is
indebted for that courtly cacoethes scribendi by which
the annals of subsequent reigns have been so greatly
enriched.
In this paucity of authentic detail has consisted, as
I was aware that it must do, the great difficulty of
my task ; but, as I resolved not to insert a single inci-
dent into the Work for which I had not competent
authority, the court scenes scattered through the fol-
lowing pages may all be accepted as facts; and the
reader will be enabled from them to form his own
estimate of the claim which Francis I. could arrogate
to himself of being considered as the chivalric monarch
par excellence. The glorious day of Marignano saw
the rising, and that of Pavia the setting of his fame as
a soldier; so true it is that the prowess of the man
was shamed by that of the boy. The early and unre-
gretted death of one of his neglected queens, and the
Xll
Preface
heart-broken endurance of the other, contrasted with
the unbounded influence of his first favourite, and the
insolent arrogance of his second, will sufficiently
demonstrate his character as a husband. His open
and illegal oppression of an over-taxed and suffering
people, to satisfy the cravings of an extortionate and
licentious court, will suffice to disclose his value as a
monarch ; while the reckless indifference with which
he falsified his political pledges, abandoned his allies
in their extremity in order to further his own interests,
and sacrificed the welfare of his kingdom, and the
safety of his armies, to his own puerile vanity, will
complete a picture by no means calculated to elicit
one regret that his reign was not prolonged.
Despite this drawback, however, the period was one
of great and absorbing interest. The fierce and con-
tinual struggle for power between Francis and Charles
V. ; the well-earned renown of the several generals on
both sides; the names of the Connetable-Duke de
Bourbon, Bayard, Pescara, Da Leyva, Doria, Gaston
de Foix, Lautrec, and a host of others equally brave ;
the bright galaxy of beauty which adorned the court ;
the fair and gentle Madame de Chateaubriand, the
haughty and voluptuous Duchess D'Etampes, the
magnificent Diane of Poitiers, the mature, but still
attractive Louise de Savoie, the strong-minded and
intellectual Marguerite de Valois, and the beautiful
Catherine de Medici; all combine to invest the age
with a charm and a romance totally independent of
the .personal character of the monarch ; while the fact
Preface
Xlll
of its having been the period of the mission of LUTHER,
and the crowning work of the REFORMATION, suffices
of itself to render it the greatest landmark on the
whole highway of history.
Never, perhaps, did the reign of any European
sovereign present so many, and such varying phases.
A contest for empire, a captive monarch, a female
regency, and a religious war ; the poisoned bowl and
the burning pile alike doing their work of death amid
scenes of uncalculating splendour and unbridled dissi-
pation ; the atrocities of bigotry and intolerance, blent
with the most unblushing licentiousness and the most
undisguised profligacy ; such are the materials
offered to the student by the times of Francis I.
Here, as was the case in a former Work, I have com-
menced my volumes by a brief glance at the conclu-
sion of the previous reign ; and, although censured
by one of my critics upon that occasion for the intro-
duction of retrospective matter, I have in this instance
advisedly pursued the same system, from a conviction
that the book must fall into the hands of many indi-
viduals, who, from want of time or opportunity, must
necessarily be unacquainted with the precise position
of the French nation on the accession of Francis I.
To the historical student this preliminary sketch will
be, of course, supererogatory; but as this is not a
period at which any author can feel justified in writing
only for a class, I believe that a succinct narrative of
preceding events will tend to render the Work more
generally acceptable ; and I have, consequent^'. ^$fc >
xiv Preface
suffered myself to be deterred from acting upon that
conviction. The scholar will therefore forgive me, if,
in seeking to augment the gratification of the less
learned reader, I have dwelt for a time upon persons
and events which, although living and occurring be-
fore he ascended the French throne, were destined to
exert a powerful influence over the court and reign of
Francis himself.
THE SHRUBBERY, NORTHFLEET, KENT,
August, 1849.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
CHAPTER I.
Accession of Francis I. Misgivings of Louis XII. Pru-
dence of Louis XII. His Marriage with Jeanne de
France His Attachment to Anne de Bretagne Be-
trothal of the Dauphin, afterwards Charles VIII.
His Romantic Passion for Anne de Bretagne Love of
Madame de Beaujeu for the Due d'Orleans Accession
of Charles VIII. Revolt of the Due d'Orleans His
Imprisonment Restored to Liberty at the Intercession
of His Wife Charles Refuses to Marry Marguerite
d'Autriche Indignation of the Emperor Proposals of
Marriage from Charles VIII. to Anne de Bretagne
Reluctance of the Young Duchess She Yields Her
Coronation Death of Charles VIII. Anne Promises
Her Hand to Louis XII. Marriage of Louis XII. to
Jeanne de France Annulled by Alexander VI. Death
of Jeanne de France Marriage of Louis XII. and
Anne de Bretagne Birth of Francis I., Comte d'An-
gouleme Jealousy of the Comtesse d'Angouleme and
the Queen Comtesse d'Angouleme Exiled to Amboise
Marechal de Gie Appointed Governor to the Young
Prince Accomplishments of Francis Attachment of
M. de Gie to Madame d'Angouleme Arrival of the
Court at Amboise Household of the Queen Her Os-
tentation Conflicting Politics Departure of the Court
Charles de Montpensier His Passion for Margue-
rite de Valois Her Education Jealousy of Gauffier
xv
xvi Contents
PAGE
The Comte de Montpensier Quarrels with the Prince
Leaves Amboise M. de Vandenesse Intrigue of
Louise de Savoie M. de Vandenesse Dismissed by M.
de Gie Illness of the King Anxiety of Anne de
Bretagne The Queen Enters into a Treaty of Mar-
riage between Her Daughter and the Archduke Charles
Revenge of M. de Gie" He Seizes the Queen's Prop-
erty at Namur His Trial His Exile Treaty of Blois
Mortification of Madame d'Angouleme I
CHAPTER II.
1504-07-
Marguerite de Valois Asked in Marriage by Henry VII.
Refusal of Louis XII. Marguerite Married to the
Due d'Alengon Her Reluctance Motives of the
King Her Writings Relapse of Louis XII. Death
of Isabella of Spain Marriage of Germaine de Foix
with Ferdinand of Castile The States-General Assem-
bled Francis Betrothed to the Princess Claude
Death of the Archduke Philip Jeanne la Folle The
Pope Determines on War Character of Julius II.
Louis Sends an Army to Bologna Genoa Revolts
Wanton Cruelties Perpetrated by the Genoese Louis
Proceeds to Italy at the Head of a Large Army Genoa
Capitulates Louis XII. Takes Possession of the City
A Court Festival Dancing Bishops Interview be-
tween Louis XII. and Ferdinand Gonsalvo de Car-
dova Refusal of the Pope to Meet Louis XII. . . 36
CHAPTER III.
1508-12.
Julius II. Endeavours to Subjugate Venice The Venetians
Attempt to Propitiate Germany and Spain Treaty be-
tween the Four Great Powers The French Army Re-
Contents xvii
enters Italy Battle of Agnadello Success of Louis
XII. Despair of the Venetians Weakness of Maxi-
milianThe Venetians Take Padua The Swiss De-
sert Flight of the Emperor Louis Returns to
France Hostility of the Pope towards France De-
fection of Ferdinand Louis Threatened with Excom-
municationThe Pope Proceeds with His Army to
Mirandola Heroic Defence of the Countess Fran-
cesca Pico Death of the Cardinal d'Amboise The
Pope Enters into a League with England and Spain
Gallantry of Gaston de Foix Victory of Ravenna
Death of Gaston de Foix The French Return to
the Milanese .........
CHAPTER IV.
PAGB
Effects of the Battle of Ravenna Religious Scruples of
the Queen The Pope Raises a Force in Switzerland
The Emperor Withdraws His Subjects from the
French Army Maximilian Sforza Enters Milan The
Genoese Revolt Lord Dorset Lands in Spain Is
Disgusted, and Withdraws Intrigues of Ferdinand
Louis XII. Invests Francis with the Command of the
Army of the Milanese The Spanish General Declines
His Challenge The French Raise Their Camp before
Pampeluna, and Repass the Alps Light-heartedness
of Francis A Prince and an Advocate Licentious-
ness of Francis Ancient Notions of Piety France
Enters into a League with the Venetian States
Treaty of Marriage between the Archduke Charles
and the Princess Renee Union of Venice with France
Death of Julius II. Accession of Leo X. His En-
mity to France Louis XII. Endeavours to Propitiate
Him, but Fails He Concludes a Truce with Ferdi-
nand and the Venetians The Swiss Take up Arms
against France Ferdinand and Henry VIII. Join the
xviii Contents
Cause of the Pope Louis again Invades the Milanese
Takes the Principal Cities Battle of Vivegano The
French are Driven from the Milanese Louis Mort-
gages a Portion of the Crown Land Henry VIII.
Invades France and Besieges Terouenne Louis Pro-
ceeds to Calais Bayard Captures an English Gun
Famine in the City Maximilian Joins the English
King The Battle of the Spurs Bayard Wins His
Ransom Honours Rendered to Bayard by Maximil-
ian and Henry VIII. Louis Withdraws His Army
into Picardy ......... 75
CHAPTER V.
Divisions among the French Generals Francis Appointed
to the Command of the New Army Terouenne Capitu-
lates and is Destroyed by Henry VIII. Burgundy Re-
volts The Swiss Determine to Invade France They
are Worsted at Dijon, and Enter into a Treaty with the
French General The Treaty is Disavowed by Louis
Dismal Prospects of France Henry VIII. Enters
Tournay, and Returns to England A Twelvemonths'
Truce Signed by the European Sovereigns Death of
Anne de Bretagne Grief of the King Marriage of
the Princess Claude and Francis The Court Mourn-
ingLouis Urged to Take a Third Wife The Due
de Longueville Negotiates for the Hand of the Prin-
cess Mary of England Misunderstanding between the
Two Monarchs The Treaty is Renewed Betrothal
of the Contracting Parties Mary and Brandon, Duke
of Suffolk Arrival of the Young Queen in France
Anne Boleyn The Royal Marriage Court Festivities
Mary Becomes Enamoured of 'Francis Position of
the Princess Claude A Courtier's Caution Accusa-
tion of Brantome Illness of Louis XII. His Last
Interview with Francis Death of Louis XII. . 103
Contents
CHAPTER VI.
xix
The Queen Cedes Her Estates to Her Husband The
Bretons Disallow Her Right Enthusiasm of the
French People on the Accession of Francis His Cor-
onation His Interview with Queen Mary His Cau-
tion to Suffolk Brandon Marries the Widowed
Queen Is Reproached by Francis for His Perfidy,
but Reconciled to Henry at the Entreaty of His Wife,
and Returns to England Francis Makes His Public
Entry into Paris His Profusion His Romantic
Tastes His High Spirit He Forms His Government
Charles de Bourbon Created Constable of France
Marriage of Mademoiselle de Bourbon with the Due
de Lorraine The King and the Wild Boar The
Court of Madame d'Angouleme Her Maids of
Honour Circle of the Queen Her Love of Retire-
ment Francis Resolves to Recover the Milanese
The Archduke Charles Sends Ambassadors to France
Is Promised the Hand of the Princess Renee, the
Queen's Sister Henri de Nassau He Marries Clau-
dine de Chalon State of Europe Treaty between
France and England Francis Endeavours to Concili-
ate the Swiss They Threaten to Invade France-
Francis Marches a Strong Force towards Burgundy
Ferdinand Endeavours to Alarm the Pope and the
Emperor Francis Removes to Amboise, and Sends
an Embassy to Rome 126
CHAPTER VII.
ISIS-
Francis Organizes His Army The Queen's Farewell Re-
ception Magnificence of Bourbon Emotion of Mar-
guerite de Valois Jealousy of Bonnivet Their Part-
ing Indiscretion of Bonnivet Difficulty in Replen-
xx Contents
PACE
ishing the Treasury Discontent of the Parliament
Madame d'Angouleme Appointed Regent Character
of Louise de Savoie Amount of the French Army
Its Distribution Difficulty in Passing the Alps Per-
severance of the Troops The Vanguard Enters Italy
Surprise of Prosper Colonna His Capture De-
livers His Sword to Bayard Alessandria and Tortona
Taken by the French Alarm of the Pope Retreat of
the Swiss Francis Endeavours to Conciliate Them,
but Fails through the Agency of the Cardinal of Sion
The Swiss Troops Attempt to Seize the Public Chest
at Buffaloro Their Leaders Apprise Lautrec of the
Project They Evacuate Italy Bayard Solicits the
King's Permission to Attack the Enemy, but is Re-
fused Francis Marches upon Turin He is Joined
by the Due de Gueldres The French Head-Quarters
are Established at Marignano Cardona Refuses to
Pass the Po D'Alviano Reaches Lodi Indignation
of Francis against the Swiss The Cardinal of Sion
Harangues the Mercenary Troops Fleuranges Alarms
the Garrison The Swiss Troops March upon Marig-
nano The King is Apprised of Their Approach
Battle of Marignano Francis Narrowly Escapes
Capture Bayard is Unhorsed, but Effects His Re-
treatThe Battle-Couch of Francis The Attack is
Resumed at Daybreak The Swiss Troops Retreat,
and Return to Milan, Whence they Proceed Home-
ward, Pursued by D'Alviano The Price of Victory
Francis Receives Knighthood on the Field at the
Hands of Bayard, and Confers it upon Fleuranges
The French March to Milan The Swiss Revolt
against the Cardinal of Sion, who Secures His Safety
by Flight Reception of the French King by the Citi-
zens of Milan Maximilian Sforza Surrenders to
Francis Generosity of the Conqueror The Milanese
Take the Oath of Allegiance to France . . . .151
Contents xxi
CHAPTER VIII.
1515-17-
PAGE
Leo X. Proposes a Treaty with France, which is Ratified
at Viterbo His Tergiversation Francis Proceeds to
Bologna to Meet the Pope Policy of the Pontiff A
League is Formed between the Two Potentates
Francis Agrees to Abandon His Designs on Naples
The Question of the Pragmatic Sanction is Discussed
Discontent of the University of Paris Leo X. En-
deavours to Induce Francis to Undertake a Crusade
against the Turks The Concordat is Signed Ex-
ultation of the French People Ferdinand of Aragon
Endeavours to Arouse the Jealousy of Henry VIII.
against France The Emperor Raises a Powerful
Army Lautrec Besieges Brescia, but is Repulsed, and
Compelled to Retire to Milan The Due de Bourbon
Destroys the Faubourgs of the City, and Disbands the
Swiss Troops The Emperor Threatens to Raze the
City of Milan The Swiss Refuse to Act Maximilian
Escapes by Night from the Camp The Siege of Milan
is Raised The Swiss Troops are Recalled by the Diet
The Imperialists Evacuate the Milanese Disgrace
of Maximilian Brescia Capitulates Death of Ferdi-
nand of Aragon He Bequeaths His Kingdom to the
Archduke Charles Francis Issues Several Edicts
which are Unfavourably Received by His Subjects
Arrogance of the Chancellor Education of Charles of
Aragon His Prospects He Endeavours to Concili-
ate Francis Jealousy of M. de Chievres against the
Cardinal Ximenes Charles Sends an Ambassador to
France The Two Monarchs Enter into a Treaty of
Alliance The Hand of the Infant Princess Louise
Promised to the Spanish King The Peace of Noyon
Maximilian Accedes to the Treaty State of the
Venetian Territories Francis Opens a Negotiation
with the Helvetic States, and Concludes a Treaty of
Amity with Switzerland ...... <$9 *
^
...... <^7$9 *
II
xxii Contents
CHAPTER IX.
1515-17-
PAGB
Domestic Life of Francis The Court of Queen Claude
Anticipated Birth of a Dauphin Circle of Madame
d'Angouleme Licentiousness of the Young King
He Resolves to Form a Distinct Court The Comtesse
de Chateaubriand Her Birth and Girlhood Her
Marriage The Count is Summoned to Court His
Forebodings The Mystic Rings Mistaken Confi-
dence Reception of the Count by Francis Treachery
of a Confidant The Countess Arrives at Chambord
Displeasure of Her Husband A Misunderstanding
The Queen's Reception Presentation of the Count-
ess to the King The Queen and the Countess Mis-
taken Violence of M. de Chateaubriand The Influ-
ence of a Court Atmosphere Policy of Louise de
Savoie M. de Chateaubriand Retires from the Court 211
CHAPTER X.
1517-18.
Francis Forms Projects for the Embellishment of His
Kingdom and the Encouragement of Literature
Birth of a Dauphin Francis Invites Leo X. to Be-
come Sponsor to the Young Prince The Royal
Christening Resignation of Queen Claude Marriage
of Lorenzo de' Medici and Madelaine de Id Tour-
d'Auvergne Munificence of the Pope A Fancy Ball
in the Sixteenth Century The Bridal Banquet In-
creasing Influence of Madame de Chateaubriand
Louise de Savoie Becomes Jealous of Her Power over
the King Forbearance of the Queen The Countess
Pushes the Fortunes of Her' Brothers The Hunting
Party Lautrec Appointed Governor of the Milanese
The Recall of Bourbon Indignation of the Duch-
ess-Mother Bourbon Arrives at Court Love-Visions
Contents
xxin
Jealousy of Francis The Chancellor Endeavours to
Effect the Recognition of the Concordat Perplexity
of the King Magisterial Corruption Pertinacity of
Francis Dismissal of the Delegates Registration of
the Concordat Demonstration of the University
Unpopularity of the King 226
CHAPTER XL
1518.
le Progress of Literature Leonardo da Vinci Native
Talent Tact of Francis An Italian Charlatan Eras-
mus Invited to France He Refuses to Leave Eng-
land Cupidity of Leo X. Martin Luther Increas-
ing Favour of Madame de Chateaubriand Unbound-
ed Authority of Louise de Savoie Arrogance of the
French King His Profusion Lautrec Disgusts the
Milanese The Marechal Trivulzio Intrigues of the
Favourite Trivulzio is Declared a Traitor He De-
mands an Audience of the King Is Refused, and Dies
Broken-Hearted The Vacant Baton is Conferred upon
M. de Lescun 250
CHAPTER XII.
1518.
Increasing Popularity of Charles of Spain Bonnivet is
Sent on a Mission to England A League is Proposed
by Francis to Henry against the Turks and the Mar-
riage of the Infant Dauphin with the Princess Mary
The Reception of the Embassy at the Co'irt of Eng-
land Bonnivet Secures the Interest of Wolsey Fran-
cis Enters into a Correspondence with the Cardinal
Wolsey Resigns the Bishopric of Tournay Suspicions
of Henry VIII. The Treaty is Concluded The
Hostages The Betrothal at St. Paul's The French
xxiv Contents
Embassy Leaves England The Earl of Worcester Ar-
rives in France Reluctance of the Earl of Worcester
to Deliver up the City of Tournay Indignation of M.
de Chatillon The Betrothal is Repeated at St. Denis
The Ambassadors Leave France Francis Fortifies
Tournay and Terouenne The French King En-
deavours to Conciliate Charles of Castile The Turks
Threaten Italy Francis Declares His Intention of
Joining the Crusade Death of the Sultan Charles
Aspires to be Elected Emperor of Germany Rivalry
of Charles and Francis Maximilian Demands the
Crown of Rome Intrigues of Leo X. Chivalric
Diplomacy Bonnivet is Despatched to Frankfort
Precarious Position of Germany Death of Maxi-
milian Its Effect upon the Affairs of Europe Fran-
cis Bribes the Electoral Princes 267
CHAPTER XIII.
1519.
A Struggle for Empire Contrast between Charles and
Francis Able Government of the Cardinal Ximenes
He is Displaced, and Dies The Germans Favour
the Pretensions of Francis Tergiversation of the
Pope Duplicity of Henry VIII. Supineness of the
Petty Princes Wily Policy of Charles Germaine de
Foix Francis Offends the Prejudices of the Flemish
Robert de la Mark Seckingen His Introduction
to the French King Mutual Misgivings The Due
de Gueldres is Disgraced at the Instigation of Louise
de Savoie Her Double-Dealing M. de la Mark and
the Bishop of Liege Join the Cause of Charles Dis-
gust of Seckingen He Joins the Princes of Bouillon
Charles of Austria Attacks the Turkish Galleys . 287
THE
COURT AND REIGN OF FRANCIS I
CHAPTER I.
Accession of Francis I. Misgivings of Louis XII. Pru-
dence of Louis XII. His Marriage with Jeanne de France
His Attachment to Anne de Bretagne Betrothal of the
Dauphin, Afterwards Charles VIII. His Romantic Pas-
sion for Anne de Bretagne Love of Madame de Beaujeu
for the Duke d'Orleans Accession of Charles VIII. Re-
volt of the Duke d'Orleans His Imprisonment Restored
to Liberty at the Intercession of His Wife Charles Re-
fuses to Marry Marguerite d'Autriche Indignation of the
Emperor Proposals of Marriage from Charles VIII. to
Anne de Bretagne Reluctance of the Young Duchess
She Yields Her Coronation Death of Charles VIII.
Anne Promises Her Hand to Louis XII. Marriage of
Louis XII. to Jeanne de France Annulled by Alexander VI.
Death of Jeanne de France Marriage of Louis XII. and
Anne de Bretagne Birth of Francis I., Count d'Angou-
leme Jealousy of the Countess d'Angouleme and the
Queen Countess d'Angouleme Exiled to Amboise
Marechal de Gie Appointed Governor to the Young
i
Reign of
Prince Accomplishments of Francis Attachment of
M. de Gie to Madame d'Angouleme Arrival of the
Court at Amboise Household of the Queen Her Osten-
tation Conflicting Politics Departure of the Court
Charles de Montpensier His Passion for Marguerite de
Valois Her Education Jealousy of Gauffier The Count
de Montpensier Quarrels with the Prince Leaves Amboise
M. de Vandenesse Intrigue of Louise de Savoie M. de
Vandenesse Dismissed by M. de Gie Illness of the King
Anxiety of Anne de Bretagne The Queen Enters into a
Treaty of Marriage between Her Daughter and the Arch-
duke Charles Revenge of M. de Gie He Seizes the
Queen's Property at Namur His Trial His Exile Treaty
of Blois Mortification of Madame d'Angouleme.
IN the person of Louis XII. of France expired the
elder branch of the House of Orleans. Only three
months subsequent to his nuptials with the young and
beautiful Mary of England (the sister of Henry
VIII. ), his third wife, he was seized with fever and
dysentery at the palace of Les Tournelles in Paris;
and breathed his last in the seventeenth year of his
reign and the fifty-fourth of his age, leaving the
vacant throne to Francis, Comte d'Angouleme, the
husband of his daughter Claude.
The extreme personal beauty of this prince, combined
with his fearless and engaging qualities, his eloquence,
courtliness of demeanour, and unbounded liberality,
dazzled alike the courtiers and the people ; and the dy-
ing king was probably the only individual in the nation
who had reflected with misgiving upon the possible, and
indeed inevitable, results of the uncalculating profusion
and ungovernable ambition of his successor. In him-
self a model of integrity, and well deserving the title of
Francis I 3
the Father of his People, from his constant and zealous
watchfulness over the interests of his subjects, he could
not witness without anxiety the brilliant but dangerous
qualities of the young Count ; and it was consequently
with earnestness and care that he applied himself before
his death to the execution of such public measures as
might at least tend to mitigate, even if they could not
altogether avert, the evils which he deprecated. Al-
though occasionally the dupe of his own kindhearted-
ness and the treachery of his neighbours, Louis XII.
never lost his confidence in human nature; and con-
stantly sought to remedy rather than to revenge the
wrongs to which he was subjected by others; while
carrying his prudence to an extreme which was on many
occasions stigmatized by the young and inconsiderate
with the name of penuriousness, he was accustomed,
when this fact was hinted to him, to reply that " the
justice of a monarch should teach him to render to
every one his due, rather than to suffer his generosity
to induce him to display too great a profusion." It
was therefore natural that the opposite qualities, which
he early discovered in his son-in-law, should cause him
to look with distrust into the future. " Ce gros gargon
nous gatera tout; " he was wont to exclaim whenever
any instance of the improvidence of Francis was forced
upon him; but not even the most serious of his de-
linquencies sufficed to diminish his affection, or to ex-
cite his anger towards the offender.
Moreover, it is certain that if Francis I. became not
only a chivalric, but also, for the age in which he lived,
an accomplished sovereign, his predecessor may never-
theless be justly styled the Father of letters in France ;
4 Reign of
learning having been greatly encouraged during his
reign, and learned men especially honoured. Cicero
was his favourite author among the ancients ; and his
collection of autographs was of considerable extent and
value. He employed many Italian scholars at his court
and in the public offices ; and his directions to his judges
were stringent, that they should upon all occasions de-
cide such causes as came before them according to the
dictates of their conscience ; and utterly disregard, un-
der every circumstance, even any orders to the contrary
which might be wrung from himself during the prog-
ress of the proceedings. He also discouraged, in so
far as he found it possible, the inordinate taste of his
nobility for costly studs and extravagant establishments
of hounds ; declaring that, like Actaeon, they were de-
voured by their dogs and horses. Nevertheless, he was
accomplished in all feats of joust and tournay ; and so
brave in the field, that upon one occasion, when his im-
mediate attendants, who considered their own lives en-
dangered by his impetuosity, ventured to expostulate
with him, and besought him not to expose his sacred
person with so little precaution, he replied disdainfully :
" Let all who are afraid stand behind me ! "
Neither would he, however great the provocation,
ever suffer himself to be betrayed into an undue intem-
perance of speech or bearing, by which his kingly dig-
nity might be compromised ; and to such an extent did
he carry this difficult self-government, that when, dur-
ing the wars of Italy, d'Alviano, the general of the
Venetian army, was brought before him a captive, and
replied to his courteous and considerate greeting with
an insolence which overpassed all bounds, Louis mag-
Francis I 5
nanimously controlled every symptom of indignation,
and contented himself with directing his removal to the
quarters which had been assigned to the other prison-
ers ; simply remarking to those about him, as the arro-
gant soldier was led away : " I have done well to dis-
miss him, as I might have lost my temper, which I
should have regretted. I have conquered him ; and it
is no less essential that I should learn to conquer my-
self."
No wonder then, that when he expired, the watch-
men of Paris announced the fatal event to the inhabi-
tants of the city in these touching words : " French-
men! we declare to you the most fatal news that you
have ever heard. The good King Louis, the Father of
his People, is dead ! Pray to God for the repose of his
soul."
The greatest blot which rests upon the memory of
Louis XII. is his repudiation of his first wife, the un-
fortunate Jeanne de France, daughter of Louis XL, for
the purpose of marrying Anne de Bretagne,* the widow
of Charles VIII. ; and even in this act there are ex-
tenuating points. Compelled by the last-named mon-
arch to affiance himself while yet a mere youth, and
Duke d'Orleans, to Jeanne ; and subsequently to com-
plete an alliance which was repugnant to him, when he
had already bestowed his affections elsewhere, he had
* Anne de Montfort, Duchesse de Bretagne, was the daughter and
heiress of Duke Francois II. Bern in 1476, she married, in 1491,
Charles VIII., king of France, and governed the kingdom during his
expedition in Italy. On his death, she became the wife of Louis XII.,
over whom she exercised extraordinary influence. She was the first
queen who had a separate body-guard; and also the first who adopted
black as mourning, white having previously been the conventional
colour. She died in 1514.
6 Reign of
the additional mortification of seeing himself united to
a princess deformed in person, and totally deficient in
beauty; although her meekness of temper and gentle-
ness of disposition might perhaps have ultimately recon-
ciled him to this fact, had he been heart-free at the
period of his marriage ; but with his imagination full of
the splendid beauty, and courtly fascinations of the heir-
ess of Brittany, his dislike to his enforced bride soon
grew into disgust.
Unfortunately for the timid and neglected duchess,
Louis had been a guest at the court of Duke Francois
at a period anterior to their union; when Anne, al-
though also affianced to the Archduke Maximilian of
Austria, whom she had never seen, was in the first
bloom of her maidenly beauty. As yet fettered by no
definite ties (for she was aware that her marriage treaty
could be annulled as readily as it had been contracted),
she was by no means insensible to the evident passion
of the gallant and handsome Duke d'Orleans; and it
was, consequently, with increased irritation and chagrin
that he saw himself unable to profit by a preference
which would have secured his happiness.
The Dauphin, afterwards Charles VIII., had been,
in his turn, at the age of thirteen years, betrothed to
Marguerite of Austria,* the daughter of Maximilian,
* Marguerite d'Autriche was the daughter of the Emperor Maxi-
milian and Mary of Burgundy, and was born at Ghent, in 1480. Affi-
anced to the Dauphin (Charles VIII.), and subsequently sent back
to the court of her father, she was again betrothed, in the year 1497,
to the Infant John, son of Ferdinand the Catholic and Isabella; and
in 1508, after the death of Don John, she married Philibert le Beau,
Duke of Savoy, whom she lost in 1512; and who left her, as her first
husband had done, a childless widow. Her father appointed her gov-
ernante of the Low Countries; and she ultimately died at Malines, in
1530.
Francis I 7
after his hand had been successively declined by the
Princess Marie and Elizabeth of England ; and power-
less and timid as he was, he revolted at the idea of be-
ing thus fettered by an engagement to a child who had
scarcely entered her fourth year. According to the
command of the King his father, Charles had been
reared in the most perfect retirement, in the fortress-
palace of Ambois, under the united guardianship of
Madame Anne de France, his elder sister, and the Sieur
de Beaujeu,* her husband. The feeble health of the
young prince, who was very delicate, and of slight
frame, but gentle and kind in disposition, was the plau-
sible pretext of Louis for thus secluding him from the
world, and maintaining him in profound ignorance of
all public affairs; the ferocious and jealous monarch
remembering, in all probability, that the example of
filial turpitude which he had himself exhibited, might,
should he suffer the physical and mental strength of
his son to attain their just dimensions, be followed in
the person of the Dauphin.
Thus Louis XI. had found it difficult to secure such
a wife for the young prince as he deemed worthy to
share the throne of France; and it was not without
considerable difficulty that Maximilian had at length
been induced to grant to him the hand of his infant
daughter, who was to remain under the immediate
guardianship of the Queen until she should attain a
marriageable age.
The apparently profound indifference with which
Charles went through the ceremony of his betrothal,
had, however, a deeper source than was suspected by
* Pierre de Bourbon, Constable of France.
8 Reign of
those around him ; for he also, although only by report,
had suffered his boyish fancy to become captivated by
the charms of Anne de Bretagne. Again and again
did he question his cousin, d'Orleans, and M. de la
Tremouille,* by whom he had been accompanied to the
Court of Brittany, of all they had seen and heard in
that brilliant circle ; constantly, but as if unconsciously,
directing their reminiscences to the young duchess, and
crowding his imagination with scenes of pageantry and
pleasure in which she was always the most prominent
object. To him, debarred as he was from all the
pastimes suited to his age and rank, the bare outline of
such festivities would have been attractive ; but blent as
they thus were with the image of the beautiful young
heiress, they were the greatest luxury of his dull and
weary existence. No wonder, then, that after the
death of his father, who had confided the government
of the kingdom during his minority to his sister and
guardian, Madame de Beaujeu, he soon began to cherish
hopes which had hitherto seemed more than chimerical.
Loufs, Sire de la Tremouille, Prince de Talmont, and Vicomte de
Thouars, born in 1460, was the representative of an ancient and illus-
trious family of Poitou; and acquired, by his talents and courage, the
appointment of general-in-chief of the army of Charles VIII., against
Francois II., Duke of Brittany. He achieved a splendid victory over
the enemy at St. Aubin-de-Cormier, in 1488, and made prisoners of both
the Duke d'Orleans, afterwards Louis XII., and the Prince of Orange.
He also contributed, in a great degree, to the reunion between the two
countries, by facilitating the marriage of the Duchess Anne and
Charles. His services were rewarded by the post of first chamberlain
to the king, and the lieutenancy of Poitou, Anjou, Angoumais, Aunis,
and the Marches of Brittany. Appointed by Louis XII. to the com-
mand of his armies in Italy, he effected the conquest of Lombardy,
and was made Governor of Burgundy and Admiral of Guienne (1502),
and subsequently of Brittany also. Worsted by the Swiss at Novara
in 1513, he revenged his defeat upon them at Marignano, at the fearful
price, however, of his only son; and was ultimately killed at the battle
of Pavia, in 1525.
Francis I 9
Other, and more immediate matters of interest, how-
ever, in some degree withdrew the attention of the
young monarch from this cherished secret. Madame
Anne de France, who had hitherto preserved her purity
of heart and rigid sense of morality, without one back-
sliding, even in thought, had been unable to resist the
manly graces of the Duke d'Orleans, and had even per-
mitted him to see the hold which he had obtained upon
her affections, flattering herself that the attachment
was reciprocal ; but Louis, warned by the Count de
Dunois not to allow himself to be dazzled by the blan-
dishments of his royal sister-in-law, who was only
anxious to enslave his feelings in order to divert him
from prosecuting his claim to the regency after the de-
mise of Louis XL a warning which was overheard by
Madame de Beaujeu, and never afterwards forgotten
caused the young duke to withdraw, with marked cold-
ness from her advances ; and converted a fond woman
into an implacable enemy. When, therefore, Louis
d'Orleans, who had taken up arms in support of the
right which he claimed as first prince of the blood, to
govern the kingdom during the minority of Charles,
was defeated and captured at St. Aubin, in Brittany, by
the Sire de la Tremouille ; remembering only the slight
which had been offered to her, and anxious to revenge,
under cover of political expediency, the affront which
she had sustained, she caused him to be confined in the
prison tower of Bourges, where, during three long and
weary years, he was treated with the greatest harsh-
ness and indignity. At the termination of this period,
however, his wife, whom even his neglect and coldness
had failed to wean from the deep and earnest affection
io Reign of
which she bore him, threw herself at the feet of the
young King, her brother, and besought him, in the most
heart-touching terms, to restore the duke to liberty.
Her tears moved Charles, who had always felt a strong-
affection for his gallant relative ; yet for a while he re-
mained irresolute. The period at which his sister's
control was legally to cease, had already passed away ;
but, although by the death of her husband's brother,
Anne de France had become Duchess de Bourbon, she
did not appear disposed to relinquish her authority;
and Charles had never ventured to oppose her will.
The tears and entreaties of the unhappy Jeanne, how-
ever, ultimately overcame his constitutional timidity,
although not so thoroughly as to induce him to give a
public order for the liberation of the duke; for he was
so well aware of the inflexible hatred which his elder
sister bore towards the captive, that he had not courage
to contend against the remonstrances which he was
conscious must ensue from such a course. In order to
escape the watchfulness of Madame de Bourbon, there-
fore, he affected to set forth upon a hunting party ; and,
directing his course towards Bourges, and sent forward
two of his chamberlains to liberate the umwhile rebel.
Anne, deeply wounded by this sudden assumption of
authority on the part of her late ward, at once withdrew
herself from all share in the government, and assumed
towards the Duke d'Orleans an attitude of haughty
animosity, which was as idle as it was innoxious.
Anxious to liberate himself from the trammels which
had been cast about him, Charles lost no time in causing
the young Princess Marguerite, his affianced bride, to
be reconducted to Flanders, with great honour indeed,
Francis I n
and attended by a magnificent retinue ; but this parade
of respect did not reconcile the pride of the mortified
girl to so degrading a dismissal, nor calm the anger of
her justly irritated father. The resentment of Maxi-
milian was, however, of slight importance to France ;
and, consequently, the prospect of his commencing a
war in order to revenge his wounded honour, did not
induce Charles to renounce his hopes of a marriage
upon which his heart had long been fixed ; and which,
moreover, promised to be so advantageous to the
nation. Dunois, De la Tremouille, De Comines,*
and all the principal advisers of Louis d'Orleans, had
incurred the disgrace of Madame de Beaujeu, and
sought to gain the favour of the young King by for-
warding his union with Anne ; which was rendered the
more desirable from the faxt that her father and
younger sister being dead, she had become sole heiress
of the noble duchy of Brittany, which would thus be
reunited to the crown of France.
Their chief difficulty lay, however, with the young
duchess herself. Pretexting her betrothal to Maxi-
milian, and voluntarily overlooking the fact that, after
having espoused her by proxy, he had never made any
effort to remove the obstacles which had prevented their
* Philippe de la Clite, Sieur de Comines, was born in 1445, and passed
his youth at the court of Charles the Bold, whose service he abandoned
for that of Louis XI., in 1472. His new master made him a counsellor,
chamberlain, and seneschal of Foitiers, and admitted him to the limited
circle of his intimate advisers. At the death of Louis XL, he was ap-
pointed a member of the council of regency; but, being accused of
favouring the faction of the Duke d'Orleans, he was confined by Anne
de Beaujeu in the castle of Loches. After having undergone two years
of captivity, he was employed by the court in several negotiations;
and died in 1509, at the age of sixty-four. His " Memoires pour 1'His-
toire de Louis XL et de Charles VIIL," obtained for him the appella-
tion of the French Tacitus.
12 Reign of
definitive union; and that his age, habits, and temper
were, moreover, in complete discordance with her own ;
she affected to cover her distaste to the alliance now
offered to her, by asserting her determination to fulfil
the pledge that she had given. But Anne was am-
bitious ; and ere long she remembered that the frail and
feeble Charles VIII. was King of France, Louis d'Or-
leans the husband of Princess Jeanne, and Maximilian
lukewarm, and in the decline of life. Her most zealous
friends urged her to accept the crown which she was so
well fitted to adorn; and ultimately she consented to
solicit from the Pope a dispensation which might enable
her to yield her hand to the French monarch.
Shortly after her marriage with Charles VIII. , which
took place with great pomp at Langeais, she was
crowned at St. Denis; and her exulting husband then
conducted her to Amboise, to which, as his birth-place,
he was exceedingly attached, and which he proposed to
embellish. An expedition to Italy, whence he had
fondly flattered himself that he should return a con-
queror, retarded, however, the execution of this project ;
but on his return to France he hastened to put it into
execution; various plans were submitted to him, and
he commenced the construction of a new edifice which
was destined to be regal in its decorations. But a
fatal accident once more rendered his design abortive.
As he was one day conducting the Queen to the tennis-
court, to reach which it was necessary to traverse a
dark and low-roofed gallery, he struck his head against
the archway of a door ; and although he affected to treat
the accident lightly, and even joined in the game, it
soon became evident that he had received his death-
Francis I 13
blow ; for on again entering the gallery to pass into his
apartments, he was seized with a sudden giddiness, and
fell to the ground senseless. In the agitation and ter-
ror of the moment his attendants made no effort to
remove him from the close and gloomy spot where he
had fallen, but laid him upon a squalid mattrass which
had been flung down there by some menial of the
castle, and on which he expired during the night in
his twenty-eighth year.
The frightful nature of his death may perhaps ac-
count in some degree for the excessive grief displayed
by the Queen, for a husband of whose infidelities she
had frequent and flagrant proofs, and whom she had
never professed to love. Certain it is that, as if in
order to render her affliction more conspicuous, she
assumed the deepest sables as her mourning garb, al-
though white had hitherto been the habitual dress of all
royal widows in France. Despite these outward demon-
strations, however, Anne received with undisguised
pleasure the consolations tendered to her by the new
King, through the medium of two of his confidential
nobles, who played their part so well that they mingled
their tears with hers, and prepared the way for their
royal master; who, when her first burst of grief had
subsided, hastened to assure her of his deep sympathy
in her affliction. By his command, and at his cost, a
funeral service of extraordinary magnificence was cele-
brated in the chapel of Amboise for the repose of the
soul of Charles VIII. ; and this duty was no sooner
performed than he endeavoured to turn her thoughts
from the husband whom she had lost, to the days in
which, at the court of her father, they had first met, and
14 Reign of
yielded to an attachment which neither had yet for-
gotten.
"Obtain the dissolution of your marriage with
Jeanne de France/' had ultimately whispered the new-
made widow, " and I abandon my hand to you."
Louis XII. needed no second bidding; and while
Anne hastened to conceal her present sorrows and her
future hopes in the castle of Loches, the husband of the
unhappy Jeanne took instant measures for effecting
that divorce which was to be the last trial of her mar-
ried life.
Only nine months after the death of Charles, Csesar
Borgia, the nephew of Alexander VI., delivered to the
French monarch the bull by which the sovereign de-
clared null and void the union contracted between Louis
d'Orleans and Jeanne de France ; and upon its receipt
the dissolution of the marriage was publicly announced
in the church of St. Denis at Amboise. The unfortu-
nate daughter of Louis XL, whose meek virtues and
devoted affection had been unable to obtain for her the
heart of the man on whom she had been taught to look
from her earliest childhood as the companion and pro-
tector of her future life, roused herself from the dejec-
tion and apathy into which she had fallen, and made one
faint struggle while the divorce was still pending, to
maintain her right; but she was unable to contend
against her destiny ; and when the fatal dissolution was
announced, she retired to Bourges, and passed the re-
mainder of her piteous life in works of piety and be-
nevolence. Among other good deeds she founded the
convent of the Annunciation, visited the sick, and fed
the hungry; and when, in 1504, she breathed out her
Francis I 15
peaceful soul, her body was followed to the grave by
the tears and blessings of the poor.
The marriage of Anne de Bretagne with Louis XII.
followed immediately upon the divorce which had
broken the heart of the forsaken Jeanne ; but the new
Queen did not revisit Amboise until the followingyear ;
when, although the monarch added to its attractions by
the vast and magnificent plantation known as the royal
garden, and made other improvements calculated to
render it a more agreeable residence for his beautiful
and idolized wife, Anne soon discovered that she had
too many displeasing and still recent memories con-
nected with the spot, willingly to become its habitual
occupant; and thus the royal pair, after a short stay
in the antique castle, abandoned it, and held their court
successively at Blois, Loches, Chinon and Paris.
The second marriage of Louis XII. was the first
shadow cast over the brilliant prospects of the young
Count Francis. The alleged sterility of Jeanne de
France, and the feeble constitution of Charles VIII.,
had alike tended hitherto to raise the hopes of those
who were interested in his succession to the throne;
but those hopes now became much less sanguine as
they reflected that Anne de Bretagne was not only still
young, but also tenderly beloved by her husband ; and
that there was, consequently, every reason to anticipate
the birth of a Dauphin. Nevertheless, the Queen her-
self looked upon the heir-presumptive with a jealous
eye; all the children whom she had borne to Charles
had died in their infancy, and the continual presence
of the young prince at court was irksome to her.
Francis Comte d'Angouleme was born at Coignac on
1 6 Reign of
the 1 2th of September, 1494, an event which Louise de
Savoie,* her mother, has recorded, in her somewhat
heterogeneous journal, with true maternal exultation. f
He was only two years of age when he lost his father,
and became the ward of his kinsman the Duke d'Or-
leans, who at once evinced the sincerity of his affection
for his young charge by selecting as his tutor the
learned Artus de Gouffier Boisy, a gentleman of Poitou,
who laboured assiduously to render both the mind and
character of the boy-prince worthy of the eminent sta-
tion which he might one day be called upon to fill.
Madame d'Angouleme had passed the first years of her
widowhood at Romorantin, where she devoted herself
to the education of her son Francis, and her daughter
Marguerite; until she was summoned to the court by
the monarch, who was anxious to promote a close
friendship between his queen and the mother of his
young ward. In this endeavour, however, he signally
failed. Anne de Bretagne and Louise de Savoie had
* Louise de Savoie was the daughter of Philippe, Duke de Savoie,
and Marguerite de Bourbon. She was born at Bresse, in 1476, and in
1488 married Charles d'Orleans, Duke d'Angouleme. She died in 1532.
t This journal, which, brief and unsatisfactory as it is, yet contains
some important statistical facts, was discovered in the original MS.
by a monk named Hilarion de Costa, in the library of M. de Hardy,
a counsellor of the Chatelet, by whom it was given to M. Guichenon.
The latter gentleman published it, among other papers of interest, at
the termination of his " Histoire Genealogique de la Maison de
Savoie; " and the Abbe Lambert subsequently appended it to his trans-
lation of the " Memoires de Du-Bellay," in 1753.
One of the entries which it .contains is so startling, and, were it not
that the subject is unfitted for a jest, would be so ludicrous, that it
must not be passed over without notice; particularly as the moral char-
acter of the princess, when placed, in juxtaposition with her office,
renders the whole transaction doubly disgraceful; and exposes, in a
marked manner, the venality and corruption of the Romish Church.
We give it in the original: " L'an 1519, le 5 Juillet, frere Francois de
Paule, des freres mendians eVangelistes, fut par moi canonise; a tout
le moins, j'en ai paye la taxe." All comment would be idle.
Francis I 17
too many conflicting jealousies at heart long to main-
tain even the semblance of friendship. Both were
young, both eminently beautiful, and both eager to
give a king to France ; and thus a mutual distrust and
dislike were engendered, which ere long increased to
such an extent that they mutually threw off all dis-
guise, and harassed alike the sovereign and his
ministers by the cabals into which they severally
entered. Time, instead of softening, served only to
increase this unhappy animosity; and on the suc-
cessive death of two infant sons, in each of whom
Anne had for a few brief weeks fondly believed that
she beheld the inheritor of the French crown, the
exultation of Louise was so unbounded as to assume
the character of insult ; while the queen, irritated by a
display of triumph which doubled the bitterness of her
disappointment, became only more confirmed in her
hatred of both mother and son.
Under these circumstances Louis XII. resolved to
withdraw Madame d'Angouleme once more from the
court; and in the year 1504, he appointed Amboise as
her place of residence ; and confided to Pierre de Rohan,
Marechal de Gie, whom he greatly esteemed, the im-
portant office of governor to the young Prince.*
The selection was a happy one ; as during his sojourn
in Italy, when general of the King's armies, M. de Gie
had devoted himself to literature and the arts; which,
Pierre de Rohan, Seigneur de Gie, was one of the most powerful
nobles at the court of Louis XI., who created him Marshal of France
in 1475. He governed the kingdom conjointly with three other indi-
viduals of high rank during the dangerous iHness of that monarch at
Chinon, and commanded the vanguard of the army at the battle of
Fornoue in 1495. Louis XII. appointed him Chief of the Council,
Lieutenant-general in Brittany, and General ot his forces in Italy. He
was also Commandant of Anjou and Amboise.
1 8 Reign of
together with his other manly accomplishments, had
conduced to render him one of the most distinguished
nobles of the age. He was, moreover, the descendant
of one of the first families of Brittany, very wealthy,
and celebrated for the loyalty and frankness of his char-
acter. Under the guidance of such a man as Pierre de
Rohan, Louis consequently felt assured that his ward
would never suffer from the want of his own superin-
tendence; and the result justified his confidence; for
the zealous efforts of the governor were soon apparent
in the rapid progress of the pupil, who under his aus-
pices imbibed that refinement of taste, and that manly
bearing, for which he was afterwards so famous. Not
content, however, with making him a scholar, M. de
Gie sought also to render the very defects of the young
prince subservient to his future greatness; and early
observant of the impetuosity of his character, as well
as the quickness of his intellect, he spared no pains to
inculcate the necessity of his acquiring that most diffi-
cult of all lessons, the art of self-government.
As regarded his martial exercises, Francis required
little tuition ; for, addicted from his earliest boyhood to
manly and chivalrous pastimes, and gifted by nature
with a person at once tall, robust, and graceful, he soon
excelled all his companions, alike in the noble accom-
plishment of brilliant horsemanship, and in the use of
weapons of every description; while by his natural
cheerfulness, urbanity, and frankness of deportment,
he effectually secured the affection of the friends of his
boyhood, who subsequently became alike the ornament
and the support of his throne.
Unfortunately, while devoting himself to the educa-
Francis I 19
tion of his royal pupil, the Marechal suffered himself
to be captivated by the attractions of Madame d'An-
gouleme ; who, far from scrupulous in her conduct, en-
couraged his evident admiration by her coquettish blan-
dishments. It is probable that Louise de Savoie,
deprived in her honourable exile of those opportunities
of seduction of which she was so perfect a mistress, did
not reflect upon the possible consequences of her im-
prudence upon the mind and heart of such a man as
the Marechal de Gie ; for it is certain that she sought
only to beguile the time which hung so heavily upon
her hands, when she suffered him to believe that he
was daily possessing himself of her affections, and had
no inclination to return a passion which she regarded
only with, contempt. Thus the deluded noble was ulti-
mately beguiled into a declaration, which was repulsed
with a disdain so haughty and so undisguised, that he
uttered an internal vow that the scornful princess
should one day bitterly repent the indignity which she
had cast upon him.
Just at this juncture a letter reached the castle in-
forming M. de Gie that the court had left Chinon for
Blois, and would remain for a few days at Amboise ;
upon which the Marechal gave the necessary orders,
and then, with his accustomed deference, hastened to
communicate the King's intention to Madame d'An-
gouleme ; whom he did not again meet until the arrival
of the King and Queen, with their brilliant retinue.
Anne de Bretagne was the first female sovereign of
France who had ever conceived the idea of enhancing
her dignity by the formation of a regularly organized
household of ladies ; and Brantome expatiates with en-
2O Reign of
thusiasm upon this novel addition to the court circle, so
well calculated to increase the attraction of those recep-
tions where heretofore all had been stately tedium;
while he also asserts that so earnest was Anne in the
accomplishment of her object, that she never refused
to admit into her service any dame or damsel who was
authorized to aspire to it by gentle birth; but, on the
contrary, frequently questioned the nobles by whom
she was approached, as to the extent of their families ;
and authorized them to invite their wives or daughters
in her name to join the royal suite. Thus she soon ac-
cumulated a train of eight-and-twenty maids-of-honour,
at salaries varying from thirty-five to one hundred
livres annually ; and sixteen ladies, either princesses, or
the wives of men of the highest quality in the kingdom,
all of whom were likewise salaried ; and her court soon
became the school in which the noble youth of both
sexes, who were permitted to study it, sought to fash-
ion themselves.
Nor did even this new splendour satisfy the magnifi-
cent tastes of Anne, who felt that while she was thus
increasing her own personal consequence, she was at
the same time humiliating her haughty rival, Louise
de Savoie ; for her female circle was no sooner organ-
ized that she asked and obtained of the King that she
should be permitted to increase the number of the
body-guard which he had already conceded to her, to
two hundred; most of whom were well-born gentle-
men of Brittany, who were accustomed, when she left
the palace of Blois, either to attend mass, or for the
purpose of exercise, to await her upon the terrace,
which was accordingly soon known as the " Bretons'
Francis I 21
Perch," from the fact that when she reached the door
which led to her apartments, she never failed to
remark, " There are my Bretons on their perch await-
ing me."
Thus brilliantly attended, therefore, did she arrive
at the castle of Amboise ; and among her graceful suite
two lovely young princesses were equally conspicuous
the one was Germaine de Foix, the niece of the King,
and the sister of the brave and accomplished Gaston,
who perished in the bloom of youth at the battle of
Ravenna; and the other, Suzanne de Bourbon, the
only child of Anne de France and the Sieur de Beaujeu.
The train of the King was less numerous, as most
of the young nobles who were of an age to encounter
the fatigues of a campaign had sought and obtained
permission to join the army in Italy, where Louis still
maintained the disastrous struggle which had been
commenced by his predecessor Charles VIII.
Nevertheless, he numbered in his retinue more than
one scion of the most illustrious families of France ;
among others the Due d'Alengon, then considered
as the future husband of Mademoiselle de Bourbon,
but who subsequently married Marguerite d'Angou-
leme, the sister of Francis; the Comte Charles de
Montpensier ; * M. de Vandenesse f the younger
* Charles de Montpensier, Due de Bourbon, afterwards so celebrated as
Constable de Bourbon, was the second son of Gilbert, Comte de Mont-
pensier, and was born in 1489. He was made constable in 1515, and sub-
sequently became Viceroy of Milan. He acquired great renown at the
battle of Marignano ; but, compelled by the injustice of the Queen-
mother, who disputed his claim to his domains, to leave France, he
offered his services to Charles V., and commanded his forces during
the wars of Italy. He was killed in 1527, at the siege of Rome, and died
without issue.
fjean de Chabannes, Seigneur dc Vandenesse, who was subsequently
captain of a thousand foot soidiers at the battle of Ravenna. He was
killed at the retreat of Rebec.
22 Reign of
brother of the Marquis de la Palice ; * and Guillaume
Gouffier, Seigneur de Bonnivet.f
M. de Gie had arranged a series of festivities for
the amusement of the court during their residence at
Amboise, but the health of the King had become so
much shaken by the unfavourable intelligence which
daily reached him from Italy, and by the obstinate
opposition of Anne to various resolutions with which
a wise policy had inspired him, that he was incapable
of the exertion which they would have required. De-
votedly attached to her person, he had accustomed
himself to yield to her wishes, not only in every in-
stance wherein she considered that her personal
interests or dignity as Queen of France was in any
way involved, but even on points of more importance ;
and so anxious had he shown himself to maintain by
every means in his power the respect and deference
which he considered as her due, that no ambassador
or foreigner of rank who visited the court, after he
had been received by the King himself, was exempted
from the necessity of proceeding at once to the Queen's
apartments with the same ceremony, in order that it
might be understood how completely he identified her
in all the honours of his own regality.
Naturally arrogant and ambitious, this new inno-
* Jacques de Chabannes, Seigneur de la Palice, Marshal of France,
Governor of Bourbon, Auvergne, Forez, Beaujolais, and Lyons, was the
most distinguished member of a family celebrated for the number of
great men which it has produced, and one of the most renowned generals
of his time. He served in Italy under both Charles VIII. and Louis
XII., and was killed at the battle of Pavia in 1525.
t Guillaume Gouffier, Seigneur de Bonnivet, was subsequently Admiral
of France, and General-in-chief of the armies of Francis I., in Italy. He
distinguished himself in several engagements; but having, by his im-
prudence, caused the loss of the battle of Pavia, he threw himself in
despair into the ranks of the enemy, and was killed.
Francis I 23
vation upon the accustomed etiquette of the court
sufficed to fill up the measure of her self-appreciation ;
but the measure, nevertheless, proved to be one of
sound policy ; for the extreme grace and courtesy of
manner which distinguished Anne de Bretagne,
coupled with an erudition which, if it failed to be pro-
found, was at least remarkable at that period, and a
superficial knowledge of several languages, in which
she constantly laboured to perfect herself, enabled her
to address the various strangers who presented them-
selves, in their own native idiom ; and thus to secure to
herself a popularity which increased the charm of her
conversation, and admirably assisted her views.
Although she had lost her sons, she had become the
mother of a princess, whom Louis was anxious to
affiance to the young Comte d'Angouleme, his heir-
presumptive ; but this project met with the most reso-
lute opposition on her part. Duchess of Brittany in
her own right ; and permitted, through the affectionate
indulgence of her royal husband, an absolute control
over all the affairs of the duchy, she openly avowed
her desire to render it an independent government ;
and, probably instigated as much by her dislike of the
Comtesse d'Angouleme as by any more political con-
sideration, she was no sooner made aware that Louis
was already meditating a marriage for the infant prin-
cess, than she proceeded to negotiate an alliance with
the Due de Luxembourg, the grandson of the Arch-
duke Maximilian, to whom she had herself been
betrothed, and of which the principal condition was to
be the cession of Brittany as a portion of the bride's
dowry. The monarch, actuated at once by his affec-
24 Reign of
tion for his consort, which rendered him averse to
oppose her wishes, and by his desire not to aggravate
the animosity between herself and Louise de Savoie,
suffered the negotiation to proceed; and thus en-
couraged her to interfere in the differences which
existed between himself and Pope Julius II. Anne,
who was deeply tinctured with the superstition of the
time, affected, or perhaps felt, the greatest horror upon
seeing her husband in open animosity against the
sovereign pontiff ; and regardless of the fact that Julius
was the enemy of the King, and the sworn foe of
France, she so warmly and pertinaciously supported
the cause of the Holy See, that Louis was once sur-
prised into exclaiming : " By heaven ! my Breton
dame, any one, to hear you so decidedly condemn
what the most celebrated universities have approved,
would imagine that you esteem yourself more learned
than the age ! Have your confessors never told you
that women have no voice in the church ? "
The reproof came, however, too late. Anne had
become accustomed to follow the dictates of her own
will; and notwithstanding this remonstrance, she
availed herself of her right of sovereignty over
Brittany, which was secured to her by her marriage
contract, to forbid the attendance of all the bishops
of that province at the council which was about to
assemble at Pisa, with intentions evidently hostile to
Julius. Addicted both to political and social intrigue,
she seldom suffered either to become conspicuous;
and it was only when her pride or her vanity was out-
raged, that she was betrayed into a vehemence that
revealed the true extent of the passions by which she
was governed.
Francis I 25
On the departure of the court from Amboise, the
King, at the request of Madame d'Angouleme (who
had fulfilled her duties of hostess with a composure
and courtesy which considerably diminished the an-
ticipated triumph of the Queen), consented to leave at
the castle three of the young nobles of his suite, as
companions to her son. These were Charles de Mont-
pensier, Guillaume de Goufiier, and M. de Vandenesse.
The latter, by his handsome person and courtly man-
ners, had attracted the attention of Louise de Savoie,
and in her desire to retain him at Amboise, had origi-
nated the idea of making this application.
Of the new inmates of the castle, all of whom were
several years older than the young Count, Francis soon
learnt to prefer Gouffier, whose joyous temperament
and supple nature admirably adapted him for the com-
panionship of the princes. The proud, self-centred,
and reserved temper of Charles de Montpensier, at
once chilled and irritated him ; while de Vandenesse
appeared absorbed rather by his mother than himself.
The only person towards whom Charles de Mont-
pensier wholly unbent, was Mademoiselle d'Angou-
leme. Although she had scarcely attained her thir-
teenth year, her grace, intellect, and acquirements were
remarkable ; and ere long the heart of the proud and
reserved young noble was at her feet. Two years the
senior of Francis, she was born on the nth of April,
1492, in the old castle of the city of Angouleme. The
early death of her father affected her interests but
little ; as, although " one of the best men among the
princes of the blood," according to the declaration of
Charles VIII., he committed the education of his
26 Reign of
children entirely to his wife, whose stronger mind and
higher attainments rendered her more competent to
such a charge. The nurture of the young, and beau-
tiful, and high-spirited Marguerite differed in almost
every particular from that of the pious and gentle
Princess Claude, whom Anne de Bretagne was rearing
in the most absolute seclusion. The audacious, un-
scrupulous, and ambitious spirit of Louise de Savoie,
did not even seek to leaven itself by religion ; and thus
the atmosphere breathed by the young Countess, from
her earliest girlhood, was redolent of gallantry, pleas-
ure, and intrigue. Nature had richly endowed her
both in mind and person ; and the extraordinary apti-
tude and perseverance with which she devoted herself
to study, even from her infancy, was, probably, her
best safeguard against corruption. As she emerged
from girlhood, her proficiency as a linguist excited
universal astonishment; while in philosophy and
poetry she delighted; and such of her compositions
as are still in existence, however grievously and pain-
fully they may be wanting in morality, are yet dis-
tinguished by an ease and grace of expression which
contrast in a marked manner with the inflated and
extravagant style of contemporary writers.
The mutual affection which subsisted between her-
self and her brother became a proverb among all who
witnessed it. The whole soul of the boy-count ap-
peared to be wrapped iip in his graceful and richly
endowed sister, to whom he referred his tastes, his
wishes, and his pursuits ; while, on her side, Mar-
guerite guided him by her counsels, assisted him by
her riper attainments, and gladdened him by her love.
Francis I 27
Both in person and in mind they resembled each other
greatly: in each existed the same marked and com-
manding features, the same quickness of intellect, and
the same thirst for knowledge. Nor were they less
similar in their love of pleasure, and we use the word
in its most comprehensive sense. No wonder, there-
fore, that Francis idolized his sister, whom he was
accustomed to call his pet, the Marguerite of Mar-
guerites, and the pearl beyond price.
Notwithstanding all the caution of Montpensier, the
secret of his attachment for Mademoiselle d'Angou-
leme was soon discovered by Gouffier, who had be-
come equally enslaved by her attractions ; and from
that moment commenced a hatred between the two
young nobles, which was destined to endure through-
out their lives. Marguerite, still a mere girl, and
hitherto engrossed by her studies, knew nothing of
love save in theory, and it was consequently some time
ere she was able fully to comprehend the devotion of
the Count Charles ; but she had no sooner done so, than
she returned his passion with all the ardour of her
young and guileless heart. With the natural timidity
of an inexperienced girl, she, however, shrank from
confiding the state of her newly awakened feelings to
her boy-brother; who, instigated by Gouffier, his
favourite companion, soon evinced a decided distaste
to the young Montpensier, which at length obtained
such a mastery over him, that, after a quarrel in the
tennis-court, Francis, whose warlike temper revealed
itself upon all occasions, declared his determination
to meet him in single combat ; nor was it without con-
siderable difficulty that M. de Gie succeeded in calm-
28 Reign of
ing him. The habitual authority of the Marechal over
the proud spirit of the Prince assured him, however,
of an ultimate, even if a hardly-won triumph ; but it
was far otherwise when he sought to pacify Charles
de Montpensier ; who, although infinitely less demon-
strative in his indignation than his antagonist, felt far
more deeply. He replied briefly to the expostulations
of M. de Gie; evinced no disposition to make the
slightest concession ; and, after having asked a part-
ing interview with Madame d'Angouleme and her
gifted daughter, left the castle the same day ; but in-
stead of proceeding to Blois, where the King almost
immediately upon his arrival, had complained of
serious indisposition, he at once directed his steps to
Paris, where he rejoined his relative and god-mother,
Madame de Bourbon, from whom he had been sepa-
rated when the court left Amboise.
His sudden and abrupt departure inflicted upon
Marguerite the first heart-pang that she had ever
experienced ; but by her mother it was scarcely re-
membered beyond the hour. The passion which
Louise de Savoie had permitted herself to encourage
for M. de Vandenesse, had created an ideal world
about her which shut out all that it did not involve
within its own vortex ; while the young noble, flattered
by the love of so great and handsome a princess, not
content with the favours which she lavished upon him,
had the extreme imprudence to assume her colours ;
and, discarding the grey and .green in which he had
formerly appeared, to assume the blue and silver in
which she had usually attired herself. This change
did no'tf 'escape the keen eye of the Marechal, who felt
Francis I 29
that his hour of revenge was come; and he accord-
ingly kept so strict a watch upon the movements of
his favoured rival, that he at length surprised him
as he was stealthily making his way through an
obscure gallery which led to the apartments of
Madame d'Angouleme.
" Sir," said the vigilant M. de Gie sarcastically, " I
am aware that this corridor leads only to the chambers
occupied by the female attendants of the Countess ; I
will not, therefore, demand to know, as I have every
right to do in my capacity of governor of this castle,
upon what errand you are bound at so unusual an
hour. I will confine myself simply to the request that
you will immediately retrace your steps, and leave
imboise by dawn to-morrow ; as I can allow no one
to remain within these walls whose example may
>rove pernicious to my royal pupil."
M. de Vandenesse, fearing to compromise the Prin-
iss by a resistance which would, moreover, have
roved useless, as he could not successfully contend
igajnst the official authority of the Marechal, made
no reply ; but, bowing respectfully, returned to his own
imber; where, having summoned his valet, and
lade the necessary arrangements, he remained until
lylight, when he mounted, and rode from the castle
of Amboise without even having an opportunity of
paying his parting respects to his late hostess.
Louise de Savoie, on ascertaining the hurried and
unceremonious departure of the young noble, was
instantly convinced that he had retired at the instiga-
tion of M. de Gie, who had thus seized the first oppor-
tunity of revenge for his own dismissal ; and even ajtfiSP* 1 -C- s .
, % fTf -
V
3<3 Reign of
the bitterness of her annoyance, she smiled a haughty
smile as she reflected that the time might yet come
when she would make him rue his interference; nor
did she once condescend to allude to the circumstance.
Madame d'Angouleme, unlike the generality of her
sex, rarely sought her vengeance in words.
The malady of the King soon assumed the most
alarming aspect ; and as, notwithstanding her habitual
self-sufficiency, Anne de Bretagne was by no means
insensible to the affection which her royal husband
had so constantly lavished upon her, she devoted
herself to him in this emergency with the most ex-
emplary solicitude, seldom absenting herself from the
sick-room, save when compelled to do so by her
public duties. For a time, however, her cares were
vain. The disease daily acquired strength ; and the
court physicians at length reluctantly confessed their
inability to arrest its progress. This declaration fell
like a thunderbolt upon the anxious Queen. At one
glance she saw and appreciated all the difficulty of her
position when Louise de Savoie should become the
mother of the reigning monarch ; and resolved not
to subject herself to the insults of a triumphant enemy,
she determined to retire into Brittany the moment that
the King had ceased to live ; as there she could still
maintain her sovereign state, and enjoy the undivided
power which had always been the dream of her ambi-
tion. Thus, while she still continued to bestow the
most affectionate attentions upon her royal consort,
his apparently desperate condition by no means ab-
sorbed the whole of her reflections ; and she lost no
time in causing all her most costly furniture, jewels,
Francis I 31
and every other article of value which, from having
been devoted to her use, she considered as her own
property, to be hastily packed up, and despatched to
Nantes by the Loire.
" By St. Yves ! " exclaimed the indignant Marechal
de Gie, when he learnt the somewhat premature meas-
ures adopted by Anne ; " the Breton dame never loses
her wits where her interests are concerned ; but vrai
Dicu! I will show her that I am a Breton too; and
that I know how to perform the duties of the office
that has been intrusted to me. She is a trifle too hasty
in her movements, and has acted like the wife of a
trader, rather than that of a great monarch. Our
good and well-beloved King and master is not yet,
perhaps, upon his deathbed, as she imagines ; and it is
somewhat of the earliest for Madame la Reine to re-
move, upon her own authority, and from the royal
palaces, effects which the successor of her husband
may reclaim as the property of the crown."
These impolitic and somewhat intemperate words
were, unfortunately for the fiery Pierre de Rohan,
uttered in the presence of several individuals; and,
among others, in that of Madame d'Angouleme, and
M. de Pontbriant, the chamberlain of the young
Prince ; but, as his zeal had been awakened by his
anxiety to .protect the interests of his pupil, and that
Pontbriant was his protege, and indebted to him for
the very appointment which he then held, M. de Gie
could not anticipate that either would be guilty of a
breach of trust.
His threat was speedily followed up ; for, leaving
the apartment with the mien of a chafed lion, he gave
32 Reign of
immediate orders for stopping the boats which the
Queen had freighted, upon their passage ; but he had
received his information too late to render this prac-
ticable, as they had passed Amboise before the news
reached him ; when, resolved not to be thwarted in
his design, he no sooner ascertained the fact, than he
despatched his mounted men-at-arms to seize their
lading at Namur. The haughty spirit of the Queen,
on being apprised of this bold proceeding, was in-
stantly aroused ; and when, contrary to all expectation,
Louis XII. began slowly to recover from his malady,
she availed herself of the increased influence which
she had obtained over him during his sufferings, to
represent the conduct of the governor of Amboise in
the darkest colours ; carefully avoiding the main sub-
ject of her displeasure, and basing her accusations
upon the fact that the Marechal had indulged in
insulting reflections, not only upon herself person-
ally, but also upon the King; and treated with con-
temptuous disapprobation many public acts of his
government. The great regard which Louis had long
felt for M. de Gie rendered him reluctant to give
credence to this report ; but Anne met his doubts by
affirming that she could produce witnesses to the
truth of what she had advanced ; and thus the King
found himself compelled to put the Marechal upon his
trial. '
Numerous witnesses appeared against him, when he
was cited before the parliament of- Toulouse on the
charge of lese-majeste; and among the rest, Madame
d'Angouleme ; who, in her thirst for vengeance, was
arrested neither by the consideration that the Marechal
Francis I 33
had fallen under the displeasure of Anne in order to
protect the interests of her own son, nor even by the
fact that in her eagerness to injure M. de Gie, she was
furthering the views of a woman whom she hated.
The Marechal treated alike the accusation and the
witnesses with haughty contempt ; and the only re-
proach which he uttered to Louise de Savoie, when
he perceived that the most virulent of his accusers
were herself and Pontbriant, was contained in words
which cannot fail to remind the reader of the dying
exclamation of Wolsey : " And you too, Madam ?
Had I only served my God as I have served you, I
should have little to regret upon my deathbed."
After numerous deliberations and delays, the parlia-
ment ultimately acquitted M. de Gie of the crime of
lese-majestc ; but, by a singular inconsistency, which
savoured strongly of extraneous influence an infer-
ence which is, moreover, strengthened by the fact that
Anne, whose natural cupidity was notorious, had em-
ployed no less a sum than thirty-two thousand livres
in urging his judges to greater severity and despatch
pronounced that for certain excesses and other de-
linquencies, the Marechal de Gie should be deprived
of the title and office of Governor of the Comte d'An-
gouleme, and his command of the castles of Amboise
and Angers ; and that for the space of five years he
should abstain from the exercise of his functions as
Marshal of France, during which period he should be
exiled from the residences of the court.
M. de Gie bore his disgrace as philosophically as
he had borne his prosperity; and resigning his for-
feited dignities, retired to Anjou, where he lived sur-
34 Rei S n of
rounded by splendour, and totally indifferent to the
exultation of those who had conspired against him.
The implacable nature of Anne de Bretagne dis-
played itself upon this occasion in a marked manner.
When urged by Pontbriant to suggest that the culprit
should be subjected to the question, in order to compel
him to a confession of his crime, she declared that she
had no wish to see him condemned to die, as were he
to lose his head he would soon be unconscious of the
degradation to which he was now subjected ; but that,
on the contrary, her desire was that he should live,
in order that he might contrast his present disgrace
and insignificance with his former greatness ; and amid
regret, suffering, and mortification, endure a lasting
agony, which to his proud spirit would be more bitter
a hundredfold than death itself.
Meanwhile her late alarm had rendered her only
the more determined to accomplish her project re-
garding the disposal of Brittany, and to crush the
hopes of Louise de Savoie that her son would one day
inherit her beloved duchy ; and she accordingly urged
on the secret correspondence into which she had
already entered with the son of the Archduke Philip
with increased eagerness ; and with so much success,
that this Prince, in conjunction with Maximilian,
finally opened a negotiation with Louis XII. , which
terminated in the treaty of Blois, by which it was stipu-
lated that the Princess Claude, with the present pos-
session of the counties of A$t, Boulogne, and Blois,
and the duchy of Brittany in perspective, upon the
death of her mother, should be given in marriage to
the young Due de Luxembourg.
Francis I 35
This matrimonial compact was a fatal blow to the
ambition of Louise de Savoie, and the prospects of her
son. Madame d'Angouleme had, until that moment,
never ceased to flatter herself that upon a point so
vital to the interests of the nation, as well as so inter-
esting to his own feelings, the will and wishes of the
King must ultimately prevail ; and now she was fated
to witness the failure of her anticipations ; while Fran-
cis, who had long considered the infant Princess as his
destined wife, not only found himself robbed of his
bride, but saw his future kingdom shorn of some of
its most important and valuable provinces.
CHAPTER II.
Marguerite de Valois Asked in Marriage by Henry VII.
Refusal of Louis XII. Marguerite Married to the Due
d'Alenc,on Her Reluctance Motives of the King Her
Writings Relapse of Louis XII. Death of Isabella of
Spain Marriage of Germaine de Foix with Ferdinand of
Castile The States-General Assembled Francis Betrothed
to the Princess Claude Death of the Archduke Philip
Jeanne la Folle The Pope Determines on War Character
of Julius II. Louis Sends an Army to Bologna Genoa
Revolts Wanton Cruelties Perpetrated by the Genoese
Louis Proceeds to Italy at the Head of a Large Army
Genoa Capitulates Louis XII. Takes Possession of the
City A Court Festival Dancing Bishops Interview be-
tween Louis XII. and Ferdinand Gonsalvo de Cardova
Refusal of the Pope to Meet Louis XII.
WHEN the failing health of Louis XII. induced
the belief that his life was drawing to its close,
the hand of Marguerite d'Angouleme, the sister of the
heir-presumptive to the throne, was asked by Henry
VII. of England; but after mature deliberation the
Grand Council declined to sanction the marriage, be-
ing apprehensive, as they affirmed, that it would in-
volve the two countries in perpetual warfare, and tend
to undermine the salic law in France. A second propo-
sition of the same nature was also declined from simi-
lar motives ; while the King himself opposed her union
36
Francis I 37
with Charles of Austria, and declared his determina-
tion to bestow her in marriage upon Charles III., Due
d'Alengon ; a decision at which the high and already
matured spirit of Marguerite revolted ; perceiving, as
she at once did, the intellectual inferiority of the man
to whom she should thus be compelled to promise
obedience and respect. It was, consequently, with
bitter tears that she submitted to the commands of
the monarch, and the wishes of her mother; for she
foresaw how little suited they were to each other, and
how cheerless was the prospect thus opened before
her. The Duke was deficient in all the brilliant quali-
ties for which Marguerite was herself distinguished,
nor did he even possess the negative merit of appre-
ciating them in another ; and thus the young Princess
perceived that she must be sufficient to herself, while
the bright illusion was for ever vanished which had led
her to believe that she should be valued at her own
hearth for the acquirements which it had cost her so
much labour to attain.
The only apparent motive by which Louis XII. had
been impelled to insist upon this ill-assorted marriage,
was his desire to terminate a process then pending
between the Due d'Alenc,on and the Comte d'Angou-
leme as the conflicting heirs of Marie d'Armagnac;
and it was accordingly arranged that on its celebration,
the latter should abandon his claim in favour of his
sister, whose dowry thus amounted to 450,000 livres.
No pecuniary consideration could, however, recon-
cile Marguerite to so repugnant a union; and, when
she found it inevitable, she declared that thenceforth
she gave her heart to God, as she could never bestow
38 Reign of
it upon her husband; an engagement which it was,
perhaps, beyond her power to fulfil ; for it is certain
that however actually innocent she may have been,
she was nevertheless morally guilty, inasmuch as she
carried her predilections beyond the due bounds of
female delicacy and warrantable friendship, although
she may never wholly have forgotten her dignity as a
woman and a princess. Her attachment to Charles
de Montpensier militated moreover against that per-
fect self-abnegation which she professed ; while her
disgraceful adventure with Bonnivet, which she has
triumphantly recorded in the fourth tale of the Hepta-
meron, is so far from redounding to her honour either
as a woman or a wife, that the reader involuntarily
feels the utter impossibility of its occurrence without
a previous levity on her part which appeared to sanc-
tion the indignity to which she was subjected. More-
over, even her panegyrist Brantome is betrayed into
the confession that " En fait de joyeusetes et de galan-
terics, die montrait qu'elle en savait plus qne son pain
quotidien." No marvel, however, when it is remem-
bered that she was reared by Louise de Savoie, and
became the willing confidante of her brother's gallan-
tries. Among other frivolities unworthy of so superior
a mind, the Duchesse d'Alengon originated the custom
between friends of opposite sexes, which, by authoriz-
ing them to style each other allied brothers and sisters,
gave them the privilege of openly declaring their
mutual attachment, to which, whatever might really
be its nature or extent, it was understood that no
scandal was to be attached.
Even with all due consideration of the lax state of
Francis I 39
society in that age, the mind and heart which could
suggest and share in so unseemly a folly, and so im-
modest an exhibition as this, must have been per-
verted at the core ; and, as we read, we cease to wonder,
and to mourn over the prostitution of her fine talents,
when we remember that so polluted a stream could
produce no current of pure and healthful fancy.
In other respects the character of the Princess Mar-
guerite did credit to her mother's training. With all
the natural energy of Madame d'Angouleme, she had
more self-government; and it was only in moments
of great excitement that she suffered herself to be
betrayed into any exhibition of unwomanly vehe-
mence ; while her devotion to those she loved was al-
most chivalric. But her moral profligacy casts a dark
shadow over the brilliancy of her other and more
estimable qualities, by which they must ever be
clouded in the eyes of posterity.
The treaty of marriage between Claude de France
and Charles de Luxembourg had scarcely been con-
cluded, when the King suffered a relapse of the same
malady to which he had so nearly fallen a victim dur-
ing the preceding year ; and the Cardinal d'Amboise,*
who foresaw the most dangerous results should it be
accomplished, absolved the King from the fulfilment of
his pledge, and induced him to execute a will, by which
he directed that the Princess Claude should become the
* George, Cardinal d'Amboise, was born in 1460, in the castle of Chau-
mont-sur- Loire, near Montauban ; and was successively Bishop of Mon-
tauban, Archbishop of Narbonne, Archbishop of Rouen, and, finally. Car-
dinal and first minister of Louis XII. from 1499 to 1510, the period of
his death. It was by his advice that Louis undertook the conquest of
the Milanese. He made strenuous efforts to obtain the tiara, but was
defeated by the Cardinal of Rovera.
40 Reign of
wife of her cousin Francis, the Comte d'Angouleme,
so soon as their respective ages should render their
marriage practicable; and appointed the Queen and
Louise de Savoie joint regents of the kingdom in the
interim. This testamentary document was drawn up
on the 3ist of May, 1505, and contained the following
passage : " Item. We very expressly will and com-
mand that our said daughter make her residence with-
in our kingdom, without departing hence, until her
marriage with our very dear and beloved nephew, the
Due de Valois, Comte d'Angouleme, be duly solem-
nized."
The recovery of the King, however, which shortly
supervened, rendered the will nugatory ; and thus this
extraordinary regency was not fated to take effect. It
will, at the first glance, appear extraordinary that
Anne de Bretagne should offer no opposition upon
this second occasion to the betrothal of her daughter
with Francis, after having so strenuously laboured
hitherto to prevent it ; but those whom she admitted
to her intimacy were well aware that, although appar-
ently passive, she was as much averse to it as ever,
and as firmly resolved to discountenance their actual
marriage ; a fact which her inconsequent contribution
of 100,000 crowns to the dowry of the princess sufficed
ultimately to prove. The truth was, that she had by
no means lost confidence in her final success ; she had
not yet relinquished the hope of again becoming a
mother; and she had every reason to conclude that
Louis XII., having so unhesitatingly released himself
from his solemn obligation towards Charles de Lux-
embourg, would, should he find it expedient to shake
Francis I 41
off the trammels of this second engagement, be even
less scrupulous than before ; and she, therefore, con-
tinued to pursue her negotiations with Austria, as
though the betrothal determined by the monarch was
to have no influence over the ultimate disposal of her
daughter.
The death of Isabella of Spain, which took place
during this year, induced Ferdinand to make over-
tures of peace to France ; and, in order to effect this
object, he demanded of Louis the hand of his beautiful
niece, Germaine de Foix, the daughter of his sister
Mary, who had married Jean de Foix, Vicomte de
Narbonne ; and at the same time that he gave his am-
bassadors authority to make this demand, he also
accredited them to Francis, the heir presumptive to
the throne, believing that Louis was then near his end.
The proposition was accepted ; and by a treaty signed
at Blois, on the I2th of October, and destined on this
occasion to prove valid, Louis ceded to his niece his
claim to the kingdom of Naples ; on the condition,
however, that should the Princess die without issue,
the Neapolitan territories should return to the crown
of France. Ferdinand, on his part, pledged himself
to pay to the French King 100,000 ducats annually
for the space of ten years; while the two monarchs
were to ally themselves and their respective interests
so closely as to form, according to their own expres-
sion, " two souls in one body ; " and to render to each
other reciprocal assistance in every emergency with-
out exception ; Louis XII. to furnish a thousand
lances, and Ferdinand three thousand foot. The
Spanish King moreover bound himself to grant a free
42 Reign of
pardon to all the Neapolitans who had embraced the
French cause, and to restore their property.
The marriage was accordingly solemnized; and
Ferdinand immediately left Spain, and proceeded to
Naples.
Delivered for a time from all prospect of foreign
aggression, Louis applied himself to the internal
economy of his kingdom; and more desirous than
ever to accomplish the union of his daughter with
Francis, from having discovered the secret, and there-
fore more irritating opposition of the Queen, he caused
an assembly of the States-General to be convened at
Tours, which was understood to originate with the
nobles themselves, but where the counsellors of the
King instructed them beforehand in the role which they
were expected to enact ; and directed them to enforce
upon the monarch the expediency of annulling the
treaty to which he had previously bound himself by
oath. This done, Louis repaired to Tours, to give
them the audience they had demanded ; and received
the deputies in the great hall of Plessis-les-Tours. On
the right hand of the throne were stationed the Cardi-
nals of Amboise and Narbonne, the Chancellor, and a
number of Bishops ; and on the left, Francis, Count
d'Angouleme, upon whom he had already bestowed
the title of Due de Valois, the princes of the blood,
the principal nobles of the kingdom, the president of
the parliament of Paris, and some of the members of
the council.
Thomas Bricot, a canon of 'Notre Dame, and senior
clepiity of Paris, was selected to open the proceedings,
which he did with considerable eloquence; and after
Francis I 43
having expressed to his royal hearer the gratitude of
the nation for all the benefits which his subjects had
experienced under his rule the reduction effected in
the public taxes the cessation of the formerly unre-
strained licentiousness of the soldiery and the refor-
mations which had taken place in the courts of justice,
alike in Paris and in the provinces, he concluded his
harangue thus : " For all these reasons he should be
called Louis XIL, the Father of his People ! "
Loud acclamations greeted this burst of loyal affec-
tion ; and the King was so much moved by the general
enthusiasm that he could not control his tears.
When silence was restored, the orator sank upon
his knee, an example which was followed by the whole
of the deputies ; and, in this position, he resumed :
" Sire, we are here by your good pleasure, in order to
proffer to you a request which involves the general
good of your kingdom; and this is, that your very
humble subjects beseech you to bestow Madame, your
only daughter, in marriage upon Monsieur Frangois
here present, who is in all respects a Frenchman."
By order of the King, the Chancellor Gui de Roche-
fort* replied to the States' deputies, informing them
that his majesty would confer with the princes of the
blood upon the subject of the proposed alliance ; and
the assembly was then adjourned to the following day ;
when Louis, with a feigned reluctance which he was
far from feeling, announced that " he condescended
to their demand and request," and desired that the
* Gui de Rochefort, Seigneur de Pleuvant in Burgundy, was the cham-
berlain and counsellor of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, and after-
wards passed into the service of Louis XI. Charles VIII. made him
Chancellor of France.
44 Reign of
betrothal of the two children should take place on the
second day from that time, which was the feast of the
Ascension. The youthful pair were accordingly sol-
emnly affianced by the Cardinal d'Amboise in the
presence of the whole court ; and, previous to the cere-
mony, the Chancellor read aloud the marriage articles,
which secured to the Princess Claude, even in the
event of sons being subsequently born to the King,
the counties of Ast and Blois, the lordships of Soissons
and Coucy, and 100,000 crowns, given, as we have
already stated, by the Queen.
Thus, long after she had despaired of such a tri-
umph, Madame d'Angouleme witnessed her son's be-
trothal to the daughter of his sovereign, and saw him
publicly recognised as heir-presumptive to the crown ;
and, had she not been compelled to look through so
long a perspective of time for, at this period, Francis
had only attained his fourteenth and Claude her fourth
year even her restless ambition would have been
satisfied.
The bad faith exhibited by Louis XII. in this un-
compromising violation of a solemn treaty, and the
ambiguous manner in which he sought to excuse him-
self to the Austrian court, in an autograph letter which
he addressed to Guillaume de Croy, Sieur de Chievres,*
to whom Philip had confided the government of the
Low Countries during his absence in England, and in
* Guillaume de Croy, Seigneur de Chievres, Due de Soria, and Knight
of the Golden Fleece, was the descendant of an ancient family, which
derived its name from the village of Croy, in Picardy. He became cele-
brated for his military prowess, during -the reigns of Charles VIII. and
Louis XII, He was the governor of Charles of Austria, afterwards
Kmporor of Germany. Having allied himself to the fortunes of that
prince, he was sent to Spain in the quality of viceroy; but, while hold-
ing that important trust, he tarnished his reputation by the most extor-
tionate exactions. He died at Worms in 1521.
Francis I 45
which he declared that he had liberated himself from
his engagement " for reasons which would be too long
to relate," convinced its recipient that a war must
necessarily ensue between France and his own sov-
ereign; and he accordingly took instant measures to
fortify his frontier; but Philip, whose position in
Spain was precarious, and who feared to engage in
foreign hostilities while still contending with his
father-in-law for the possession of Castile, replied
evasively to the announcement which he received of
the betrothal of the Princess Claude to the Duke
Francis ; asserting that he could not express any senti-
ment upon the subject " until he had first communi-
cated and consulted with the King his father, and the
King of Aragon his father-in-law, whom it concerned."
The letter terminated with fervent expressions of at-
tachment to the person of the French monarch, but
afforded no clue to the real feelings of the writer upon
the point in question.
The death of the Archduke Philip, who perished of
pestilential fever at Burgos, on the 25th of September,
1506, at the age of twenty-eight years, and only three
months after his entry into Castile, suspended for a
time all the warlike demonstrations which were be-
ginning to develop themselves. The miserable and
morbid state of mind of his widow, Jeanne la Folle,
elder daughter of Isabella the Catholic, in right of
whom she inherited the kingdom, necessitated the
election of a more efficient governor. The condition
of Queen Joanna was indeed deplorable ; and forbade
all hope of her ever again being enabled to assume the
functions of a sovereign. Weak and suspicious, as
46 Reign of
well as jealous to a fearful excess, she had seldom,
during the lifetime of her husband, left the suite of
apartments appropriated to her use ; where, incapable
of pursuing any occupation or amusement, she passed
her time in wandering through the rooms, uttering
incoherent menaces, and occasionally indulging in still
more incoherent bursts of grief. The death of Philip
had confirmed this incipient madness. She caused his
body to be embalmed, and laid upon a bed of state
in her own chamber, dressed in the most magnificent
manner; while she sat beside it, with her eyes fixed
upon the motionless countenance, waiting for the first
sign of that returning life which she believed was by
some miracle to be restored to him. Her jealousy
still continued as great as ever ; and from the period
of the embalmment of the corpse, she suffered no
female to enter the room in which he lay. Nor did
she falter in her task even for an instant ; it was in vain
that she was entreated to open despatches, authorize
orders, or sign state documents ; she answered every
appeal by pointing with her attenuated finger towards
the lifeless body, and briefly uttering, " Wait ! "
The helpless condition of her children awakened all
the best sympathies of Louis XII. ; and he caused a
letter to be written to Marguerite of Austria, in which
he declared that he was willing to treat the sons of
Philip as though they were his own. Maximilian,
however, asserted that to him alone belonged the
guardianship of his grandson, Charles de Luxem-
bourg, who, in default of his mother, must be recog-
nised as King of Castile ; while Ferdinand, who had
learnt the death of his son-in-law at Genoa, continued
Francis I 47
his route to Naples, calculating that the confusion
which must exist in the kingdom at such a juncture,
would materially conduce to his own popularity and
welcome.
The calm was not, however, destined to be of long
continuance; for while Spain, Germany, and France
were passively awaiting the progress of events, Julius
II., who filled the pontifical see, and who, in addition
to his restless and warlike tastes, felt, or affected, as
much contempt as dislike towards the two latter na-
tions, which he qualified with the title of " barbarians,"
resolved to take the initiative; and to restore to the
dominion of the Church all the domains which had
from time to time been wrested from it. His first
object was the subjugation of Venice, as the most
arrogant and the most powerful of those states which
had openly declared their independence ; but the cause
which he had most at heart was the destruction of the
French interest throughout Italy.
The costume which had been adopted by the sov-
ereign pontiff, his flowing beard, and bent figure, gave
him an appearance of extreme old age, although, ac-
cording to one of his historians, he had at this period
only reached his sixty-third year; but his mind was
still strong and clear, and his passions violent.
Haughty, irascible, and unscrupulous, he was never-
theless brave, judicious, and full of love for his coun-
try ; but the clerical habit sat loosely upon him, while
his fingers clutched firmly the hilt of the sabre, or the
bridle of the war-horse. As a warrior Julius II.
would have been a hero; as a Pope he was only a
licentious and grasping churchman.
48 Reign of
Having raised both money and troops, the chagrin
of Julius was excessive upon finding that a treaty into
which he had induced Louis XII. to enter with Maxi-
milian, for their joint invasion of the Venetian terri-
tory a treaty which had, moreover, been subse-
quently renewed at Cambray was set aside by the
more recent alliance formed between the French King
and Ferdinand ; a circumstance which compelled him
to abandon for a time the reduction of the Venetians,
and the recovery of the cities of Faenza and Rimini,
of which, upon the death of Caesar Borgia, they had
possessed themselves. Nevertheless he resolved not
to delay the punishment of other delinquents, who had
flung the yoke of the papal government from their
necks ; and the first against whom he directed his arms
were Jean Paul Baglioni, the hereditary sovereign of
Perousa, and Jean Bentivoglio, who held a similar
sway over Bologna, two of the most powerful cities
of the pontifical states. The latter had purchased the
protection of France by the payment of a considerable
tribute, and might therefore justly anticipate the aid
of that country in an emergency like the present ; the
rather, moreover, that Bologna, over which his family
had reigned for more than a century, was esteemed
essential to the defence of the Milanese ; but Julius
was not to be deterred by this consideration ; and,
resolved at once to assert his own will and the
authority of the Church, he called upon Louis to fur-
nish him with troops, and upon the Venetians to
remain neuter.
Taken by surprise, both the one and the other
agreed to his demands against their better judgment ;
Francis I 49
and the warlike pontiff left Rome on the 27th of
August at the head of four hundred men-at-arms, and
with a suite of twenty-four cardinals. He found no
enemy to combat, however, in Baglioni, who terrified
at his approach, advanced as far as Orvieto to meet
him, and placed himself in his hands ; a confidence
which was repaid by the Pope on his entrance into
Perousa on the I3th of September, by the restoration
of his patrimonial property, with permission to reside
as a private citizen in the city which he had hitherto
ruled ; while to the city itself he restored its republican
administration under the control and direction of the
Holy See. The Prince Bentivoglio proved less amen-
able to the pontifical pleasure, and calculated upon
that assistance from France for which he had paid so
heavy a price; nor is it doubtful that Louis himself,
on recovering from his first panic at the unforeseen
movement of the Pope, would have willingly afforded
it ; as on hearing that Julius had announced in public
that he could calculate upon the support of the French
monarch in his attack upon Bologna, Louis vehem-
ently denied that he had given any pledge to that
effect. The Cardinal d'Amboise, however, who was
anxious to avoid a rupture with the Pope, so worked
upon his mind that, once more falsifying a solemn
engagement, he gave orders to M. de Chaumont,* his
* Charles d'Amboise, Seigneur de Chaumont, lieutenant-general of the
army in the Milanese at the age of twenty-five years, and grand-master,
was the nephew of the Cardinal d'Amboise, by whom he was entirely
governed. Naturally brave, he never ceded an inch of the territory
confided to his chargr, but made several conquests both in that kingdom
and Venice. He nevertheless committed two serious errors: the one in
permitting Chapin Vitelli and the Venetian reinforcement to enter
Bologna, while he wasted a day in endeavouring to negotiate a peace;
and lost the opportunity of occupying the eity, and reinstating the Benti-
VOL. I. 4
50 Reign of
lieutenant-general in the Milanese, to march upon
Bologna with a force of six hundred lances, and three
thousand Swiss ; and thus pressed on the one hand by
the army of the Pope, and on the other by that of his
anticipated ally, Bentivoglio had no resource save to
take refuge with his family in the French camp ; to
abandon a principality which he had inherited from
his ancestors ; and ultimately to accept an asylum in
Milan; which, together with a guarantee for the
preservation of his property, was tendered to him by
Chaumont. Julius II. established at Bologna, as he
had previously done at Perousa, a government which
was almost republican, and which continued to sup-
port itself in all its integrity until the close of the i8th
century.
The revolt of Genoa, which had been annexed to
the crown of France at the same time as the duchy
of Milan, immediately supervened ; and Chaumont had
no sooner interdicted all communication between that
city and Lombardy, while Yves d'Allegre marched
upon Monaco in order to compel the Genoese to raise
the siege of the fortress, than the rebels, thus driven
to engage in an open and decided warfare with France,
calculated upon the assistance of their allies to enable
them to sustain so unequal a conflict. The Pope was
their countryman, and, as they well knew, favourable
to their interests; while Maximilian had already
warned Louis not to molest the Genoese, whom he
regarded as members of the empire: thus, believing
themselves secure, they threw off the authority of
vogli; and the other, when he suffered Miranda to be taken, in spite of
the resolute defence which it was making, and from motives of avarice
dissolved the Italian bands. He died at the age of thirty-eight years.
Francis I 51
France ; and in compliance with their ancient custom,
elected a new Doge from among their own citizens,
one Paul de Novi, a silk dyer by trade, and a man of
extraordinary judgment, vigour, and decision.
Louis XII. , enraged by the wanton and barbarous
cruelties exercised against the French prisoners who
fell into the hands of the enemy, and whom they cruci-
fied, mutilated, and tortured, without distinction of
age or sex ; and moreover convinced that he owed the
revolt to the machinations of the Emperor Maximilian
and the Pope, at once placed himself at the head of
an army of 50,000 men ; and, accompanied by the
Dukes of Bourbon, Alengon, and Lorraine, proceeded
in person to attack the rebels. The royal forces had
no sooner reached the entrance of the mountains of
Genoa, than the troops whom Paul de Novi had in-
trusted with the defence of the defiles, fled before them,
and the French encamped without opposition in the
valley of Polsevera. Still, however, the city itself was
enabled to offer a formidable resistance ; its natural
resources being so great as to render it impregnable
at a period when war had not yet become a science ;
and the generals of Louis XII. were prepared for a
long and murderous campaign. But Genoa was al-
ready divided against herself; intestine contentions
had sapped her strength ; the wealthy citizens, appre-
hensive that should the city be captured it would be
delivered over to pillage, refused to offer any resist-
ance ; while thk. lower orders, who had eagerly taken
up arms in the hope of profit, upon finding themselves
forsaken by their leaders, lost courage ; and although
one body of men fought bravely on the height of the
52 Reign of
Belvidere, and had even, by their preparations for
defence, caused considerable anxiety to Louis, it was
a solitary effort; which was frustrated through the
valour and intrepidity of Bayard,* who having been
appointed equerry to the King, had accompanied him
in this expedition, while still suffering from the effects
of a wound received at Garigliano.
The defeat of this outpost, upon which great hopes
had been based, was so complete and so rapid that it
struck terror into the garrison of the citadel, who
immediately abandoned their post ; and although the
Genoese made a vigorous attempt to re-take it, they
were repulsed; and thus found themselves compelled
to send deputies to the French King, to announce their
submission; while Paul de Novi evacuated the city
with a strong body of his companions in arms.
On the 2Qth of April, Louis entered the conquered
city on horseback, with his drawn sword in his hand ;
while the magistrates and people received him on their
knees, holding olive branches, and uttering loud cries
for mercy. They were answered by a promise of
pardon, but that pardon was far from unconditional ;
seventy-nine individuals having been exempted from
the amnesty, and hanged upon gibbets erected in the
public streets ; while the city, although protected from
pillage, was condemned to a fine of 300,000 florins,
equal to half the amount of the national taxes of
France ; 100,000 of which were, however, remitted, in
consequence of the utter inability of the citizens to
* Pierre du Terrail, Seigneur de Bayard, surnamed " The Knight with-
out fear and without reproach," was born near Grenoble, in 1476. This
brave and loyal captain distinguished himself greatly during the wars of
Italy. He defended Mezieres, and died on the retreat from Romagnano,
in 1525.
Francis I 53
meet the demand ; but in lieu thereof a strong fortress
named Codifa was constructed near the outworks at
their expense; all their privileges, as well as their
treaty with France, were committed to the flames,
and a new municipality was finally established ; while,
on the 5th of June following, Paul de Novi, who had
taken refuge in Corsica, and Demetrius Giustinian.i,
another of their generals, were also executed. Louis
then disbanded his army, and with a small suite pro-
ceeded to Milan, " where," says " the Loyal Servant,"
" Gian Giacopo Trivulzio, called by the French, the
Sieur Jean Jacques de Trivulce,* gave him one of the
grandest feasts that ever was beheld in the house of a
private nobleman; for, from all one can learn, there
were present at it more than five hundred guests, not
including ladies, of whom there were an hundred or
an hundred and twenty ; and it was impossible to be
better entertained than they were, with dishes of the
first and of the second course, with farces, plays, and
other pastimes." Moreover, another historian in-
forms us that, at this entertainment, " the King opened
the ball with the Marchioness of Mantua, and that the
* Jean Jacques Trivulce, Marquis de Vigevano, was the representative
of an ancient Milanese family, and embraced the profession of arms.
He entered the service of Ferdinand I. of Aiagon, King of Naples; and
afterward passed into that of Charles VIII. of France, when that Prince
undertook the conquest of the Milanese. It was he who delivered up
Capua in 1495, and who shared the command of the vanguard with the
Marechal de Gi6 at the battle of Fernoua. Appointed lieutenant-gen-
eral of the French army in Lombardy, he took Aless^ndrie and defeated
the forces of Louis Sforza, Duke of Milan. He followed Louis XII. to
the conquest of the Milanese in 1499, and distinguished himself by his
bravery. The King confided to him the government of that duchy in
1500, and conferred upon him the baton of Marechal de France. Trivulce
fought with honor at the battle of Agnadello; but Ly his unpardonable
negligence, caused the defeat of Novara. He was of great assistance to
Francis I. during the war of Italy, in 1515, and was in the field at Marig-
nano. He died in 1518.
54 Reign of
Cardinals of Narbonne and St. Severin were among
the dancers."
Such an assurance appears startling until we re-
member that the higher churchmen of that period
emancipated themselves without scruple from all the
trammels of their holy calling; and thus, while the
Cardinals above named joined in the bransle, the
Bishop of Liege, another of the thirty prelates who
had accompanied the monarch to Genoa, was study-
ing the art of war, which he afterwards practised so
skilfully in the cause of Charles V.
From Milan Louis XII. proceeded to Savona, in
order to have an interview with Ferdinand, who was
about to resume the government of Castile, vacant by
the early death of the Archduke Philip. The Spanish
sovereign was accompanied by his young wife, by
Germaine de Foix, and Gonsalvo di Cordova, of whose
popularity he had become so jealous that he feared
to leave him at Naples. The admiration and respect
which Louis entertained for this great captain were
shown in the reception which he gave him ; nor did he
appear to remember how greatly he had suffered
through the very qualities which elicited his regard. At
his request, the highest honour which could then be ac-
corded to a subject was conceded to Gonsalvo, who was
permitted to occupy a seat at the royal table ; while
towards his niece the French King exhibited a warmth
of affection, which, however it might tend to advance
the interests of her husband,. was far from pleasing to
his nobility, towards whom she conducted herself with
singular haughtiness and disrespect, not even ex*
cepting his brother, the young Due de Nemours;
Francis I 55
showing herself, upon every occasion, as inimical to
the French as though she had been born of another
and an antagonistic nation.
Louis had been desirous, during his sojourn in Italy,
to secure an interview with the Pope; but although
the restless and ambitious prelate had availed himself
of the French arms to subdue Bologna, and was even
contemplating a fresh demand upon their services for
the reduction of the Venetians, he affected to feel
aggrieved and degraded by what he denominated the
introduction of the barbarians into Italy ; and, conse-
quently, when the Cardinal d'Amboise solicited him
to remain at Bologna in order to receive the French
King, he immediately departed for Rome ; it being no
part of his policy to conciliate, where it was his ambi-
tion to command.
CHAPTER III.
Julius II. Endeavours to Subjugate Venice The Venetians
Attempt to Propitiate Germany and Spain Treaty between
the Four Great Powers The French Army Re-enters Italy
Battle of Agnadello Success of Louis XII. Despair of
the Venetians Weakness of Maximilian The Venetians
Take Padua The Swiss Desert Flight of the Emperor-
Louis Returns to France Hostility of the Pope towards
France Defection of Ferdinand Louis Threatened with
Excommunication The Pope Proceeds with his Army to
Mirandola Heroic Defence of the Countess Francesca
Pico Death of the Cardinal d'Amboise The Pope Enters
into a League with England and Spain Gallantry of Gas-
ton de Foix Victory of Ravenna Death of Gaston de
Foix The French Return to the Milanese.
I NTENT upon the subjugation of Venice, Julius II.,
I conscious of the unpopularity of that republic with
the other European states, craftily endeavoured to
increase the general feeling of dislike and suspicion
which had been excited by her arrogance and pros-
perity, into jealousy and disgust ; nor was it difficult
for him to attain his object. By her downfall, every
other neighbouring kingdom became more or less
aggrandized ; and thus, having previously demanded
from the senate the restoration of the possessions of
the Church in Romagna, a demand with which he
56
Francis I 57
was aware they would not comply, and thus, by their
refusal, secured the pretext which he desired for
commencing hostilities ; he addressed himself simul-
taneously to Louis, Maximilian, and Ferdinand, point-
ing out the several advantages to be secured by
each, when they should have conquered the haughty
republic against which they were leagued. His
proposition was eagerly accepted ; ambition and cu-
pidity alike tended to render it palatable; plenipo-
tentiaries were appointed; and on the pretext of
arranging the settlement of the Low Countries, they
met at Cambray, in October, 1508, and in the course
of December, the stipulations of the treaty were con-
cluded.
Meanwhile, the Venetians, who had been made
acquainted that a league was forming against them,
despatched an ambassador to Louis, to expostulate
with him upon this breach of faith; while they en-
deavoured to propitiate both Maximilian and Ferdi-
nand, and solicited help on all sides, but ineffectually ;
and they at length boldly resolved to brave the danger
unaided, even perilous as it appeared.
One of the conditions of this treaty stipulated that
the French King should enter the Venetian territories
forty days before any of the other sovereigns took the
field ; an arrangement which, however suspicious it
appeared, did not deter Louis XII. from his project ;
and immediately (at the close of Easter, 1509) he
placed himself once more at the head of his finest
mounted troops, amounting to a force of 20,000 men,
an equal number of Swiss, and a strong body of in-
fantry, and descended into Italy. The first division
58 Reign of
of his army was commanded by Trivulzio and Chau-
mont; the second, by the King in person; and the
third, or rear-guard, by Francis Due de Longueville ;
while a number of the most distinguished captains of
France, either in that or any subsequent age, followed
his banner. It was, indeed, a gathering of her best
chivalry ; for they numbered among them Charles de
Bourbon, the future Connetable ; Gaston de Foix,
fated to die so early and so honourably ; Robert de la
Mark, the Marquis de la Palice, the Scottish hero
d'Aubigny, Bayard, and many other individuals of
note ; including the Seigneurs de Molart, Richemont,
Vandenesse, and La Crote, the Comte de Roussillon,
the Captain Odet, and the Cadet de Duras, who were
each accompanied by their separate band of followers.
The royal army passed the Adda without molesta-
tion, but were compelled to retreat before the Count
of Pitigliano, who drove out the French garrisons of
Trevi and Rivolta, and sacked both those cities ; a fact
which decided Louis immediately to force the Vene-
tians to an engagement. The rashness of their Gen-
eral, d'Alviano, seconded his wishes, despite the
opposition of Pitigliano, who refused to act in concert
with him, and actually retreated with a portion of his
cavalry. The admirable position of d'Alviano's troops
enabled him to make a very successful attack, the
nature of the ground not permitting the French horse
to lend any efficient aid ; and, for a brief interval, the
main body, or battle as it was then called, which was
led by Louis in person, was in considerable jeopardy ;
when a skilful movement of the rear-guard, com-
manded by Bayard, robbed the enemy of their ad-
Francis I 59
vantage, and enabled the cavalry to advance to their
support. D'Alviano fought with desperation, and
was severely wounded several times during the con-
flict; but it was not until he saw fourteen or fifteen
thousand of his best troops lying dead upon the field,
that he suffered himself to be made prisoner by the
young Seigneur de Vandenesse, and conducted to the
lodging of the King. This battle, so glorious to the
French arms, took place in a village called Agnadello,
on the I4th of May, 1509.
Success continued to attend the French army ; and
although Louis remained a couple of days upon the
field, he had, within a fortnight, possessed himself of
the districts of Ghiara d'Adda and Caravaggio. On
the 1 7th of May, Bergamo sent the keys of the city,
and laid them at his feet, while the citadel only held
out three days longer. Caravaggio was taken by
assault, its inhabitants hanged from the battlements ;
and not only the garrison, but even the citizens of
Peschiera, which had attempted to defend itself, were
put to the sword without exception, although some
among them offered a heavy ransom for their lives.
Louis XII., exasperated by their opposition, refused
all mercy, declaring that he would, by striking terror
into his enemies, preserve himself from all future at-
tempts at rebellion ; a resolution which was received
with much dissatisfaction by his nobility, who were
indignant to see gentle blood thus wantonly spilled
by the desecrating hand of the executioner. Brescia,
Crema, and the fortress of Pizzighettona, were his
next conquests; and, finally, the citadel of Cremona,
having held out for fifteen days after the city had sur-
60 Reign of
rendered, capitulated in its turn. Thus, before the
termination of the month, Louis XII. once more
found himself in possession of all that portion of the
Venetian territory which had been apportioned to
him by the treaty of Cambray ; and which augmented
the royal revenues of the duchy of Milan by the enor-
mous sum of two hundred thousand ducats.
The haughty republic, reduced to utter despair,
used every effort to propitiate the powers which were
leagued against her; and Louis, although his own
task was ended, remained two months longer in Italy,
in order to watch the progress of events. The Pope
at once rejected the overtures of the humbled senate ;
and only replied to their petition by sending an army
into Romagna, under the command of his nephew,
Francesco-Maria de la Rovera,* Duke d'Urbino, who
in the course of a few days made himself master of
Faenza, Rimini, Ravenna, and Cervia; while Maxi-
milian, who had hitherto been delayed by want of
funds from aggressive measures, prepared to attack
Trevisa; which had, however, through his enforced
tardiness, secured time for resistance. The King of
Spain obtained by cession both Brindisi and Otranto
in his own kingdom of Naples; and the keys of
Verona, Vicenza, and Padua, which had been deliv-
ered to Louis, were by him transferred to the Emperor.
* Francesco-Maria de la Rovera was one of the greatest captains of the
age, and was the representative of an illustrious Italian family, which
owed its original celebrity to the fact that it gave two Popes to Rome
viz., Sixtus IV. and Julius II.; the latter of whom obtained for his brother
the hand of the daughter of the Due d'Urbino ; and caused his nephew, the
subject of the present note, to be adopted by the last Due d'Urbino, of the
family of Montefeltro. He married Eleonora Hippolyta de Gonzago; and
tlied by- poison in 1538, aged 48 years.
,
Francis I 61
The Duke of Ferrara, who had joined the invading
armies on the 3Oth of May, possessed himself without
resistance of Polesina de Rovigo, Este, Montagnana,
nd Monselica, the ancient patrimony of his family;
nd the Marquis of Mantua occupied Asola and
unato, which had been adjudged to him. Finally,
erdinand had at last undertaken the siege of Trani ;
nd the Venetians had ordered their generals to de-
iver up to the Spaniards all the territory which they
ill held in the kingdom of Naples.
Venice, thus dismembered, was considered to be
tally subjugated. The weakness and vacillation of
Maxmilian, however, tended once more to give them
hope. He had no army ; all his monetary resources,
great as they had recently been, were utterly ex-
hausted ; while, too suspicious to entrust his ministers
with the conduct of public affairs, and professing to
be sufficient to himself, no one could fathom his ulti-
mate designs, and thus all his measures were futile
and perplexed ; and he spent his time in hurrying from
one frontier to the other, harassing his attendants, and
accomplishing nothing. On receiving the keys of
Padua he had sent only eight hundred lansquenets to
form its garrison, a force totally inadequate to such a
duty, the city being six miles in circumference ; and
the Venetians were no sooner apprised of this fact,
than they determined to retake it, which f hey did by
stratagem, and with great bloodshed, the lansquenets
destroying about fifteen hundred of the citizens and
soldiery, before they were themselves killed to a man.
The Comte de Pitigliano was immediately apprised
of this event; and, with the survivors of
62 Reign of
hastened to throw himself into the city, exerting all
his energies to repair and fortify it, and resolving to
defend it to the last ; a resolution which enraged the
tardy Maximilian, who vowed to go thither in person,
and avenge himself: but when he arrived before the
gates, he found himself without men, money, or
courage to undertake such a task single-handed ; and
accordingly he applied to Louis for assistance ; who,
being on the point of recrossing the Alps on his return
to France, did not allow the temporary prosperity of
the Venetians to delay his journey; but contented
himself with leaving on the frontier of Verona, five
hundred French lances, under the command of the
Marquis de la Palice, with orders to march to the
succour of the Emperor, should he require their aid ;
a concession to which he was influenced by the hope
that Maximilian, crippled for want of money, might
be induced to sell to him Verona and its dependent
territory to the banks of the Adige, which he was
desirous to secure as a safe frontier to the duchy of
Milan.
Chancing to encounter Bayard as he was quitting
the castle to obey these orders, M. de la Palice invited
him to join the expedition ; to which he joyfully con-
sented. The departure of Louis had, however, in-
spired the Venetians with new confidence; they
materially strengthened the garrison of Padua, retook
Vicenza ; and were marching upon Verona, when the
French general compelled, them to retreat, and once
more to evacuate Vicenza; but the courage and suc-
cess of the French captains was neutralized by the
imbecile conduct of Maximilian, who, full of great
... i
Francis I 63
rejects, suffered present opportunity to escape him.
oreover, the Swiss mercenaries, who formed a very
onsiderable portion of his force, deserted in great
numbers ; and he at length abandoned all further
effort, and with a pusillanimity which disgusted his
hole army, decamped suddenly in the night, with a
w of his personal attendants, leaving his generals to
aise the siege, and retreat as they best could.
On the return of Louis XII. to France, the Queen
vanced as far as Grenoble to welcome him, accom-
nied by Francis, Due de Valois, and his sister
arguerite ; an attention to which she was the rather
rged by the peculiarity of her position, which enabled
er to render it the more marked and welcome to
uis, for Anne de Bretagne was once more full of
hope. She was about again to become a mother;
and she was anxious to rejoin her royal husband before
her hour of trial and, as she trusted, of triumph also,
should arrive. The result, however, offered only a
new disappointment in the birth of a second princess,
Madame Renee de France. The King did not, as had
been anticipated, take up his residence in the capital,
but proceeded at once to Blois; and merely visiting
Paris at long intervals, held his court at the former
place, or at Tours, Bourges, and Lyons ; occasionally
making a brief sojourn in Normandy or Brittany.
Nor had he long returned to his own kingdom before
he began to experience great inconvenience and un-
easiness from the effects of the treaty of Cambray.
The Pope, whom he had in some degree constrained
to second his views, had never forgiven what he con-
sidered as the undue and excessive exercise of his
64 Reign of
power; while he was compelled to perceive that he
had destroyed the equilibrium of Italy by subjecting
the Neapolitans to the supremacy of Spain, and
putting the Germans in possession of Venice. The
Swiss had, moreover, demanded from Louis an in-
crease of pay, to which he was unwilling to accede;
a circumstance which encouraged Julius to make an
effort to detach them from his service; and in this
attempt he readily succeeded through the medium of
a crafty churchman, named Matthew Scheiner, the
nephew of the Bishop of Sion, whom he created Car-
dinal under the same title; and whose impassioned
eloquence and martial spirit soon enabled him to
induce a belief among them that a war with Louis
XII. would be as acceptable in the eyes of Heaven as
a crusade against the infidels. It was not long, there-
fore, ere they consented to make a descent upon Italy,
as the servants of the Church; and thus the French
King saw himself not only deprived of their assistance,
but even called upon to include them among his
enemies.
Ferdinand, true to his treacherous and truckling
character, having made his profit of the treaty of
Cambray, renounced it without a single scruple ; and
entered into a league with the Pope, urging upon his
son-in-law, the King of England, the expediency of
following his example ; and accepting from the warlike
pontiff a full investiture of the kingdom of Naples.
Thoroughly awakened to a sense of the evil which
threatened him on all sides, Louis would gladly have
taken the field, and defied the Pope and his allies, with
the single aid of Maximilian; but the instability of
Francis I 65
the Prince rendered such a measure hazardous, and
he consequently resolved, as a more judicious medium,
to call a council of his own prelates at Tours ; and to
demand of them if Julius II. had the right to levy a
war of which neither religion nor the interests of the
Church were the ostensible objects ; or if opposition
to a conflict purely secular in its interests might not
be righteously opposed. The reply of the council was
favourable to his wishes ; the King was authorized by
its unanimous voice to act on the offensive as well as
the defensive; and was, moreover, assured that any
papal excommunication which the war might induce
would be null and void; while, in addition to this
solemn decision, they raised a large subsidy on the
Church possessions in furtherance of his views.
Meanwhile the Pope, who appeared to disregard
both his age and his infirmities where his ambition was
enlisted, and who was extremely anxious to repossess
himself of the duchy of Ferrara, assembled a con-
siderable army ; and in the midst of one of the most
severe winters which had ever been experienced in
Italy, proceeded in person to Mirandola, where he
forgot for a time the churchman in the soldier ; en-
couraged and superintended the labourers in the
trenches ; and to the dismay of the Cardinals by whom
he was accompanied, not only directed the planting
of the artillery, but even commanded the assaults, and
exposed himself with the greatest recklessness until a
breach was effected, which, owing to the moat being
deeply frozen, rendered all further defence on the part
of the besieged impossible. On arriving at Santo
Felice, a large village near Mirandola, Julius had
VOL. I. 5
66 Reign of
despatched a herald to the Countess Francesca, the
natural daughter of Gian Giacopo Trivulgio, and
widow of Ludovico Pico, to summon her to deliver
up the city into his hands ; but she resolutely refused
to betray her trust; nor was it until the breach was
effected that she surrendered.
From Mirandola the Pope turned his arms against
Ferrara, and again attacked Bologna; but failing in
his attempt, returned to Ravenna.
The death of the Cardinal d'Amboise, which oc-
curred at Lyons on the 25th of May, 1510, where
Louis XII. was then holding his court, in order to
keep a strict eye upon the events transpiring in Italy,
was a heavy blow to the French monarch, who re-
solved thenceforward to govern in his own person ; a
determination which proved fatal to his administra-
tion ; and meanwhile the Pope perfected a league which
he dignified with the title of " Holy," and in which
he prevailed upon Ferdinand to join, and on Henry
VIII. to accede ; while the Swiss were engaged to
attack the Milanese.
Louis XII. met this emergency with a kingly spirit ;
his army in Italy was augmented, and he made every
preparation for resisting the combination which had
been formed against him. Gaston de Foix, Due de
Nemours, his nephew, was appointed general of his
forces, although yet a mere youth who had not at-
tained his twenty-third year ; and the result justified
the confidence which had been placed in him. He
saved Bologna, which the papal troops were about to
besiege; and had not his little army been exhausted
Francis I 67
by forced marches in the most inclement weather,
would have had an opportunity of utterly defeating
the combined forces of the league. He had, however,
scarcely taken possession of Bologna, when he learnt
that the city of Brescia had been treacherously de-
livered over to the Venetians, and that the garrison
was incapable of long resistance; upon which, with
incredible exertion and fatigue, he hastened to the
rescue of that place ; fought two battles, achieved two
victories, and on arriving before the gates, summoned
the city to surrender, being anxious if possible to avoid
further slaughter. The summons was, however, dis-
regarded, although the citizens were desirous that it
should be complied with ; the attack commenced, and
the carnage which ensued was fearful. The Vene-
tians fought desperately, but in vain. The city was
taken; the garrison and population put to the sword,
and the town delivered up to all the horrors of pillage
and violence. Bayard fell wounded by a pike through
the thigh, which broke in the wound, and was borne
to the rear by two archers ; the citizens, women, and
children harassed the invading troops by hurling
bricks and stones, and even pouring boiling water
from the windows of the houses ; but ultimately, be-
tween seven and eight thousand of the Venetians fell
in action, or were butchered as they attempted to
escape ; while the loss of the French did not exceed
fifty men. Unhappily, these no sooner saw them-
selves masters of the city than the most brutal ex-
cesses supervened. Monasteries and convents were
invaded, private families were ruined and disgraced,
and the gross booty secured by the conquerors was
68 Reign of
estimated at three millions of crowns ; a circumstance
which ultimately proved the destruction of the French
cause in Italy; numbers of the individuals thus sud-
denly enriched forsaking their posts and returning to
their homes ; enfeebling the army of De Foix, and con-
ducing to the fatal termination of the battle of Ravenna.
Apprehensive, despite the brilliant commencement
of this campaign, that the coalition formed against him
might prove too powerful to admit of his ultimate
success, Louis XII. forwarded instructions to the
young Prince to compel the enemy to a speedy en-
gagement before the impression produced by his
recent good fortune had time to become weakened;
and, in obedience to this command, the Duke advanced
upon Ravenna by Finale and Modena ; but his eager-
ness to engage the army of the league was not greater
than the determination of Raymond de Cardona, the
Viceroy of Naples,* to evade the encounter. Near
Bologna he was joined by the Duke of Ferrara, whom
he appointed, in conjunction with La Palice, to the
command of the vanguard ; and this arrangement
made, he advanced to Castel St. Piero, where he was
met by the combined armies of the Pope and the King
of Spain. The Cardinal de' Medici (afterwards Leo
X.) was the supreme head of the adverse forces of
which the military command was entrusted to Car-
dona, Fabrizio Colonna, f and the Marquis de Pescara.
* Raymond de Cardona was a man of great personal beauty and in-
sinuating address, but devoid of both courage and experience. The
Pope generally spoke of him as Madame Cardona.
t Fabrizio Colonna was a celebrated general. He was the son of
Edvardo Colonna, Due d'Amalfi, and served in the armies of the King
of Naples, by whom he was appointed Constable. He commanded the
vanguard at the battle of Ravenna, where he was taken prisoner. He
died in 1520.
Francis I 69
" They formed one of the finest armies for its size,"
says the Loyal Servant, " that hath ever been seen, and
one of the best appointed. Don Raymunda de Car-
dona, Viceroy of Naples, was at the head of it, and
had with him twelve or fourteen hundred gendarmes,
whereof eight hundred rode barbed horses. They
were all gold and azure, and mounted on the best
chargers and Spanish horses that were ever beheld.
Moreover, for the space of two years, they had en-
joyed the free range of Romagna, a good and fertile
land, where they had provisions to their hearts' desire.
There were only twelve thousand foot ; two thousand
foot under the charge of a Captain Ramassot, and ten
thousand Spaniards, Biscayens, and Navarrese, con-
ducted by the Count Pietro da Navarro,* who was
Captain-general of the whole body of infantry. He
had formerly led his men into Barbary against the
Moors, and with them had gained two or three battles.
In short, they were all men experienced in war, and
skilled to a marvel in the exercise of arms."
This brilliant army waited under the walls of Faenza
until the French general should take the initiative,
which he speedily did ; and, after having despatched
Bayard to reconnoitre the enemy's position, he at once
* Pietro da Navarro was born in Biscay, and was originally a sailor; he
afterwards served as valct-dc-picd to the Cardinal of Aragon; and finally
enlisted in the Florentine army, where he became conspicuous for his
bravery. Gonsalvo de Cordova employed him, in the Neapolitan war,
with the rank of Captain ; and the Emperor recompensed him for his
services, at the taking of the capital, with the title of Count d'Alveto,
and the proceeds of that property. He failed in a naval expedition
against the Moors in Africa; and was taken prisoner at the battle of
Ravenna. Two years subsequently, he entered into the service of
Francis I., and distinguished himself upon several occasions until 1522,
at which period he was made captive by the imperial troops. Retaken
a second time by the same enemies in 1528, he died at the chateau d'CEuf,
in which he was confined.
yo Reign of
prepared to give them battle. Cardona, acting upon
the advice of Pietro da Navarro, had resolved to keep
within the entrenchments, but the guns of the French
soon compelled him to abandon this attempt ; and
they were no sooner forced than the engagement be-
came general. For eight weary hours the work of
carnage went on ; but the Viceroy of Naples, soon
losing faith in the success of his troops, took flight
early in the day, with a number of his cavalry ; and
never drew bit until he had reached Ancona, a distance
of nearly thirty leagues.
The Due de Nemours was no sooner apprised of
this fact than he sent the Sieur Louis d'Ars and Bayard
in pursuit of the fugitives, many of whom were over-
taken and cut to pieces. The infantry, meanwhile,
remained firm ; but after having received the mur-
derous fire of the artillery of the Duke of Ferrara, as
well as that of the French themselves, they became
shaken; although not until the French foot, which
had been exposed throughout the whole action, while
their enemies were partially covered by the ditch, had
lost thirty-eight out of the forty captains who accom-
panied them to the field.
When he saw them waver, the impetuosity of
Fabrizio Colonna could no longer be controlled; he
beheld not only his own safety, but also that of the
brave men who followed him, perilled by the cowardice
of the recreant Cardona, whom he stigmatized as the
" Miscreant Moor ; " and, disregarding the orders of
Navarro, he passed out of the camp with a small body
of cavalry, and entered the open plain, boldly charging
the centre of the French forces. It was, however, too
Francis I 71
late ; his troops were already enfeebled, and the enemy
were masters of the field. After a desperate but hope-
less conflict, during which the archers of the guard,
being unable in the melee to make use of their legiti-
mate weapons, availed themselves of the small axes
which they carried in their belts, and with which they
made fearful havoc, the fortune of the day was soon
decided. Colonna himself was made prisoner by
Alphonso d'Este,* who, subsequently, granted him
both liberty and life ; and among the other captives
of note were the Cardinal de' Medici, Count Pietro da
Navarro, the Marquises de la Paluda and Pescara,
with many others of less mark; while their slain
amounted to nearly sixteen thousand men, among
whom were many of their bravest leaders.
Nevertheless the victory of Ravenna was a melan-
choly triumph for the French arms, and bought by
some of the best blood of the nation. Two companies
of the enemy who had been successfully engaged with
some Gascon and Picardy troops, and who were
anxious to make their way to Ravenna, were encoun-
tered by the Bastard du Tay, and compelled to retreat
along the canal. During this movement some of the
number fled ; one of whom chancing to pass near the
Due de Nemours, and anxious to escape from this
* Alphonso d'Este succeeded his father in 1505. His first wife was
Anne, sister of Galeas Sforza, duke of Milan ; and his second, the
celebrated Lucretia Borgia, daughter of Pope Alexander VI. He was
a member of the league of Cambray, when Julius II. appointed him
standard-bearer of the Roman Church. He retook the Polesina de Ro-
vigo from the Venetians, and never would adopt their interests. Ex-
communicated, and declared dispossessed of the principality of Ferrara,
he only escaped the vengeance of Julius II. by a timely flight. He died
in 1534, after having reconquered Bondeno, Finale, San-Felice, Garfag-
nano, Lugo, Bagnacavallo, Reggio, Rubiera, and Modena. He was im-
mortalized by Ariosto.
72 Reign of
new danger, answered his inquiry by declaring that
the Spaniards had beaten them ; an announcement
which maddened the young Prince, who had long ere
this considered the victory no longer doubtful; and
who, rendered desperate by his fears, sprang upon the
causeway by which the two bands were retreating,
accompanied only by fourteen or fifteen gendarmes.
Unfortunately the fugitives had reloaded their fire-
locks, which they instantly discharged, and then
rushed upon the little party with their pikes. The
position of the Duke and his followers did not admit
of their defending themselves with any effect, the
causeway being narrow, and bordered on one hand
by the canal, and on the other by an impassable ditch ;
but they, nevertheless, struggled bravely to the last;
nor did they yield until every man was either killed
or disabled. The Duke's horse was hamstrung ; upon
which he flung himself to the ground, and continued
the fight on foot ; Adet de Foix, Sieur de Lantrec, who
was beside him, defended him with his own body until
he fell covered with wounds ; and he then exerted all
his remaining strength in calling out to the Spaniards
to spare the life of the Prince, who was the brother of
their Queen. The appeal, however, was made in vain ;
and the unhappy young hero fell covered with wounds.
" From the chin to the forehead," says the Loyal
Servant with affectionate simplicity, " he had fourteen
or fifteen ; clear proof that the gentle Prince had never
turned his back."
Thus, in his twenty-third year fell the brave Gaston
de Foix, by the hands of a small band of fugitives, in
whom his very name inspired terror. Within three
Francis I 73
months he had gained four battles; the future was
bright before him ; he was the idol of the army which
he led ; and secret treaties had already been set on foot
to secure to him the kingdom of Naples. But now all
was over; and the maimed and disfigured corpse was
borne through the camp, amid the tears and lamenta-
tions of those who had so lately thrilled at his battle-
cry.
The brave young Sieur de Viverots, the only son of
the Seigneur Yves d'Allegre, who was in the train of
the Prince, fell mortally wounded into the canal, where
he perished miserably ; and his father also perished
during a charge of infantry. Lantrec, although griev-
ously wounded, ultimately recovered ; but the slaugh-
ter in the French army was estimated at six thousand
men ; among whom were many great and noble names.
Well might Louis XII., when congratulated upon the
conquest of Ravenna, exclaim, in the regret and sad-
ness of his spirit; "Wish my enemies such vic-
tories ! "
On the day after the battle, the French adventurers
and lansquenets pillaged the ill-fated city, despite the
opposition of the Sieur de la Palice, who had been
unanimously elected General-in-chief of the army after
the death of Gaston de Foix. Ravenna had capitu-
lated ; and he had consequently been anxious to spare
to its inhabitants the horrors of a sack; his anxiety
was, however, unavailing; the volunteers and mer-
cenaries of his army entered the gates by stratagem,
and the unhappy and conquered citizens were out-
raged and despoiled.
At this juncture intelligence reached the French
74 Francis I
army from the Seigneur Trivulzio, that the Venetians
and Swiss were contemplating a descent upon the
'duchy of Milan, and that suspicions were entertained
of the good faith of the Emperor ; upon which it was
decided that they should immediately return to the
Milanese, carrying with them the body of Gaston,
which was intered within the Dome with regal pomp ;
upwards of ten thousand mourners following it to the
grave, the greater number mounted, and in deep
sables ; while forty standards, which had been captured
from the enemy, were borne before him trailing in the
dust, and his own banners held aloft immediately in
the rear, as emblematic of their triumph over these
prostrate trophies.
The battle of Ravenna cost Louis XII. one of the
brightest jewels of his Crown.
CHAPTER IV.
Effects of the Battle of Ravenna Religious Scruples of the
Queen The Pope Raises a Force in Switzerland The Em-
peror Withdraws his Subjects from the French Army-
Maximilian Sforza Enters Milan The Genoese Revolt-
Lord Dorset Lands in Spain Is Disgusted, and Withdraws
Intrigues of Ferdinand Louis XII. Invests Francis with
the Command of the Army of the Milanese The Spanish
General Declines His Challenge The French Raise Their
Camp before Pampeluna, and Repass the Alps Light-
heartedness of Francis A Prince and an Advocate Licen-
tiousness of Francis Ancient Notions of Piety France
Enters into a League with the Venetian States Treaty of
Marriage between the Archduke Charles and the Princess
Renee Union of Venice with France Death of Julius II.
Accession of Leo X. His Enmity to France Louis XII.
Endeavours to Propitiate Him, but Fails He Concludes a
Truce with Ferdinand and the Venetians The Swiss Take
up Arms against France Ferdinand and Henry VIII. Join
the Cause of the Pope Louis again Invades the Milanese
Takes the Principal Cities Battle of Vivegano The
French are Driven from the Milanese Louis Mortgages
a Portion of the Crown Land Henry VIII. Invades France
and Besieges Terouenne Louis Proceeds to Calais
Bayard Captures an English Gun Famine in the City
Maximilian Joins the English King The Battle of the
Spurs Bayard Wins His Ransom Honours Rendered to
Bayard by Maximilian and Henry VIII. Louis Withdraws
His Army into Picardy.
75
76 Reign of
THE consternation created in France by the dearly-
bought victory of Ravenna, was not less deep
in Rome. The holy conclave saw, in the success of
the French arms, the ultimate subjugation of Italy ;
and were alarmed accordingly. Bitter as the conces-
sion could not fail to be, they urged the Pope to offer
terms to Louis, which might avert the evil ; and Julius
appeared inclined to satisfy their wishes; but at that
precise juncture, the arrival of Giulio de' Medici at
Rome once more determined him to pursue his own
designs. He came on a mission from his cousin the
captive Cardinal, whom he had visited in his prison,
after having himself fled from the field with Cardona ;
and now hastened to see the Pope, in the name of his
relative, and to represent to him the crippled condition
of the French army, bereft of its general. He found
instant attention. Julius had already secured the sup-
port of the vacillating Maximilian ; he was aware that
Louis, continually harassed by the pious scruples of
the Queen who, never having regained her health
after the birth of the Princess Renee, either felt, or
affected to feel, that her sufferings were a consequence
of the unholy and sacrilegious warfare in which he
was engaged would gladly terminate the struggle;
and, accordingly, he refused all overtures towards a
reconciliation ; and instructed the Cardinal of Sion to
raise as many Swiss troops as might offer themselves,
in order to effect a descent into the Milanese, under
the specious pretext of restoring the duchy to the
young Maxmilian Sforza, the son of Ludovic the
Moor.*
* Ludovic-Maria Sforza, surnamed the Moor, in consequence of his
dark complexion, put to death Simonetta, the tutor of his nephew, Guan-
Francis I 77
The Swiss answered readily to the call of the Pope,
and engaged themselves to the number of twenty thou-
sand in his service; while Maximilian, although still
considered as the ally of France, and the enemy of the
Venetians, did not hesitate to accord to the latter, on
the receipt of an equivalent in money, a truce of ten
months ; with permission for the Swiss to march
through his territories, in order to join them in their
attack upon the army of Louis.
La Palice, who had succeeded to the command on
the death of the Due de Nemours, made every prepa-
ration for resistance ; but his exertions were rendered
nugatory by the fact that, on the day which succeeded
his occupation of the fortress of Pontevico, as a central
position whence he could communicate with the other
divisions of his army, a letter arrived from the Em-
peror, commanding all his subjects to withdraw from
the French service ; and as a considerable portion of
his troops were German lansquenets, M. de la Palice
at once saw himself rendered powerless, and was en-
abled with difficulty to retreat to Ast. The young
Archduke Maximilian entered Milan without opposi-
tion ; the Genoese revolted, and elected as their Doge
one of the Fregosi, a declared enemy to France ; and
Galeazo, and exiled the Regent, Bona de Savoie, in order to govern in the
name of his young relative. Irritated by the threats of the King of
Naples, the father-in-law of the Duke, he invited Charles VIII. to enter
Italy, hoping to retain the Milanese by a promise to support him in his
attempt at the conquest of Naples. Guan-Galeazo having died by poison
in 1494, Ludovic caused himself to be recognised as Duke of Milan, to the
prejudice of the son of that Prince ; but, ere long, alarmed by the suc-
cesses of the French, he leagued himself with the other Italian states
against them, and compelled them to repass the Alps. A second inva-
sion of the French under Louis XII. dispossessed him of his duchy.
He was taken prisoner before Novara, and conveyed to France, where
he lived ten years a captive in the castle of Loches. He died in 1510.
78 Reign of
the vaunt of Julius, that he would expel the barbarians
from Italy, was at length accomplished.
Nor was the loss of the Milanese the only subject of
disquietude to which Louis was at this period exposed.
Ferdinand of Spain, who was anxious to possess him-
self of Navarre, had entered into a negotiation with
Henry VIII. , in which he pretexted a desire to regain
Guienne, to which England still affected a claim ; and
solicited a passage through the kingdom of Navarre,
which was refused, upon the plea that the King had
resolved to observe a strict neutrality. The Marquis
of Dorset, who had already landed in Spain with a
force of fifty thousand men, and marched towards the
French frontier, was no sooner apprised of this cir-
cumstance, than he applied to the Spanish King for
further instructions ; when Ferdinand, who had only
sought for help from England in order to effect the
conquest of Navarre, of which Jean d'Albret was the
sovereign in right of his wife, the spirited but un-
fortunate Catherine de Foix, endeavoured to impress
upon the English general the necessity of conquering
that country before the attempt upon Guienne could
be accomplished ; a proof of perfidy which so disgusted
the Marquis, that he at once abandoned his cause, and
withdrew with his troops, who had already suffered
severely from the effects of the climate.
Nevertheless Ferdinand pursued his purpose, and
demanded from the Navarrese sovereigns that they
should place in his hands either the Prince de Viane
their son, or all the fortified places throughout their
dominions, as a guarantee that they would offer no
assistance to France against the Holy League; but
Francis I 79
Jean d'Albret, aware that he could place no reliance
upon the word of the Spanish King, after having in
vain protested his intention of remaining neuter, and
perceiving that the Duke of Alba was advancing into
his territories at the head of the Aragonnese army,
caused his Queen to retire to Beam, and threw him-
self into Pampeluna, where he awaited in vain for a
time the arrival of succour from France. Nor did he
even find support from his own subjects, who, far from
taking up arms in defence of their country, talked only
of submission; and he at length found himself com-
pelled to retreat beyond the Pyrenees, when Pampe-
luna opened its gates to the Duke of Alba, an example
which was followed by all the cities of Spanish Navarre,
within the space of a few days.
Louis XII., even disheartened as he was by a series
of reverses which had overthrown all the previous
glory of the French arms ; driven from Italy ; shorn of
his allies, all of whom had suffered like himself ; and
menaced upon his frontiers, by the Emperor, the Swiss,
the Low Countries, England, and Spain; could not,
however, see the King of Navarre, whose allegiance
to himself had been the alleged pretext of his over-
throw, thus made the spoil of his treacherous enemy ;
and he accordingly marched an army to his assist-
ance, under the joint command of the Dukes of Bour-
bon and Longueville ; * but as these two powerful
nobles could not agree upon points of precedence, and
their misunderstanding was likely to injure the in-
* The Due de Longueville was a descendant of the famous illegitimate
branch of the house of Orleans, originating in the lrave Jehan, Count
de Dunois, the natural son of Louis, Due d'Orleans, orother of
Charles VI.
8o Reign of
terests of the expedition, Louis decided upon investing
the young Duke de Valois with the supreme command.
Inflamed by the glorious example of the youthful
Gaston de Foix, his predecessor, Francis eagerly as-
sumed the post thus tendered to him ; and had no
sooner reached the camp than he marched the French
forces to Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port, of which Colonel
Villalva had possessed himself, and where the Duke
of Alba had shortly afterwards taken up his position
with the whole of his army. The troops which had
lately evacuated Italy, joined the forces of the Due
de Valois ; and La Palice, their most experienced
general, became his counsellor.
On arriving near the position of the enemy, Francis
endeavoured to force them to an engagement ; and for
this purpose sent a message of defiance to the Spanish
general, which was, however, declined ; whereupon La
Palice seized the pass of the valley of Roncal, one of
the mediums of communication between Navarre and
Beam; and in the course of the month of October,
conducted one of the three divisions of the French
army by this defile within two leagues of Pampeluna,
under the nominal command of the King of Navarre ;
while the Due de Bourbon overran Guipuscoa, tak-
ing and demolishing several fortified places ; and the
remaining division held the Duke of Alba in check
at Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port. Nevertheless, the Span-
ish general succeeded in occupying Roncevaux a few
hours before La Palice, and thence marched into Pam-
peluna, where he was besieged by the French troops.
It was, however, too late to retrieve the fatal mistake
which had been made in suffering him to reach the
Francis I 81
city. The weather had become severe, snow had
fallen to a great depth, provisions were scarce and
uncertain, and the roads almost impassable for
artillery. Moreover, the Aragonnese were advancing
on all sides to support the besieged city ; and after a
few inconsequent skirmishes, the French were com-
pelled to strike their camp, and to demolish the battery
which they had raised, in order to repass the Pyrenees :
an effort which they only accomplished at the expense.
of their heavy baggage, and thirteen cannon taken by
the Spaniards during their retreat.
Unpropitious as the campaign had proved, it had at
least enabled the young Prince to display alike the
talent and the courage which gave earnest of his future
prowess ; and he was received on his return with all
the honour due to a more successful general. The
gloom which overhung the nation could not quell the
animal spirits consequent upon his youth and tem-
perament ; and while his royal uncle was absorbed in
anxiety and irresolution as to the new alliance which
it had become imperative upon him to form either with
the Emperor or the Venetians, in order to make head
against the enemies by whom he was threatened,
Francis entered with enthusiasm into all the amuse-
ments of the capital ; and at the head of a reckless band
of young nobles, indulged himself in every species of
dissipation.
The extreme youth of his affianced wife offering no
check to his libertine propensities, they soon became
uncontrollable ; and it was at this period that he formed
a liaison which affords upon several points so perfect
VOL. I.6
82 Reign of
an insight into his character that it cannot be passed
over in silence.
A certain advocate in Paris, whose professional
acumen and skill had secured to him an immense
reputation, had married, in the decline of life, a beauti-
ful young girl of eighteen or nineteen years of age,
whose parents, dazzled by the wealth and station of the
suitor, had induced her to bestow her hand upon him.
Unfortunately for both parties, she acted only up to
the strict letter of her bond ; and, although surrounded
by luxury and indulgence, rather tolerated than loved
the husband who had thus been forced upon her.
Nevertheless, although fond of pleasure and admira-
tion, her conduct had been sufficiently circumspect to
satisfy the worthy advocate; who, conscious that he
was no longer of an age to command the devotion of a
young and pretty woman, suffered her to participate
in all the amusements which were offered to her
acceptance without objection or mistrust. It chanced,
however, that at a marriage festival she was remarked
by the young Duke de Valois, who, although only in
his sixteenth year, had already begun to yield to that
passionate admiration of female beauty, which
throughout life formed one of the distinguishing
features of his character; and who, despite the in-
dulgent testimony of Madame d'Alenc,on and Bran-
tome, his uncompromising panegyrists, sacrificed to
this licentious propensity, not only his sense of per-
sonal dignity, but even his respect for religion, the
semblance of which he did not scruple to assume in
order to veil his irregularities. Upon the occasion
just named, the Prince made the acquaintance of the
Francis I 83
fair citizen ; nor did he hesitate before the close of the
evening to declare to her the passion with which she
had inspired him. The young beauty listened without
displeasure, for she was aware of the rank of her new
admirer, and her vanity was flattered by such a con-
quest ; nor was it long ere she yielded to his passionate
protestations so far as to consent to receive him under
the roof of her husband when that husband should be
from home. Accordingly a rendezvous was ap-
pointed ; and the Prince, disguised in order that the
honour of the lady might not be unnecessarily
compromised, directed his steps towards her residence,
accompanied by certain of his gentlemen, whom he
quitted at the entrance of the street, directing them,
should they hear no noise within a quarter of an hour,
to retire where they pleased, but to return during the
course of the night in order to conduct him back to
the palace ; after which he proceeded to the house of
the advocate, where he found the door unfastened, as
had been previously arranged ; and hastened to ascend
the staircase to the apartment of the lady. It ap-
peared, however, that the husband, from some cause
or other, had returned home unexpectedly; and the
young Prince had not reached the first floor ere he
encountered him, taper in hand, and was aware that
retreat had already become impossible. In this emer-
gency the precocious presence of mind of Francis did
not desert him for an instant ; but courteously greeting
the man of law with a smile upon his lips, he said in
his blandest tone :
" M. 1'Advocat, you know the confidence which I,
and all the Princes of my house, have ever placed in
84 Reign of
your probity, and that I have ever considered you to
be one of my best and most faithful servants : I have,
in consequence, come privately to visit you, in order
to request that you will be careful of my interests ; and
also to beg that you will give me a draught of wine, of
which I stand greatly in need; be careful, however,
not to suffer any one to know that you have seen me,
as I am going hence to a place where I do not wish
to be recognized."
The worthy advocate, delighted that the Prince
should confer upon him so great a mark of condescen-
sion and esteem, was profuse in his professions and
acknowledgments; and, leading the way, conducted
his unexpected guest to his best apartment, where he
desired his wife to set forth the best collation of fruits
and sweetmeats she could collect ; an order which was
promptly and efficiently obeyed ; and while she was
thus engaged, the young Duke continued to converse
with his host upon his private and pecuniary business,
without once turning his eyes upon her after the first
courtesies had been exchanged. At length, however,
the lady dropped upon her knee as she presented to
him the refreshment he had required ; and while her
husband was pouring out a goblet of wine at the side-
board, whispered to him not to leave the house, but
to conceal himself in a wardrobe on the right hand
of the gallery, where she would soon join him. When
he had swallowed the wine, the young Prince made
his acknowledgments to the advocate, took an in-
different leave of the lady, and rose to depart ; but as
the unsuspecting lawyer prepared to escort him, taper
in hand, on his return, he stopped him with a gesture
Francis I 85
of his hand, declaring that he required no attendance,
and would rather gain the street alone in darkness.
Then, turning to the lady, he said courteously:
" Moreover, madam, I will not deprive you of the
companionship of your good husband, who is one of
my oldest servants, and whom you are very happy to
possess ; a happiness for which you should praise God,
and both cherish and obey him ; for should you dp
otherwise you would be very blameable." Having
said these words, he withdrew, carefully closing the
door behind him, in order not to be detected in his
purpose; and, once enclosed in his place of retreat,
awaited the promised summons of his frail conquest,
who did not fail to fulfil her engagement.
Had the adventure ended here and thus, we would
not have sullied our pages with its record; but such
was far from being the case ; the beauty and devotion
of the handsome citizen had enthralled the heart of
Francis; and as their liaison lasted for a considerable
period, he became anxious to abridge the distance
between them, and for this purpose passed habitually
through the cloisters of a monastery ; with whose Prior
he ultimately rendered himself so great a favourite
that the porter was instructed to leave the gates open
for him until midnight, and to give him egress at any
hour when he might be required to do so. As the
house of the advocate was situated in the immediate
neighbourhood of this monastery, he always entered
the holy pile unattended; and although he traversed
it rapidly on his way to his appointment, he never
failed on his return fresh from the pollution of his
orgy, and yet flushed with the fever of his sin to
86 Reign of
remain for a considerable period in prayer in the silent
chapel, to the marvel and edification of the community,
who, on entering the sacred fane for matin service,
constantly found him on his knees before the altar !
Divided, as we have already stated, between Maxi-
milian and the Venetians, Louis was unable to decide
upon his course of action ; but, strongly urged by his
council rather to trust to the good faith of the latter
than to place any trust in the Emperor, he at length
consented; and a league defensive and offensive was
entered into by France with the state of Venice, at the
urgent entreaty of Trivulzio. Nevertheless, Louis, in
his secret heart, still inclined towards Maximilian. He
was dazzled by the imperial dignity; and influenced
by Anne de Bretagne, who was ambitious to unite her
second daughter, as she had previously been to marry
her first, to Charles of Austria, in whom she saw a
future emperor. A treaty to this effect was conse-
quently commenced, in which it was stipulated that
the Princess Renee should convey to her husband, as
her dowry, all the rights of France over the kingdom
of Naples, the duchy of Milan, and the republic of
Genoa. To these conditions the Emperor affected to
consent; but he exacted, as a preliminary, that the
young Princess should be consigned to his charge, and
be educated at his court a precaution in which he was
undoubtedly authorized, when he remembered how
his own marriage with Anne de Bretagne, and those
of his daughter Marguerite and his grandson Charles,
had been unceremoniously set aside by France. The
French monarch, however, refused to accede to such
terms; nor could Anne be induced, even when her
Francis I 87
ambition was aroused, to separate herself from her
infant daughter.
Meanwhile the treaty with the Venetians was ac-
complished ; and those who had so lately met as
enemies were collected under the same banners. La
Tremouille was appointed to the command of the
forces, with which Louis still hoped to re-conquer the
Milanese; and d'Alviano, who had been retained a.
captive since the battle of Agnadello, was restored to
liberty, and placed at the head of the Venetian army.
While the approaching war was thus still in abey-
ance, and that it was as yet impossible to decide who
would act as allies, and who as enemies, during the
next campaign, Julius was indefatigable in under-
mining the interests of France; while he menaced,
each in their turn, the Duke of Ferrara, the republics
of Venice, of Lucca, of Sienna, and of Genoa ; Ferdi-
nand of Spain, the Medici at Florence, and the
Baglioni at Perousa in short, all the powers who
were not sufficiently pliable in his hands, and who
disputed his entire supremacy. But in the midst of an
arrogance by which the general peace of Europe was
threatened, he was seized in the spring of 1513 with
a fever, followed by dysentery, which soon assumed a
serious aspect ; notwithstanding which, the restless
and ambitious old man, so soon to be called before a
tribunal from which he, even as the sovereign pontiff,
had no appeal, laboured to the last in the partial com-
pletion of the work which he had so zealously com-
menced ; and having assembled all the Cardinals about
him to confirm a bull which he had fulminated; and
secured, so far as he was able to do so, the independ-
88 Reign of
ence of the conclave which was to name his successor,
he expired on the evening of the 2ist of February,
exclaiming, in his last moments : " Out with the
French from Italy ! Out with Alphonso d'Este ! "
Although the death of Julius II. had, undoubtedly,
delivered France from an implacable enemy, it still
remained questionable in how far she would profit by
the rule of his successor. The Cardinal de' Medici,
who assumed the triple crown under the title of Leo
X., was a man of high birth and acknowledged ac-
quirements ; but although on ascending the papal chair
he had declared his anxiety to maintain the peace of
Europe, it could not fail to be remarked that he had
chosen for the ceremony of his coronation the anni-
versary of the very day upon which he had been made
prisoner by the French at the battle of Ravenna ; and
that he had even ridden the same horse which carried
him upon that occasion. Moreover, he had not been
indebted for his liberty to any respect felt by his ene-
mies for his sacred character, as he had been rescued
from the hands of Trivulzio by some insurgent peas-
antry ; while the revolution, which had restored to his
famity their rule in Florence, had been undertaken in
hatred towards the French. Nevertheless Louis XII.
was anxious to effect a reconciliation with the Holy
See ; while the Queen, still more eager than himself to
make her peace with the Church, urged him continually
to propose such terms to Leo as might tend to that
result. Accordingly, the French King offered to sub-
mit the arrangement of a peace to the judgment and
justice of the sovereign pontiff, on condition that no
opposition should be made to his designs on Milan;
Francis I 89
however, the concession was met with evasive cold-
ness; and Louis became at once aware that Leo X.
was bent, like his predecessor, upon the expulsion of
the French from Italy. He, therefore, hesitated no
longer ; but, concluding a treaty of peace for twelve
months with Ferdinand of Spain, and ratifying that
into which he had entered with the Venetian states,
endeavoured once more to induce the Swiss to enter
into his interests. Here, however, he was destined to
disappointment ; they would scarcely listen to the pro-
posals of his ambassador ; and would concede no more
than that they would continue favourable to Louis so
long as he attempted nothing against either the Pope
or the Duke of Milan, whom they had, as they affirmed,
taken under their protection ; and when they discov-
ered that the French monarch, undismayed by their
opposition, was resolved to enforce his claims, they
at once took up arms to oppose his entrance into Italy.
Leo, meanwhile, had not been idle. With little
difficulty he induced the hollow-hearted Ferdinand
once more to break his faith with the French King, and
even to induce Henry VIII., his son-in-law, to invade
France, and to secure the co-operation of Maximilian,
by the payment of 100,000 crowns for the maintenance
of his army. Yet Louis still persevered. Indignant
at the bad faith of his false allies ; exasperated by the
cool impassibility of the Pope ; and niore than ever
anxious to regain the supremacy of the Milanese, he
marched a formidable army into Italy, under the com-
mand of La Tremouille, who, fourteen years previ-
ously, had taken Milan, and made prisoner Luaovico
Sforza. Nor was his confidence misplaced, for that
90 Reign of
General crossed the Alps before the Swiss were
cognizant of his design, relieved Milan, and took
possession of Ast and Alessandria. The star of Louis
was once more in the ascendant. His fleet made
themselves masters of Genoa ; the Venetians attacked
and gained Cremona ; and everything appeared to
favour the French arms, and to promise a speedy and
glorious termination to the war. Ultimately La
Tremouille arrived before Novara, and commenced
the attack, but soon discovered that he had been
premature; a breach had been effected, but at the
moment when he was about to avail himself of it, he
received intelligence that a strong reinforcement was
coming up ; when, convinced too late of the error
which he had committed, and forgetting that it could
now only be retrieved by pursuing the advantage he
had gained, he withdrew to Vivegano, a distance of
about two miles, and thus enabled the enemy to enter
Novara during the night, where a council was imme-
diately called, by which it was decided to attack the
French camp. This bold resolution was acted upon
without delay, and the Swiss accordingly commenced
their march before midnight. Well acquainted with
the nature of the ground, and aware that the troops of
La Tremouille were surrounded by marshy land,
where their cavalry would be crippled and almost use-
less, they formed their own force, consisting entirely
of foot soldiers, into two divisions, one of which was
instructed to prevent the approach of the mounted
troops, and the other to attack the French artillery.
As daylight dawned they had taken up their position :
and La Tremouille, unprepared as he was to anticipate
Francis I 91
such a demonstration, at once made every arrange-
ment to receive them.
He soon perceived that the enemy, whose success
had depended upon their celerity, had not brought a
single gun into the field ; and he accordingly advanced
his artillery, consisting of two-and-twenty pieces, to
the front of his line, under a guard of German lancers.
His first fire committed great ravages among the Swiss
ranks ; but as the foremost men fell, their vacancies
were instantly filled up from the rear ; and they dashed
forward gallantly to the very mouths of the cannon,
and engaged with the lansquenets by whom they were
supported. For two hours the battle raged fiercely;
but at the termination of that period, the Germans,
bravely as they had borne themselves, gave way ; and
the Swiss, having obtained possession of the guns,
turned them against their former owners, and com-
mitted terrible slaughter. Meanwhile the cavalry had
been compelled to total inaction, being hemmed in on
one side by a dense wood, and on the other by a bog
deeply trenched, in which the horses buried them-
selves to their knees at every plunge. In one instance
only did they succeed in taking any share in the fort-
unes of the day, but that one must not pass unre-
corded. Robert de la Mark,* who commanded the
* Monsieur Robert de la Mark was a soldier of distinction, surnamed
the " Great Boar of the Ardennes," from the position of his estates, and
his constant habit of laying waste all the territory of the Emperor, and
other Princes in the vicinity. He was the original cause of the war
between Maximilian and Louis XII., who supported him in his forays.
He had adopted as his device a figure of St. Margaret, with a dragon
at her feet, representing the great principle of evil; and was in the habit,
when he made his orisons to this his patron saint, of burning two candles
before her shrine, one of which was dedicated to herself, and the other
to the dragon, declaring that " if God would not aid him, the devil
would not fail to do so."
92 Reign of
lansquenets, and who was accompanied to the field by
his two sons, the Seigneur de Fleuranges, and the
Seigneur de Jamets, having lost sight of them in the
mclcc, feeling convinced that they must be either slain
or captive thus to fail at such a moment, leaped the
trenches at the head of a hundred of his own troop,
and charged the Swiss so vigorously that he broke
their ranks, reached the spot where his sons had been
engaged, both of whom were lying on the ground
disabled by their hurts, and carried them off in safety ;
having himself received nearly fifty wounds.
The capture of the cannon, had, however, decided
the issue of the battle; and La Tremouille, himself
severely wounded, was compelled to order a retreat,
which was not effected without great sacrifice of life.
The gendarmes suffered little, as their enemies had no
mounted force with which to pursue them ; but the
infantry were slain on all sides. The Gascons, who
were the first to fly, were allowed to escape almost
unimpeded ; for the Swiss concentrated all their fury
upon the lansquenets, the objects of their most bitter
hatred, whom they considered as their rivals in the
mercenary trade which they had so long exercised
alone. Five thousand of these wretched men perished
upon the field, and the remainder were compelled to
surrender. A similar number of French were killed,
either in action or during the retreat ; for many of the
Gascons, whom the Swiss had spared, were murdered
by the peasantry. The loss of. the victors was nearly
as great, and their leader Mottino, was among the
slain ; but their triumph was complete ; and after re-
maining for an hour or two upon the scene of their
Francis I 93
success, they returned to Novara, carrying with them
the twenty-two pieces of ordnance, as well as all the
draught-horses and baggage of the French army.
Once more the troops of Louis XII. were driven
out of Italy. All the places which they had taken
opened their gates to the conquerors ; and public re-
joicings were held in Rome, where the Pope congratu-
lated the Swiss upon their victory ; while he flattered
himself that the defeat at Novara would so undermine
the energies and cripple the strength of the French
King, that he would be unable to contend against any
new enemy. And, in truth, the prospects of Louis
were anything rather than encouraging. Invaded
upon every one of his frontiers, he saw himself com-
pelled to recall the remnant of his army from the
Riotta ; he could place no faith in Ferdinand, and he
anticipated an attack from the English upon Nor-
mandy ; while, despite all his caution, the national
treasury was exhausted. The campaign in Italy had
been at once disastrous and expensive ; Paris had been
heavily taxed, and he had no resource save in mort-
gaging a portion of his territory. Meanwhile Henry
VIII. had raised an army of twenty-five thousand men,
under the command of the Earl of Shrewsbury and
Lord Talbot, in the month of May, of which the
French fleet had found it impossible to impede the
landing ; and himself embarked to join them at the end
of June, proceeding immediately from Calais to the
frontier town of Terouenne, before which he sat down
with his troops. The city was well fortified, and gar-
risoned by two hundred horse, and two thousand foot,
under Francois de Teligny, Senechal de Rouergue,
94 Reign of
and Antoine de Crequi, Seigneur de Pondormy ; but
it was ill-provisioned for a siege, and its position was
consequently very precarious.
Louis XII. , during his period of suspense as to the
point upon which he should be attacked, had resided
alternately at Paris and at Blois ; but on learning that
the English had landed in great strength at Calais,
although suffering painfully from gout, he caused him-
self to be conveyed to Amiens in a litter, in order to be
nearer to Louis de Hallwin, Seigneur de Piennes, who
was his lieutenant-general in Picardy; and hastened
to issue a stringent order to his generals not to hazard
an engagement with the enemy, which, should it prove
disastrous in its result, might tend to involve the ruin
of the kingdom. Meanwhile the French army con-
densed itself at Blangy near Hesdin, where it was suc-
cessively joined by M. de la Palice, Imbercourt,*
Bayard, Aymar de Prie, Bonnivet, Bonneval, La
Fayette, Fontrailles,! with his Albanian light-horse,
and Fleuranges with his lansquenets ; while they still
awaited the Duke of Suffolk, who had espoused the
cause of Louis against Henry VIII., whom he re-
* Adrian de Brimeu, Marquis d'Imbercourt, was a descendant of the
celebrated house of Brimeu, from which the Counts of Megen in the
Low Countries derive their origin. He was greatly distinguished for his
valour, and served both Louis XII. and Francis I. with zeal and loyalty.
t The Sieur Imbaud de Fontrailles, the representative of an ancient
Gascon family, was the Colonel-General of the Albanian light-horse: a
force at that period still unattempted in the French army, which was
always supplied by foreigners; the gendarmes being their only national
cavalry. It was from these Albanian troops that the French learnt and
adopted the duties of light-horsemen. At Fornoua these troops received
from the Venetians the name of Estradiotz, or Corvals, while the Span-
iards called them Genetaires. M. de Fontrailles was also captain of a
company of fifty men-at-arms; and was frequently the associate of Bayard
in the skirmishes for which he was so famous.
Francis I 95
garded as the destroyer of his brother ; a Lancastrian,
and a usurper.
The English king left Calais on the 1st of August
with nine thousand infantry, to join his army at Terou-
enne, and was encountered by all the French horse,
amounting to twelve hundred lances; when, as he had
no cavalry with him, the two armies had no sooner
approached within cannon-shot than he became appre-
hensive of treachery ; and, dismounting, placed himself
in the centre of the lansquenets. Bayard, whose gal-
lant and impetuous spirit ill brooked the restraint
which the orders of Louis had imposed upon the
French troops, eagerly requested permission to attack
the advancing column ; declaring that, if the line were
once forced, the English must be defeated ; or, at the
worst, as they had no horsemen, they could not follow
up any transient advantage ; and, in order to offer a
proof of what he asserted, he broke through the rear-
guard of the enemy with his own troop, and carried
off one of the twelve cannon which Henry VIII. had
named the twelve apostles. The Sieur de Piennes,
whose heart was with him, but who was too good a
general to disobey orders, reminded him that the King
his master has strictly forbidden all aggressive meas-
ures, and, therefore, reluctantly summoned him to
desist ; but Bayard did not relinquish his prize, which
was safely conveyed to the French camp.
When, on the 2d of August, Henry joined his army
before Terouenne, he was received with loud acclama-
tions ; and a few days subsequently he was joined by
the Emperor Maximilian, with some thousands of
Hainaulters and Burgundians ; nor had a week elapsed
96 Reign of
ere a number of Flemish and other nobles from the
Low Countries, despite the neutrality declared by
Marguerite, flocked to his banners as volunteers.
Meanwhile, moreover, the garrison of the besieged
city saw themselves threatened by famine; their pro-
visions were nearly exhausted, and Louis XII., aware
of this circumstance, instructed M. de Piennes that
Terouenne must be victualled at any risk. Sur-
rounded as it was on all sides by the enemy, this en-
terprise was, however, one of immense difficulty and
certain danger; and, after mature consideration, it
was decided that the Sieur de Piennes and the Due de
Longueville should march a body of fourteen hundred
horsemen to the heights of Guinegatte, to distract the
attention of the enemy; while Fontrailles, with his
Albanian light-horse (or stradiots) should charge the
English troops at a particular point, and fling into the
moat of the city the salted provisions and powder
which they carried before them. The attempt was
skilfully made and vigorously carried out. At the
head of eight hundred men, the young commander
charged so resolutely that he broke through the ranks
of the besiegers ; and, riding directly to the fosse, each
man cast down the bag of powder and the pork which
he bore upon his horse ; and then, making face upon
the enemy, succeeded in regaining the main body with
a gallantry as daring as it was successful. This was,
however, the only favourable moment for the French
arms ; and even this had met its counterpoise on the
heights of Guinegatte, which the gendarmes had no
sooner attained than they saw in their rear ten thou-
sand English archers, four thousand lansquenets, and
Francis I 97
eight pieces of artillery. Maximilian had been ap-
prised of their intended stratagem by his spies, num-
bers of whom were employed in both the adverse
camps ; while, in many instances, there were double
traitors among them, who alternately served or be-
trayed either, as their interest prompted.
The French soldiery, who were aware that they had
not been ordered to that point to come to an engage-
ment with the enemy, retrograded at the command .of
their leaders, but so confusedly, that, from a trot, they
soon broke into a gallop, and threw themselves pell-
mell upon a rearguard of cavalry, headed by the Due
de Longtieville and the Marquis de la Palice, which
they scattered ; and, passing through the midst, con-
tinued to fly until they reached Blandy, where the
infantry were encamped, who were nearly driven, in
their turn, from their position by the impetuosity of
this unexpected charge. An attempt was made by a
few of their leaders to make head, with a handful of
men, against the German cavalry, who were in pursuit
of the fugitives ; and among these the foremost were
the Sieur de la Palice and the Due de Longueville.
In vain, however, did the former shout, " Turn, men-
at-arms, turn ; this is nothing ! " The alarm had
spread through the whole body ; the terrified troops
passed on, regardless of his cry ; and, although he still
strove to cover the disorderly retreat of the infatuated
troops, supported by some of the most gallant spirits of
the army, his self-devotion, although it tended to save
the French army, was unfortunate for himself and his
friends, as they were nearly all taken prisoig(^a$K)iig
VOL. I.-7 ]"&
'ij *
v ! <*
98 Reign of
others, Longueville, La Palice, Bayard, La Fayette,
Clermont cTAnjou, and Bussy d'Amboise.
This flight from Guinegatte, which took place on
the I5th April, 1513, obtained for the encounter the
name of the Battle of the Spurs ; these having been
the only efficient weapons made use of by the hostile
armies ; very few lives were sacrificed on either side ;
but of the principal prisoners, M. de la Palice alone
succeeded in effecting his retreat ; while Bayard won
his ransom in so gallant a manner that we must, to do
it ample justice, give the episode in the very words of
his biographer : " The good knight without fear and
without reproach retired very sorrowfully, and ever
and anon turned upon his enemies with fourteen or
fifteen gendarmes who had stood by him. In retreat-
ing he came to a little bridge, whereon no more than
two men could pass abreast; and there was a great
ditch, full of water, which came from a distance of
more than half a league, and turned a mill three fur-
longs further on. When he was upon the bridge he
said to those that were with him : ' Gentlemen, let us
stop here, for the enemy will not gain this bridge from
us in the space of an hour.' Then he called one of his
archers, and said to him : ' Hie you to our camp, and
tell my Lord de la Palice that I have stopped the enemy
short for at least half an hour ; that during that interval
he must make the forces draw up in order of battle;
and let them not be alarmed, but march hither slowly,
for, should the adversaries advance to the camp, and
find them in this confusion, they would infallibly be
defeated.'
" The archer goes straight to the camp, and leaves
Francis I 99
the good knight with the inconsiderable number of
men by whom he was accompanied, guarding that
little bridge, where he did all that prowess could
achieve. The Burgundians and Hainaulters arrived,
but were obliged to fight on the hither side of the
bridge, as they could not very easily effect a passage.
This gave the French, who had returned to their camp,
leisure to place themselves in order, and in a posture of
defence, in the event of its proving necessary. When
the Burgundians found themselves withstood by such
a handful of men, they cried out that archers should be
sent for with all speed, and some went to hasten them.
Meanwhile about two hundred cavaliers followed the
course of the stream until they discovered the mill, by
which they crossed. The good knight, thus enclosed
on both sides, then said to his people: 'Sirs, let us
surrender to these gentlemen, for all the daring we
might display would avail us nothing. Our horses
are weary, our adversaries are ten to one against us,
and our forces full three leagues off, so that, if we tarry
but a short while longer, and the English archers come
up, they will cut us to pieces/ At these words the
aforesaid Burgundians and Hainaulters arrived, shout-
ing, * Burgundy ! Burgundy ! ' and made a mighty on-
set upon the French, who, having no further means of
resistance, surrendered, one here, another there, to
those of most seeming consideration. While each was
endeavouring to take his prisoner, the good knight
espied, under some dwarf trees, a gentleman in goodly
attire, who, by reason of the excessive heat he was in,
whereby he was completely overcome, had taken off
his helmet, and was so turmoiled and weary that he
ioo Reign of
cared not to be at the trouble of taking prisoners. He
spurred straight up to this person, grasping his sword,
which he pointed at the other's throat, and exclaimed,
' Surrender, cavalier, or you die.' Terribly dismayed
was this gentleman, for he thought that his whole
company were made prisoners, and being in fear of
his life, he said, ' I give myself up, then, since I am
taken in this manner : but who are you ? ' ' I am Capi-
taine Bayard/ replied the good knight, * who surrender
to you. Here is my sword ; I pray you be pleased to
carry me away with you. But do me this kindness :
should we meet with any English on the road who may
offer to take our lives, let me have it back again.' This
the gentleman promised and fulfilled ; for, as they drew
towards the camp, they were both obliged to use their
weapons against certain English who sought to slay
the prisoners; whereby they gained nothing.
" Then was the good knight conducted to the camp
of the King of England, and into the tent of the gentle-
man by whom he had been captured, who entertained
him very well for three or four days. On the fifth, the
good knight said to him, ' My worthy sir, I should be
right glad if you would have me conveyed in safety
to the King, my master's camp, for I am already weary
of being here.' ' How say you ? ' asked the other, ' we
have not yet treated of your ransom.' ' My ransom ? '
said the good knight ; ' your own, you mean, for you
are my prisoner. And if, after you gave me your
word, I surrendered to you, it was to save my life, and
for no other reason.' Great was the amazement of the
gentleman, especially when the good knight added,
' Sir, if you do not keep your word, I am confident
Francis I 101
that I shall make my escape by some means or other;
but be assured that I shall insist upon doing battle
with you afterward/ The gentleman knew not what
reply to make, for he had heard a great deal about
Capitaine Bayard, and by no means relished the idea of
fighting with him. However, being a very courteous
knight, he at length said, ' My Lord of Bayard, I am
desirous of dealing fairly with you ; I will refer the
matter to the captains.' "
The brave but disconcerted captor scrupulously kept
his word ; and as the arrival of Bayard in the hostile
camp soon got bruited abroad, Maximilian caused him
to be summoned to his tent, and, as he entered, ex-
claimed gaily : " Capitaine Bayard, I am delighted to
see you. Would to God that I had many men like your-
self ; for, if I had, I should not be long ere I requited
the King your master for the good offices which he did
me in times past. I believe that we formerly fought
together, and I think it was then said that Bayard
never fled."
" If I had done so upon this occasion, sire," was the
proud reply, " I should not now have been here."
At this moment Henry VIII. entered the tent, to
whom the Emperor presented the good knight, who
received their courtesies with respect and modesty,
after which the peculiarity of his position was dis-
cussed ; and it was decided that he should be restored
to liberty unransomed, on condition that he should not
bear arms for six weeks, during which time he should
remain on parole, but free to reside in such Flemish
cities as he should desire to visit. Bayard bent the
knee in acknowledgment of this concession ; and a few
102 Francis I
days subsequent took leave of the allied sovereigns,
and proceeded to Flanders, where he amused himself
by giving fetes, and endearing himself to the people
by the chivalry and courtesy of his deportment. In
such pursuits the period of his probation rapidly wore
away, and he once more girt on his armour, and joined
his standard.
Meanwhile Louis had profited by the supineness of
his enemies, who, instead of pursuing their advantage
after the victory of Terouenne, had allowed the favour-
able moment to escape them, and withdrew his army
from Blangy into Picardy, while Henry and Maxi-
milian returned each to his own territories.
CHAPTER V.
Divisions among the French Generals Francis Appointed
to the Command of the New Army Terouenne Capitulates,
and is Destroyed by Henry VIII. Burgundy Revolts
The Swiss Determine to Invade France They are Worsted
at Dijon, and Enter into a Treaty with the French General
The Treaty is Disavowed by Louis Dismal Prospects
of France Henry VIII. Enters Tournay, and Returns to
England A Twelvemonths' Truce Signed by the European
Sovereigns Death of Anne de Bretagne Grief of the
King Marriage of the Princess Claude and Francis The
Court Mourning Louis Urged to Take a Third Wife
The Duke de Longueville Negotiates for the Hand of the
Princess Mary of England Misunderstanding between the
Two Monarchs The Treaty is Renewed Betrothal of the
Contracting Parties Mary and Brandon, Duke of Suffolk
Arrival of the Young Queen in France Anne Boleyn
The Royal Marriage Court Festivities Mary Becomes
Enamoured of Francis Position of the Princess Claude
A Courtier's Caution Accusation of Brantome Illness of
Louis XII. His Last Interview with Francis Death of
Louis XII.
UNHAPPILY it was not alone against foreign
animosity that Louis XII. had, at this period,
to contend. Constant misunderstandings, which were
even said to have influenced the late defeat, had taken
place between the Due de Longueville and M. de
Piennes ; and the King became so seriously alarmed
for their consequences, upon rinding that the troops
103
IO4 Reign of
were split into factions, each siding with their favourite
commander, that he determined to confide to the young
Due de Valois the conduct of the forthcoming cam-
paign ; his prowess of Novara having given him confi-
dence alike in his personal courage and his judgment,
only insisting upon a continuance of the same system
of defensive operations of which he had already ascer-
tained the policy.
Francis eagerly embraced this new opportunity of
distinguishing himself; and, notwithstanding his
youth, carried out the wishes of his royal uncle with
great forbearance. He marched the army back to
Encre on the Somme, where he could effectually re-
sist any attack, while he protected the frontier; and
the enemy soon convinced him of the prudence of this
first measure by capitulating with the defenders of
Terouenne upon more favourable terms than had
previously been anticipated ; after which Henry VIII.,
acting upon the selfish suggestion of Maximilian, who
had on former occasions been frequently kept in check
by that fortress, utterly demolished the fortifications
for whose possession he had exhausted a large amount
both of human life and treasure ; and then proceeded
to lay siege to Tournay.
The French monarch had, however, another enemy
to contend against. The peace of Burgundy, which
province the Emperor had never ceased to reclaim as
the inheritance of Marie de Bourgogne, his first wife,
and the mother of his children, was threatened with a
new invasion ; and although the bulk of the population
were decidedly favourable to the rule of Louis, the
nobility, from old association, pecuniary interest, or
Francis I 105
national vanity, leant generally to their ancient inde-
pendence, and the sway of their hereditary Dukes ;
while, aware of this fact, the Swiss, whose dislike to
the French monarch had never abated, and who were
flushed, even to arrogance, by their recent success at
Novara, resolved to carry the war into Burgundy.
Some trifling insurrections had broken out in Switzer-
land, and the magistrates had affected to believe that
they were instigated by French agents ; although they
might have been readily traced to the immense booty
gained by the troops in the late struggle, whence re-
sulted every description of licentiousness and disorder,
naturally ending in insubordination and misrule. The
Helvetic diet, whose tranquillity was disturbed by these
outbreaks, was not slow in discovering an escape-valve
for the heated and restless spirits who opposed its
authority ; and consequently determined at once to
release itself by organizing a distant expedition, and
at the same time to recruit its treasury by the pillage
of France. A force of eighteen thousand Swiss was
accordingly collected in the different cantons, which
were reviewed on the Qth of August at Zurich, and
marched on the following day, under the command of
Jacques de Watteville, an advocate of Berne, sup-
ported by a council formed of the chiefs of the several
divisions. They traversed Franche-Comte as far as
Gray, where they were met, on the 27th of the month,
by the Duke Ulrich de Wirtemburg, who was await-
ing their arrival at the head of the German and Com-
tois cavalry; and thence they proceeded to Dijon,
which they reached on the 7th of September.
The city was ill calculated for resistance ; and M. de
106 Reign of
la Tremouille had, with very indifferent success, en-
deavoured to put it into such a state of defence as
might enable him at least to guard against any sur-
prise. He therefore resolved to temporise; and, if
possible, to conciliate an enemy against which he was
totally unable, with his inadequate force, to contend.
By a lucky chance, he made prisoners of several Swiss
officers in a sally which he ventured beyond the walls,
and he availed himself of this circumstance to impress
upon them the policy of renewing the old attachment
which had formerly subsisted between the two coun-
tries ; expatiating on the value which his own monarch
attached to their alliance, and his earnest wish to re-
new the good understanding which had been lately
broken. As some among them evinced no reluctance
while listening to these arguments, he concluded by
lauding their late bravery, distributing a few presents
which were well received, and finally restoring them
to liberty without exacting any species of ransom ; a
courtesy to which they were by no means insensible,
and of which the good effect became soon apparent,
by the arrival at Dijon of a safe conduct, and an invi-
tation for him to pay a visit to their chiefs. He at
once accepted this overture ; and was so successful
during the interview, as to induce his late adversaries
to conclude a negotiation which was not a mere capitu-
lation for the beleaguered city, or a momentary truce,
but a definitive treaty, involving not only the interests
of France and Switzerland, but also_ those of all
Europe. By this treaty it was arranged that he should
pay over upon the instant the sum of 400,000 crowns
(part of which was immediately raised among the offi-
Francis I 107
ccrs of his little army, and deposited in the hands of
the council); pledge himself to the liquidation of all
arrears of pension due to the Swiss from France for
former services performed to the restitution of all
cities, strongholds, or territory held by Louis XII.
which were appurtenances to the Holy See to the
speedy evacuation of the castles of Milan, Cremona,
and Asti; and also guarantee that the French King
should renounce all future pretensions, both for him-
self and his successors, to the duchy of Milan, and the
lordships of Cremona and Asti ; and that none of the
individuals who had joined the Swiss in their expedi-
tion to Burgundy should suffer any damage in such
properties as they might possess within the kingdom
of France.
On these conditions peace and amity was to be
sworn between Louis XII., the Swiss League,
Franche-Comte, the Due de Wirtemburg, and the
Sieur de Vergy. The Pope was to be at liberty to ac-
cede to this treaty should he see fit to do so, as were
also the Emperor and the holy Roman empire ; and
finally, M. de la Tremouille pledged himself that the
confederates should, on their return to their own
country, receive the sum of 400,000 crowns, payable
at Zurich, one moiety within a fortnight after their
arrival, and the remainder at the ensuing festival of
Saint Martin. As the whole amount of forfeit-money
claimed could not be collected upon the spot, they
consented to receive 20,000 crowns on account: but
as surety for the remainder, they carried away with
them, in the character of hostages, the Baron de
Mezieres, the nephew of M. de la Tremouille ; Roche-
io8 Reign of
fort, the Senechal of Dijon, and four citizens. The
former having been, however, forewarned by his rela-
tive that the treaty would not, in all probability, be
ratified, took the first opportunity of effecting his
escape.
Louis XII. either felt or affected the greatest indig-
nation at the concessions made by his general, and
refused to fulfil conditions which he declared to be
degrading and unfavourable to himself. He even ad-
dressed an autograph letter to M. de la Tremouille;
in which he asserted that he considered such a treaty
as that to which he had given his assent to be
marvellously strange; a truth which was admitted in
the reply ; " But, by my faith, Sire ; " added the
straightforward soldier, " I was constrained to give it,
by the wretched provision which had been made for
the preservation of your kingdom."
The displeasure of the King was of short duration ;
and although he still adhered to his resolution of re-
sisting the conditions of the treaty, he nevertheless
endeavoured to conciliate the Swiss ; and empowered
M. de la Tremouille to raise a loan of 50,000 crowns
in Burgundy, to satisfy the most importunate of their
demands; he even condescended to dissimulate, and
sought to gain time, but he could not deceive the
Swiss, who, already prejudiced against him, felt that
they were overreached ; and vowed a vengeance which
they fearfully executed during the succeeding reign.
Fortune had declared itself adverse to Louis ; nor
were his allies exempted from their own share of dis-
aster. The Venetians were signally defeated by the
Spaniards ; and the unhappy James IV. of Scotland
Francis I 109
lost his life at Flodden Field. The French King had
however no time to indulge regret for the reverses
of others. On the I5th of September, Maximilian
and Henry had, as we have already stated, sat down
before Tournay, which, situated within the boundary
of the Low Countries, had enjoyed a government
almost republican under the protection of France, and
considered as one of its most precious privileges, its
exemption from the necessity of admitting a garrison
within its walls. Consequently, when at the com-
mencement of the campaign Louis had offered to send
them troops for their defence, they arrogantly replied,
that " Tournay had never yet turned, and would not
turn now ; " a vaunt which left them in the power of
their enemies, who treated with contempt the undisci-
plined citizens by whom they were opposed; and in
the course of a few hours, stormed their walls, and
compelled them to a capitulation, wherein, however,
Henry VIII. guaranteed to them the continuance of
their privileges.
After having made his entrance into the city with a
puerile ostentation totally disproportioned to the cir-
cumstances, and which tended to excite the ridicule
of all by whom it was witnessed, Henry, satisfied with
the result of a campaign which, had it been efficiently
conducted, must have tended to enhance both his own
honour and the interests of his kingdom, returned at
once to England, and thus relieved the French King
from an enemy who might at any moment have be-
come formidable.
On the 1 3th of March, 1514, a treaty was signed at
Orleans by the several sovereigns who had been en-
no Reign of
gaged in the wars of Italy, by which a truce of twelve
months was determined on ; while the Swiss, who were
not included in the negotiation, laid down their arms
in accordance with that of Dijon. Louis XII. had
acceded to all the demands of the Pope, and no longer
possessed any portion of the papal states ; a circum-
stance which afforded great relief to the mind of Anne
de Bretagne ; but which was nevertheless so far from
conducing, as she had anticipated, to the restoration
of her shattered health, that, although she eagerly
watched the progress of events which were rapidly
working out this result, she was not destined to wit-
ness it; for, at the close of the previous campaign,
when her royal husband, after having distributed his
forces in the fortified places of Picardy, returned to
Blois for the winter, he found her sinking under the
disease to which she had long been a victim, and which
finally terminated her life on the Qth of January.
The grief of the King was unbounded when he be-
came convinced that she had really ceased to exist;
and when, on the following Friday, her body had been
conveyed with great magnificence to St. Denis, and
there pompously interred, he immediately retired to
the Bois de Vincennes, where, during eight days, he
shut himself into his private apartments, forbidding
all access to his person, in order that he might give
free course to his grief. He not only assumed a sable
habit himself, in conformity with the taste of his lost
wife, but he compelled his whole court to do the same ;
nor would he, when he again appeared in public, re-
ceive any foreign ambassador who was not similarly
attire^.. Nevertheless, he did not fail in the pledge
Francis I in
which he had given to the States-General at Tours;
and on the loth of May the Princess Claude was pub-
licly married, at St. Germain-en-Laye, to her cousin
Francis, Due de Valois. But, even upon this occa-
sion, the King would not permit that the mourning
garments of his court should be laid aside ; and accord-
ingly an old chronicler quoted by Brantome, declares
that " when he gave his daughter to M. d'Angouleme,
afterwards the King Francis, the mourning was not
remitted by his court ; and, on the day of the espousals
in the chapel of St. Germain-en-Laye, the bridegroom
and the bride were simply attired in black cloth, hand-
somely, and in funeral fashion, for the death of the
before-mentioned Queen, Madame Anne de Bretagne,
in the presence of the King her father, accompanied
by all the Princes of the blood, and noble Lords, and
Prelates, and Princesses, and ladies, each dressed in a
mourning robe of black."
How evil an omen was this for the gentle-hearted
princess Claude !
The marriage was no sooner accomplished than
Louis XII. invested his son-in-law with the adminis-
tration of the duchy of Brittany; somewhat, as the
Breton historians declare, contrary to his wishes ; but
although Madame Claude de France, who was its
heiress, had espoused the presumptive heir to the
crown, the contract by which they were united con-
tained no clause which assured to her husband the
actual possession of the coveted duchy ; while this cir-
cumstance was rendered still more unpalatable to the
young Prince by the fact, that about the same perio^, .^
Louis was himself induced by his counsellors, tbten, j Vjl
v '-?
112 Reign of
tertain the project of a third marriage, than which no
step could have been more inimical to the prospects of
Francis ; while the selection, ultimately made by the
King and his advisers, was probably as little calculated
to insure his own happiness, had the union been fated
to be of long duration.
Still newly widowed, and deeply attached to the
memory of Anne de Bretagne, for whose sake he had
repudiated his first wife, state policy on the one hand,
and on the other his anxiety to become the father of
a son to whom he might bequeath his crown, induced
the French King to lend a willing ear to the sugges-
tions of those about him ; and although in his fifty-third
year, when his constitution had become seriously
undermined by severe and constant attacks of the gout,
to give a new Queen to France. The Austrian party
formed by Anne de Bretagne, fearing the future in-
fluence of Louise de Savoie when her son should
attain the throne, having been unable to prevent the
marriage of Francis with the Princess Claude, assailed
the King with perpetual expostulations ; and proposed
to him, in the first place, the hand of Marguerite of
Austria, governante of the Low Countries ; but al-
though this Princess, owing to her betrothal to the
Dauphin, had been educated at the court of France,
and had, at that period interested the affections of
Louis, then Due d'Orleans, she had now attained her
thirty-fourth year, and was the childless widow of two
husbands; a sterility which he declared to be an in-
superable objection to their alliance. Ferdinand of
Spain then offered to him Eleanora of Austria,* the
*Eleanora of Austria was the daughter of Philip I. of Spain and the
sister of the Emperor Charles V. Born at Louvain in 1498, she married
Francis I 113
niece of Marguerite, and sister of the Archduke
Charles, at that time in the very bloom of youth. To
this union Louis advanced no objection, and the rather
as it was to form the pledge of a reconciliation between
himself, Maximilian, and Ferdinand ; nor did the three
monarchs lose any time in deciding on the outline of
a treaty to be executed at the expense of their ancient
allies the English, the Venetians, and the Swiss.
This project was, however, rendered abortive by the
suspicions of Henry VIII., which suggested some
occult and important reason for the delay of Maxi-
milian in concluding the nuptials of the Archduke
Charles with the Princess Mary of England, his own
sister. Nor was it long ere they were confirmed
through the agency of the Due de Longueville, who
had been taken prisoner at the " Battle of the Spurs,"
and whom the pleasure-loving King had admitted to
his intimacy, and favoured so greatly, that he was in
the habit of playing tennis with him, and permitting
him to win until he had gained the sum appointed for
his ransom, which amounted to 50,000 crowns.
The resentment of the English monarch upon find-
ing himself duped both by Maximilian and Ferdinand,
encouraged the Duke during their frequent conversa-
tions to introduce upon every favourable occasion
some well-timed allusion to the injury sustained by
both France and England from the continuation of a
war which exhausted the resources of both without
in 1519, Emanuel, King of Portugal; and, after his death, which occurred
in 1530, she became Queen of France by her second marriage with Fran-
cis 1. This union was extremely unhappy, owing to the passion of the
monarch for the beautiful Duchesse d'Etampes. When once more left
a widow in 1547, she withdrew to Spain, and died in 1558, without issue.
VOL. I. 8
114 Reign of
benefit to either ; and to propose a peace which he was
aware would be highly welcome to his own sovereign.
As Henry listened without any manifestation of dis-
pleasure to these frequent hints, De Longueville be-
came in time still more explicit ; and at length insinu-
ated that the death of Anne de Bretagne had opened
up a medium of union between the two nations which
might tend to their mutual advantage; declaring, at
the same time, that although the marriage of a prin-
cess of sixteen with a sovereign of fifty-three might
appear in some respects unsuitable, yet that this in-
equality in years would find its compensation in many
circumstances too obvious to be overlooked, and of
which he would consequently adduce but one ; namely,
that Henry would, by acceding to an alliance between
his sister and the French King, withdraw himself from
the perfidious Ferdinand, upon whose faith he could
no longer rely, and connect himself and his interests
for life with those of a Prince whose probity and honour
were above suspicion.
The English monarch listened, and was convinced.
Broken faith and a harassing war on the one side, and
a firm ally and a speedy peace on the other, left little
opportunity for hesitation; and, accordingly, about
two months subsequent to the death of Anne de
Bretagne, Louis XII., who readily welcomed the
prospect of a union which would convert a formidable
enemy into a fast friend, deputed De Longueville,
whose ransom had been paid in English crowns, and
whose liberty had been thus easily acquired, to ask
for him the hand of the young and beautiful princess
Mary, the affianced but unclaimed bride of Charles of
Austria.
Francis I 115
The articles were concluded, after some difficulties,
originating in the desire of Louis to hasten the de-
cision of his brother-monarch by a hostile demonstra-
tion, on the pretext that Henry had not yet ratified
the treaty of Orleans ; which he effected by marching
eight thousand men and a brigade of artillery against
the castle of Guines, near Calais; a want of tact of
which he was immediately made conscious by the
indignant retort of the English sovereign, who at once
resented the practical threat by declaring that he had
an army of twenty thousand men ready to cross the
channel in defence of his stronghold, should need be.
This mutual defiance necessarily caused a temporary
suspension of the negotiations of marriage ; but the
Due de Longueville, unwilling to see all his exer-
tions rendered nugatory, addressed himself at this
delicate juncture to Wolsey, then Bishop of Lincoln ;
and, authorized by his royal master, made such pro-
posals to the English minister as induced him to
espouse his cause. The anger of Henry gave way
before the flattering overtures of the French plenipo-
tentiary; and it was ultimately agreed that the mar-
riage should take place, upon condition that Tournay
should remain in the hands of the English ; that
Richard de la Pole,* then an exile in France, and who
affected to revive the pretensions of the house of York,
should be banished to Metz, and remain a pensioner
of the French King; that Henry should receive the
payment of a million of crowns, being the arrears due
by treaty to his father and himself; and that the royal
* Richard de la Pole was the fourth son of Elizabeth, sister of
Edward IV.
ii6 Reign of
bride should be portioned with four hundred thousand
crowns, and enjoy as large a jointure as any previous
Queen of France, not even excepting her immediate
predecessor, Anne de Bretagne, although the latter
had been heiress of Brittany.
Not only were the respective ages of the contracting
parties wholly disproportioned, but the previous edu-
cation of Mary had rendered her, in every respect,
ill-suited to perform the duties which she was thus
called upon so suddenly to fulfil. Her heart had,
moreover, already been bestowed elsewhere ; while, as
she afterwards proved, her affections were by no
means so stable as to hold out any rational hope that
she would attach herself in earnest and good faith to
her mature husband, although she had been so well
tutored in courtly dissimulation as effectually to con-
ceal her real feelings. Having lost her mother when
she was only five years of age, she had been allowed
a greater license of thought and action than was com-
patible with her sex and rank ; and although scarcely
sixteen at the period of her marriage, she had already
encouraged the attentions of Charles Brandon, Duke
of Suffolk, the foster-brother and favourite of Henry
VIII., whose comparatively obscure birth had been
concealed, even if not forgotten, under the splendour
of his new title. The partiality of the King, and his
own universal popularity, rendered the new-made
Duke bold ; while the evident admiration of Mary, upon
whom his great personal beauty and manly bearing
had not failed to produce their effect, combined with
the constant opportunities which were afforded to him
ot prosecuting his ambitious suit, would probably hay
Francis I 117
insured its ultimate success, had not the overtures of
Louis at once opened the eyes of the English monarch
to the impolicy of such a concession.
Thus far, Mary was beyond all doubt more to be
commiserated than condemned ; and, had she more
perfectly fulfilled her mission as a wife and a queen,
every heart must have sympathized in the cruel con-
straint to which she had been subjected ; but she was
vain, reckless, and careless of that dignity which would
have compelled respect, and taught those who ap-
proached her to overlook the young and blooming
woman in the self-governed and virtuous sovereign.
Before the ratification of the marriage treaty, the
'rincess declared in the presence of a notary and wit-
icsses, that she had pledged her faith by compulsion
the Archduke Charles, who was to have married
icr by proxy on attaining his fourteenth year, which
he had failed to do ; and she further asserted that she
id received assurances to the effect that his coun-
cilors and confidential friends had exerted all their
influence to infuse into his mind a spirit of resentment
igainst, and dislike to, her royal brother.
The treaty was then completed, and the months of
August and September were spent in making the
necessary preparations for the voyage of the young
Queen ; one of the conditions agreed upon having been
that Henry should defray all the outlay of her journey
to Abbeville ; and that one moiety of her dower should
be expended in jewels.
On the 1 3th of August the marriage took place by
proxy at Greenwich, the Duke de Longueville repre-
senting his royal master; after which the Princess
ii8 Reign of
crossed to Boulogne, attended by a splendid retinue,
where she was received upon her landing by the Due
de Vendome, who a day or two subsequently con-
ducted her to Abbeville. The King, whose impatience
had been excited by the florid descriptions which he
had heard of her beauty, and who was anxious to
ascertain their truth, had already arrived in that city ;
but, unable to control his desire to see her at the
earliest moment, he mounted his horse and proceeded
to a village upon the road, where they were privately
introduced, and he remained for a few moments in
conversation with his bride and the triumphant am-
bassador. Fascinated and elated, he then returned to
Abbeville as unostentatiously as he had left it ; while
the Princess continued her stately progress to the city
gates, where she was welcomed according to the pre-
scribed ceremonial by the Due de Valois, and greeted
by a succession of the most costly and magnificent
pageants that human ingenuity and knightly courtesy
could invent.
We have already alluded to the brilliancy of the
young Queen's retinue, which was worthy the sister
of one sovereign and the bride of another ; but perhaps
the most interesting circumstance connected with it
exists in the fact that the fair and unfortunate Anna
Boleyn, then in her first girlhood, was one of her four
maids of honour, and of the thirty-six female attend-
ants by whom she was accompanied.
Even at that early age, however, it would appear,
from the testimony of a contemporaneous historian,
that the court beauty had already imbibed that thirst
for admiration, and that baneful ambition which were
Francis 1 119
ited to be her downfall ; for even when by her grace
id beauty, and above all by the seductive attraction
of her manner, and the vivacity of her intellect, she
had captivated the mind of the Princess Claude to such
an extent that she caused her to be attached to her
own household, she soon wearied of the wholesome
restraints to which she was there subjected, and passed
into the suite of the Duchesse d'Alengon ; where she
became the idol of the courtiers by whom she was sur-
rounded, and whose attentions she encouraged until
she felt that they were likely to interfere with her more
serious projects.
The impression produced upon the feelings of Louis
XII. by the extraordinary loveliness of his new con-
sort, has been duly recorded by all contemporary
historians ; but the emotions of the young and bloom-
ing Princess, thus abruptly compelled to receive to her
heart and arms the mature and already infirm mon-
arch, have nowhere been registered. Suffice it, that
the marriage was once more celebrated at Abbeville
on the nth of October; and that an alliance, which
had originally been dictated by state policy, was at
once cemented by the charms of the girl-Queen ; while
it was rendered as welcome to the nation as to its
monarch by the fact that it put a termination to a
disastrous war with England, and to some difficult
negotiations with Austria.
The ceremony was not performed in the cathedral,
but in a vast saloon of the palace, which was hung
throughout with cloth of gold, and so spacious that all
present could command a view of the contracting par-
ties. The King and Queen were seated side by side
I2o Reign of
under a canopy at the upper end of the apartment;
and the royal bride, with her hair totally unconfined,
and scattered over her shoulders, wore a small hat
above the luxuriant tresses, which were unanimously
declared to be unrivalled throughout Christendom, in
lieu of the crown, which could be assumed only when
her coronation took place at St. Denis. The Due
d'Angouleme officiated as bridesman, and the Prin-
cess Claude was the principal attendant of the bride,
although her fair brow was clouded as she remem-
bered the recent death of her mother. A splendid
banquet, followed by a ball, concluded the ceremony ;
after which the court proceeded to St. Denis, where,
on the 5th of November, the ceremonial of Mary's
coronation took place with great pomp in the cathe-
dral ; and on the succeeding day she made her entry
into Paris as Queen of France, accompanied not only
by all that was great and noble in the country, but
also by her English suite, and a number of foreigners
of distinction; all of whom were entertained during
the marriage festivities at the expense of the King.
These tourneys and banquets were continued for the
space of six weeks ; after which the English retinue of
the young Queen returned home, laden with valuable
presents, leaving the Duke of Suffolk as ambassador
at the French court; a short-sighted piece of policy,
of which Henry VIII. in after-life would assuredly
never have been guilty.
The advent of the new sovereign at once changed
the mourning of the court into festivity and splendour :
nor was it long ere the fancy, if not the heart, of Mary
became thralled by the handsome person and chivalric
Francis I 121
accomplishments of the young Due de Valois ; while
not even the recollection that he was the husband of
her step-daughter sufficed to compel her to that self-
control which might have concealed her weakness.
Suffolk himself was forgotten in this new passion ; and
by her own levity and want of caution it ere long be-
came a subject of comment to the whole court. In
the tilts and joustings which daily succeeded each
other for her entertainment, Francis was, unhappily,
always the most prominent figure ; thus affording a
dangerous contrast to her royal husband, who, despite
the efforts which he made to assimilate himself in
prowess with the young and gallant cavaliers about
him, soon evinced unequivocal symptoms of his in-
ability to persevere in such a career of dissipation and
fatigue.
The natural result supervened ; Louis in a short
time fell into a state of languor and exhaustion, which
betrayed that over-taxed nature was revenging herself
for these untimely excesses ; and the hopes of Francis
once more became buoyant. Meanwhile, however, he
succeeded in establishing a closer intimacy between
his young step-mother and his gentle wife, by which
he was enabled to enjoy the society of the former
without any apparent effort, and at the same time to
secure himself against any new rival in her affections.
To the Princess Claude such a friend was doubly
welcome, from the fact that she already suffered
severely under the rigorous rule of Louise de Savoie,
who, profiting by her timid and yielding nature, re-
venged upon the daughter her old hatred of the dead
parent ; and condemned her to a life of almost perfect
122 Reign of
seclusion, in which she was wholly dependent for
amusement upon the nun-like court which had been
formed for her, her breviary, and her spinning-wheel.
Little did the pure-hearted and neglected wife of the
brilliant Francis apprehend, when she received with
sisterly affection the beautiful young Queen, that she
was daily undermining her in the affections of a hus-
band whom she idolized. But this, according to
Brantome, did not fail to come to pass. Mary was,
on her side, as much dazzled by the showy qualities
of Francis, as he was enthralled by her surpassing
beauty; nor was it long ere she listened without dis-
pleasure to an avowal of his passion, rendered doubly
culpable as it was from their relative position. The
same author even ascribes to the young Queen the still
more odious desire of securing an heir to the throne,
of which she already despaired in her marriage,
through the medium of her step-daughter's husband ;
but his evidence is scarcely to be received in so ex-
treme a case, based as it is upon the single fact that
M. de Grignaud, a noble of Perigord, who had been
chevalier d'honneur to Anne de Bretagne, and then held
the same office under Mary, considered it necessary
to warn the Due de Valois against the possible con-
sequences of so undue an intimacy ; and upon rinding
his remonstrances disregarded, subsequently informed
Louise de Savoie of the peril to her son's interests
which must supervene, in order that she might keep a
strict watch over the progress of their attachment.
That Mary should ever have contemplated so hein-
ous a crime is, however, more than improbable. Guilt
is ever prone to assume a veil of caution, and to garb
Francis I 123
itself in the robe of prudery and dissimulation, while
there was nothing bordering upon these in her com-
mon deportment. On the contrary, she constantly
addressed the Duke as " my son-in-law ; " and admitted
him publicly to all the privileges of so near a con-
nexion ; openly evincing the preference which she felt
for his society, and exceeding on many occasions the
limits which a more delicately constituted mind would
have conceded even to the claim of so intimate a re-
lationship. That she not only admired Francis, but
also loved him, is her reproach ; and that reproach
should surely suffice (for it was a heavy one !), without
attributing to a mere girl, who had only attained her
sixteenth year, an excess of moral turpitude which the
heart withers even to contemplate.
The subsequent attempt imputed to her by the same
authority, to impose a surreptitious heir upon the
nation, is deserving of quite as little credit ; for Mary,
who had already given proof of her aptitude in con-
forming herself to circumstances in the almost affec-
tionate letters which she had addressed to Louis XII.
before their marriage, and who, on the demise of the
King, saw herself closely surrounded by the very indi-
viduals who were the most vitally concerned in un-
masking such a deception, was not likely to degrade
alike herself and her high station by so base and shal-
low an artifice ; while her almost immediate union with
the Duke of Suffolk, however much it tended to con-
firm the previous opinion of her levity, is nevertheless
also the best refutation of the coarse and unmanly
slander. That she was eminently imprudent during
the brief period of her royalty, is unfortunately unde-
124 Reign of
niable ; but from imprudence there is, happily, a long
step to flagrant culpability. In any case, she was not
long destined to retain the dignity of Queen of France ;
for she had been but eighty-two days a wife ere she
became a widow. The first symptoms of the languor
which proved fatal to Louis XII. manifested them-
selves, as we have already stated, before the festivities
consequent upon his marriage had yet terminated.
An alarming attack of gout supervened; and he be-
came so much enfeebled by its violence, that he was
at length compelled to attend the jousts and tourneys
upon a litter ; while so rapidly did the disease progress,
that ere long he was unable to leave his bed. Never-
theless, his physicians, unwilling to believe that he was
really sinking, continued to declare that he would
rally ; but Louis himself repudiated the idea. He too
surely felt that the grasp of death was upon him, and
met his fate with a calmness worthy of a great mon-
arch and an honest man.
When he became conscious that his end was near,
he summoned the young Due de Valois to his bed-
side; and having, with considerable difficulty, raised
himself to a sitting posture, flung his arms about his
neck, and embracing him with affectionate emotion,
said feebly, but firmly, " Francis, I am dying ! I con-
sign our subjects to your care." The Prince burst
into tears, and implored him to dismiss such gloomy
thoughts, as his physicians augured more favourably.
The dying King, however, only shook his head ; he
was aware that earthly help could avail him no longer ;
and as his weeping successor established himself be-
side his pillow, he exerted his last remaining powers
Francis I 125
to impress upon him the awful extent of the responsi-
bility with which he would, in a few hours, be invested.
Acute suffering at length terminated his efforts ; and
he expired in the arms of his royal nephew, with a
smile of gratified affection upon his lips.
Thus, while yet deeply enamoured of his fair young
wife, surrounded by worldly grandeur and festivity,
and meditating, in his graver moments, future expedi-
tions against Italy, Louis XII., whose hurried journey
to receive his bride, and whose exertions during the
subsequent rejoicings to assume the semblance of a
youth and vigour which he no longer possessed, had
overtaxed his physical powers, fell a victim to his
imprudence about midnight of the 1st of January,
CHAPTER VI.
The Queen Cedes Her Estates to Her Husband The
Bretons Disallow Her Right Enthusiasm of the French
People on the Accession of Francis His Coronation His
Interview with Queen Mary His Caution to Suffolk-
Brandon Marries the Widowed Queen Is Reproached by
Francis for His Perfidy but Reconciled to Henry at the
Entreaty of His Wife, and Returns to England Francis
Makes His Public Entry into Paris His Profusion His
Romantic Tastes His High Spirit He Forms His Gov-
ernment Charles de Bourbon Created Constable of France
Marriage of Mademoiselle de Bourbon with the Due de
Lorraine The King and the Wild Boar The Court of
Madame d'Angouleme Her Maids of Honour Circle of
the Queen Her Love of Retirement Francis Resolves to
Recover the Milanese The Archduke Charles Sends Am-
bassadors to France Is Promised the Hand of the Princess
Renee, the Queen's Sister Henri de Nassau He Marries
Claudine de Chalon State of Europe Treaty between
France and England Francis Endeavours to Conciliate
the Swiss They Threaten to Invade France Francis
Marches a Strong Force towards Burgundy Ferdinand
Endeavours to Alarm the Pope and the Emperor Francis
Removes to Amboise, and Sends an Embassy to Rome.
FRANCIS I. was no sooner proclaimed King, than
Queen Claude, in consideration of the pledge
which he had given to provide the dowry of the Prin-
cess Renee, her sister, formally ceded to him the duchy
126
Francis I
127
of Brittany, and the counties of Nantes, Blois,
Etampes, and Montfort, to be enjoyed and governed
during his life, as veritable Duke of Brittany.
This first cession took place on the 22d of April;
but on the 28th of June following, as it did not by any
means secure to her royal husband the whole extent
of the desired benefit, the Queen was induced to exe-
cute a new deed, by which she conferred these privi-
leges upon him for ever, in failure of her own children,
should they die before him. This wife-like divestiture
was, however, only partially valid; as the marriage
contract of Anne de Bretagne had distinctly endowed
her second son with the possession and sovereignty
of the duchy ; while, as there had been a failure of male
issue, and the clause had never been revised, the
Bretons, who were anxious to throw off the yoke of
French supremacy, and who contended that the
crowns of Brittany and France could not legally be
united upon the same head, unless it were that of an
only son, would not admit the claim of Claude; but
declared the right of succession to be in favour of her
younger sister; this alienation and disposal having
been, moreover, stipulated when negotiations were
pending for a marriage between Madame Claude and
the Comte de Luxembourg. In this opinion they
were supported by another clause, which bestowed
the duchy upon the second child, were it male or
female ; and in virtue of the said contract, the Bretons
declared that the Princess Renee was the legitimate
heiress.
Consequently, the donation made by the Queen of
Francis I. met with no ratification from the Bretons
128 Reign of
themselves ; and the rather that there still existed
certain families in the duchy, who possessed collateral
claims to the succession; but who, seeing the King
already the father of a young family, every individual
of which must inherit before them, remained passive,
and awaited future events.
The acclamations of the army, the lays of the most
distinguished national poets, the tumultuous shouting
of the vassals, and the congratulations of all the feuda-
tory nobles, were the welcome of Francis as he as-
cended the throne of France. His first act of royalty
was to proclaim a suspension of arms ; and once more
the country for a brief space breathed freely. On the
25th of January, he was crowned with great pomp at
the cathedral of Rheims, by Robert de Lenoncourt,
Archbishop of Paris ; and never had either of those
two great cities made so profuse a display of magnifi-
cence as upon that occasion ; while previously, as if
to refute the most heinous slander of Brantome on
Queen Mary, a contemporary writer asserts that
Francis waited upon her daily to condole with her
upon her bereavement, accompanied by Madame
Claude his wife, during the lapse of six weeks the
period assigned for the royal widows of France to
remain in their beds, seeing no light save that of the
wax tapers by which their apartments were illumi-
nated and that he then and there formally demanded
to know whether he might consider himself as the
legitimate sovereign of France, a question which she
alone was competent to answer; when the young
widow at once and unhesitatingly replied that such he
was ; that she knew of no king save himself ; and that
Francis I
129
she was unaware of any cause in herself which could
destroy his right to the succession.
Moreover, Francis had long been cognizant of the
attachment which had formerly existed between Mary
and Suffolk, and formally warned the latter against
any proceeding which might excite the displeasure of
the English monarch.
" I am aware, Duke," he said gravely, " of your
whole history, of your affection for the Queen of Louis
XII. , of the influence which you possess in England,
and of much more than you can be prepared to sup-
pose. I am anxious that nothing should occur to dis-
honour me, nor to cause umbrage to my brother, the
King of England, towards whom I desire to exhibit
the same friendship and cordiality which were felt by
the late King, my father-in-law ; I, therefore, entreat
of you not to take any steps which may involve our
good understanding ; and should a promise have been
exchanged between yourself and the Queen, to be care-
ful of my dignity, by taking immediate measures to
secure the approval of the King your master ; and by
inducing him to inform me in writing of his good
pleasure, at which I shall rejoice, should it be favour-
able to your wishes. But, if it prove otherwise, I
warn you on your life to beware of what you do ; for,
should you disobey me, I will make you bitterly re-
pent your imprudence."
This caution the Duke received without evincing the
slightest resentment, declaring on oath that he would
attempt nothing derogatory to his own honour, or
to the will of the King his master ; a pledge which he,
however, falsified almost on the instant, urged, as
VOL. I. a
130 Reign of
some historians declare, by the representations and
entreaties of Mary herself; for only four or five days
subsequently to this interview, a secret marriage took
place, and the Dowager-Queen of France became
Duchess of Suffolk.
Francis, indignant at this want of faith, summoned
the Duke to his presence, and reproached him vehe-
mently for his perfidy ; he even concluded his remarks
by saying: " If I were strictly to perform my duty, I
should, this very hour, strike your head from your
shoulders, for you have violated your oath."
The Duke, terrified by the menace, hastened to
justify himself: "I beseech of you, Sire," he ex-
claimed ; " to pardon me. I confess that I have erred ;
but I entreat your Majesty to remember the strength
of the affection by which I have been misled, and to
extend your mercy in so extreme a case."
" Sir," was the stern reply, " you require more than
I am disposed to grant ; for you appear on your part
to have forgotten that the lady whom you have in-
duced to become your wife, was not only a Princess of
England, but also the Dowager-Queen of France. Let
the King your master only require it of me, and I shall
at once know how to avenge alike his dignity and my
own."
But however the young King might have felt it
incumbent upon him to exhibit this display of indig-
nation, it is not the less certain that the clandestine
marriage of Mary with one of her brother's subjects,
was by no means unwelcome to him, as it precluded
the possibility of her hand being hereafter bestowed
upon some prince who might be at enmity with France,
Francis I
and induce the English monarch to espouse his in-
terests ; a consideration which decided him, in accord-
ance with the request of the Queen-Duchess, to inter-
cede with Henry VIII., and to procure the pardon of
the culprits. In this undertaking he easily succeeded,
the influence of the favourite being still great over the
mind of his royal master; and he then lost no time
before, governed by the same policy, and, moreover,
instigated beyond all doubt by the human weakness
which, whatever might be his own line of conduct, led
him to conceal the mortification that a nature so vain
as his could not fail to experience, on perceiving the
facility with which Mary had cast off the yoke of his
fascinations, and restored her wavering affection to
its first object, Francis hastened to repay to the Prin-
cess the dowry which she had brought to Louis XII.,
and to expedite her return to England with her new
bridegroom.
The solemn entry of the young King into his good
city of Paris was hailed with delight. His command-
ing person, splendid horsemanship, and urbane de-
portment won all hearts, and made his progress one
unbroken triumph. All the princes and noble ladies
of the kingdom, as well as many foreigners of rank,
were in his train. Jousts and tourneys occupied the
succeeding days, at the whole of which the high-born
dames and damsels of the court were present, as well
as at the balls and banquets, which filled the streets
with equipages and torchlight throughout the entire
nights. Above twelve hundred princes, dukes, counts,
and cavaliers assisted at these memorable festivities,
which were rendered still more brilliant by the pres-
132 Reign of
ence of the Queen, the Comtesse d'Angouleme,
Madame de Bourbon, and all the ladies of their re-
spective suites. Nor did even this magnificence suf-
fice to satisfy the superb tastes of Francis ; for he no
sooner felt the crown firmly fixed upon his brow, than
he became anxious to exhibit his splendour to the
whole of his people ; and, accordingly, as if to form as
startling a contrast as possible with the staid and
sober state of his predecessor, the court galas were
divested of their exclusiveness, and not only the whole
of the nobility, but even the bourgeoisie were admitted ;
a popular measure, which for a time blinded all ranks
to the enormous outlay that they involved ; and it was
not, consequently, until it was found necessary to in-
crease the national taxes in order to supply the
exhausted treasury, that the more prudent of the citi-
zens began to question the expediency of thus im-
poverishing the revenues of the country for the mere
purposes of amusement.
The young King no sooner found himself at liberty
to regulate his own studies, than he laid aside all books,
save those chivalrous romances in which, from his
earliest boyhood, he had delighted, and upon which
he sought to model his own character. Nor was it
long ere he infected all the young nobles about his
person with the same extravagant and romantic fancy.
The Knights of the Round Table became the models
of the French courtiers, and the palace of Charlemagne
their ideal habitation ; while the beauties of the court
eagerly welcomed a state of society in which they were
outwardly worshipped as goddesses, despite the con-
cealed contempt which the frailties of too many among
Francis I
133
them might induce. Moreover, Louise de Savoie,
who idolised her son, and was proud of his personal
beauty and accomplishments, in order to retain her
power over his mind, encouraged him in every caprice
which could flatter his vanity, or consolidate her own
influence; and she, consequently, offered rather
furtherance than objection to a puerile ambition be-
neath the dignity of a great monarch, who soon learned
to consider animal courage as the highest virtue to
which a sovereign could attain; and to neglect the
more important tactics of modern warfare, while he
attached an undue value to mere personal prowess.
Nor was this vital mistake in the field compensated
by prudence in the internal economy of the nation;
for, already constitutionally enamoured of whatever
was magnificent and striking, the favourite studies of
Francis led him to suppose that all minor considera-
tions should give way before the regal state by which
it was his passion to surround himself; a fatal error,
which was destined to be expiated by his subjects;
while, in order the more thoroughly to embody the
personage of his excitable imagination, he taught him-
self to believe that a monarch who was also a true
knight should neither give battle, nor retreat before a
superior force. His leading ambition was to be at
once a great King and a preux chevalier; courteous and
liberal towards the other sex, and absolute with his
own. To him the members of the national parlia-
ments, the most powerful of his nobility, and the bulk
of his people, were alike as regarded his sovereign
will and rule ; he admitted no opposition to his power,
recognised no right of opinion save his own, and
134 Reign of
brooked neither dissent nor delay when once his
pleasure was made known.
These were sufficiently dangerous elements in the
nature of one called at so early an age to govern a
great nation ; but the redeeming quality of Francis
was an elevation of character that led him to emulate
both the physical and moral heroism of which he had
made his idol ; and thus, his very errors wore an aspect
of kingly splendour, which dazzled even those who
were capable of appreciating their danger ; and which
has subsequently served as their palliation with the
majority of his historians. Moreover, the young
monarch, reared in the midst of an admiring court,
had imbibed no prejudices, and nourished no jeal-
ousies. The liberality of Louis XII. , who had been
too high-minded to treat him with distrust because he
was destined to succeed to the crown, had effectually
prevented the existence of all cabals and party-spirit ;
and thus his first act of royal power was not, as is so
frequently the case on an accession, to displace, but to
confirm, the ministers of the late King in their several
offices ; while he was equally regardful of his personal
friends.
Upon his mother Francis bestowed the title of
duchess, with an increased revenue, and the palace of
Amboise as a residence. His sister Marguerite was
invested with the dignity of Madame, and was thence-
forward called both Madame de France, and Madame
de Valois; while two years subsequently she was
created Duchesse de Berri. The vacant office of Con-
stable of France was, at her earnest request, bestowed
upon Charles de Montpensier, who had, by his mar-
Francis I 135
riage with his cousin Suzanne, daughter and heiress
of the Sieur de Beaujeu and Madame Anne de France,
become Due de Bourbon; a marriage in which, not-
withstanding the amiable qualities possessed by both
parties, no happiness could be anticipated, from the
fact that bride and bridegroom had alike already be-
stowed their affections elsewhere; and to which a
desire to escape from certain disagreeable discussions
which might have arisen from sundry clauses in the
will of a common ancestor of the two contracting par-
ties, had alone induced Charles to consent.
In conferring the dignity of constable upon the
Duke, Francis I. had made a great concession to his
affection for Marguerite ; for he had never forgotten the
quarrel which had taken place between them ten years
previously at the castle of Amboise ; and the favour was
enhanced by the fact, that, since the treason of Saint-
Pol* in the reign of Louis XL, this, the highest official
dignity in the kingdom, had only been granted long
subsequently to the death of that noble, by Anne de
France, then Dame de Beaujeu, to the Due Jean de
Bourbon, her husband's elder brother; while, since
* Louis de Luxembourg, Comte de Saint-Pol, was born about 1430. He
at first took up arms for the English, but subsequently made his submis-
sion to Charles VII. of France. He became the constant companion of
the Dauphin, and assisted at the taking of the Norman towns from the
English in 1449. He commanded the vanguard at the battle of Monti-
h6ry; and Louis XI., in order to detach him from the Duke of Burgundy,
to whose interests he leaned, made him Constable of France. Saint-Pol
took the cities of Saint-Quentin and Amiens from Oarles the Bold; but,
impelled by the spirit of intrigue with which he was possessed, he endea-
voured to create discord between the two princes; who, ultimately per-
ceiving that he was betraying them both, agreed to render him the vic-
tim of his own duplicity. An opportunity of doing this soon presented
itself, by his proposing to open the gates of the fortresses on the Somme
to Edward of England, while at the same time he renewed his offers of
service to Louis. Seized as a traitor, he was committed to the Bastille,
and finally beheaded in the Place de Greve in 1475.
136 Reign of
that period, the post had remained vacant, and was
supposed to be virtually annulled, although not
formally abolished; neither Charles VIII. nor Louis
XII. having appointed a successor to Jean de Bour-
bon. The Comte de Vendome became Governor of
the Isle of France ; M. de Lautrec* was invested with
the government of Guienne ; Bonnivet was created
Admiral of the Fleet; the Sieur de la Palice made
Marshal of France ; M. de Boissy, who had completed
the education of the young King, received the ap-
pointment of Grand Master, vacated by the promotion
of M. de la Palice, as well as the superintendence of
affairs ; and Antoine Duprat, f the protege of Madame
d'Angouleme, was, at her earnest request, created
Chancellor of the Kingdom.
This was the most unfortunate of all the appoint-
ments made by Francis ; as to the machinations of this
unworthy minister, many of the subsequent calamities
of his reign have been universally attributed. Ren-
dered far-sighted by his ambition, Duprat had, pend-
ing the misunderstanding which existed between Anne
* Odet de Foix, Sieur de Laulrec, Marshal of France, accompanied
Louis XII. in his expedition in Italy, and entered Genoa with him in
1507. The cousin and comrade-in-arms of Gaston de Foix, who was
killed at the battle of Ravenna, in 1512, he defended him courageously until
he himself fell covered with wounds, none of which, however, proved
mortal. In 1521, Lautrec was appointed Lieutenant-General of Francis
I. in Italy. Compelled by his troops to engage the enemy, he was van-
quished at Bicocca ; and returned to Paris, after having lost the Milanese.
He returned to Italy in 1525, and retook Genoa, Alexandria, and Pavia;
and in 1528 fell a victim to a iever engendered by the excessive heat to
which he had been exposed during the campaign.
t Antoine Duprat was born at Issoire, in Auvergne, in 1463. It was
by his advice that Francis I. abolished the pragmatic sanction, and
offered judicial appointments for sale, as well as imposing rents upon the
Hotel de Ville. After the death of his wife, he embraced the ecclesias-
tical profession, and became, first Archbishop of Sens, and subsequently
a Cardinal. He died in 1535.
Francis I
137
de Bretagne and Louise de Savoie, (at which period
he was first president of the parliament of Paris,) at-
tached himself to the party of the latter during her
temporary exile from the court, assisted her with his
advice and support, and finally secured her unbounded
gratitude.
As an equivalent for this unhappy selection of a
chancellor, Francis, however, distinguished by his
most marked affection and favour, Anne, Seigneur de
Montmorency,* and Philippe Chabot, Sieur de Brion ;f
two young nobles who subsequently made themselves
famous by the services which they rendered to their
country.
In the month of May, Francis, probably somewhat
alarmed by the deficit which had already betrayed
itself in the national exchequer, removed his court to
Amboise, whither Madame d'Angouleme had pre-
* Anne de Montmorency, one of the great captains of the sixteenth
century, was born in 1493, at Chantilly. He served his first campaign in
Italy, in 1512; and in 1521 defended the city of M6zieres conjointly with
Bayard. His prowess at La Bicocca was rewarded by a marshal's baton
(1522), when he was already Captain-General of the Swiss troops. Taken
prisoner at Pavia, and afterwards liberated, he obtained, in considera-
tion of his eminent services, the rank of Grand Master, and the govern-
ment of Languedoc. The campaign of 1536 gained for him the sword
of Connetable in 1538; and from that period to his disgrace in 1541, he
was the soul of the councils of Francis I. Recalled by Henry II. in
1547, he conquered the Bolognese in 1550; caused his barony of Mont-
morency to be elevated to a duchy-peerage in 1551; and lost the battle
of Saint-Quentin, where he was taken prisoner in 1557. Once more
exiled from the court in 1559, he was again recalled on the accession
of Charles IX. in 1560; declared himself against the Calvinists, and
gained the battle of Dreux in 1562, and that of St. Denis in 1567, where,
however, he was mortally wounded, and expired two days afterwards.
t Philippe de Chabot, Sieur de Brion, the descendant of an illustrious
family of Poitou, was an Admiral of France, Governor of Burgundy
and Normandy, and was taken prisoner at the battle of Pavia with
Francis I. He commanded the Piedmontese army in 1535. Accused
malversation, he was disgraced, and condemned to a fine of 70,000
crowns. He died in 1543.
138 Reign of
ceded him, for the purpose of celebrating at that castle
the marriage of Mademoiselle de Bourbon, the sister
of the Connetable, with the Due de Lorraine ; and it
is upon record that, on this occasion, being desirous
to give some variety to the festivities, which were
limited in their nature by the fact that, in a private
residence, the etiquette of mourning for the late King
did not permit either balls or masquerades, the young
monarch caused a wild boar, which had been taken
alive in a neighbouring forest, to be turned loose in
the great courtyard of the castle, having previously
ordered every issue by which the savage denizen of the
woods might escape, to be carefully closed. This
being, as it appeared, fully accomplished, the courtly
company then assembled at Amboise stationed them-
selves at the windows, whence they amused themselves
by casting darts and other missiles at the enraged and
bewildered animal.
Highly excited by this novel pastime, bets ran high
between the young nobles on their respective skill;
and bright eyes watched anxiously the flight of every
weapon as it was hurled from the respective casements.
Suddenly, however, shrieks of terror echoed through
the spacious apartments. The boar, tortured beyond
endurance, had made a furious plunge at the door
which opened upon the great staircase ; had dashed it
in, and was rapidly ascending the steps which led to
the state rooms, and which were protected only by a
hanging drapery of velvet; when the King, rushing
from the apartment where the horror-stricken ladies
were crowding about the Queen, and thrusting aside
the courtiers who endeavoured to impede his passage,
Francis I
139
threw himself full in the path of the maddened animal,
and adroitly avoiding his first shock, stabbed him to
the heart.
The Duchesse d'Angouleme lived in sovereign style
in the castle of Amboise. Like Anne de Bretagne,
she retained a numerous household, and it was one
more calculated than that of her predecessor to in-
crease the attraction of a season of display and festiv-
ity ; for, while her female attendants had been selected
for their personal beauty, they were totally untram-
melled by the wholesome and decent restraints which
Anne had laid upon her ladies; and already had the
licentious tastes of the Prince her son corrupted the
little court which she had collected about her, and
which had become the focus of intrigue, gallantry, and
imprudence. For a time, indeed, the pollution of the
heart was not suffered publicly to pollute the lips ; but
ere long even this tacit observance of propriety was
disregarded ; and, as it is always easy for a woman to
be witty when she lays aside her modesty, so the circle
of Madame d'Angouleme soon became renowned as
the centre of gay humour and sprightly fascination.
And in the midst of this polluted court lived on the
meek and pious Queen Claude, surrounded, like her
step-mother, with a band of high-born dames and dam-
sels ; but, unlike her, giving to those about her person
an example of virtue and self-respect which was
strictly imitated ; conscious of the irregularities of her
husband for where is the royal personage long per-
mitted to remain in happy ignorance of her own
wrongs? but uncomplaining and patient; a martyr
to that keenest of all woman's suffering, , a despised
140 Reign of
and neglected affection. The abandoned conduct of
Louise de Savoie, far from vitiating the pure nature
of her son's wife, tended only to strengthen her in her
own better principles ; and like the moon which can
look down upon pollution without sullying the purity
of its beams, so did the unhappy young Queen witness
on all sides the degrading progress of licentiousness
without losing one virtue, or imbibing one vice.
Trained in the most delicate reserve by her mother
Anne de Bretagne, she could not condescend to pander
to the dissipated tastes of Francis, who soon wearied
of her circle, and found a fertile subject of sarcasm in
the austere restraint to which she subjected the ladies
of her suite ; who, although they were permitted to
share in the festivities of the court, were compelled to
be so guarded in their conduct and deportment that
they were never sullied by its impurities. " Her
circle," says Brantome, " was a paradise on earth, a
school of honour and virtue, and the ornament of
France, as foreigners were wont to declare when they
were admitted within it ; for they ever met a courteous
reception ; and when they were expected, it was the
Queen's express command that her ladies should attire
themselves richly, and exert all their talents for the
entertainment of her guests, without absenting them-
selves in the pursuit of other amusements." It was at
Amboise, on the I9th of August, that the Queen gave
birth to her eldest born, the Princess Louise ; whose
sex, although doubtless a bitter disappointment to
both parents, was not fated to affect the interests of the
succession, as she died in her infancy.
The first and greatest anxiety of Francis was the
Francis I 141
recovery of the Milanese; a design which had been
delayed by the death of Louis XII. ; and, in order to
supply the necessary funds for this expedition, he was
induced by the advice of his Chancellor to renew all the
taxes which his predecessor had abolished, and even
to expose the offices of the crown for sale ; thus en-
deavouring to replenish his treasury by the most im-
politic and arbitrary measures. His claim to the
duchy of Milan was declared openly and boldly, as he
considered his honour to be involved in its recovery.
Louis XII. had based his presumed right upon the
title of a female, and had transferred it to his daughter,
the Princess Claude, as a portion of her dowry; but
Francis, in order to secure it more effectually, caused
his wife, as we have already stated, to make over to
him her sovereignty of the duchy; and thus to enable
him to advance a personal and legitimate claim to its
possession.
Charles of Austria, the sovereign of the Low Coun-
tries, at the instigation of M. de Chievres, his governor
who was anxious to preserve a peace with France
upon which the prosperity of Flanders was so greatly
dependent, as well as to secure to his royal pupil, who
was by five years' and a half the junior of the French
King, the support of that monarch against Ferdinand
the Catholic, his maternal grandfather had already
sent ambassadors to congratulate him upon his acces-
sion, and to request his friendship ; which was not only
accorded, but coupled with the promise that Francis
would accord to him the hand of his sister-in-law, the
Princess Renee. Her extreme youth, however for
at this period she had only attained her sixth year
142 Reign of
rendering the immediate celebration of the marriage
inexpedient, it was stipulated between the two Princes
that the ceremony should be deferred until she should
have reached the age of twelve years, when she was to
become the wife of Charles, with a dowry of 200,000
silver crowns in money, and the duchy of Berri, esti-
mated at 400,000 more. A treaty of alliance, both
offensive and defensive, was also signed by the con-
tracting parties ; and Charles of Austria, although
numbering Ferdinand among his allies, pledged him-
self not to assist him in any attempt which he might
make against France, if he did not, within the space
of six months, terminate the misunderstanding exist-
ing between the two courts on the subject of the king-
dom of Navarre. This treaty was executed at Paris,
on the 24th of March.
The ostensible object of the Flemish envoys had
been merely to do homage for the counties of Artois
and Flanders, which were held by the Archduke of
the Crown of France ; and it was so far fortunate for
Francis that they should have selected that precise
period to visit his court, as it rendered Charles unable
to unite with the Emperor in any designs which might
have proved inimical to the French interest. The
mission was entrusted to Comte Henri de Nassau,*
* Henry, Comte de Nassau, was the representative of the celebrated
ducal family of that name, which traced its origin from Robert, Comte
de Larenburg and Nassau, in 1124. His descendants, Waleran and Otho,
divided their ancestral patrimony in 1255. From the former are de-
scended the present reigning dukes of Nassau; while the latter founded
the branch of Nassau Dillenbourg, now on the throne of Holland. By
the marriage of Henri de Nassau, son of Count William III., with
Claudine de Challon, Princess of Orange, that principality devolved
upon their son Rene, who dying without issue, bequeathed it to Will-
.. .iaJBi the Taciturn, his cousin; who thus became the ancestor of the
" pr^*? Orange-Nassau, whose descendants occupy the thrones of Eng-
land arid Holland.
Francis I 143
who arrived at Paris splendidly attended, having both
nobles and prelates in his train ; and it was through
his agency that the Archduke, who had already been
affianced to half the princesses of the civilized world,
was once more engaged in a matrimonial compact,
destined, like so many others, never to be ratified.
Moreover, it is probable that Francis himself never.
contemplated its completion ; while it is certain that
the ministers of the young prince had been urged to
effect a friendly alliance with France, from their sus-
picion that Ferdinand the Catholic proposed to be-
queath the crown of Spain to his other grandson and
namesake, who had been educated in that country;
while Charles, who had passed his youth between Ger-
many and the Low Countries, was comparatively
unknown to him.
Nor was the errand of M. de Nassau destined to be
a bootless one for himself ; it being secretly stipulated
that he should receive the hand of Claudine de Chal-
lon, sister of the Prince of Orange, who had been
educated with the young Queen of France; and the
marriage was accordingly celebrated with a magnifi-
cence worthy of so renowned a court.
The state of Europe at this time offered nothing
sufficiently alarming to induce the young King to
abandon his design upon the Milanese. Spain was
for the moment tranquil. The death of the Archduke
Philip had restored to Ferdinand his dominion over
Castile ; while his title to Naples, Roussillon and Cer-
dagne was not sufficiently valid to enable him to take
the initiative with safety in any aggressive measures
.<>
towards France. Germany was also at peace : ;Hd
144 Reign of
so divided and subdivided into petty and independent
states, as well as kept in check by the moral and com-
mercial strength of her free towns, and the impotence
of her Emperor who, although the head of the Ger-
manic body, by which, in the national diets, the laws
were passed, was a mere shadow-king, despised both
at home and abroad that she was in no condition to
volunteer a war of which the issue, under such circum-
stances, must at the best be doubtful ; while England,
who had upon Flodden Field delivered herself from
her most threatening and mischievous enemy, had
already gained sufficient experience of the bad faith
and perfidious vacillation of both Maximilian and
Ferdinand, to induce Henry VIII. to shun any alliance
with either against the interests of Francis, who, in the
late negotiations between them, had won his good will
alike by his frankness and courtesy.
Thus the pope and the Swiss were the only formid-
able enemies against whom the young monarch of
France could be called upon to contend ; and the ar-
rival of the several embassies to compliment him upon
his accession, afforded a favourable opportunity for
consolidating his friendly relations with such of the
different powers as were already on terms of amity
with France ; and also of ascertaining, and providing
against, the possible hostility of those whose alliance
was still doubtful.
To the English envoys he suggested that the treaty
of peace concluded between Louis XII. and Henry
VIII. should be renewed ; and that Scotland, did the
necessity arise, should be included in the negotiations ;
that the most perfect liberty of commerce should be
Francis I
145
assured to both nations ; that no vessel of war intended
to threaten either should be admitted into any of the
ports of the other kingdom ; and that they should
mutually respect each other's allies; but that Milan
and Genoa, which Francis was about to invade, should
be exempted from this arrangement. To all these
conditions Henry acceded at once, with the exception
of that which concerned Scotland ; the jealousy of the
English monarch being awakened by the circumstance
that the Due d'Aubigny,* the cousin of the late King
of Scots, and the subject of Francis, had been invited
thither as regent. He accordingly called upon the
young sovereign to pledge himself that D'Aubigny,
who was well known to be inimical to the English
interests, should abandon his intention of visiting
Scotland ; and declared that should this concession be
made, he would at once affix his signature to the
treaty. Francis, however, would not consent to with-
draw his plighted word to the Scotch; but offered
himself as surety for the loyalty of his general ; and
agreed, that if in the space of three months D'Aubigny
did not succeed in reconciling the adverse factions, he
should be recalled.
Henry accepted the offered terms; and the treaty
was concluded in the month of April.
The Swiss cantons, excepting only the Grisons, still
maintained their hostile position towards France.
During the reigns of Louis XI. and Charles VIII. they
had considered themselves as an integral portion of
* Robert d'Aubigny was of Scotch extraction, and of the family ol
Stuart, but was by birth a French subject, and commanded the com-
pany of Scotch gendarmes who were perpetually about the person of
the monarch, and who possessed extraordinary privileges.
VOL. I. 10
146 Reign of
the French armies ; and had conduced, in no trifling
degree, to their success in the field. Even under Louis
XII. they had done good service, and proved their
efficiency ; while the benefit was rendered mutual by
the fact that the poverty of their over-populated coun-
try was lessened by the escape-valve thus afforded ; and
that support and employment were obtained for con-
siderable bodies of men who must otherwise have
diminished its already scanty resources. Conscious
of their importance in European warfare from their
high state of discipline and undaunted courage, the
Switzers had, however, by presuming upon these ad-
vantages, excited the indignation of Louis XII. ; who,
anxious to emancipate himself from pretensions and
demands which ultimately exceeded all due bounds,
declined their further assistance; and substituted for
them a large body of German infantry, or lansquenets,
who, while they were utterly free from the insolence
and waywardness of the Swiss, were from the first
their equals in courage, and soon worthily rivalled
them both in order and discipline. This was at once
an affront to the honour, and an injury to the interests,
of the mountaineers, which they vowed never to for-
give. They forgot that even if they had twice assisted
the French King to subdue Italy, they had twice also,
in order to gratify their own dislike, lent their aid to
divest him of his conquest ; and although they had
amply revenged their supposed wrongs both atNovara
and Dijon, they bore in remembrance only the refusal
of Louis to ratify the treaty of La Tremouille ; and
suffered the relentless Cardinal of Sion to keep them
in a state of perpetual and unyielding animosity to
Francis I 147
France. Thus the attitude which they assumed could
not be utterly disregarded by Francis, although, with
the chivalrous feeling natural to him, he looked upon
them with contempt as mere mercenaries, and did not
suffer their demonstrations to interfere with his darl-
ing project ; although he deemed it expedient to make
an effort to regain their alliance ; and accordingly sent .
the Sieur de Jamets, one of the sons of Robert de la
Mark, as his envoy to the diet of the Cantons, in order
that an accommodation might if possible be effected
with them, and the differences adjusted which had
arisen out of the non-fulfilment of the treaty of Dijon.
This concession was, however, far from conducing to
the object which he had in view. Rendered insolent
by their recent successes, the Swiss ascribed to fear an
overture which had been dictated simply by policy,
and arrogantly refused to admit the envoy of France ;
threatening, moreover, that if the conditions of that
treaty were not immediately performed to the letter,
they would forthwith invade the provinces of Bur-
gundy and Dauphiny.
Francis treated the insolent menace with contempt ;
and contented himself by marching a strong body
both of native and foreign troops towards Burgundy ;
ostensibly to defend that province from aggression,
but actually to bring them nearer to the point where
they were to be employed.
Consequently this movement, ominous as it was,
created no alarm either in the Pope, or the Italian
states which were in his interest. They looked upon
the French King as a mere youth, devoted to pleasure,
who would not hazard an encounter with the papal
148 Reign of
forces, nor could even the representations of Ferdi-
nand induce them to alter their opinion. In vain did
he represent that Francis had suggested a treaty with
himself and Maximilian, which had failed to take effect
owing to the refusal of the young monarch to forego
his claim upon the Milanese ; and that he had already
confirmed that which Louis XII. had formerly made
with the Venetians. Leo X. disregarded the caution ;
and even declined to join a league which had been
secretly formed between Maximilian, Ferdinand, the
Swiss, and the Duke of Milan, for the defence of Italy ;
declaring that he was urged by his holy office to pro-
mote peace rather than war, and would not provoke,
or even appear to anticipate, hostilities from any
European power.
In confirming the treaty with the Venetians to
which Ferdinand had alluded, Francis had secretly
induced Ottavio Fregosa, the Doge of Genoa, to give
a pledge that he would abdicate, and place himself
under the protection of France, whenever the presence
of a French army sufficiently strong to protect him
from the indignation of the other powers should be
assembled in Italy ; a promise which the young King
hailed with joy, as Genoa commanded the passage
into the Milanese by sea, and was consequently of
great importance to his design. This done, he pur-
sued his negotiation with the Pope, who at length
consented to remain neuter ; but who, at the same time,
entered into an engagement with Maximilian, Ferdi-
nand, and the Swiss, to assist them in protecting the
Duchy of Milan.
In the mean time Francis had continued quietly but
Francis I 149
diligently to strengthen the forces requisite for his
intended expedition. While he himself left Paris, and
took up his abode at Amboise, his army was gradually
advancing to the frontiers of Dauphiny. It consisted
of a band of ten thousand lansquenets, raised in Ger-
many by the Sieur de Sedan, and the Duke of Suffolk ;
six thousand foot, furnished by the Due de Gueldres ;
and a like number levied in Gascony and Languedoc
by Pietro da Navarro, whom the ingratitude and bad
faith of the King of Spain had driven into the service
of France: four thousand volunteers; two thousand
five hundred lances ; a strong body of artillery, which
had already been sent forward to Lyons ; and six thou-
sand Gascon foot-soldiers, led by Pietro da Navarro,
who had formerly commanded the Spanish infantry ;
composing altogether an army of between thirty and
forty thousand men.
While this force was unostentatiously in progress of
organization, Francis who, however little he depre-
cated the hostility of the Pope, whom he knew to be
more occupied in the aggrandizement of his family
than in that of his states, thought it wise to conciliate
his alliance sent an embassy to Rome to open a
negotiation between them, which he entrusted to Guil-
laume Budee,* the contemporary and friend of Eras-
mus, and one of the most accomplished scholars in
France. Already aware of the particular ambition of
* Guillaume Budee was born in Paris in 1467, and distinguished him-
self by his extraordinary attainments. He was Master of the Court of
Requests, and Librarian to the King; and was remarkable for his pro-
ficiency in the classics and archaeology. His most celebrated work
among students is his treatise, De Asse et partibus cjtis, which was pub-
lished at Venice in 1522. It was at his instigation that Francis I.
founded the College of France. He died in 1540.
150 Reign of
Leo X., who was anxious to secure the supreme rule
in Florence to his nephew Lorenzo de' Medici ; and
to his brother Giulio a principality compounded of the
states which his predecessor Julius II. had wrested
from the Due de Ferrara and the Milanese ; Budee
offered on the part of his royal master to assist His
Holiness in effecting the marriage between his brother
Giulio and Marguerite de Savoie, the aunt of the
French King, which had already been mooted, and
which must have tended to convert the two sovereigns
into firm allies ; but the Pope could not willingly resign
his own darling scheme; and amiable and learned as
he was, and fully competent to appreciate the compli-
ment paid to him by Francis in the person and through
the medium of so celebrated an ambassador, he was
nevertheless possessed of all the craft peculiar to his
nation; and hesitated between this amicable propo-
sition and that of Maximilian and Ferdinand, which
he believed would be ultimately more advantageous
to his house. He consequently amused Budee for a
time with objections, exactions, and mystifications so
obviously unmeaning and insincere, that the frank
and straightforward scholar at length resolved to re-
quest his recall ; alleging that he was unable to cope
with the diplomatic cunning of the sovereign pontiff ;
and humbly praying his majesty to release him from a
responsibility to which he was unequal. He was,
however, instructed to remain at the papal court, and
to continue the negotiation, whatever might be its
probable issue, in order to divert the attention of Leo
from an intrigue in which his interests were involved,
and which was then pending.
CHAPTER VII.
Francis Organizes His Army The Queen's Farewell Re-
ception Magnificence of Bourbon Emotion of Mar-
guerite de Valois Jealousy of Bonnivet Their Parting
Indiscretion of Bonnivet Difficulty in Replenishing the
Treasury Discontent of the Parliament Madame d'An-
gouleme Appointed Regent Character of Louise de Savoie
Amount of the French Army Ij Distribution Diffi-
culty in Passing the Alps Perseverance of the Troops
The Vanguard Enters Italy Surprise of Prosper Colonna
His Capture Delivers his Sword to Bayard Alessan-
dria and Tortona Taken by the French Alarm of the Pope
Retreat of the Swiss Francis Endeavours to Conciliate
Them, but Fails, through the Agency of the Cardinal of
Sion The Swiss Troops Attempt to Seize the Public Chest
at Buffaloro Their Leaders Apprise Lautrec of the Project
They Evacuate Italy Bayard Solicits the King's Per-
mission to Attack the Enemy, but is Refused Francis
Marches upon Turin He is Joined by the Duke de Guel-
dres The French Head-Quarters are Established at Marig-
nano Cardona Refuses to Pass the Po D'Alviano Reaches
Lodi Indignation of Francis against the Swiss The Car-
dinal of Sion Harangues the Mercenary Troops Fleuranges
Alarms the Garrison The Swiss Troops March upon
Marignano The King is Apprised of Their Approach-
Battle of Marignano Francis Narrowly Escapes Capt-
ureBayard is Unhorsed, but Effects His Retreat The
Battle-Couch of Francis The Attack is Resumed at Day-
breakThe Swiss Troops Retreat, and Return to Milan,
Whence they Proceed Homeward, Pursued by D'Alviano
The Price of Victory Francis Receives Knighthood on
151
152 Reign of
the Field at the Hands of Bayard, and Confers it upon
Fleuranges The French March to Milan The Swiss Re-
volt against the Cardinal of Sion, who Secures His Safety
by Flight Reception of the French King by the Citizens
of Milan Maximilian Sforza Surrenders to Francis Gen-
erosity of the Conqueror The Milanese Take the Oath of
Allegiance to France.
MEANWHILE the warlike preparations of Fran-
cis were completed; and he formally assisted
the Queen and his mother to receive at Amboise the
parting compliments of his generals in the presence
of the whole court. The Queen had a public recep-
tion on the day upon which the Constable-Due de
Bourbon, who was to take the chief command of the
invading army, arrived at the castle. His advent had
been already announced; and it chanced that either
by accident or design the Duchesse d'Alengon, who
had accompanied her husband to the castle, there to
remain while he was absent with the King in Italy,
was standing in the deep bay of a window in the apart-
ment of her royal sister-in-law, conversing with some
of the courtiers, at the moment when the Connetable
galloped into the courtyard, attended by an escort of
gentlemen and pages very richly attired. At the noise
made by the horsemen every eye was turned upon the
brilliant spectacle which thus suddenly presented it-
self, and was instantly riveted on the person of Bour-
bon himself. He was attired for war ; and wore over
his mail a sash of cloth of silver; a diamond-studded
poniard flashed in his belt beside the golden pommel
of his sword, and his casque was surmounted by a
plume of white and crimson feathers. In such a cos-
Francis I 153
tume the fine person of the Duke was necessarily more
than usually striking ; and the beautiful sister of Fran-
cis, after gazing for an instant, like those around her,
upon the majestic and noble figure of the only man
whom she had ever loved, turned away with a shud-
dering sigh, and involuntarily glanced with a look of
superb contempt upon the insignificant Prince to
whom the policy of her uncle Louis XII. had given
her unwilling hand.
Neither the sigh, the shudder, nor the glance, brief
as each had been in its duration, had, despite all her
caution, passed unobserved. Among those imme-
diately about her was Bonnivet, who had neither for-
given nor forgotten the past, and whose jealousy of
Bourbon continued as lively as ever, although the
marriage of the Duchess had rendered the suit of both
alike hopeless. A bitter whisper reached her ear:
" Monsieur le Connetable," said the voice, " whose
haughty spirit has become a proverb throughout the
country, might to-day be pardoned his presumption
were he to learn the effect produced by his arrival."
Marguerite blushed deeply, frowned haughtily, and
turned away ; but the arrow had stricken home, and
she could not encounter the mocking eye that she felt
was turned upon her.
By this time the Connetable had ascended the great
staircase ; had been announced by the usher on duty ;
and had entered the royal apartment, still attended by
the gentlemen of his suite, superbly attired in vests of
velvet heavily embroidered with gold. It was now
the King's turn to frown. It was true that by his mar-
riage with the daughter of Anne of France, Bourbon
154 Reign of
had become the most wealthy, as well as the most
powerful noble of the kingdom ; but Francis could
not endure that his own magnificence should be
eclipsed by that of a subject, and his reception was
more chilling than the occasion seemed to warrant.
The Duke did not, however, appear to remark the
discomposure of his sovereign ; and the warm greeting
of Madame d'Angouleme, who was by no means in-
sensible to the attractions of her new guest, was
returned with grace and composure. Nor did even
the stately coldness of the Duchesse d'Alengon bring a
shade upon the brow of Charles de Bourbon : he could
appreciate her real feelings, for he judged them by his
own; and as he raised her fingers respectfully to his
lips, he did not detain them there a moment.
Bonnivet, however, who had watched both parties
closely, was not to be deceived. He had marked the
slight flush which mounted to the brow of the Duke,
and the deadly paleness that had overspread the
features of the Princess ; and as, after this act of hom-
age, Bourbon moved away to join the circle which
was formed about the King, he turned to the Comte
de Saint Valier, the captain of the royal guard, and in
a tone of mysterious confidence bade him remark the
agitation of Madame d'Angouleme, and the constraint
of her daughter.
" It is sufficiently evident," was the reply ; " but why
do you draw my attention to the circumstance ? "
" To initiate you into a state secret. The mother
and the daughter have the same passion in their
hearts."
The quick-sighted Bonnivet was correct in his con-
Francis I 155
jecture ; but he was unable to discriminate the very
different nature of the passion which Bourbon had
awakened in the breasts of those two royal ladies.
The love of Louise de Savoie for the gallant and hand-
some Prince was, like all her other attachments, alike
sensual and selfish ; while that of Marguerite was an
affection compounded of memory, regret, and self-
pity, without one stain of earth. The Duke had been
the first love of her girlhood, and had peopled the past
with associations of happiness and hope, both of which
had proved fallacious, but were still dear. Whatever
may have been the errors of Marguerite, it is certain
that she loved Bourbon well and worthily; with that
womanly affection which forgets self in the object
beloved, and can endure in all its intensity alike
through time and trial.
In the utterance of her murmured farewell to the
brilliant Connetable, the Duchesse d'Alengon had ex-
hausted all her regrets ; and it was consequently with
courteous composure, that she afterwards received the
parting compliments of Frangois, Due de Chatel-
lerault, his brother; the Marshals de la Palice and
Trivulzio ; the Dukes of Lorraine, Vendome, Gueldrcs,
and D'Aubigny ; the Bastard of Savoy, the King's
uncle,* the veteran Louis de Breze, Grand Senechal
* Rene, the Bastard of Savoy, was the son of Philip of Savoy and Bona
da Romagnano, a Piedmontese lady, and the brother of Charles VIII.
and Madame d'Angouleme; and had been legitimized by the Duke
Philibert, who married Marguerite d'Autriche, the daughter of the
Emperor. Maximilian having, however, refused to ratify his legitimiza-
tion, Rene accused Marguerite of having privately instigated him to do
so; and, indignant at the affront put upon him, abandoned the court
of Savoy, and withdrew to the castle of Amboise, where he resided
with his sister, Madame d'Angouleme, and obtained great influence over
Francis I. Whether his suspicion were well or ill founded, it is cer-
156 Reign of
of Normandy; the Counts of Saint-Pol and Guise;
La Tremouille, and his son the Prince de Talmont,
Imbercourt, Teligny, Beam, Sancerre, Orval, Lau-
trec, Bayard ; and, in fine, all that was noble and chival-
rous in France.
The necessity of raising money to meet the exigen-
cies of so formidable an undertaking as the recovery
of the Milanese, was the first difficulty to which
Francis had been exposed since his accession to the
throne; and it is probable that, at so important a
moment, he regretted the immense sums which had
been wasted upon mere courtly magnificence ; but
Duprat, ever equal to every emergency, at once sug-
gested the dangerous and impolitic measure of in-
creasing the number of judicial offices for sale. The
young King, eager to carry out his plans, thought-
lessly welcomed the suggestion ; and a new chamber
of parliament was created, consisting of twenty coun-
cillors, all of whom purchased their places ; while the
provincial courts throughout the kingdom were aug-
tain that the hatred which Marguerite felt for him caused as much
injury to Savoy, as that of Madame d'Angouleme against the Con-
notable de Bourbon occasioned to France. " Through Marguerite
d'Autriche, the wife of the Duke," says the President Renault, "com-
menced that hatred which has perpetuated itself between the houses
of France and Austria." The fact is, however, doubtful; for the feel-
ings of the Emperor her father had been for years quite as hostile as
her own; and it is asserted that he every day nourished them by a peru-
sal of what he entitled his red book, which was simply a register of
all the real or imaginary wrongs to which he had been subjected by
France, and which yet remained unavenged; not the least being the
humiliation to which his daughter had been exposed when her hand
was refused by Charles VIII. Rene strikingly resembled his father: his
form was athletic, and his countenance fine and commanding. He was
a brave soldier, but both haughty and vindictive. Francis I., his
nephew, made him Comptroller of the Household. He was taken prisoner
at Pavia, and died of his wounds. From him is derived the family of
Villars.
Francis I 157
merited in the same manner. For a time the parlia-
ment of Paris refused to sanction so glaring an
innovation upon their rights, and declined to register
the royal edict ; nor was it without considerable and
avowed reluctance that they were ultimately induced
to do so ; the measure being regarded as one of great
injustice and impolicy, tending to diminish the na-
tional confidence in the monarch, and to excite dis-
trust towards the minister by whom it had been
proposed.
Their objections were, however, disregarded; and
Francis, satisfied that he was about to place himself
at the head of the finest army which had ever been
raised in France, made instant preparations for cross-
ing the Alps. The number and resources of his
enemies, concentrated by the powerful confederacy
formed against him by Maximilian, Leo X., and the
Swiss, served only to stimulate his ardour ; and, on the
1 5th of July, at Lyons, he issued an ordinance, by
which he appointed his mother, the Duchesse d'An-
gouleme, regent of the kingdom during his absence.
" Considering," thus ran the document, " that it will
be necessary to leave in our kingdom some personage
representing ourselves, whose affection towards our
person is undoubted, and to whom our subjects may
have recourse as to ourselves ; considering also that
all the Princes and nobles of our blood accompany us
on our enterprise, we have decided to confide this
charge and power to our very dear and well-beloved
lady and mother, the Duchesse d'Angouleme et
d'Anjou, as to the person in whom we have full and
perfect confidence ; and of whom we know, for a surety,
158 Reign of
that she will wisely and virtuously acquit herself of
the same."
In how far Francis could answer to his conscience
for such a declaration, it is not for us to decide. Cer-
tain it is that the overweening indulgence and undi-
minished influence of his mother may have blinded
him in a great degree to her defects ; but it is no less
true that he possessed sufficient shrewdness and dis-
crimination to be aware that, with so vehement and
vindictive a character as hers, there was not that
perfect assurance for his subjects which his words were
intended to convey.
Although, upon the accession of her son, she had
reached her fortieth year, Louise de Savoie was still
one of the handsomest women at court. The peculiar
charms of her face and person were scarcely dimin-
ished by time, and she possessed, physically, all the
elements of popularity. She was, moreover, emi-
nently qualified for government in so far that she did
not lack courage, either personal or political ; and was
gifted with penetration, decision, and a self-possession
which no adversity could shake; but these essential
qualities were counterbalanced by an ambition and
thirst of power absolutely insatiable ; while her better
reason was frequently overwhelmed by the impetuous
torrent of her passions ; a circumstance which sullied
her administration with all the faults and weaknesses
of her sex. Greedy of admiration, and vain to an
inordinate excess, she was at the same time a bitter
enemy, implacable in her resentments, impatient of
control, actuated by the most malign jealousy, and
covetous of the national treasures to such an extent,
Francis I 159
that the wisest projects were disconcerted, and the
most important enterprises baffled, by her insatiate
rapacity.
The regency being thus definitely arranged, Fran-
cis turned his whole attention to the organization and
distribution of his army, which, after the new levies
were completed, consisted of two thousand five hun-
dred men-at-arms; amounting, in fact, from the
peculiar constitution of the " lances," as they were
then termed, to a force of nearly fifteen thousand
horse ; each member of the compagnics d'ordonnancc,
or regular cavalry, having in immediate attendance
upon him, three archers, an esquire, or knife-bearer,
whose name was derived from a short dirk which he
carried in his belt, and a page; the whole of whom
were mounted ; and thus fifteen hundred " lances,"
fully equipped, comprised a strength of nine thousand
horse ; while in addition to this conventional suite,
they were generally accompanied by a strong body of
volunteers, similarly followed, who served without
remuneration of any kind, and who were invariably
individuals of good family, like the gendarmes them-
selves, and frequently entered the regular army after
having gone through a campaign upon their own
resources.
The command of the vanguard was confided to the
Connetable de Bourbon, and in it were to serve his
brother the Due de Chatellerault, La Palice, Tri-
vulzio, Talmond, Bonnivet, Imbercourt, and Teligny ;
while Pietro da Navarro, with his Gascons, Basques,
and pioneers, were also attached to this division of
the army. The rear-guard was committed to the
160 Reign of
Due cTAlengon, the husband of Marguerite ; and the
King himself commanded the main-body or " battle ; "
having about his person the Dukes of Vendome and
Lorraine, the Seigneur d'Aubigny, the Bastard of
Savoy, the Sieur d'Orval, La Tremouille, Lautrec, re-
cently advanced to the rank of Marshal of France,
Bayard, newly appointed Lieutenant-General of
Dauphiny, the Due de Gueldres, and Claude de
Guise.
But when this powerful army, amounting in the
aggregate to upwards of 40,000 men, with a strong
train of artillery, was completed, the greatest difficulty
was yet to be surmounted, by accomplishing its
passage into Italy. The month of August had ar-
rived, the snow had dissolved in the mountain-gorges,
it is true; but some unforeseen circumstance might
impede the march, and subject the troops to a scarcity
of provisions, while it was moreover imperative that
they should penetrate into the Milanese before the
rainy season set in. " A safe but circuitous route
presented itself," says Bacon, " by which one part oi
the army might penetrate to Savona, and the other
might march by the county of Tende, towards Mont-
ferrat, but the delay which would ensue rendered this
plan ineligible." The passes between Mont Cenis
and Mont Genievre were so strongly guarded by the
Swiss, as to render it highly inexpedient to expose the
army to the inevitable losses which must accrue from
any attempt to force them, and thus weaken its re-
sources ; and consequently great doubt existed as to
the practicability of making good the passage of horse-
men and ordnance across the Alps. The difficulty
Francis I 161
was, however, happily overcome by the proposal of a
Piedmontese peasant, a vassal of the Comte de Morcto,
the cousin of Bayard whose perfect acquaintance
with all the intricacies of the mountain-chain rendered
him an admirable guide to point out a path which
was comparatively unknown, and of which the Swiss
had evinced their entire ignorance by leaving it totally
unprotected. For a time the Count treated the sug-
gestion with indifference, declaring that it was im-
passable for a large army ; but the pertinacity of his
follower at length induced him to explore it, when
his doubts were shaken ; and having waited upon the
Duke of Savoy to solicit his permission to profit by
the discovery, he immediately started for Lyons to
communicate to the King the result of his investiga-
tion. The proposition was submitted to the council,
who, after some deliberation, decided that if, after a
careful survey of the pass, the attempt appeared prac-
ticable, it should be made; and as a preliminary
measure, the Sieur de Lautrec and Pietro da Navarro,
who were esteemed the most competent judges upon
such a subject the one from his fondness for ad-
venture and boldness in confronting difficulties, and
the other from his mechanical skill and knowledge
were despatched to examine the pass, and to report
upon its practicability. They were accompanied by
the Marechals Trivulzio and La Palice, the Comte de
Moreto, and his vassal ; and the whole extent of the
formidable pass was strictly surveyed; when it was
ascertained that the difficulties, although great and
various, were nevertheless not insurmountable if
effectual measures were taken; and, upon the de-
VOL. I. ii
162 Reign of
livery of this opinion, it was at once resolved that the
attempt should be made.
Detachments were marched towards Mont Cenis
and Mont Genievre to distract and mislead the atten-
tion of the enemy ; and, all being in readiness, the
vanguard of the French army forded the Durance;
and, followed by the remainder of the troops, entered
the mountain-chain on the Guillestre side, and com-
menced their gigantic undertaking. Never had the
zeal and skill of Navarro availed so much. Under his
directions roads were levelled, ravines filled up, trees
felled, and rocks rent from their bases ; bridges thrown
over torrents, and the cannon dragged by hand across
precipitous heights, and along narrow ledges, where
it was impossible to entrust their safety to other than
human strength.
No one who has not traversed the Alps not by the
roads now formed, but among the wild and rugged
ravines known only to the mountain hunter, who even
to this day reveals them grudgingly to the inquisitive
and adventurous traveller can for an instant com-
prehend, and far less appreciate, all the labour, danger,
and uncertainty of such an enterprise as that now
undertaken by the French army. As the troops ad-
vanced upon their perilous way, their difficulties
increased. Nature, in all the majesty of her most
formidable horrors, appeared to frown upon their
audacity. The roaring of the winds that growled
through the deep and dark gullies by which they were
surrounded ; the hollow crashing of the tools with
which the pioneers seemed to be cleaving into the very
heart of the rocky mountains ; the avalanches which,
Francis I 163
disturbed by this unwonted obtrusion, came thunder-
ing down with an impetuosity that mocked the most
steady gaze; the cataracts which leapt from ledge to
ledge until they poured their vexed and boiling tide
into some unseen depth below ; the perpetual loss of
life which was occasioned by the sudden dislodgment
of loosened masses that rolled into the abyss, and ulti-
mately fell with a crash which sounded like the ruin
of a world ; all these impediments failed to discour-
age the ardour of the French soldiery. Conquest was
before them, and they toiled on uncomplainingly until
the mighty task was accomplished, and they de-
scended safely into the valley of Stura, near the town
of Coni, in the territories of the Marquis de Saluzzo,
a firm ally of the French crown, with all their heavy
cavalry, and seventy pieces of ordnance. All the
estates of Saluzzo had been invaded by the enemy, and
all his strongholds taken, save the castle of Ravello,
which, owing to its extreme strength, had been en-
abled to make an effectual resistance ; while the other
fortresses, whence his troops had been driven out, were
occupied by Swiss garrisons, and his lands harried and
laid waste by the forces of Prosper Colonna,* an able
and experienced general, who commanded the army
of the coalition, and to whom the Duke of Milan had
entrusted the passes of the Alps, which were defended
by a force of 20,000 Swiss.
Courageous as he was, however, the personal brav-
Prosper Colonna was the son of Antonio, Prince of Salerno. He
defeated the French army at the battle of La Bicocca, in 1522, and died
in the course of the succeeding year, with the reputation of an able
general.
164 Reign of
ery of Colonna was not more conspicuous than his
arrogance ; and while he awaited the approach of the
French army, he affected the utmost contempt for the
enemy against which he was to contend ; even carrying
his presumption so far as to appropriate to himself the
county of Carmagnola, after having arranged with the
Swiss to dispossess the Duke of Savoy of his do-
minions, as the forfeit which he was to pay for aiding
and abetting his nephew, Francis I., in his designs
on the Milanese.
The vanguard of the French army had scarcely
descended into the plain of Stura, when they were
informed that Colonna had established his quarters
in the fortress of Carmagnola, where, confident in his
security, he had even disdained to take such precau-
tions as a better policy would have prompted. The
spirit of French chivalry was at once aroused by this
intelligence; and La Palice, D'Aubigny, Imbercourt,
Bayard, Montmorency, and Bussy d'Amboise, re-
solved to make an attempt to surprise him in his
stronghold. They accordingly advanced towards
Carmagnola at the head of a body of men-at-arms
carefully selected for the purpose ; and while the
Roman general was watching the progress of the main
army over a pass which he considered as the most
hazardous that could be contemplated, he never an-
ticipated that a little band of adventurers would make
their way by that of Rocca Sparviera, which he be-
lieved to be utterly impracticable for cavalry.
Such an attempt was, however, made, and success-
fully accomplished ; but, on their arival at Carmagnola,
the courageous party found that Colonna was no
Francis I 165
longer there, but was moving towards Villa Franca,
a small town upon the Po, where he frequently halted,
and, as they ascertained, was that day to dine, before
he proceeded to Pignerol, where he had convened a
council of war.
Bayard earnestly proposed an immediate pursuit;
which being acceded to by his companions, the Comte
de Moreto was despatched, disguised as a peasant, to
hang upon the skirts of the enemy's army, consisting
of three hundred mounted gendarmes, and some
troops of light horse, and to ascertain the order of
their march. Upon his return he confirmed the in-
telligence they had already received, that in full
assurance of his security, Colonna was advancing
leisurely towards his destination, rather like a private
traveller riding through his own territories, than a
general who was prepared to encounter an enemy.
Once assured of this fact, their arrangements were
speedily completed, and they were forthwith in move-
ment. Imbercourt led the van with a hundred arch-
ers, supported by Bayard with a like number of picked
men, about an arrow's flight behind; while the rear
was closed by La Palice and D'Aubigny. But al-
though they advanced silently and with great pre-
caution, they did not succeed in escaping observation ;
and Colonna was soon apprised by one of his spies
that a French force was tracking his footsteps. He
however treated the matter lightly ; and being at the
moment on his way to attend mass, he merely re-
marked that it could only be Bayard and his band,
unless the remainder of the army had flown over the
mountains ; and contented himself, as he was entering
1 66 Reign of
the church, by despatching a second emissary to
ascertain the real strength of the advancing party.
On the conclusion of the service he was informed
by his messenger that he was pursued by more than
a thousand French cavalry ; but, although startled by
the intelligence, he was still doubtful of the fact, de-
claring that the man's fears had exaggerated the
number of the enemy, but that he would, nevertheless,
ere long, repay Bayard for the inconvenience to which
he was subjected through his agency, by taking him
like a pigeon in a trap ; and as he seated himself at
table, he impatiently desired one of his gentlemen to
put himself at the head of a score of horse, to ride
back a mile or two on the road to Carmagnola, and
to inform him if any danger of a surprise really
existed.
He then quietly commenced his repast ; but he was
not long destined to retain his arrogant tranquillity,
for the meal was not concluded when a cry of alarm
became audible, and shouts of " France ! France ! "
echoed through the narrow streets of the little town.
The reconnoitering party had come in sight of the
French troops, long ere they anticipated an encounter
for which they were totally unprepared, and on wit-
nessing their numbers they at once turned and fled.
Imbercourt, however, followed them up so closely that
he entered the gates of Villa Franca simultaneously
with the fugitives, and before the sentinels, who were
fearful of injuring their own comrades, had time to
fire a shot. The post once gained, he retained it,
although wounded in the face, until he was joined by
Bayard ; nor could all the after-attempts of the garri-
son enable them to retake it.
Francis I 167
For a brief time the conflict was a severe one ; but
the arrival of La Palice and D'Aubigny soon rendered
all further opposition on the part of the papal forces
utterly hopeless. Both the gates were secured to pre-
vent their egress, and only two Albanian soldiers
escaped over the plank adjoining the drawbridge, who
fled wildly towards a strong body of Swiss, encamped
within three miles of Villa Franca, with intelligence
of the disaster.
Surprised, but not subdued, Colonna made a futile
attempt to defend himself; but the house which he
occupied was surrounded, his garrison made prisoners,
and all escape rendered impracticable. In this strait,
he demanded to be informed who were his captors,
and he no sooner ascertained their names than, with
all the vehemence of his nation, he abandoned him-
self to the most violent grief, cursing his fate, and
lamenting that God had not permitted him to meet
them in the field.
Bayard received the sword which he at length re-
luctantly and sullenly resigned, with a courtesy and
respect which, in a calmer moment, must have gone
far to console him ; but he could remember only the
mortification to which he had subjected himself by
his own want of caution, and continually exclaimed,
" Would to God that I had met them in a fair field,
even if I had perished there ! "
Many other prisoners of rank were taken, and
among the rest the Comte de Policastro, Piero Mor-
gante, and Carolo Cadamosto, all good and approved
soldiers; while the booty exceeded even the wildest
hopes of the victors. " Had it been well managed,"
1 68 Reign of
says the Loyal Servant, in the true chapman spirit of
the age, when it is certain that all ranks of the army
thought nearly as much of the ransom to be obtained
for their prisoners as of the glory of defeating them,
" it might have been made to yield a hundred and fifty
thousand ducats." Suffice it, that by the capture of
Villa Franca the French secured, besides other spoils,
seven hundred horses, of which about four hundred
were of pure Andalusian race ; while Colonna himself
lost on that disastrous day more than fifty thousand
ducats in gold and silver plate, jewels, and money.
Nor was this the only success with which the cam-
paign opened for Francis. A body of troops had been
despatched to Genoa by sea, under the command of
Aimar de Prie, the grand master of the cross-bow men,
and intelligence was received a short time subsequently
to the capture of Colonna, that they had reached their
destination in safety, had been warmly welcomed, and
that their strength had been augmented by a force of
four thousand Genoese who had enlisted under their
banner, and with whose co-operation they had sur-
prised and taken Alessandria and Tortona, and pos-
sessed themselves of the whole of the Milanese on that
bank of the Po.
The discomfiture of Colonna had, meanwhile, dis-
concerted all the measures taken by the allied sov-
ereigns to secure the defence of Lombardy. The Pope
hastily issued an order to his nephew, Lorenzo de'
Medici, to halt the pontifical army within the frontiers
of Modena ; and at the same time despatched a trusty
messenger to assure the French King of his neutrality ;
while Raymond de Cardona, who had concentrated
Francis I 169
the Spanish forces in the neighbourhood of Verona,
awaited in vain the money which had been promised
to him by Ferdinand, and the German troops with
which he was to have been reinforced by Maximilian ;
and meanwhile, closely pressed by the Venetian gen-
eral, who occupied the Polesino de Rovego, he could
neither advance nor retreat.
Thus the Swiss found themselves, at a most critical
moment, abandoned by their allies. Moreover, their
arrears of pay, amounting to forty thousand florins,
had not reached them ; they considered themselves
disgraced by the success of the French army in cross-
ing the Alps, which they had undertaken to prevent ;
and were exasperated by the contempt with which they
were regarded by the better disciplined and more
soldier-like forces of a nation towards which their
hatred was unmitigated ; but the wound which rankled
the most deeply in the hearts of the mercenary moun-
taineers was the non-arrival of their salary, which so
enraged them against both the Pope and the Viceroy
of Naples, that they robbed the chest of the pontifical
commissary, and retired in disorder to Verceil.
At this precise moment the French generals were
pressing forward to Milan without any other impedi-
ment to their entrance into that city than these same
Switzers, who, at Galerata, on the road from Milan to
the Simplon, appeared to be about to abandon the de-
fence of Italy. Anxious to effect a reconciliation with
these mischievous antagonists, Francis, who had never
entertained towards them the same dislike which had
been manifested by his predecessor, and who was
aware that several of their most esteemed leaders were
170 Reign of
in his interest, particularly Jean de Diesbach, Albert
de la Pierre, and George de Supersax Valaisan, caused
them to be followed to Galerata by commissaries who
were empowered to accord to them whatever sum they
might demand, on condition that they would lay down
their arms. Aware of their value in the field, he was
anxious to purchase their friendship, and to repay
their allegiance to himself at their own price ; and, as
the proposition met with no repulse, and they thus
saw an opportunity of at once satisfying their rapacity
and their revenge, M. de Lautrec and the Bastard of
Savoy ultimately agreed to promise them seven hun-
dred thousand crowns.
Meanwhile the coalesced Princes, desirous, as soon
as they witnessed the formidable attitude assumed by
Francis, to consolidate by a treaty of peace the few
days of truce which were rapidly waning to a close,
and if possible to induce the King to withdraw to a
greater distance from Milan, entered into a negotiation
with him to that effect; but so certain did it appear
that the young monarch would, should he comply
with their wish for a cessation of hostilities, be enabled
to dictate his own terms, that the Due de Gueldres,
whose presence was needed in his own dominions to
check the aggressions of the Brabanters, withdrew
from the army ; leaving his troops under the command
of his nephew, Claude de Lorraine, Due de Guise,
brother of the reigning prince. He was, however,
premature ; for while the negotiations were still pend-
ing, and before the arrangement could be concluded,
a reinforcement of ten thousand Switzers who had
just crossed the Alps to share the fortunes of their
Francis I 171
countrymen, and the powerful exhortations of the
celebrated Cardinal of Sion, the sworn enemy of
France, sufficed to dissuade the mercenaries from their
purpose, and to put an end to the treaty altogether.
The new-comers, resolved not to have made a bootless
journey, declared that they would not return home
empty-handed while those who had preceded them
were gorged with booty ; and proposed that the money
which the French King had deposited at Buffaloro for
the payment of his troops should be carried off. The
scheme was a tempting one to the avaricious moun-
taineers, and met with almost universal welcome ; but
Jean de Diesbach and Albert de la Pierre, who had
hitherto possessed great influence, finding themselves
unable to dissuade their followers from so disgraceful
an enterprise, returned to their own country with six
or seven thousand men ; and, it is believed, warned
Lautrec of the contemplated attack.
Inspired by the eloquence of the Cardinal, the Swiss
were once more eager to meet those in arms to whom
they had been about to sell their services; and their
old hatred against France was again revived by the
voice of the unholy churchman, who, as the troops
defiled before him, shouted exultingly: " Grasp your
spears, beat your drums, and let us march without loss
of time to glut our hate upon them, and to quench our
thirst with their blood."
Under this sanguinary influence the Swiss made
their attack upon Buffaloro, where, as we have already
shown, they failed in their object ; and thence marched
from Monza towards Milan, plundering alike friends
and foes, quarrelling among themselves, and spreading
desolation upon their path.
172 Reign of
The impatient spirit of Bayard chafed at the inso-
lence of the ill-governed mercenaries, who were thus
impeding the progress of the French arms ; and aware
that they were weakened by internal divisions, and
that the opportunity was not one to be neglected, he
wrote to the King, who was then at Lyons, to solicit
his permission to attack them with that portion of the
army which was then upon the spot, and which he
declared to be sufficient to insure success. Francis,
however, would not listen to the suggestion, but gave
stringent orders that no engagement should be haz-
arded until the whole of the troops could be brought
into the field. He however hastened his own depart-
ure from France, and proceeded with all speed to
Turin, where he was warmly greeted by his uncle,
Charles III., Duke of Savoy, that wavering Prince,
who had ever a ready reception for every successful
sovereign. Several strong places were taken on his
way without an effort at defence ; and many a bronzed
cheek flushed as the keys of Novara were delivered
up. At this point he was joined by the Due de
Gueldres, the ever-faithful and loyal servant of France,
with six thousand lansquenets ; and while the Swiss
entered Milan with their whole army, amounting to a
force of thirty-five thousand men, Francis established
his head-quarters at Marignano, a small village about
two leagues from the city gates, pushing his vanguard
to San Donato and Santa Brigitta, which diminished
the distance between the hostile troops about one-
half.
To prevent any junction between the Swiss and the
papafc&nd Spanish armies, was now an object of the
Francis I 173
utmost .mportance ; and accident effected for the
young King what must otherwise have been hopeless.
The Spaniards had made prisoner a confidential mess-
enger of the Pope, and affecting not to credit the
account which he gave of his character and mission,
they took possession of his despatches, and discov-
ered from their contents that not only was Leo in
treaty with Francis, but that his nephew had also
addressed to him a letter of compliment and congratu-
lation. This discovery naturally created a mutual
jealousy and distrust, and Cardona refused to pass the
Po unless the papal general were in his company; a
resolution which, by the delays which it produced,
prevented any co-operation with the Swiss, and more-
over gave D'Alviano time to reach Lodi, ten miles
further forward, with a large body of mounted troops ;
while Cardona himself, with the papal and Spanish
armies, was at Placenza, beyond the Po, twenty miles
further off in the rear of the French forces.
Indignant at the sordid treachery of the Swiss,
Francis was now as eager to attack them, as he had
previously been to conciliate ; while the Cardinal of
Sion was equally desirous that they should meet the
enemy single-handed, without either papal or Spanish
interference; a suggestion which aroused alike the
vanity and enthusiasm of the excited mountaineers,
who had begun to esteem themselves invincible. From
an elevated spot he harangued the restless host, call-
ing upon them to do themselves justice, to remember
their late successes, and the pledge which they had
given to restore the young Duke of Milan to his lawful
rights. He reminded them how much and
174 Reign of
they had themselves contributed to the glory of the
French arms ; and bade them recollect that in return
for their services, France had broken her treaties, vio-
lated her most solemn pledges, and insulted them in
their honour, by opposing to them the lansquenets of
Germany, who now sought to arrogate to themselves
a fame which the Swiss had purchased with their blood
in many a well-fought field. He spoke with contempt
of the superior force to which they would be opposed,
declaring that the remembrance of Novara should be
sufficient to render such a consideration idle ; and he
terminated his impassioned address by calling their
attention to the fact that should they conquer, not only
all the glory, but all the spoil would be their own, an
argument which proved how perfectly he was master
of the art of eloquence.
A wild shout of applause welcomed his words ; but,
ere he could resume his speech, the young Marquis
de Fleuranges, who had approached the city gates to
reconnoitre with more boldness than caution, was seen
and recognised by Mutio Colonna, who instantly gave
the alarm; the Swiss flew to arms and on Thursday
the I3th of September, at three o'clock in the after-
noon, they marched out of Milan, still under the ex-
citement of the words to which they had been listening,
and burning with the thirst of gold and hatred, ad-
vanced to Marignano to attack the enemy. Disdain-
ing to delay the moment of their charge by any
precautionary measure, they moved forward in a com-
pact body along the direct road, flanked on either side
by a deep ditch ; and the fire of the artillery which was
turned upon them, produced no other effect on their
Francis I 175
order of march, than to cause them to draw their ranks
closer, and to fill up with celerity and steadiness the
gaps which were made from time to time in their
column ; and ere the twilight fell they had overthrown
the first body of lansquenets, who had been entrusted
by the Connetable de Bourbon with the guard of the
guns.
The King was conversing with D'Alviano, previously
to seating himself at table, when Fleuranges galloped
into the camp with information from M. de Bourbon
that the Swiss were approaching. All was imme-
diately in movement ; and while Francis assumed his
arms, he urged D'Alviano to join him with all speed
with the Venetian army ; and this done, he sprang into
the saddle, and hastened towards the enemy, followed
by his body-guard; while D'Alviano hurried back to
Lodi, to bring up such troops as he could collect upon
the instant.
History scarcely affords an example of a battle dis-
puted with greater obstinacy than that of Marignano.
The Swiss, intoxicated with vanity, hate, and greed,
fought as though all their renown as soldiers were to
be staked upon this one die; while Francis was sur-
rounded by able and experienced generals, and al-
though ignorant of the art of war, was full of intrepid-
ity and courage. When the young King reached the
field, the action had, as we have stated above, already
commenced ; and although the Connetable had taken
every precaution to strengthen his position, the serried
attack of the enemy placed the French troops at a
disadvantage, from the impracticability of their acting
simultaneously. A large ditch had been dug to pro-
176 Reign of
tect the guns, which were flanked by the cavalry ; but
although a murderous fire continued to be turned upon
them, the mountaineers did not swerve or hesitate for
an instant. On they moved in silence, darkening the
causeway with their numbers, filling up the places of
their dead, and marching straight upon the guns. Not
even the appearance of the cavalry, destitute as they
were of such a force, appeared to startle them ; but still
they pressed forward, concentrating all their efforts
against their detested rivals, the lansquenets, and ap-
parently regardless of the mounted troops. This fact,
unfortunately, aroused the suspicions of the Germans,
who, perceiving that they were the sole objects of
attack, began to apprehend treachery ; and as this fatal
idea gained ground, they wavered and gave way, ulti-
mately retreating in disorder behind the ditch, where
the Swiss followed them so closely as to gain posses-
sion of four of the guns.
The rapid eye of the Connetable detected the truth
at a glance ; and, resolved to convince his startled allies
of the fallacy of their suspicion, he caused the cavalry
to attack the flank of the Swiss column ; which they
did with considerable effect, although from the nature
of the ground they were unable to manoeuvre, and
could only advance by five hundred at a time. Mean-
while Francis himself advanced at the head of the
Black Bands,* and made a vigorous attack upon the
opposite flank; when the lansquenets, at once con-
vinced of their error, attempted to regain the advan-
tage they had lost, and, after a desperate struggle, suc-
* These were the forces contributed by the Due de Gueldres, who,
during the long wars of their sovereign against the Emperor, having
always fought under a black banner, had acquired this appellation.
Francis I 177
ceeded in driving the enemy beyond the ditch, and
once more turning the guns against them. The daunt-
less courage of the young monarch, who fought on
foot, pike in hand, like the force which he led, ani-
mated the enthusiasm of the troops, and, for a moment,
shook the arrogant tranquillity of the Swiss ; but never-
theless, nothing important had been accomplished.
Still the very sky seemed to bristle with their long
pikes, and their ranks were as dense as at the com-
mencement of the action. In vain did the Connetable
and his generals exert the most desperate valour; in
vain did the panting horses press closely upon the
foremost files, while their riders endeavoured to cut
their way through the thick-clinging mass ; again and
again they returned to the charge, only to be foiled ;
and at length, exhausted by their unsuccessful efforts,
they were compelled to fall back in some disorder
upon the infantry; when the King suddenly charged
one of the Swiss wings, consisting of four thousand
men, with two hundred gendarmes, so opportunely
and so vigorously, that the division was completely
routed, and with a cry of " France ! France ! " laid
down their arms.
The similarity of uniform that existed between the
two armies, each of which bore the white cross, was a
serious disadvantage to the French, as amid the clouds
of dust raised by the horses and artillery, and the deep-
ening twilight, it was difficult for them to distinguish
friends from enemies, a circumstance which had
nearly led to the capture of the young King; who,
while at the head of his gendarmes, imagined that he
was approaching a body of lansquenets, and galloped
VOL. I. 12
iy8 Reign of
towards them shouting his rallying cry ; when instantly
a score of pikes were levelled at him, and he was com-
pelled to make a hasty retreat with his squadron. The
Swiss, on the other hand, having no cavalry of their
own, could direct their weapons fearlessly against the
mounted force, nor did they fail to profit by such an
opportunity whenever it occurred ; but still, conscious
that they were indebted to the same manoeuvre for
their success at Novara, they made every other object
subservient to the capture of the artillery, and were
never for an instant diverted from their purpose.
As the moon rose, less difficulty was experienced
by the French, who were once more enabled to dis-
tinguish friends from foes ; and Francis having rallied
a body of lansquenets, joined the French infantry, led
by the Connetable, and succeeded in driving back the
battalion which was marching upon the guns. This
was the most fearful moment of the battle ; the two
armies became intermixed, the ditches were filled with
dead, and no longer offered an impediment to the
passage of either party ; La Tremouille, who yet
writhed at the remembrance of Novara, and his son,
the Prince de Talmont, who was equally anxious to
avenge the honour of the French arms, remained
throughout the whole conflict upon this one spot, feel-
ing that here, and only here, would the fortunes of
the fight be decided; while Bayard, who was close
beside them, having had his own war-horse killed
under him, mounted a second just previously to the
last charge; and more intent upon the enemy than
his own safety, suffered the bridle to escape from his
hand ; when the spirited animal, excited by the clash-
Francis I 179
ing of weapons and the shrill battle-cries which re-
sounded on every side, no sooner found itself freed
from restraint, than it galloped madly towards the
Swiss lines, broke through the foremost ranks, and
would inevitably have carried its rider into the very
thick of the enemy's forces, had not its feet become
entangled in some trailing vines, which checked its
headlong career. The position of the good knight
was perilous, but not for a moment losing his presence
of mind, he threw himself from the saddle, cast off his
helmet and tasses, and crept along one of the ditches
on his hands and knees, until the shouts of " France !
France ! " which pealed out close beside him, gave
him assurance that he had reached the French lines.
The Due de Lorraine, by whom he was imme-
diately recognised, supplied him with a third horse,
and he obtained another helmet from a comrade in the
field. Little more, however, could for the present be
accomplished. Before midnight the moon went down,
and darkness compelled both hosts to pause in a con-
fusion which promised them ample work for the mor-
row. The two armies were completely entangled;
several batteries had been taken ; and one Swiss bat-
talion was so close upon the artillery beside which the
King had taken up his post, that it was found neces-
sary to extinguish the matches in order that the enemy
might not discover how slenderly he was attended.
No signal of retreat having been sounded by either
party, the confusion was complete, each corps or de-
tachment being compelled to make its bivouac where
it had been surprised by the darkness ; and thus friends
and enemies, the living and the dead, lay side by side,
i8o Reign of
sharing one common couch, until the daylight should
once more call the survivors to recommence their
struggle. The young King spent the remainder of the
night stretched on a gun-carriage, completely armed,
where he snatched a few intervals of broken rest ; and
having complained of thirst, and demanded a draught
of water, it was brought to him in a helmet, but so dis-
coloured with blood, that, exhausted as he was, he put
it from him with loathing.
The hours of seeming rest, were not, however, suf-
fered by the French leaders to pass in total inaction.
An Italian trumpeter, who was stationed near the per-
son of the King, and the sounds of whose brazen in-
strument at intervals broke upon the stillness of that
field of blood like the trump of the archangel, rousing
the dying and awakening the requiem of the dead, gave
out signals to the different French regiments, who
one by one approached the royal person ; and thus,
when the day broke, Francis found himself once more
surrounded by a force of twenty thousand lansquenets,
and all his horse ; while at the same time the horns of
the mountaineers were heard as if in response or defi-
ance, although no corresponding movement took place
among their forces.
At break of day the Swiss renewed the attack, the
artillery was impetuously assaulted, and the Germans
who defended it were driven back; but the present
disposition of the French army enabled it to withstand
this first shock without any apparent discomfiture;
and the well-directed fire of the guns opened a passage
for the cavalry through the hostile ranks, and turned
the tide in favour of the assailed. The Swiss soon
Francis I 181
became aware that they could not successfully contend
against the enemy upon this point ; and accordingly
detached a strong force to attack the French in the
rear ; but in this attempt also they were destined to be
foiled ; as the troops of the Due d'Alengon, which had
hitherto taken no part in the conflict, and the cross-
bowmen of De Prie, having discovered the manoeuvre,
charged them with vigour, and totally routed the whole
body.
It soon became evident that the star of Francis was
in the ascendant; the Swiss began to give way, but
slowly, reluctantly, and with unbroken ranks, contend-
ing for every inch of ground with a tenacity which
was heroic ; but at length they abandoned all hope and
retreated undisguisedly, although still with their faces
turned towards their enemies. When the victory was
complete the young King called a council to decide
upon the expediency of pursuit, but the project was
ultimately abandoned; even Bayard, ever the fore-
most where glory was to be won, declaring that the
day might yet come when the co-operation of the Swiss
would be valuable to France; and the most advent-
urous remembering that the number and rank of their
own wounded demanded their first attention. The
fugitives were consequently permitted to re-enter
Milan without opposition, where they passed the
remnant of the eventful day which had witnessed their
defeat; and at dawn the following morning marched
out in mortified silence on their way towards their own
mountains.
D'Alviano, who, by forced marches had reached
Marignano with some Venetian cavalry, only arrived
1 82 Reign of
in time to attack the Swiss upon their homeward path ;
but the exertion which he had undergone proved,
nevertheless, fatal to his shattered constitution, and
soon brought him to his grave. The Swiss had suf-
fered enormous loss, computed at from twelve to
fifteen thousand men ; nor had the French, conquerors
though they were, unalloyed cause for rejoicing. They
had also paid a heavy price for their victory. Six
thousand of their troops had fallen, and among them
were some of the most chivalrous blood of the nation ;
Francois de Bourbon had been killed by his brother's
side ; the brave young Prince de Talmond, who had so
nobly supported his father, was struck down before his
eyes; Pierre de Gouffier Boisy, the gallant D'lmber-
court, the Comte de Sancerre, the Sieur de Mouy,
Bussy,the nephew of the Cardinal d'Amboise, La Meil-
leraye, the King's standard-bearer, De Roye, and the
young Comte de Petigliano, were all among the slain ;
while the list of wounded was even more appalling ; and
Bourbon owed his life to the intrepidity of a squadron
of his own cavalry. Even Francis himself, as we have
already shown, barely escaped capture ; while, true to
his knightly tenets, he had exposed his person through-
out the whole conflict so unsparingly that he was on
more than one occasion in imminent" peril, and had a
portion of his dress transfixed by the blow of a pike.
The letter addressed by the young monarch to his
mother immediately after the battle, is highly char-
acteristic alike of his personal courage, and his total
want of power to understand, even at its close, by what
precise strategy the victory had been secured to his
own arms. " Because the avenue," he says, " by which
Francis I
183
the said Swiss were approaching was rather narrow, it
not so possible to place our gendarmes in the
,-anguard, as though we had been in the open country,
threatened to throw us into great disorder.
. . And however well and gallantly these
len-at-arms charged, the Connetable, the Marechal
le Chabannes, Imbercourt, Teligny, Pont-Remy, and
)thers who were there, they were thrown back upon
their foot-soldiers, so that, owing to the great dust,
they could scarcely see each other, especially as the
light was coming on, and there was some slight con-
fusion ; but God did me the favour to guide me to the
side of those who were pushing them so hotly; I
thought it well to charge them, and so they were, and
I promise you, Madame, however well led and brave
they were, our two hundred gendarmes overcame four
thousand Swiss, and routed them rudely enough,
making them thrown down their pikes, and cry
France! . . . And you must understand that the
conflict of that night lasted from three o'clock in the
afternoon until between eleven and twelve, when the
moon failed us. And I assure you, Madame, that I
saw the lansquenets measure pikes with the Swiss, the
lances with the gendarmes ; and it can no longer be
said that the gendarmes are mounted hares, for, with-
out fail, it was they who did the business; and I do
not believe that I lie when I say that by five hundred
and five hundred at a time, thirty fine charges were
made before the battle was won."
The entire letter is long, often playful, and occa-
sionally even flippant, when the gravity of the subject
is considered ; but Francis was still young, greedy of
1 84 Reign of
renown, and, consequently, almost careless of the
means and price at which it was acquired; while the
generosity of his character is apparent in the fact that
he speaks of his own exploits as though they were
mere matters of course, while he withholds no praise
from those by whom he was surrounded.
On the Friday evening, the same upon which this
letter was written, the whole camp was loud with re-
joicing, and the bearing of each separate leader was
warmly discussed ; when it was generally admitted
that Bayard was the hero of the two days, as he had
ever been in the field of honour ; and Francis himself
was so fully impressed with the same conviction, that
before the night set in, he resolved, previously to
creating knights with his own hand, to receive knight-
hood himself at that of Bayard ; the romantic tastes in
which he loved to indulge having caused him to over-
look the fact that every monarch of France was neces-
sarily understood to be a knight even from the cradle.
Nevertheless the ceremony must have been an im-
posing one, as the young King stood upon the battle-
field where he had subdued his enemies, in the midst
of the brave and devoted chivalry of a great nation ;
the dead, who had fallen in his cause, yet unearthed ;
the living who had fought beside him, still at their
posts ; the gallant men who survived the conflict mar-
shalled about him, girding with their strength the
proud group clustered about their youthful, and fear-
less, and victorious sovereign ; the banners of their
beloved France streaming upon the air, and the wea-
pons which had so well and so recently done their duty
gleaming on all sides ; feathers streaming, proud war-
Francis I 185
horses champing the bit, and the artillery-men leaning
upon their guns, now dark and silent.
Mistaken as the act may have been, and worse than
supererogatory in a powerful monarch, the scene must,
nevertheless, have been one to make high hearts leap,
and bold brows flush, as Francis called Bayard to his
side, and with the noble and endearing courtesy
familiar to him, declared his intention of being there
and then knighted, by the hand of a warrior esteemed
one of the most renowned, not only of his own nation,
but of all Christendom ; and, despite the disclaimers of
his astonished subject, he persisted in his determina-
tion.
" In good sooth, Sire," then exclaimed Bayard, who
would have held further objections to the command
of his sovereign as discourteous and irreverent, " since
it is your royal pleasure that this should be, I am ready
to perform your will, not once, but many times, un-
worthy as I am of the high office to which you have
appointed me ; " and grasping his sword proudly and
firmly, he continued, as the young King bent his knee,
" May my poor agency be as efficacious as though the
ceremony were performed by Oliver, Godfrey, or
Baldwin; although, in good truth, you are the first
Prince whom I have ever dubbed a knight; and God
grant that you may never turn your back upon an
enemy." Then brandishing his good weapon, and
glancing sportively at it, as the last rays of evening
flashed upon its polished blade, he apostrophized it as
though it were a thing of life, which could participate
in his own hilarity of spirit, exclaiming, " Thou art
fortunate indeed to-day that them hast been called upon
1 86 Reign of
to confer knighthood upon so great and powerful a
monarch; and cerfes, my trusty sword, thou shalt
henceforth be cafefully guarded as a relic, honoured
above all other* ; and shalt never be unsheathed again,
save it be against the Infidel ! " Then, lowering the
point with reverence, he thrust it back into its scab-
bard, amid the enthusiastic shouts of the excited army.
Man/ of the French officers, among whom one of
the most distinguished was the gallant young Marquis
de Fleuranges, then received the honour of knight-
hood in their turn by the hand of Francis himself ; and
ffiree days having been consumed in these ceremonies,
and in the burial of those who had fallen upon that
memorable field, the French struck their tents, and
marched towards Milan.
The Cardinal of Sion had already taken refuge in
the coveted city, trusting still to retrieve the disasters
of Marignano ; but he was soon undeceived by the
bearing of the fugitives, who poured through the gates
after their defeat. So far from acknowledging his
authority, the mortified Swiss bitterly reproached him
with the result of his pernicious counsels, upbraiding
him with the blood which had been spilt, and the dis-
grace of which he had been the author ; and so fierce
was their resentment, that he was wholly indebted to
the sacredness of his character for his escape from the
vengeance of the infuriated troops, who saw all their
previous glory and power annihilated by their present
overthrow. Nor did he long venture to trust even
to this safeguard ; for, having convinced himself that
his influence was at an end, he found it expedient to
escape by stealth from the city, carefully carrying with
Francis I 187
him, however, the young Francesco Sforza, the brother
of the reigning Duke, upon whom he looked as the
earnest of future dissension.
Milan gladly opened its gates to the conquerors, for
the terror which the battle of Marignano had inspired
forbade any further effort at resistance on the part of
its citizens; but the citadel into which Maximilian
Sforza had retired still held out. Although by the late
defeat of his mercenary allies he was rendered almost
powerless, the Duke had been encouraged to defy his
enemies to the last extremity, by the fact that ere they
vacated the city the Swiss had encouraged him to
defend the fortress, declaring that they would shortly
return in increased force to effect his deliverance.
Unfortunately, however, the promise was accompanied
by a demand of their arrears of pay, which Maximilian,
who in losing his duchy had lost all, was no longer in
a position to satisfy ; and thus, with a display of mag-
nanimity at the outset, they were finally enabled to
secure what they had become anxious to obtain a
plausible pretext for abandoning the weak Prince to
his fate.
Dissensions had, moreover, broken out among the
Italian subjects of the Duke, and the small force of
Swiss who had determined to share his fortunes ; and
thus besieged from without, and weakened by jeal-
ousies and differences within, the citadel with its
slender garrison of two thousand men was unable to
withstand the ardour of the French led on by the Due
de Bourbon; and it accordingly surrendered, twenty
days after the battle of Marignano, together with the
city of Cremona ; the only portion of Sforza's terri-
1 88 Francis I
tories which were not already in the possession of the
French King.
Francis proved himself, however, a generous con-
queror; conceded honourable conditions to the con-
quered ; suffered the entire garrison to evacuate the
citadel without molestation; and offered to Sforza
himself a safe asylum in France, with a pension of
thirty thousand crowns. Destitute alike of talent and
ambition, Maximilian eagerly embraced these terms;
and gladly retired from a position to which he was
unequal and to which he would in all probability never
have aspired, had he not listened to the advice of pre-
tended friends whose interests were served by his
advancement, rather than to the promptings of his
own inclination.
He accordingly renounced his ducal rights in favour
of the French King, passed into France, and, after
lingering through fifteen years of insignificance, ulti-
mately died in Paris, on the loth of June, 1530.
Francis was now master of the whole of the Mil-
anese; and a few days subsequent to the completion
of the treaty, made his ceremonious entry into the
captured city at the head of his army, attended by five
princes of the blood, when the oath of allegiance was
once more taken by the authorities as readily and as
glibly as though it had not already been pledged and
violated on many previous occasions ; congratulations,
equally unmeaning, poured in from all sides ; and the
young King saw himself at last sovereign of Milan.
CHAPTER VIII.
Leo X. Proposes a Treaty with France, which is Ratified at
Viterbo His Tergiversation Francis Proceeds to Bo-
logna to Meet the Pope Policy of the Pontiff A League
is Formed between the Two Potentates Francis Agrees
to Abandon His Designs on Naples The Question of the
Pragmatic Sanction is Discussed Discontent of the Uni-
versity of Paris Leo X. Endeavours to Induce Francis to
Undertake a Crusade against the Turks The Concordat
is Signed Exultation of the French People -Ferdinand
of Aragon Endeavours to Arouse the Jealousy of Henry
VIII. against France The Emperor Raises a Powerful
Army Lautrec Besieges Brescia, but is Repulsed, and
Compelled to Retire to Milan The Due de Bourbon De-
stroys the Faubourgs of the City, and Disbands the Swiss
Troops The Emperor Threatens to Raze the City of Milan
The Swiss Refuse to Act Maximilian Escapes by Night
from the Camp The Siege of Milan is Raised The Swiss
Troops are Recalled by the Diet The Imperialists Evacu-
ate the Milanese Disgrace of Maximilian Brescia Capit-
ulates Death of Ferdinand of Aragon He Bequeaths His
Kingdom to the Archduke Charles Francis Issues Several
Edicts which are Unfavourably Received by His Subjects
Arrogance of the Chancellor Education of Charles of
Aragon His Prospects He Endeavours 10 Conciliate
Francis Jealousy of M. de Chievres against the Cardinal
Ximenes Charles Sends an Ambassador to France The
Two Monarchs Enter into a Treaty of Alliance The Hand
of the Infant Princess Louise Promised to the Spanish
King The Peace of Noyon Maximilian Accedes to the
189
190 Reign of
Treaty State of the Venetian Territories Francis Opens
a Negotiation with the Helvetic States, and Concludes a
Treaty of Amity with Switzerland.
LEO X., versed in all the refinements of Italian
policy, abandoned with their success the cause
of his allies ; and as the victory of Marignano had se-
cured the ascendency of Francis in Italy, he lost no
time in seeking to obtain his friendship. A nuncio
was despatched immediately that the result of the
battle became known, ostensibly to congratulate the
French monarch, but the real object of whose mission
was to propose a treaty, by which the sovereign pon-
tiff volunteered to relinquish his pretensions to Parma
and Piacenza, and to withdraw the papal troops which
were serving under the Emperor ; on condition that, as
a compensation for these territories, Bologna should
be ceded to him, as well as a monopoly of the com-
merce in salt from Cervia.
To this proposition Francis acceded, and the treaty
was ratified at Viterbo, on the i3th of October. The
two forfeited cities opened their gates, the garrisons
marched out, and they were left at the disposal of the
French. In the second clause of the treaty, Leo was,
however, less honest ; for instead of recalling the troops
who were serving under the standard of Maximilian,
he simply disbanded them ; thus leaving each individual
free to re-engage himself in the same army ; while he
acted with the same prudent reserve when proposing
to Francis that ere he left Italy they should meet and
confer together upon such. subjects as might concern
their mutual interests. Having once given his assent
to this arrangement, the young King prepared to pro-
Francis I 191
;ed to Rome ; but the wily Pope had already imbibed
suspicion that the conqueror of Marignano had
lesigns against Naples ; and, resolved not to smooth
tis path towards this new object of ambition, he af-
?cted to deprecate the idea of his undergoing the
iconvenience and fatigue which such a journey must
ivolve, and suggested Bologna as the more desirable
>int of meeting.
Thither, therefore, Francis repaired brilliantly at-
inded, and was met on the confines of the ecclesiasti-
il states by a body of thirty cardinals, who welcomed
lim with every demonstration of respect and regard ;
ind by whom he was at once conducted to the con-
sistory in great state, in order that he might without
>ss of time, pay that spiritual homage to the pontiff
/hich was enforced from every Christian monarch by
whom he was approached. The French King entered
the church supported by two cardinal-bishops, and
followed by his chancellor and barons, habited in vests
and haut-de-chausses of cloth of gold ; himself hold-
ing the train of the Pope's robe until he approached
the altar, when he took his seat upon a low stool beside
him, rising and kneeling with the assembled cardinals.
When the pontiff communicated, the King presented
the water and napkin with which he washed his hands ;
while the former was warned not to raise his hand to
his cap, as he was in the habit of doing upon such occa-
sions, lest the action should be observed, and construed
into an intentional courtesy towards his royal assistant,
which it would be indecorous in the Vicar of Christ to
exhibit in public towards any temporal monarch.
The great ambition of Francis having been for some
192 Reign of
time a reconciliation with the sovereign pontiff, he was
at once fascinated by the urbane bearing and specious
sophistry of his host, who, although he had nearly
reached his fortieth year, possessed all the tastes and
habits of a younger man; and enamoured rather of
military glory than ecclesiastical probity, spent his life
in dreams of conquest, and a round of pleasure and
dissipation. Having by his reckless extravagance
exhausted the immense treasures accumulated by his
predecessor, Leo X. was desirous of subjecting addi-
tional provinces to the authority of the Holy See, in
order that he might be enabled to levy new tributes ;
and he accordingly felt it expedient to conciliate his
most dangerous rival in this game of warfare, by every
means in his power.
Nothing could exceed the brilliancy of the festivals
given in honour of the young conqueror. The streets
through which he passed were draped with silks and
tapestry, and strewn with leaves and flowers ; while,
equally devoted to splendour and pleasure, the two
potentates passed several days in the most magnificent
dissipation, before they proceeded to the more serious
business which had induced the meeting.
These days were not however lost to the crafty Leo ;
who, sufficiently skilled in physiognomy to discern at
a glance the principal failing of his princely guest,
assailed him by an excess of flattery which he was
constitutionally unable to withstand ; and, this point
gained, induced him to purchase his reconciliation
with the Church, by conditions which were degrading
alike to a sovereign and a conqueror.
While the two contracting parties formed a league
Francis I 193
of strict alliance, not only between themselves per-
sonally, but also between their separate states, Francis,
in addition, conceded his guarantee of protection to all
the ecclesiastical possessions ; and pledged himself not
only to assist the Pope to recover all the properties of
the Church to which he could advance a valid right, but
even to place implicit trust in the word of the pontiff,
whenever these claims might be disputed. He like-
wise promised not to receive under his protection any
vassal, feudatory, or churchman of his holy ally, who
might have rendered, or should hereafter render him-
self obnoxious to his spiritual sovereign ; and to with-
draw his favour from all such as he should have
already provided with an asylum in France. He
assured to the Pope, as we have stated above, the com-
merce in salt, which, in point of fact, secured to him a
monopoly of the whole trade in that essential article
throughout the Milanese ; and promised to the Flor-
entine republic, or, in other words, to the house of
Medicis, by whom it was governed, the same guaran-
tees as to the Church itself ; and he especially pledged
himself to support the power of Giuliano and Lorenzo
de' Medici, the former of whom had been constantly
associated in all public measures of the pontiff, and
to grant to them titles of honour in France, and large
pensions.
Meanwhile, in return for all these important con-
cessions, Leo did no more than promise to support
the King in his sovereignty of the duchy of Milan,
such as he then held it ; and to restore the cities of
Parma and Piacenza, which he had himself detached
from that province.
VOL. I. 13
194 Reign of
Three days were consumed in this unequal, and, to
Francis, unfavourable conference ; during the course
of which the Italian pontiff succeeded, moreover, in
inducing him to abandon all present designs upon
Naples ; representing to him that the health of Ferdi-
nand was becoming sufficiently precarious to justify the
anticipation of his early demise, at which period he
should himself be freed from his engagements towards
that monarch, and at liberty to assist the views of
France. Anxious to retain the newly acquired friend-
ship of the Pope, Francis was induced to comply with
this request also, although not altogether uncondi-
tionally. He could not overlook the fact that the
Duke of Ferrara, who was a feudatory of the Holy
See, had forfeited, through his fidelity to his own cause,
the territories of Modena and Reggio ; or that the
Due d'Urbino, a kinsman of the previous Pope, had
been deprived of the estates which he held of the See
of Rome, for having fought throughout the recent war
under the French banner; and he accordingly stipu-
lated that the former should be reinstated in his pos-
sessions, and the domains of the latter restored to him.
The first proposition was, after some difficulty, ac-
cepted by Leo X. ; but even then only upon the con-
dition that he should personally be reimbursed in
certain sums which he declared that the defalcation of
the Duke had caused him to expend ; to the latter he
merely replied that he would give all necessary con-
sideration to the subject; and with this equivocal
answer Francis suffered himself to be satisfied.
The question of the Pragmatic Sanction, involving
as it did more serious and important consequences,
Francis I 195
was deputed to the investigation and discussion of
commissioners, who were empowered to examine and
to decide upon the conflicting interests which must be
affected by its arrangement. This was ultimately
accomplished by a mutual concession, and the terms /
being carefully arranged and specified, the treaty re-
ceived the name of Concordat; the Pope granting to the
French King the privilege of nominating to all the
vacant benefices in his kingdom ; and Francis, on his
side, engaging to pay to the pontiff the year's revenue
of benefices so bestowed.
The University of Paris, however, saw with a jealous
eye the project of an arrangement which annihilated
the freedom of ecclesiastical elections; and refused
either to register, or to recognise, the right of the
monarch thus to limit the powers of the Gallican
Church, and to divert its revenues ; accusing him of
having bartered its unalienable rights in order to
further his personal interests. Having, by an assem-
bly at Bourges in 1438, liberated themselves in a great \
degree from all interference with the internal economy \
of their Church on the part of the Pope, and released
themselves from his exactions, the French clergy were
naturally averse to feel the yoke of papal despotism
once more upon their necks ; and thus this, one of the
most unpopular measures of Francis, became at once
a source oi heartburning and suspicion.
The next attempt of the wily pontiff was to induce
the young sovereign to undertake a crusade against
the Turks ; a project which he considered as eminently
suited at once to excite the ardent and chivalrous
nature of Francis, and to deliver himself for a time
196 Reign of
from a dangerous neighbour ; while in order the more
to please his fancy and to arouse his ambition in favour
of such an expedition, he proposed to bestow upon
him the title of Emperor of the East. Francis accepted
the courtesy, but regarded the whole transaction as
nothing more ; declining to assume a dignity which he
was conscious that his host had no power to confer;
and confining his ambition to other and more feasible
enterprises. Nor were the two high contracting par-
ties the only ones who were, at this important crisis,
occupied in the furtherance of their individual interests
at Bologna. All who directly or indirectly assisted in
the negotiations put forth their several claims ; money,
pensions, honours, and ecclesiastical benefices, were
lavishly distributed among the adherents of the Pope.
The hand of Philiberte de Savoie, the sister of Madame
d'Angouleme, but two-and-twenty years her junior,
was promised to Giuliano de' Medici, with the duchy
of Nemours as her dowry ; while Adrian de Boissy, the
brother of the Grand Master, received a cardinal's
hat.
Altogether the negotiations became, ere their close,
so lengthy and complicated, that the Concordat, by
which they were finally terminated, was not signed
until the i8th of August, 1516.
The conquest of Milan assured, and that of Naples
suspended for a time, Francis proceeded to disband
his army, retaining only seven hundred lances, six
thousand lansquenets, and four thousand Basques,
whom he placed under the command of the Connetable
de Bourbon, as his lieutenant-general in the Milanese,
for the protection of that duchy ; and he then departed
Francis I 197
>r France, where he arrived in February, 1516, and was
welcomed at Lyons by the Queen, and the Duchess,
lis mother, surrounded by a brilliant court, composed
>f all that was fairest and noblest in his dominions.
The whole kingdom rang with acclamations. All
as for the moment at peace both within and without ;
and although clouds might lower upon the political
horizon, they had not yet burst. The Swiss had been
icified, if not thoroughly conciliated, by the payment
>f their claims ; the Venetians, with the assistance of
.autrec and his little army, were still occupied in en-
deavouring to repossess themselves of their former
territories ; but Francis soon became aware that Ferdi-
nand, alarmed at his success, had (feeble and failing as
he was) endeavoured, with a view of distracting his
attention from Naples, to excite against him the jeal-
ousy of Henry VIII. ; and had already succeeded in
forming a cabal at the English court, with the assist-
ance of Wolsey, in which the French monarch was
accused of a secret enmity towards England ; an in-
trigue which had already attained to a height that
threatened an approaching war between the two
powers. This evil was, however, averted, through the
sound judgment and good policy of the English coun-
cil ; but Henry had been sufficiently prejudiced by the
representations that were made to him, to furnish the
Emperor secretly with a considerable sum of money
in order to assist him in a new attempt to recover the
Milanese, and to place Francesco Sforza, the brother
of Maximilian, upon the ducal throne.
The subsidies which he had recently received from
both Henry VIII. and Ferdinand, and which he had
198 Reign of
not yet dissipated, enabled the Emperor to raise a for-
midable army of sixteen thousand German cavalry,
fifteen thousand Swiss, and ten thousand Spanish foot-
soldiers. The French troops, under Lautrec, were at
that period (March, 1516) besieging Brescia, in con-
junction with the Venetians, and considered them-
selves secure of taking the city, the garrison having
determined to surrender in thirty days, should they
not receive succour from without. Before that time
had elapsed, however, a force of six thousand Germans
succeeded in introducing themselves into the fortress ;
while the Emperor appeared in the field at the head of
his army ; and the besiegers found themselves com-
pelled to retreat, first beyond the Mincio, and subse-
quently to abandon not only that river, but also those
of the Oglio and Adda ; and to shut themselves up in
Milan, which the Due de Bourbon hastily fortified as
well as circumstances would permit, destroying for
that purpose the extensive and populous faubourgs.
Fortunately for the French, Maximilian did not
pursue his advantage with the promptitude which
would have insured his ultimate success ; and time was
accordingly secured for the arrival of a reinforcement
of thirteen thousand Swiss, raised by Albert de la
Pierre in the eight cantons which had accepted the
peace proffered by Francis I. the preceding year, as
well as of a considerable body of troops from France.
The former, however, were not destined to prove
serviceable to Bourbon, the influence of the Cardinal
of Sion, who was in the enemy's camp, being once
more exerted to separate them from the cause of
France; in which he so far succeeded as to induce
Francis I 199
them to declare that they would not take the field
against their own countrymen. In vain did the Duke
expostulate; they remained firm in their determina-
tions, and he at length indignantly disbanded the whole
force, with the exception of the company commanded
by Albert de la Pierre, which also stipulated that it
should only be employed against the Germans ; and
the army of mercenaries marched out of the garrison,
an event which greatly rejoiced the Emperor, who now
conceived the success of his enterprise secure ; and sat
down before Milan, declaring that he would raze the
city to the earth, and strew its site with salt, unless it
instantly capitulated.
This threat was, however, disregarded by the French
general, and the siege proceeded; but unfortunately
for Maximilian, the Genoese bankers to whom Henry
VIII. had confided the sum promised to the Emperor,
having failed before it was transmitted, he found him-
self unable to fulfil his engagements with his mer-
cenary allies, who began to murmur, and to demand
the immediate payment of their stipends. Maximilian
strove to pacify them by promises, but they had
already experienced the fallacy of similar pledges upon
his part, and refused to listen to any compromise. He
pointed to Milan, the plunder of which city would, as
he anticipated, shortly enable him to pay up the arrears
of his whole army ; but the Swiss reminded him that
the town was not yet taken ; and, with the knowledge
of his helplessness, their insolence soon exceeded all
bounds, and they threatened, should he not satisfy their
claims upon the instant, to offer themselves in a body
to the Connetable de Bourbon, by whom they should
2oo Reign of
be paid for their services. In this strait Maximilian
found himself compelled to send sixteen thousand
crowns to their leaders, by the Cardinal of Sion, de-
siring him to assure them that he would immediately
proceed to Trent to obtain a further supply in order
to liquidate all their claims; but this was no sooner
done, than fearing that he should in his turn be aban-
doned, or even delivered over to his enemies, as Ludo-
vico Sforza had formerly been by these very troops, he
left the camp in the night, accompanied only by two
hundred horsemen ; and escaped into Germany, leav-
ing his army without a leader.
His flight was no sooner ascertained than the troops
disbanded themselves ; the siege of Milan was raised ;
and a few days subsequently the Swiss of both armies
received an order from the diet immediately to return
home, which they obeyed in their usual manner
plundering, as they went, every town and village which
was not strong enough to venture upon resistance,
and thus indemnifying themselves for the non-pay-
ment of their salary. About three thousand German
and Spanish mercenaries joined the army of the Due
de Bourbon ; while the confederated troops retired
rapidly from the country, harassed in their retreat by
the French, whom they left once more in undisputed
possession of the Milanese ; and Maximilian found
himself in ignoble security, having forfeited the mili-
tary reputation which he had acquired in his youth
by a pusillanimity perhaps unequalled.
Brescia was once more besieged, and capitulated ;
but Verona still refused to admit the French troops,
and as its means of defence were great, and the abili-
Francis I 201
ties of its military governor, Antonio Colonna,* well
known, the siege promised to become interminable.
At this particular period the death of Ferdinand of
Aragon delivered France from her most formidable
enemy, and removed from the path of Francis himself
the only monarch whose long experience, subtile arts,
and numerous resources, he had reason to apprehend.
Contrary to the previsions of all around him, who
were aware of his jealousy of his grandson Charles, and
equally at variance with his previous resolve, which
had been to constitute the younger of the brothers
heir to the crown, only on the day which preceded his
death Ferdinand had executed a new will, by which
he bequeathed his kingdom to the elder; an act of
justice which had been reluctantly wrung from him
even at the eleventh hour by his most faithful coun-
sellors, who had induced him thus to gainsay his own
wishes by representing that as Charles was already
heir-apparent to the throne of Austria, the union of
that kingdom with the crown of Spain would tend to
weaken the power of France ; a consideration which
absorbed all others. Thus, the accession of the Arch-
duke Charles united under one sovereign the Nether-
lands and Franche-Comte, the kingdoms of Castile,
Aragon, and Naples, with the newly discovered treas-
ures of the Western world ; but that sovereign had as
yet scarcely emerged from boyhood; his dominions
lay distant and disjointed; the various people over
whom he was called upon to rule, were unconnected
* Carco-Antonio Colonna distinguished himself greatly in the wars ol
Italy against the French, to which cause he was, however, subsequently
won over by Francis I. He was killed at the siege of Milan, in 1522, at
the age of forty-nine years.
2O2 Reign of
by laws, by customs, and by language, and regarded
each other with jealousy and distrust ; while many of
the states, attached to their ancient rights and privi-
leges, and apprehensive of their subversion, were
inimical to his interests, and considered Francis as
their most natural ally. Nevertheless, the French
King suffered the favourable moment to escape him ;
and even while he foresaw the gathering storm, neg-
lected the measures by which it would probably have
been averted; and, instead of attacking the infant
power of his rival, permitted it peaceably to attain to
maturity and strength, trusting to the delusive arts of
negotiation to effect that which a wiser policy might
have compelled.
Thus, while the evil gained ground apparently un-
appreciated, Francis, withdrawing his attention from
subjects of more vital importance, turned it upon the
internal organization of the kingdom ; and profited by
the momentary calm to issue several new ordinances,
some of which were highly unpalatable to his subjects.
His first edict, prompted by Duprat, had already
awakened murmurs, which although ultimately si-
lenced, were not altogether suppressed ; but in March,
1516, he published a new ordinance at Lyons, purport-
ing to protect the forest-rights of himself and his
nobles, which roused the indignation of both parlia-
ment and people. The young King, says Isambert,
" angered by the fact that many persons, not having
the right of chase, do take certain brown and black
animals, such as hares, pheasants, partridges, and
other game, thus committing felony, and impeding
and curtailing our pastime," fulminated the most
Francis I 203
severe threats against all poachers and unlicensed
sportsmen; condemning them, according to the fla-
grancy of their crime, to fines, floggings, banishment
under pain of the gibbet, confiscation of property, the
galleys, and even death itself. He, moreover, inflicted
severe punishment on those who within the limits of
the royal forests, possessed arms suited either to war
or sport ; and, finally, he gave to all the princes of the
blood, nobles, and proprietors of forest-lands or war-
rens throughout the kingdom, the right of maintaining
the exclusive privilege of sporting upon their property,
which was guaranteed to them by punishments equally
severe against all intruders.
The parliament at once refused to register such an
ordinance ; and presented a remonstrance to the mon-
arch, entreating him to mitigate the extreme strin-
gency of this new edict, which must tend to exasperate
such of his faithful subjects as not only paid the tax,
but also supported all the burthen of the state. Its
representations were, however, received with indiffer-
ence and disregard ; and the Chancellor declared that
the King was both indignant and surprised that the
parliament should presume to oppose his will, when
it must be aware that the sovereign alone had the right
to regulate the administration of his kingdom.
" Obey," he concluded, " or the King will recognise
in you only rebels, whom he will punish like the mean-
est of his subjects." The parliament nevertheless re-
sisted during twelve months; but, at the termination
of that period, the unrighteous ordinance was regis-
tered.
Charles had scarcely attained his sixteenth year
204 Reign of
when he succeeded to the Spanish crown ; but, young
as he was, the rigid training to which he had been
subjected by the prudent foresight of his governor,
M. de Chievres, had long accustomed him to the trans-
action of public business and the duties of a monarch.
Every despatch which arrived from the provinces, even
during the course of the night, was immediately pre-
sented to him ; and when he had informed himself of
its contents, he personally communicated them to his
council, where they were discussed in his presence. A
remonstrance having been made to the Seigneur de
Chievres on this subject upon one occasion, by the
French ambassador, who testified his surprise that he
should inflict such an amount of tedious and frequently
untimely labour upon a mere boy when he might so
easily relieve him from it ; the wise preceptor replied
firmly: " Cousin, I am the tutor and guardian of his
youth, and I wish that, when I die, he may be inde-
pendent of all extraneous help; whereas, if he were
unacquainted with public business, he must, after my
decease, have a new guardian, from his ignorance of
his own affairs."
Thus, even from his boyhood, Charles had acquired
habits of thoughtfulness and foresight which gave him
throughout his whole life a great advantage over the
volatile and romantic Francis L, who seldom suffered
more serious subjects to interfere with his personal
gratification. The moment of his accession was, how-
ever, critical ; he had to fear that Spain would persist
in bestowing her ducal crown upon his younger
brother Ferdinand ; who, unlike himself, had been en-
tirely educated under the eye of the late King, and who
Francis I 205
had long been regarded as his destined successor. By
the will so tardily destroyed the junior Prince had been
declared Grand Master of the military orders of Spain,
and endowed with revenues and power well constituted
to render him an effective leader in any civil conten-
tion: and a cabal existed in Aragon in favour of his
claims to the sovereignty which he had been led to
expect ; while even in Castile, doubts were expressed
as to the right of Charles to assume the crown before
the death of his mother, whose hopeless derangement
nevertheless precluded her from ascending the throne.
At the decease of Ferdinand, Charles was in Flan-
ders ; and, although naturally desirous to take posses-
sion of his new dominions, he was detained by powerful
obstacles in the Low Countries. The war in Italy was
not yet terminated ; and, with the crown of his grand-
father, the young King inherited his love of enterprise
and thirst for conquest ; but he could not inspire the
Flemish people with his military ardour ; they shrank,
on the contrary, from a prospect of hostilities with
France which must tend to injure their commercial
interests ; and Charles was not in a position to enforce
his views. He had, therefore, no alternative, save to
seek the friendship and alliance of Francis, to which
he was urged by the representations of M. de Chievres,
who impressed upon him the imperative necessity of
conciliating his new subjects before he attempted any
foreign aggression; the Cardinal Ximenes, Arch-
bishop of Toledo,* who had, by the will of the late
* Don Francisco Ximenes was born at Torrelaguna, in Old Castile.
in 1437, and studied at Alcala and Salamanca, where he afterwards be-
came a tutor of laws. He then obtained a canonry in the diocese of
Siguenza, and subsequently the post of Grand-Vicar. Disgusted with
206 Reign of
King, been appointed regent of the kingdom until the
arrival of his grandson, having, despite his great age,
rigorously commenced the discharge of his trust ; and
already begun to interfere with the privileges of the
nobles, and to enhance those of the citizens and munici-
palities. Moreover, M. de Chievres was anxious to
avoid, in so far as it might be practicable, any familiar
intercourse between his royal pupil and the powerful
prelate, of whose influence he was apprehensive. Thus
Charles, upon his accession, found himself surrounded
by difficulties; and at once became aware that his
wisest policy would be to conciliate the friendship of
France, and thus secure an efficient ally in case of
need, as well as a safe passage into Spain.
To effect this important object, Charles despatched
the Sieur de Ravenstein as his ambassador to the
French court, who on the part of his master requested
Francis to appoint some convenient spot where the
delegates of the two sovereigns might confer together,
for the purpose of terminating any differences which
existed either between themselves or their allies. The
the world, he first took the vows as a Cordelier in the convent of Toledo;
but, still dissatisfied with the enforced contact with his fellow-men, he
withdrew from the cloister to the solitude of Castanel. Isabella the
Catholic, hearing the report of his talents and austerities, selected hiro
as her confessor, and in 1495 presented him with the archbishopric of
Toledo. Julius II. afterwards called him to the conclave, and Ferdi-
nand In his turn confided to him the administration of public affairs.
Ximfines then resolved to engage in an African war, and himself headed
the troops, and took Oran in 1509. Ferdinand, when dying, appointed
him, as we have shown, regent of the kingdom of Castile (1516). In
this capacity he reduced to obedience the haughty nobility who refused
to recognise Charles V. as their King; and, in order to humble them
further, he permitted the citizens to bear arms, and accorded to them
numerous privileges. He reformed and reorganised the governments
of the towns, armies, and monasteries, and punished with great severity
both theft and assassination. He died in 1517.
Francis I 207
proposal was an acceptable one to the French King,
who on his side was desirous to establish by a peace his
recent conquests in Italy; and accordingly commis-
sioners were appointed in the persons of Arthur
Gouffier, Seigneur de Boissy, and Antoine de Croy,
Seigneur de Chievres, the ex-governors of the two
young monarchs, while Noyon was selected as their
place of meeting.
On the 1st of August they entered the city; and on
the I3th of the same month a treaty of alliance between
Charles and Francis was signed, by which they sepa-
rately bound themselves to assist each other, not only
in reciprocal defence, but also in the attainment of
such conquests as they might legitimately attempt.
The question still pending on the subject of Navarre
was arranged by the pledge of M. de Chievres that
Charles should, so soon as he had secured peaceable
possession of the Spanish crown, carefully investigate
the claims of Henri d'Albret,* and render him ample
justice ; or that Francis should be left free to give him
whatever assistance he might deem fitting. The pre-
tensions of the French King to Naples, based upon the
treaty of Ferdinand on his marriage with Germaine
de Foix, were undeniable ; and consequently engaged
the more serious attention of the plenipotentiaries, by
whom it was ultimately decided, that in order to recon-
cile the interests of the two sovereigns, Charles should
pledge himself to espouse the infant Princess Louise,
the daughter of Francis, then about twelve months
old ; receiving as her dowry all the claims of her father
* Henri d'Albret II., King of Navarre, and Comte de Foix. He died
in 1555-
208 Reign of
to the Neapolitan dominions ; but as it was stipulated
that the baby-bride should remain under the guardian-
ship of Queen Claude until her eighth year, and that
the marriage should not be solemnized until she had
attained her twelfth, Charles, who was at that moment
in possession of Naples, was to pay the annual sum of a
hundred thousand crowns to the King of France until
the period of the union ; and one half the amount
yearly, so long as the Princess should continue child-
less.
Such were the conditions of the peace of Noyon,
which afforded a transient season of repose to the
respective subjects of both potentates, and was ac-
cordingly welcome to all ; but it is nevertheless certain
that the more able diplomacy of M. de Chievres had
rendered the treaty infinitely more favourable to his
master than it would have been had the actual position
of Francis been brought more skilfully to bear upon
the several questions at issue. Charles could com-
mand no sure ingress to his Spanish territories ; party
spirit was strong against him ; he was inexperienced
in war, and had yet to establish the reputation as a
soldier which Francis had already acquired ; while
even his claim upon Naples was a divided one. Yet
no real advantage was secured to the French King by
the league into which he had just entered ; the project
of marriage was a mere chimera, advanced as a pretext
rather than considered as a condition ; which, however
well it served to disguise the fact that Charles was in
truth paying, or about to pay, an annual tribute to his
brother monarch for that moiety of the crown of
Naples which was thus ceded to him, by no means
Francis I 209
enhanced the interests of Francis, to whom such an
equivalent was altogether inadequate. The Navar-
rese question, moreover, was virtually still as unde-
cided as ever; for while Charles had bound himself
vaguely to see justice done, he had been careful not
to specify any particular point upon which his inten-
tions might at once be brought to bear ; while Francis
had retained his right, in the event of this not being
accomplished, not only to assist the interests of the
Queen of Navarre against Charles himself, but even
to uphold the Venetians in their opposition to Maxi-
milian.
As this latter privilege, however, threatened to over-
throw the designs of Charles, he prevailed upon the
Emperor to join in the league; and his Imperial
Majesty was induced to acquiesce in the suggestion by
the offer of a hundred thousand crowns from the State
of Venice, and a conviction that Verona could not
longer resist the combined attacks of the army of
Lautrec, and the famine by which the garrison was
already exposed to great and hopeless privations. The
accession of Maximilian to the treaty hushed the
tempest of war which had so long agitated Europe ;
for although Francis restored the evacuated city to
the Venetians, who once more saw themselves in pos-
session of nearly all the provinces which Louis XII.
had endeavoured to wrench from them in 1508, they
were still so despoiled and depopulated, that they were
deprived of all the elements of self-defence ; while the
continued animosity of the Swiss towards France had
weakened the resources of Francis himself; a fact of
which he was so well aware, that the league was no
VOL. I. 14
2io Francis I
sooner formally completed than he took instant meas-
ures to conciliate all the neighbouring nations; and
despatched his uncle, the Bastard of Savoy, Louis de
Forbins, and Charles du Plessis to Fribourg, to open
a fresh negotiation with the whole Helvetic body ; and
to propose to them an extension of the peace which
had been concluded between himself and eight of their
cantons during the previous year. This treaty of
" perpetual amity " between France and Switzerland,
was discussed, framed, and signed on the 2gih of No-
vember, 1517; and the pledge then given by the Swiss
never again to bear arms against the French was
strictly observed, save in the case of a few adventurers,
who incited by the prospect of greater gain, or influ-
enced by the violent and undying hatred of the
Cardinal of Sion, occasionally enrolled themselves in
the ranks of the enemy.
By the same document the Swiss recognised the
claim of Francis I. to the Milanese ; while he agreed
to accord a free amnesty to all the natives of that
province who had taken refuge in Switzerland ; and to
pay off the demands of the troops for past services by
the sum of seven hundred thousand golden crowns;
with other donations and privileges, which were all
clearly defined.
CHAPTER IX.
Domestic Life of Francis The Court of Queen Claude
Anticipated Birth of a Dauphin Circle of Madame d'An-
gouleme Licentiousness of the Young King He Re-
solves to Form a Distinct Court The Comtesse de Cha-
teaubriand Her Birth and Girlhood Her Marriage The
Count is Summoned to Court His Forebodings The
Mystic Rings Mistaken Confidence Reception of the
Count by Francis Treachery of a Confidant The Count-
ess Arrives at Chambord Displeasure of Her Husband
Misunderstanding The Queen's Reception Presenta-
tion of the Countess to the King The Queen and the
Countess Mistaken Violence of M. de Chateaubriand-
The Influence of a Court Atmosphere Policy of Louise de
Savoie M. de Chateaubriand Retires from the Court.
THUS far the rapid march of more important events
has compelled us to pass over in silence the do-
mestic, or rather the private, avocations of Francis ;
who finding himself at length enabled by a temporary
peace to indulge in those libertine pursuits to which he
was so painfully addicted, soon wearied of the staid and
rigorous circle which his virtuous Queen had gathered
about her, as well as of the strict retirement to which
she was at this moment compelled by the delicate
condition of her health, which gave renewed hope of
the birth of a dauphin ; and for a time he passed all
211
212 Reign of
his leisure hours in the lighter court of his mother,
where beauty and licentiousness alike attracted him.
Unlike Anne de Bretagne, who had stringently dis-
countenanced the presence of ladies at the public
festivities, and only suffered them to appear upon
occasions of ceremony, where they might serve to
enhance her own dignity and that of the royal circle,
Madame d'Angouleme had urged upon her son the
expediency of including them in all the amusements
and pageantries which were constantly recurring ; and
of permitting them to assume their station as an in-
tegral portion of his court ; a recommendation to which
he at once gave his unhesitating assent ; and thus the
wives and daughters of all the principal nobility found
themselves emancipated from the shackles of that
severe etiquette to which they had previously been
subjected ; and unfortunately soon overstepped in their
pride of freedom the limits of that decorum which
should have been their greatest charm.
Soon, however, the young monarch wearied of the
fair and frail beauties of his mother's circle, and aspired
to still wider conquests. It did not suffice that he had
sacrificed the honour, and blighted the home happi-
ness, of many of the brave men who had fought beside
him ; France still contained much that was at once
lovely and high-born ; but he ere long resolved to
form a court for himself which should surpass all those
of the rest of Europe, alike in grace and magnificence,
and in which women should reign supreme ; declaring
that a " court without ladies was a year without a
spring, or rather a spring without roses."
In furtherance of this design, he summoned about
Francis I 213
him all the wealthy nobles who habitually resided in
their ancestral castles, and who eagerly responded to
the call of their sovereign, and arrived at Amboise
accompanied by the females of their families, many of
whom were both beautiful and accomplished, and all
flattered by so signal a mark of royal favour. One,
however, failed him ; and that one was precisely the
individual whom he had been the most anxious to
attract ; the young and brilliant Frangoise de Foix,
Comtesse de Chateaubriand, whose extraordinary at-
tractions, despite the retirement in which she lived,
had been a frequent subject of discourse among the
courtiers.
This beautiful woman was the daughter of Phebus
de Foix, Vicomte de Lautrec, and of Jeanne d'Aydie,
elder daughter and heiress of Odet d'Aydie, Comte de
Comminges, and was born about the year 1495. The
family of Foix was both ancient and illustrious, and
recognised no superiors save the princes of the blood,
although so much impoverished from the number of
its male descendants as to leave the lovely and only
daughter of the house without a portion consistent
with her rank. Her extreme beauty, however, sufficed
to overrule even this consideration, so important in all
ages to eligible marriage in France, and brought to
her feet the young and accomplished Jean de Laval de
Montmorency, Seigneur de Chateaubriand, when she
had barely attained her fourteenth year. In 1509 she
became his wife, and, happy in a union which left her
young and affectionate nature nothing to desire, ac-
companied him to his castle in Brittany, where she
passed the first period of her wedded life in peace and
214 Reign of
seclusion, without a wish or a care beyond the narrow
circle of her home.
This tranquillity was not, however, destined to en-
dure. The Comte de Chateaubriand could not evade
compliance with the expressed will of his sovereign ;
but tenderly attached to his young wife, he was anxious
before he suffered her to appear in the circle of the
King, to form his own judgment as to the safety with
which he might permit her presentation. The known
morals of Francis I. were not calculated to inspire
confidence; and in the fair, and graceful, and gifted
partner of his home, the Count had garnered up his all
of hope and happiness. Thus then he revolved in his
mind, with all the jealousy of deep affection, every
method by which he might secure to himself the treas-
ure of whose value he was so keenly conscious ; and
so great was his apprehension that some of the profli-
gate companions of the King might devise a method
of wiling his wife to court, that he finally decided upon
causing two rings of curious workmanship to be made
precisely similar; and on the eve of his departure he
placed one of them upon her finger, which he enjoined
her carefully to examine, and on no account to follow
him to Amboise, even should he write and direct her
to do so, unless the letter contained another precisely
similar. The young Countess, overwhelmed by grief
at his departure, totally unacquainted with the court,
and who desired no greater splendour than that by
which she was already surrounded, at once promised
obedience ; and M. de Chateaubriand, saddened by her
tearful caresses, and satisfied that he had made " assur-
ance doubly sure," at length tore himself from her
Francis I
215
encircling arms, and, leaving her to preside over his
stately and gloomy castle, proceeded on his ill-omened
journey.
Unfortunately for the Count, his heart was too full to
be subservient to his reason ; and as he saw the dis-
tance increase between himself and the beautiful young
creature who had so lately wept upon his bosom, his
caution gave way before his jealousy, and he entrusted
his secret to an old servant, of whose fidelity he believed
himself secure. On his arrival at Amboise he was
courteously received by the King, who greeted him
with half jesting and half ironical reproaches that he
had come alone to a court where grace and beauty
were estimated at their full value ; an address to which
he gravely replied, by assuring the disappointed mon-
arch that the Countess had remained in Brittany at her
own request; volunteering, moreover, to prove the
fact of his assertion by writing in the royal presence,
should his Majesty desire him to do so, an urgent invi-
tation for her to join him. Francis acepted the offer,
which necessarily produced no effect ; and again and
again the experiment was renewed at his request, but
always with the same result, until the faithless varlet,
to whom the Count had confided his cherished secret,
won over by the gold of M. de Guise, (who at once
conjectured that there was a mystery attached to the
unnatural persistence of the lady,) and his lavish
promises of the King's favour and protection to the
delinquent, betrayed the trust which had been reposed
in him, and told the whole story of the mystic ring.
The result of such a discovery may be conjectured.
The lacquey was easily bribed to possess himself of the
216 Reign of
important talisman, which was placed in the hands of
an able craftsman, who in a very short time manufac-
tured a third, precisely similar to the duplicate pro-
vided by the Count. The stolen trinket was then care-
fully replaced in its usual receptacle, and the counter-
feit introduced into a new letter which the duped
husband was induced to write; and which, in affec-
tionate and urgent terms, invited the young and inno-
cent recluse to repair without further delay to the
court, of which she was constituted to form so bright
an ornament.
On the receipt of the important jewel, the Countess
did not hesitate to obey the summons ; nor can it be
doubted that she did so with alacrity. Buried in an
old castle, with no other society than that of her con-
fessor and her maids, and with no occupation save
what she derived from her breviary and her tapestry-
work ; separated for the first time from a husband to
whom she was fondly attached ; and not without some
of those vague yearnings after novelty so natural to
her age and sex ; it can scarcely be matter of surprise
that her leave-taking of the sombre residence which
she had so long occupied was rendered as brief as
possible, and that she was soon upon her road to that
court whence she had been hitherto shut out.
At this period the royal circle had removed to Cham-
bord, a locality to which Francis was greatly attached.
The chateau, standing about four leagues from Blois,
on the vast plain of Sologne, and between the ex-
tensive forests of Boulogne and Bussy, had originally
been a mere country house of the Counts of Blois ; and
was, even at the time of which we write, rather a hunt-
Francis I 217
ing rendezvous than an actual residence. Situated in
the near neighbourhood of the Castle of Romorantin,
so long the abode of Louise de Savoie, it had been
the scene of many of the boyish sports of the young
King; and was, to him, full of agreeable associations,
for it was there that he had enjoyed the pleasures of
the chase during the banishment of his mother from
the court ; and he still retained his partiality for the old
spot endeared to him by so many delightful recollec-
tions.
It was to Chambord, therefore, that Franchise de
Foix hastened on the receipt of the treacherous trinket,
never doubting for an instant that in so doing she was
implicitly obeying the will of her husband; and this
very fact was only another link in the luckless chain of
the Count's misfortunes; as, had the court been as-
sembled either in Paris or at Amboise, the arrival of
the Countess might have passed unobserved, and time
have been thus afforded for an explanation which
would have enabled him to effect her instant return
to Brittany ; but the comparative solitude of Cham--,
bord rendered every new event of importance as matter
of momentary amusement ; and, consequently, the fair
traveller no sooner reached the chateau, attended by
her escort, than the news of her advent became univer-
sally known ; and the astonished and mortified husband
found himself utterly unable to avert the evil against
which he had believed himself to be so securely
guarded.
Cold and constrained, however, was the welcome
with which he greeted his beautiful young wife ; and
they had no sooner retired to his apartment than he
218 Reign of
upbraided her bitterly for her want of good faith. The
Countess, bewildered in her turn by such a reception,
sank into a chair, overcome by terror and distress ; and
extending her hand to her irritated husband, displayed
upon one of her slender fingers the two rings by which
he had himself desired that she should govern her con-
duct. More and more astonished, the Count flew to
the casket in which his treasure had been concealed,
and there, in its velvet envelope, still lay the ring in
which he had confided for safety.
" Are you now convinced, Jean ? " asked the weep-
ing Countess, who had anxiously watched his move-
ments.
" I am, madam," was the stern reply ; " and I have
learnt that to your other accomplishments you add
that of a duplicity and talent for intrigue of which I
had assuredly never suspected you to be possessed.
Henceforward we shall better comprehend each
other."
" Count ! " exclaimed the agonized wife, wringing
her hands, " explain to me what you mean. Have I
done wrong in coming here? Did you not yourself
summon me? Have I not remained contentedly in
Brittany until the ring reached me, which was to assure
me that I acted in obedience to your wishes by re-
joining you? Speak! In what have I failed in my
duty as a wife?"
" The question is now needless, madam," was the
rejoinder ; " and a few weeks hence you will, in all
probability, no longer have the courage to ask it ; "
and he turned to leave the room.
" Nay, Jean, you shall not leave me in anger," cried
Francis I 219
Franchise springing from her seat, and grasping his
arm ; k< only let me understand my fault, and repair it."
" It is too late," said the Count moodily ; " the evil is
now, as you must have foreseen, totally irreparable.
I never sent that ring, as you well know ; I have been
deceived in you ; but from this hour I shall be enabled
to estimate your affection at its proper value."
"You never sent that ring?" echoed the young
Countess, upon whom the remainder of his words had
been lost. " Whence came it then ? " and she looked,
earnestly upon the hand which bore it.
" Nay, nay ; this is idle, madam," replied the Count
with a bitter laugh. " From whom could it have come
save from him, who through your courteous and in-
dulgent agency was enabled to have it made? But
let us bandy words no longer. You have taken your
destiny into your own hands. You are now at court,
and have duties to perform with which even your hus-
band will have no right to interfere. Dry your eyes,
therefore, for within an hour you must wait upon the
Queen, and you have little time to spare. I will order
your women to attend you." And shaking off her
grasp, he strode coldly from the apartment.
But even yet the young and pure mind of Franchise
de Foix was unable to fathom the meaning of her
husband. She only felt that he was changed ; how
changed ! She only comprehended that he had ceased
to love her ; for she could not estimate the force of that
engrossing and jealous affection which thus played the
traitor to its own interests, and converted an attached
husband into an ungenerous tyrant. But she had, as
he had just declared, few moments to spare to such
22O Reign of
reflections. The Queen held a reception-circle that
very evening, at which it was necessary that she should
be presented ; and accordingly, with a sick and trem-
bling heart, she resigned herself to the hands of her
women; and when at length the Count reappeared in
order to conduct her to the Queen's apartments, he
shuddered as his eye fell upon her, radiant in youth and
beauty, and sparkling with jewels.
The opposition which had been offered to his wishes,
had, as a natural consequence, only heightened the
curiosity of the young monarch ; and accordingly, the
Countess had no sooner paid her respects to the Queen,
than, waving back the courtiers by whom he was im-
mediately surrounded, he advanced a step forward,
and with a courteous smile awaited her approach.
" Nay, nay," he said graciously, as she would have
bent her knee before him, " it is not for the fair Com-
tesse de Chateaubriand to kneel even to a king. You
are welcome, madam, even although your advent has
been a somewhat tardy one."
" Sire," commenced the lady with a burning blush.
" We know all, madam," interposed Francis with a
gay laugh, through which pierced a triumph he was
unable altogether to conceal. " You are a votary of
solitude ; a lover of silent streams and hoary moun-
tains ; but, believe me, these are not the only objects
for bright eyes to dwell upon. We must make a con-
vert of you, madam, or it will be said that our court
has lost its charm. M. de Chateaubriand ; " and his
lip curled for an instant as he addressed the Count,
whose moody brow sufficiently betrayed his secret
annoyance, and formed a singular contrast with the
Francis I 221
curious and supercilious looks which were turned upon
him ; " we depend on you to inspire your charming
wife with less gloomy tastes: you have already done
this most loyally by letter, and must now complete
your work. Once more, madam, you are welcome.
In a few days your fitting post at court shall be as-
signed to you. And now, gentlemen, to our games."
And without awaiting the acknowledgment of the
Count, he turned upon his heel, and approached a table
covered with dice and playing-cards, which had been
originally introduced into France in the reign of
Charles VI., by the beautiful and devoted Odette de
Champdivers, for the amusement of that monarch
during his paroxysms of insanity.
In a few moments all the nobles of the court circle
re absorbed by the chances of the different games
in which they were engaged, save only M. de Chateau-
briand, who stationed himself behind the chair of the
Queen, while his wife, at her desire, seated herself on a
cushion at her feet. The gentle Claude, accustomed
to the triumphant demeanour and coquettish bearing
of those beauties whom Francis, on their first presenta-
tion, had honoured by his particular notice, and totally
unaware of the unworthy intrigue by which the young
Countess had been allured to the court, found herself
singularly attracted by the timid and lovely woman,
from whose cheek the blush had not yet faded; and,
as if to complete the discomfiture of the Count, added
her own courteous reproaches to those of her royal
husband.
" But you have a child," she said, suddenly check-
ing herself with a fond smile of maternal love ; " and
Kri'
222 Reign of
I can understand your reluctance. We must en-
deavour to compensate to you for such a sacrifice."
For a moment the brow of the Count cleared. His
wife might yet be saved if attached to the circle of the
pure-minded Queen ! But again he glanced at her, as
her beaming eyes were raised in gratitude to her royal
mistress, and he felt the utter futility of such a hope ;
for the conviction fell cold upon his heart, that amid
all the galaxy of beauty by which he was surrounded,
he must look in vain for loveliness like hers.
Nor was Francis, who from the first moment of his
meeting with the young Countess, was, or believed
himself to be, deeply enamoured of her personal
charms, and attracted by her graceful timidity, much
more at ease than the Count himself. Unaccustomed
to opposition, and habituated, when it chanced to
present itself, to overrule it by such extreme measures
as tended to prove that neither his chivalry towards
the weaker sex, nor his gratitude towards the most
zealous of his subjects, could turn him from his pur-
pose, he was well aware that M. de Chateaubriand was
likely to prove less plastic in his hands than most of
those yielding husbands with whom he had hitherto
been brought into contact ; while, conscious that the
Countess herself was as yet wholly unaware of the de-
ception to which she had fallen a victim, and detecting
in her proud, although simple bearing, a sense of per-
sonal dignity which could not fail to delay, even should
it not eventually altogether thwart his projects ; he was,
for the first time, almost at a loss how to proceed ; and
it is extremely probable that had not the Count, blinded
by his ungenerous suspicions, himself alienated the
Francis I 223
affections of his young wife, Franchise de Foix might
have escaped the snare which had been laid for her.
As it was, however, the occasional privacy of M. and
Madame de Chateaubriand was embittered by tears
and reproaches ; and as every fresh courtesy of Francis
towards his wife furnished the Count with a new sub-
ject of invective and violence, it was not long ere the
unhappy Countess began to sigh for the hour which
would summon her to the circle of the King, and thus
release her from invective and contempt.
On the return of the court to Amboise, Madame de
Chateaubriand was welcomed with especial courtesy
by Louise de Savoie, who had already ascertained the
feelings of her son towards the young and brilliant
stranger, whose eyes were even thus early learning to
forget the use of tears ; and whose cheek flushed, per-
haps, but no longer burnt, under the gaze of the King.
The heart soon loses its bloom beneath the language
of flattery ; Franchise had a sovereign at her feet ; the
atmosphere of a licentious court was around her, and
evil advisers at her side ; while a deeply rooted terror
of the resentment of a husband whom she had un-
wittingly offended, unhappily combined with these to
dazzle, bewilder, and subdue her. She still trembled,
but she did not turn away from the abyss which yawned
before her eyes. Suspected by the man on whom she
had . lavished all the affection of her girlhood ; and
separated from her infant, whose purity might have
enfolded her as with the wings of an angel, and saved
her from herself, she sickened at her utter helpless-
ness ; and at length forgetting all, save her own vacuity
of heart, and dreading lest in some moment of ex-
224 Reign of
asperation her husband should brave the anger of the
King, and immure her once more in his ancestral castle,
with himself as her ?ole companion, she yielded to the
dishonour which had been prepared for her, and added
another to the list of those victims whom the licentious-
ness of Francis had already sacrificed to his selfish-
ness.
Madame de Chateaubriand, however, fallen as she
was, still shrank from the publicity of vice in which
some of her predecessors had discovered the proudest
result of the King's attachment; and for a time the
unfortunate liaison was carefully concealed ; although
this could not be so skilfully accomplished as to de-
ceive the anxious and watchful husband, or the ex-
perienced Louise de Savoie ; who, discerning nothing
more dangerous in the Countess than her beauty, and
satisfied that she had little to apprehend from her
ambition, affected not to remark the devotion of the
King, and continued to lavish upon the new favourite
all the graceful courtesies which could encourage her
in her precarious and sinful career.
Far otherwise was it, however, with the injured
Count ; who no sooner ascertained that his dishonour
was accomplished, than he instantly withdrew from
the theatre of his disgrace, and retired to that peaceful
home in Brittany which the absence of his wife's affec-
tion had rendered a desert. He vouchsafed neither
expostulation nor reproach ; the past, as he bitterly
remembered, could never be recalled: his child was
motherless, and she was now his only earthly link;
he had done with the world, and the world with him.
Others who had been subjected to the like indignity
Francis I
225
might haunt the salons of royalty, and sweep the
earth with their plumed hats before the spoiler of their
homes; M. de Chateaubriand was not of these; he
could suffer, but he could not stoop to kiss the hand
that smote him ; and thus, without a word, without a
sign, he departed from the court, and his existence
was ere long forgotten.
VOL. I. 15
CHAPTER X.
Francis Forms Projects for the Embellishment of His King-
dom and the Encouragement of Literature Birth of a
Dauphin Francis Invites Leo X. to Become Sponsor to
the Young Prince The Royal Christening Resignation of
Queen Claude Marriage of Lorenzo de' Medici and Made-
laine de la Tour-d'Auvergne Munificence of the Pope
A Fancy Ball in the Sixteenth Century The Bridal Ban-
quet Increasing Influence of Madame de Chateaubriand
Louise de Savoie Becomes Jealous of Her Power over
the King Forbearance of the Queen The Countess
Pushes the Fortunes of Her Brothers The Hunting Party
Lautrec Appointed Governor of the Milanese The Re-
call of Bourbon Indignation of the Duchess-Mother Bour-
bon Arrives at Court Love-Visions Jealousy of Francis
The Chancellor Endeavors to Effect the Recognition of the
Concordat Perplexity of the King Magisterial Corrup-
tion Pertinacity of Francis Dismissal of the Delegates
Registration of the Concordat Demonstration of the Uni-
versity Unpopularity of the King.
T"^ RANCIS having at this period repaired, in so far
1 as it was possible, the error of which his prede-
cessor had been guilty, by conciliating the Swiss ; and
believing himself to be at once free from any imme-
diate risk of foreign aggression, and secure of the
Milanese, in whose conquest he had alike consumed
the revenues of the state and the first years of his reign,
began-to, turn his attention to the embellishment of his
226
Francis I 227
kingdom, and the interests of literature. Himself, as
we have already shown, but a superficial scholar, he
was, nevertheless, fully aware of the importance of
introducing and encouraging a taste for polite learn-
ing among his subjects ; and although his mind, when
not engrossed by his passion for Madame de Chateau-
briand, which soon ceased to be a secret to the court,
was occasionally disturbed by doubts of the acceptance
of the concordat, he amused himself in forming splendid
projects, both as regarded the public edifices, and the .
establishment of a great national college.
For a brief period he was, however, diverted from
this new and worthy ambition by the birth of a
dauphin, an event which was hailed alike by the young
King and his subjects with enthusiastic delight. The
infant Prince w r as born at Amboise on the 28th of
February, 1517; and he had scarcely seen the light
before Francis despatched M. de Saint-Mesme, a
nobleman of his household, to Rome, at once formally
to communicate this intelligence to the sovereign pon-
tiff, and privately to invite him to become sponsor to
the royal infant, and thus consolidate the friendly alli-
ance which existed between them.* The envoy was
most graciously received, nor did the Pope attempt to
conceal the satisfaction which he experienced from the
proposition ; and, after having sumptuously entertained
M. de Saint-Mesme during several days while the bap-
tismal presents were in preparation, he finally dis-
missed him with great honour ; and he left the Holy
* Bacon, in his " Life and Times of Francis I.," attributes the overture
to Leo X.; but as the Memoirs of Fleuranges and Du Bellay alike as-
sert it to have been the act of the French King, I have deemed pit jUjke
expedient to follow their authority. V&*
;*rV - v T*'4
/?
228 Reign of
City, accompanied by Lorenzo de' Medici, the nephew
of the pontiff, who was appointed to officiate as his
proxy, and the Florentine ambassadors.
On the arrival of the illustrious party at Amboise,
they were met beyond the gates of the city by all the
princes of the blood, and great nobles of the court, by
whom they were conducted to the King. The other
sponsors selected by Francis to assist at the august
ceremony were the Due de Lorraine and Madame de
Bourbon ; * and there was a smile upon every lip save
that of the meek mother of the new idol, who at length
found her last hope of regaining the affections of her
volatile husband extinguished for ever. She had
trusted with all a woman's confidence that the birth
of a son would restore him to her ; but in the very tone
of his address, as he coldly thanked her for the present
which she had made to France, she read all her lone
and loveless future; and as her pale cheek fell back
upon the pillow, she closed her heavy eyelids to conceal
the tears which would not be suppressed, and humbled
herself in prayer.
None, however, save her immediate attendants, were
conscious, amid the general joy, that there was a burst-
ing and a bleeding heart beneath the proud roof of
the palace of Amboise. Princes and nobles feasted
at the table of the King ; the silvery sound of women's
laughter echoed through the vast apartments ; the
guards were merry at their posts, and the varlets at
their toil. France at length boasted a dauphin; and
* The " Loyal Servant " states the godmother of the royal infant to
have been the Duchesse d'Aleiifon ; but it is to be presumed that the
authority of Fleuranges, who assisted at the ceremony, is the more cor-
rect of the two.
Francis I 229
every other consideration was swallowed up in that
one joyous conviction.
The ceremony of baptism was invested with all the
splendour of which it was susceptible. Plumed hats
and jewelled vests were mingled with brocades and
laces ; the fairest and noblest of France were grouped
with distinguished individuals of other nations, among
whom one of the most remarkable was the Prince of
Orange, who arrived, attended by a magnificent
retinue, to offer his congratulations to the King ; but
was so coldly received as to retire in disgust, and to
volunteer his services to Charles V., by whom they
were eagerly and courteously accepted. The altar of
the palace-chapel blazed with precious stones, and its
aisles were heavy with the fumes of frankincense ;
gorgeously attired prelates lined the sanctuary, and
majestic women filled the galleries of the tribune ; har-
monious voices pealed out the hymn of praise ; and the
infant Prince, shrouded in ermine and velvet, received
the name of Francis from the courtly lips of Lorenzo
de' Medici. The service once concluded, the brilliant
crowd swept onward from the chapel towards the great
courtyard, which had been entirely enclosed both
above and around with party-coloured draperies, in
order to protect the guests from the weather during
the banquet; the grand salon of the palace having
been found inadequate to afford accommodation to so
numerous an assemblage. After the repast, which was
prolonged until a late hour, this magnificent temporary
hall was illuminated by torches ; and dancing, lotteries,
and dice occupied the remainder of the night.
Nor were the baptismal festivities confined to Am-
230 Reign of
boise, for throughout the whole realm of France the
people vied with each other in testifying their joy at
the birth of a dauphin. The streets of Paris were filled
with revellers, who were entertained at the expense of
the authorities; and at Orleans two temporary foun-
tains were erected in front of the Hotel de Ville, which
poured forth white and red wine from sunrise to sunset.
The glad shouting of the populace responded to the
pealing of the cannon from the fortresses; and for
several days all business was suspended.
Accustomed as he had been to the pontifical splen-
dour of his uncle's court, Lorenzo de' Medici was
dazzled by the magnificence of all around him. The
chivalric courtesies of the King, the gracious smiles of
the Regent,* the lavish profusion of the great nobles,
and the extreme beauty of the fair women who
thronged the palace, so far exceeded all his previous
experience, that he at once became reconciled to the
will of his uncle, by whom he had been charged to
propose a treaty of marriage between himself and
Madelaine de la Tour-d'Auvergne, the younger daugh-
ter of the Comte de Boulogne and Auvergne, whose
sister had married the Due d'Aubigny. This lady,
who was young and extremely beautiful, was con-
nected with the royal family through her mother, who
had been a princess of Bourbon ;f and it was not
without considerable disappointment that some of the
wealthiest nobles in the kingdom saw her hand be-
stowed upon a foreigner.
* Madame d'Angouleme was commonly so called after her temporary
regency.
t Madelaine de la Tour-d'Auvergne was the daughter and co-heiress of
Jean, Comte de Boulogne, and Joanna, the daughter of Jean, Due de
Vendome.
Francis I 231
Francis, however, effected a sagacious stroke of
policy by the concession ; as he required in return a
pledge from Lorenzo, that both he and all his family
should bind themselves to uphold the interests of
France, with which this marriage would tend so closely
to unite them. The Florentine at once acceded to
this arrangement ; but, even enamoured as he was of
the fair girl who was about to become his wife, he was
still wary enough to stipulate in return, that the
French King should withdraw his protection from the
Due d'Urbino, whose ally he then was, and offer no
impediment to his own attempt to possess himself of
the duchy. To this proposition, Francis, after some
demur, in his turn consented ; and preparations were
forthwith commenced for the celebration of this ill-
omened marriage, which was fated to exert so mighty
an influence on the destinies of France, by giving birth
to Catherine de' Medici.
Once more the halls of Amboise were loud with fes-
tivity, and radiant with splendour ; and, on the return
of the bridal party from the chapel, Francis invested
the bridegroom with the cross of St. Michael, having
previously presented him with an annual revenue of
ten thousand crowns; and lavished upon the bride
presents of the most costly description.
In this munificence he was, however, even exceeded
by the Pope ; who, in the height of his self-gratulation
at the new aggrandizement of his family, despatched
both to the Queen of France, and to the bride, gifts of
so costly a nature as to excite universal astonishment ;
among which, (probably the most remarkable at the
period,) was a state bed, inlaid with mother-of-pearl,
232 Reign of
tortoise-shell, and ivory ; while so great was his pro-
fusion, that a train of thirty-six horses were required
to convey all these treasures to the capital.
The most novel feature of the court-festival at this
marriage, was the introduction of distinct character
dances, executed entirely by the youngest and most
beautiful women of the royal circle ; who, divided into
parties of twelve, each assumed some national costume,
of which the illusion was further heightened by the
accompaniment of corresponding instruments. As
the number of these courtly coryphees amounted to
seventy, the whole of the morning was consumed in
witnessing their performances ; after which the King
conducted the bride to the banqueting table, followed
by her new-made husband leading Madame d'Angou-
leme ; and having in their suite all the princes of the
blood, foreign ambassadors, and nobles, each accord-
ing to his order of precedence. As the last of the
guests passed the threshold, the trumpets sounded,
and the King, advancing to the upper end of the hall,
placed his mother upon his right hand; and then,
raising his feathered hat for an instant, motioned to
the courtly party to take their seats. With the excep-
tion of the Duchesse d'Angouleme and the bride, no
lady had a place at the royal table ; Madame de Cha-
teaubriand herself, upon this stringent occasion of
court etiquette, being compelled to forego her ordi-
nary privilege. As the several courses were removed,
the trumpets again pealed out, and, during the inter-
vals, the royal musicians kept up an uninterrupted
stream of harmony. At the close of the banquet,
dancing was resumed, and continued until an hour past
Francis I 233
midnight, amid a blaze of flambeaux and torches which
rivalled the light of day.
On the morrow the festivities were resumed; and
jousts, skirmishes, sham-fights, sieges, and other
manly sports, were varied by balls, mysteries, hunting-
parties, and such pastimes as might be shared by the
young beauties of the court, during several weeks ;
after which the King took leave of the newly-married
pair, who departed for Italy accompanied by the Due
d'Aubigny, the brother-in-law of the bride, whom he
had appointed his ambassador to the Pope ; and who^
in that capacity, acquitted himself so admirably as to
insure the lasting alliance of the Medici with France.
Never again, however, was the unfortunate Made-
laine de la Tour-d'Auvergne destined to visit her be-
loved country, to whose interests she had been a
passive although a reluctant victim. In little more
than a year, she had become the mother of Catherine
de' Medici, and was in her grave ; whither she was
followed in the short space of five days by her husband,
both having fallen martyrs to a contagious disease in
April, 1519.
As the court slowly subsided into tranquillity, after
the long effervescence of almost delirious dissipation
in which it had been immersed, the increasing influ-
ence of Madame de Chateaubriand became more and
more apparent. She assumed no personal conse-
quence, it is true; but, urged on by her family, she
evinced the most anxious desire to enrich her three
brothers ; and, in order to accomplish this project, be-
gan to interfere in the affairs of state with a pertinacity
which aroused all the jealousy of Louise de Savoie,
234 Reign of
who had been so long accustomed to mould her son
to her will, that she could ill brook the rivalry of power
which was thus forced upon her. Nor was it long ere
she became painfully aware that the contest was alto-
gether unequal; and that the indulgence with which
she had, from his very boyhood, visited, or rather
encouraged, the passions of her son, was destined to
prove her own punishment. Hitherto she had been
all in all to him ; for the patient and neglected Queen
had put forth no claim to popularity ; and had shrunk
alike from every cabal which had been formed about
her; devoting herself entirely to her children, of two
of whom she was so soon to be bereaved ; and to those
works of charity and acts of devotion by which she
hoped one day to purchase the affections of her hus-
band. The previous intrigues of the young King had
been merely the result of a passing fancy, and, as such,
incapable of weakening the influence of his mother ;
and even in her first judgment of Franchise de Foix
the sagacious duchess had not deceived herself; but
she had committed the grievous and irreparable error
of forgetting, that little as the young Countess might
seek or estimate self-aggrandizement, there were those
about her, who, unlike her high-hearted husband,
would not disdain to make her dishonour the pedestal
of their own fortunes; and this was precisely that
which came to pass.
It has been already stated, that noble as they were
by birth, the family of Franchise de Foix were by no
means wealthy; and it was consequently inevitable
that, having once accustomed themselves to look upon
the dishonour of their sister with indifference, her
Francis I 235
t;hree brothers, Messieurs de Lautrec, de Lascun, and
ie Lespare, should regard her as the destined architect
Df their fortunes ; and thus involve her in intrigues and
:abals, for which she was totally unfitted by nature.
The first glaring instance of her unbounded influence
Dver her royal lover, was exhibited in the recall of the
Connetable de Bourbon from Milan, where he had
remained since its conquest as the Lieutenant-General
of the King ; and the substitution of the Marechal de
Lautrec, whose ambition could be satisfied only by
the highest and most honourable charge in the army.
It was during a hunting-party in the forest of Bussy,
when, fatigued and heated with the chase, Francis
reined up his panting horse beside the palfrey of the
young Countess; and with one hand caressing its
silken mane, received with a fond smile her whispered
compliments upon his prowess, that this great and
eventful change was fated to be arranged. Long as
she had meditated upon it, and anxious as she had
become to insure its success, a certain timidity had
hitherto restrained her from entering formally upon
the subject ; but on this occasion, a single question
from the enamoured monarch liberated her at once
from her difficulty. They were alone, and secure for
a time from all interruption ; the hunt having led the
whole of the royal suite to another and a distant quar-
ter of the forest ; the sunlight fell in living mosaics
upon the mossy turf, when the quivering leaves af-
forded it a momentary passage; and the low sweet
wind, as it wandered past, swept the long ringlets of
the Countess almost to the cheek of her companion as
he leant towards her.
236 Reign of
" On the faith of a gentleman ! " * exclaimed Francis,
" you have followed the hunt bravely to-day, and have
shamed many a cavalier, who will nevertheless vaunt of
his prowess at the banquet ere-while. But where were
your thoughts, ma mie? I could not watch them as I
did your bright eyes, and your slender figure." And
he looked tenderly in her face, as though he already
anticipated the flattering answer.
" I need surely not inform your Majesty that they
were, as ever, fixed upon yourself ; but, alas ! not with
undivided happiness," said the lady.
" And why so ? " demanded the King abruptly.
" These are strange words from the lips of Frangoise
de Foix."
" They are, Sire ; but they are at least truthful. Are
you not all the world to me ! And can I reflect upon
any possible injury to your august name without dis-
may ? "
" You speak in enigmas, Madame! I scarcely know
you in this new character. Explain your meaning,
and let us once more understand each other."
" My duty is obedience," said the beautiful Countess,
as she suffered her large lustrous eyes to rest for a
moment upon the hand which was still plunged amid
the mane of her palfrey, and then raised them timidly
and tearfully to the face of the King. " With your
* Foy de Gentil-Homme was the habitual oath of Francis I., and, indeed,
the only one which he permitted to pass his lips. Brantome informs us
that the three preceding kings of France had likewise each his favourite
ejaculation; and that a quatrain was written in commemoration, thus:
"Quand la * Pasque Dieu,' deceda Louys XI.
4 Par le Jour-Dieu,' luy succeda Charles VIII.
' Le Diable m'emporte,' s'en tint pres . . . Louys XII.
' Foy de Gentil-Homme' vint apres .... Frangois I."
Francis I 237
image was blended that of the Connetable de Bour-
bon."
" Ha ! our good cousin Charles de Montpensier ; "
smiled Francis. " And what of him, fair dame?"
" Simply, Sire, that your royal favour has rendered
him too arrogant for the subject of such a master ; and
that I have certain advices from Milan, which lead me
to suspect his loyalty. Already the most wealthy and
powerful noble of France, he has nothing to anticipate
at home ; and his ambition is no secret."
Francis started, and sat erect in his saddle.
" The duchy of Milan," pursued the Countess,
" would be a tempting exchange for the sword of
Connetable ; and M. de Bourbon has already secured
the hearts of his vice-regal subjects."
" Ha, indeed ! " exclaimed her listener vehemently.
" Is it so ? In good truth this must be looked to. But
in whom can we trust, if Charles de Montpensier, whom
we have raised to the highest dignity in the realm, turn
traitor to our interests? "
" One for whom your Majesty has done less," said
said Franchise steadily. " One who still remembers
at whose hands he holds his favour; and who has
already afforded proof both of his loyalty and his
devotion."
" True," replied the King thoughtfully, and with a
moody brow ; " doubtless there are many such in our
good kingdom of France ; but the choice will be no
easy one. Besides, Marguerite loves Bourbon like a
brother, and will reproach me should I offer him an
affront."
" The loss of the Milanese would be an affront to
238 Reign of
your Majesty which no reproach could reach ; " re-
torted the favourite.
" On the faith of a gentleman, you are right,
madame ! " almost shouted Francis, who was stung to
the very core by the bare supposition of such an in-
dignity. " The Connetable shall be recalled. And
now, since you have become a counsellor, and plunged
into the stormy sea of state affairs, you must complete
your work, and help me to select his successor."
" Your Majesty has not forgotten Ravenna ? " asked
the Countess with her most sunny smile.
The eye of the young King brightened. " Ha ! I
read the meaning of that fair plotting face. No, ma
tnic, I have forgotten neither Ravenna, nor the brilliant
services of your brother ; but you should also remem-
ber that he is already a Marshal of France."
"The Due de Bourbon is Connetable," said the
Countess boldly ; " and, like Lautrec, owes his dignity
to your Majesty."
" Why ! you have suddenly become as uncompro-
mising as Duprat himself!" laughed Francis, as he
touched her cheek lightly with his fringed glove.
" Enough, however, for the present ; this shall be con-
sidered."
" You will not consult the duchess, Sire ? " asked
Franchise anxiously.
" Not if you forbid it ; but here come the hunt, with
De Guise and Fleuranges in the van. Ha! on the
faith of a gentleman, they have lost their quarry ! "
" And I my cause, Sire the first which I have ever
undertaken. Pardon me; I overrated my influence
with your Majesty." And the spoilt beauty burst into
Francis I 239
tears, half of mortification and half of disappoint-
ment.
" Franchise ! " exclaimed the young King, hurriedly
extending his hand, which she clasped in her slender
fingers ; " dear Franchise, dry your eyes, or you will
unman me. Your cause is won. Lautrec shall have
the Milanese."
The Countess had no time for thanks. In another
instant all the sportsmen were grouped about the King,
the plumes of their hats mingling with the manes of
their horses, as they were respectfully withdrawn ; the
details of the unsuccessful hunt were rapidly given;
and then, with tightened reins, the whole noble party
galloped back to Chambord.
Francis redeemed his pledge. The Connetable was
recalled, and the Marechal de Lautrec formally in-
vested with the government of the Milanese; to the
great disgust of Bourbon, who received with undis-
guised coldness the assurances of the King that he
could not longer forego the gratification of his pres-
ence in France. In how far the arguments of Madame
de Chateaubriand had wronged this haughty noble
cannot be ascertained ; although from the almost regal
state which he affected while at Milan, and the facility
with which he afterwards transferred his services to a
hostile sovereign, it appears probable that his loyalty
might have failed before his ambition, had he once felt
himself assured of success in seizing the sovereignty
of the duchy; an inference which is, moreover,
strengthened by his resolute and undisguised hostility
to Leo X., the ally of his own monarch. Suffice it,
however, that whatever might have been his ulterior
240 Reign of
projects, they were now overthrown for ever; and he
found himself compelled to exchange his quasi-royalty
for a less exalted station.
Meanwhile, the indignation of Madame d'Angou-
leme exceeded all bounds when she discovered that
so important a measure had been effected without her
sanction ; and as the identity of the new viceroy suffi-
ciently explained by whose influence his elevation had
been accomplished, her hatred towards the favourite
became more apparent. It was not, however, for the
compulsory return of the Connetable that Louise de
Savoie felt exasperated against the Countess, but sim-
ply because the event demonstrated the immense
power which she had obtained over the mind of Fran-
cis, and the assurance that thenceforward she must
content herself with sharing the supremacy which had
once been entirely her own. The arrival of Charles
de Bourbon at the court was, on the contrary, a source
of satisfaction ; for, as we have already hinted, she had
suffered herself to conceive a passion for that prince
to which, despite the maturity of her age, she still
trusted that he would not ultimately prove insensible.
She was ignorant of his attachment to her daughter;
and conscious that she was still one of the handsomest
women in France, as well as the mother of the sov-
ereign, she pleased herself with the belief that oppor-
tunity alone was wanting to bring him to her feet.
Strange, however, are the mysteries of the human
heart. Never for an instant had Bourbon forgotten
Marguerite ; he still worshipped her as his first love ;
and when he crossed the frontiers, her image rose as
freshly before him as on the day when her murmured
Francis I 241
farewell had fallen upon his ear like muffled music in
the salon of Amboise.; yet, nevertheless, he no sooner
encountered the smile of the Comtesse de Chateau-
briand, his active enemy, against whom he had vowed
an undying enmity, than he became her slave. Fran-
C^oise, whose heart had, as a natural consequence,
become vitiated by a career of avowed profligacy, did
not view with indifference the effect produced by her
beauty, and the prejudices and suspicions of the King,
already awakened against the Duke by her own repre-
sentations, acquired strength from the interest which
she suddenly and unexpectedly took in all that con-
cerned him. Herein, however, Francis wronged the
Connetable; who, thralled as he might be, and un-
doubtedly was, by the charms of the young Countess,
was too proud to volunteer a rivalry with the Amiral
de Bonnivet; and he had not passed eight-and-forty
hours at the court ere he heard the name of that noble
coupled with that of the King's favourite in a manner
which reflected no honour upon either party.
Some rumour of the same nature had also reached
the ear of Francis himself, and he had even mentioned
the circumstance to the Countess with an asperity
which might have satisfied her that she had little in-
dulgence to expect should he prove the truth of the
report ; but Frangoise had only found food for mirth
in the accusation, and even mimicked with such charm-
ing talent the amorous looks and gestures of the
suspected courtier, that the wrath of the King was
converted into amusement. Brantome asserts, that in
order the better to hoodwink her royal paramour, she
did not disdain to make sport of the credulity of the
VOL. I. 16
242
Reign of
admiral, in supposing that one who was loved by
Francis could for a moment be induced to listen to
his own suit ; declaring that she permitted his familiari-
ties only because his conversation entertained her, and
that he made her merry even when her heart was sad ;
and by these devices she turned away the attention of
the young monarch, and directed his jealousy to a
wrong quarter in order the better to pursue her intrigue.
Be this as it may, it is certain that the distaste of Fran-
cis for the Due de Bourbon increased daily ; while the
passion of Bonnivet for the fair favourite, which had
become sufficiently notorious to furnish matter for the
gossips of the court, never for an instant affected his
favour. His early attachment to the Duchesse d'Alen-
c,on had been no secret to the King; and as he still
affected the same hopeless devotion, Francis, con-
vinced by the arguments of the Countess, learnt to
regard his attentions to herself as the mere chivalric
services of a true knight to the most beautiful woman
of his acquaintance.
Amid all these intrigues the Chancellor continued
his efforts to secure the recognition of the Concordat
by the parliament of Paris. Francis had solemnly
pledged his word to the Pope that he would compel
its observance, and was necessarily anxious to see his
promise fulfilled ; not only because it involved his good
understanding with the sovereign pontiff himself, but
because upon that understanding hinged his tranquil
possession of the duchy of Milan. The debates upon
the Pragmatic Sanction had also tended to increase
the previous difficulties under which he laboured to a
fearful extent. His personal influence in the elections
Francis I 243
had sensibly declined; the morals of the clergy had
degenerated, and serious abuses had arisen in the re-
ligious houses; the most sacred considerations were
sacrificed to party feeling ; all such individuals as were
known to be in favour of rigid discipline were rejected,
and men of more than suspicious morals were elevated
to the highest ecclesiastical dignities. No unanimous
suffrage could be secured even for the most eligible
candidate; at every election there was a division of
votes ; and as no final arrangement could be effected
without rancour and vindictiveness, the one party in-
sisting upon their majority of voices, and the other
accusing their opponents of simony, the most dis-
graceful processes at law ensued, in which neither
exposure nor invective was spared.
Although the conditions of the Concordat had never
been officially promulgated, it had nevertheless created
universal discontent. The magistrates, indignant that
their privileges had been invaded, and wilfully over-
looking the fact that the Church could not exist in its
primitive state in the sixteenth century, loudly accused
both their own monarch and the Pope of having as-
sumed to themselves a power to which they had no
pretension; and, as a natural consequence, this bold
assertion coming from a body of men deeply versed
in ecclesiastical law, and basing their arguments upon
the maxims of the two great councils of Constance and
Bale, produced a strong effect upon the minor clergy
and the middle classes, who had long been accustomed
to regard the decisions of those councils as their code
of action.
Nevertheless, Francis urged forward the recognition
244 Reign of
of the Concordat with the pertinacity of a monarch who
will tolerate no opposition to his will. In the month
of June it was presented for registration to the par-
liament of Paris, where it occasioned the most stormy
discussions ; and was openly opposed by M. de Sievre,
the advocate-general ; which so enraged the King that
he despatched the Bastard of Savoy, his uncle, during
one of the sittings, to insist upon its immediate recog-
nition and acceptance ; instructing him, moreover, to
remain until the registration had taken place. The
first president expostulated warmly upon this innova-
tion ; representing to M. de Savoie that he could not
be present at the deliberations of the chamber without
taking the oath as a member of its body ; and requested
him to retire, which he was compelled reluctantly to
do, leaving his mission unaccomplished. The parlia-
ment, in their turn, sent their president, M. de la Haye,
to remonstrate with the monarch ; alleging that as
M. Rene de Savoie was not a member of their body,
his interference was illegal ; an expostulation to which
Francis only replied by the reiterated exclamation :
"He shall be there! He shall be there! I will no
longer tolerate the cavillers who oppose my pleasure ;
I can replace them by better men who are ready to
do their duty like loyal subjects."
The delegates then ventured respectfully to remind
him of the deference with which his predecessor had
invariably received every remonstrance offered by his
good and faithful deputies ; but they had soon reason
to repent their boldness. Francis was at this period
at Nempont, near Montreuil, where he was engaged
in strengthening the fortresses of Picardy, and in no
Francis I 245
mood to be controlled by forms, or schooled into sub-
mission by his own subjects. He was piqued, more-
over, by the inferred distinction between himself and
the late King, and had no sooner heard the president
to an end than he exclaimed haughtily : " I am
aware that there are men in my parliament who are
both wise and worthy ; but I know also that there are
others who are audacious, turbulent, and mischievous.
I am not ignorant either of their identity or their argu-
ments. You expatiate to me upon the justice of
Louis XIL, I am just also ; but like him I shall know
how to compel obedience."
M. de la Haye would still have remonstrated, but
the anger of Francis, who ill brooked opposition at
any time, only became more and more violent; and
he finally dismissed his unwelcome visitor with a threat
that he would send all who opposed his will to Tou-
louse or Bordeaux.
Nevertheless, when he became more cool, he suf-
fered the parliament to delay the registration of the
Concordat under divers pretexts, lest by too great a
precipitation he should increase the distaste of the
nation to a law which he considered necessary to in-
sure the welfare of the Church, and the tranquillity of
the kingdom. The discussions accordingly continued
from the I3th of July until the 24th of the same month,
in the presence of M. de Savoie ; at the expiration of
that period the whole body came to the decision that
they could not register the Concordat, its provisions
being at variance with the Pragmatic Sanction, which
they were compelled to observe ; declaring at the same
time that in order to enact an affair of such paramount
246 Reign of
importance, it was necessary to convene a national
council.
Renewed negotiations were then opened between
the court and the parliament, but no satisfactory result
could be obtained; and on the I3th of January, 1518,
the counsellors, Messrs, de Soyen and Verjus, were
deputed to wait upon the King, for the purpose of
presenting to him a document in which they repre-
sented that he would compromise the independence
and dignity of his crown by such a submission to the
Pope, and at the same time diminish the public
revenues.
The court was then sojourning at Amboise ; and
although apprised of the arrival of the delegates,
Francis gave no orders for their reception or accom-
modation, nor was it until the 24th of the month that
he condescended to receive them ; when in reply to
their communication he coldly and haughtily re-
marked, that his Chancellor had overruled all their
objections in a document which he considered as
peremptory and conclusive. The two counsellors re-
spectfully requested a copy of this important paper,
upon which the King lost his temper, and angrily
declared that he would not consent to have an in-
terminable process created out of a subject upon which
his pleasure should suffice. " It would appear," he
added sternly, *' that my parliament desires to con-
stitute itself a second Venetian senate; but I will let
them know that I am King of France, and that my
will is law. The ecclesiastics who form a portion of
your body, listen to nothing save what affects their
own personal interests ; they have become counsellors
Francis I 247
only the more readily to possess themselves of bishop-
rics and abbeys, and to delude themselves with the
belief, that under cover of certain privileges they are
no longer my subjects, and that I cannot take their
heads should such be my royal pleasure. They are
deceived, however, as some among them may ere long
discover to their cost. I will have no more of them
in my parliament ; that they were ever admitted there
at all was the act of my predecessors ; and my power
is equally great to expel them, and to establish a con-
trary law. The whole body has become over arro-
gant, and shall in future confine itself to the adminis-
tration of justice, which is now worse dispensed than
it has been for the last hundred years."
It was at the close of the evening banquet that this
unsatisfactory interview took place ; and Francis finally
dismissed the discomfited delegates with an order to
leave Amboise by six o'clock on the following morn-
ing, warning them that if they did not obey, he would
cause them both to be flung into the castle moat.
After an audience of this description all further at-
tempt at remonstrance was abandoned by the parlia-
ment, although they still pursued their discussions
upon the question ; but the patience of the King being
finally exhausted, on the I2th of March M. de la
Tremouille, the grand chamberlain, presented himself
to the chamber during one of its sittings, and com-
manded its members, in the name of the monarch, to
proceed immediately to the registration of the con-
tested Concordat, and to waste no more time in de-
liberating upon a subject which was already decided.
As they still hesitated, some of his followers warned
248 Reign of
them to beware of further exasperating the anger of
Francis, who had declared that should they persist
in their contumacy, not only their own lives should
be the forfeit of their disloyalty, but that he would
annihilate the parliament, and destroy the city. This
threat proved successful, and the parliament con-
sented to withdraw its opposition.
The fact was no sooner promulgated, than the uni-
versity issued an order that solemn services should
be performed in the churches, and penitential pro-
cessions traverse the streets, as on occasions of public
calamity ; while the parliament protested on oath that
its liberties had been infringed, and that it had only
yielded by compulsion to the will of the King. This
done, the Concordat was eventually registered on the
i6th of March, in the presence of M. de la Tremouille,
with this final clause, which was a last and useless
protest against the act : " By the very express com-
mand of the King several times repeated."
Nor was the opposition of the university less
strongly demonstrated ; the most popular preachers
denounced the new law from their pulpits, and the
most learned professors from their chairs. All the
printers of the capital were forbidden to put the ob-
noxious document into type ; and so intemperate were
some of the speeches made by members of both bodies,
and so gross the strictures passed upon the King and
his court, that Francis at length found himself com-
pelled to imprison several of the most distinguished
of the orators, and to keep them in close confinement
until the popular ferment had subsided ; passing mean-
while an edict condemnatory of the proceedings of the
Francis I
249
whole university, whose members were forbidden
under heavy penalties thenceforward to discuss this
or any other decree which had received the royal
sanction.
Thus the Concordat became a portion of the national
law ; but although all open opposition was necessarily
at an end, it had to encounter evasions and quibbles
so artfully conceived and skilfully executed, that
Francis derived little benefit from its enforcement;
while he was made painfully aware that by his perti-
nacity he had sacrificed his popularity, and estranged
the affections of his people.
CHAPTER XL
The Progress of Literature Leonardo da Vinci Native Tal-
ent Tact of Francis An Italian Charlatan Erasmus In-
vited to France He Refuses to Leave England Cupidity
of Leo X. Martin Luther Increasing Favour of Madame
de Chateaubriand Unbounded Authority of Louise de
Savoie Arrogance of the French King His Profusion
Lautrec Disgusts the Milanese The Marechal Trivulzio
Intrigues of the Favourite Trivulzio is Declared a
Traitor He Demands an Audience of the King Is Re-
fused, and Dies Broken-hearted The Vacant Baton is Con-
ferred upon M. de Lescun.
IT has been already stated that the early studies of
Francis I., however judiciously planned and ad-
mirably conceived, had failed to render him an accom-
plished scholar ; but they had nevertheless taught him
to estimate at their true value those more highly gifted
than himself; and to render him eager to assemble
about him all who were most distinguished in litera-
ture and art throughout Europe. Accordingly, the
Concordat was no sooner registered than he turned
his attention to this important point; and the first
celebrated man whom he invited to his court was
Leonardo da Vinci, who had founded the schools of
Florence and Milan; and through whom he entered
into correspondence with the most famous architects
250
Francis I 251
of Italy, in order to secure their advice and assistance
in the construction of the public monuments which
he was anxious to erect. The Royal College, to which
allusion has already been made, was, however, the
principal object that occupied his mind. The en-
couragement afforded to literature by Louis XII., and
the services rendered to oriental learning by the Greek
savant John Lascaris, during the same reign, had given
an impetus to native talent, which had already pro-
duced most beneficial effects in the persons of Budee,
Danes,* Du Chatel,f Cop4 and many other distin-
guished students ; while the amiable and accomplished
Etienne Poucher, Bishop of Paris, Guillaume Petit,
Jacques Colin, Guillaume Pelissier, and several more
individuals of equal reputation for talent and erudition,
formed a nucleus worthy of the great names which ere
long gathered about them from all the European
nations. Gifted with extraordinary facility and a cor-
* Pierre Danes was born in Paris in 1497, was appointed by Francis I.,
professor of Greek at the Royal College, and became the tutor of many
illustrious men. He was subsequently preceptor and confessor of the
Dauphin, afterwards Francis II. Deputed to attend the Council of
Trent in 1546, he produced a powerful effect by his extraordinary elo-
quence; and in 1557 was made Bishop of Lavaur. He resigned his see
in 1576, and died in 1577. He is believed to have been the author of the
famous treatise, De Ecclesice Ritibus, published under the name of the
president Duranti.
t Pierre Du Chatel, or Castellanus, one of the most learned prelates
of the sixteenth century, was born at Arc-en-Barrois. He was reader and
librarian to Francis I., who gave him the bishopric of Tulle in 1539, and
that of M&9011 in 1544. Created Great-Almoner of France in 1548, he be-
came Bishop of Orleans in 1551, and died the following year. He was
intimately versed in the oriental languages.
J Guillaume Cop was the most eminent physician of his time, and the
original translator of the works of Galen, Paulus yEginetus, and Hip*
pocrates.
g Etienne Poucher had been Chancellor during: the reign of Louis XII.,
but had voluntarily sent in his resignation. He subsequently became
Archbishop of bens ; and died in 1524, at the age of sever.ty-eight years.
252 Reign of
rect taste, Francis soon supplied, or rather concealed,
his own mental deficiencies by the aptitude with which
he appropriated the ideas of those about him ; and as
he passed every moment which was not devoted to
Madame de Chateaubriand, or some one of her tem-
porary rivals, in the society of the learned men who
ere long thronged his court, and whom he skilfully
and unweariedly questioned upon the particular sub-
jects for which they were especially celebrated, he
succeeded in obtaining a vague and general idea of
every branch of literature, which deluded the un-
learned into a belief of his scholarship ; while it even
deceived himself sufficiently to persuade him that he
could acquire by this erratic system of study all the
results which had only been attained by his interlocu-
tors through long and weary years of labour and
application. That he had thoroughly convinced him-
self of so flattering a fact is rendered evident, by the
naivete with which he on one occasion remarked, while
speaking of M. Du Chatel, " He is the only man the
whole of whose science I have not fathomed in a
couple of years."
As a natural consequence, the anxiety of Francis to
attract about him all those celebrities by whose assist-
ance he could either illustrate his reign, or increase his
own slender stock of knowledge, exposed him to the
artifices of many pretenders ; and among the rest an
anecdote is related by Alcyat* in one of his letters, of
* Andre* Alcyat was a celebrated lawyer, born near Milan, in 1492, and
was invited to Bourges by Francis I., who was anxious to raise the
character of the university of that city, where he introduced the system
of combining the study of the law with that of polite literature. He was
the author of several works of considerable talent; and died in 1550.
Francis I 253
an Italian charlatan named Julio Camilla, who boasted
to the monarch that he could render him a proficient
both in Greek and Latin in the short space of a single
month, provided that he would devote an hour daily
to that particular study. He, however, exacted that
no third person should be present, declaring that so
important a secret must be divulged only to crowned
heads ; while the remuneration which he claimed in the
event of success, was a yearly income of two thousand
crowns. Francis consented to these terms, and re-
ceived the impostor alone in his cabinet ; but having,
before the close of the second lesson, satisfied himself
of the audacious presumption and utter incompetency
of his master, he ordered him to leave the palace, and
never more to appear in his presence, a command
which was promptly obeyed; and the more readily
that, instead of punishing the offender, he presented
him with the sum of six hundred crowns, " to remind
him that he had been closeted with a King of France."
Other deceptions of a similar nature, to which he
was occasionally exposed, did not, however, deter
Francis from pursuing his great and laudable purpose.
The object nearest his heart was still the foundation
of the Royal College ; and by the advice of Budee,
whose modesty was as remarkable as his learning, he
resolved to confide its direction to the celebrated
Erasmus, who was universally recognised as the most
erudite individual of the age. After having for a time
adopted England as his country, where he had been
entrusted with the education of the Prince of Wales,
afterwards Henry VIII., Erasmus had made the tour
of Italy, and resisted all the efforts of Jean de' Medici,
254 Reign of
subsequently Pope Leo X., to retain him in Florence ;
preferring to return to the land of his predilection,
which he declared to be the most advantageous and
honourable sojourn for men of genius; but again
wearying for change, he had ultimately taken up his
abode in the Low Countries, of which he was a native,
and whither he had been invited by the Princess-
Regent Marguerite, who was a zealous and liberal
patron of letters.
Erasmus had been recently invested by his royal
mistress with the dignity of honorary counsellor, when
Francis I. decided upon offering him the president-
ship of the Royal College through the medium of
Budee, whom his brother student was accustomed to
distinguish by the honourable appellation of " the
prodigy of France ; " and who was authorized to
accede to the terms of the learned Hollander, even
should they include a bishopric. Dazzling as such
offers were, however, Erasmus requested time for re-
flection ; and the negotiation extended over the space
of eighteen months; a delay which increased the
anxiety of the King to such a height, that he ultimately
declared himself ready to subscribe to any conditions
upon which Erasmus might insist.
Nevertheless, the offers of Francis were ultimately
definitively, although respectfully, declined, with every
becoming expression of gratitude for the distinction
which had been conferred upon him, by the gratified
scholar; who, it was ascertained, had determined,
should he again leave the Low Countries, to return to
England once more, where Henry VIII. was urging
him, by offers as brilliant as those of Francis himself,
to establish his permanent abode.
Francis I 255
This disappointment, which had been utterly un-
foreseen by the French King, necessarily delayed the
organization of the college ; but more serious consid-
erations diverted his mind for a time even from this
engrossing project, and compelled him to turn his
attention to a subject of more immediate and vital
importance to the welfare of his kingdom.
The court of Rome having triumphed over the coun-
cils of Constance and Bale, through the submission of
the parliament and university of Paris, Leo X. hast-
ened to profit by his advantage, and to degrade re-
ligion into a mere matter of financial speculation.
Impoverished by his love of splendour and dissipation,
and believing himself to be above all further opposition
or worldly responsibility, he had authorized the men-
dicant monks of the order of St. Dominic to disperse
themselves over all the nations of Christendom, and
to remit sins for certain stipulated sums, as well as to
announce certain indulgences from the pulpit, which
were to be secured by the same venal means. As a
natural consequence, his instructions were not only
implicitly obeyed, but so perverted, through the
anxiety of the community to find favour in his eyes
by their success, that the people, scandalized by such
an abuse of authority, revolted against what they justly
considered as a violation of the most sacred privileges ;
and while the parliament of Paris and the wisdom of
the Sorbonne alike continued passive ; while the Coun-
cil of the Lateran, having abdicated its authority,
offered no protest against enormities which struck at
the root of the religion they had been entrusted to
uphold ; and worldly prelates, sold to a corrupt and
256 Reign of
venal court, looked on unmoved ; a nobler and a purer
spirit was aroused in an obscure class of the commu-
nity, at which the proud sneered, and the powerful
scoffed.
A poor monk of St. Augustin, the child of needy
parents, himself vowed to poverty and privation,
MARTIN LUTHER, already celebrated even in his com-
parative obscurity for the lucidity of his judgment, the
extraordinary energy of his mind, and the unpretend-
ing piety of his character, scandalized at the dishonour
brought upon the religion to which he had devoted
himself, by the unblushing extortions of Leo X.,
Luther, careless of the danger to which he was ex-
posed by so hazardous a proceeding, first inveighed
from the pulpit against the demoralizing and mis-
chievous tendencies of these indiscriminate indul-
gences; and then, perceiving how little effect was
produced upon the passions of his auditors, who were
all, more or less, interested in securing for them-
selves what, despite their disgust, their old associa-
tions led them to believe were a guarantee of impunity
for their misdeeds, he abandoned the pulpit for the
desk; and with equal rapidity and skill composed no
less than ninety-nine brief propositions, which he first
read in the church of St. Wittemberg, and afterwards
affixed to the door of the same church, inviting dis-
cussion, and declaring himself ready to maintain the
position which he had assumed. He appealed to the
authority of the Holy writings ; he contrasted these
with the fallible and interested testimony of human
beings; and finally, with the eloquence of inspired
truth, he called upon the people of Christendom to
Francis I 257
release themselves from the shackles of a superstition
which degraded their most sacred associations, pros-
trated their most divine hopes, and rendered them the
slaves of a deception which they must hereafter expiate
by an eternity of unmitigated and unmitigable re-
pentance.
There can be no doubt that the objections thus sud-
denly and boldly advanced by
" The solitary monk who shook the world,"
had long been germinating in his mind, and were thus
abruptly called forth by the exigencies of the moment
which opened up an extraordinary opportunity for
their demonstration. It is at least certain that they
produced, under the force of existing circumstances,
an effect tenfold greater than they could possibly have
done at any preceding period. The reason of all, and
the consciences of many, were offended by so open
and undisguised an exhibition of papal profligacy;
while the character, talents, and even defects of the
reforming monk, secured for him a sympathy and an
attention which gave weight and authority to his argu-
ments. His impetuous and uncompromising spirit
disdained all restraint, while his extraordinary and
colloquial eloquence carried conviction with it. For
a time, in all probability, even himself unconscious of
the extreme lengths to whidi his desire to abolish
certain abuses must inevitably lead, he equally blinded
his disciples to the fact that he was rapidly and surely
undermining the foundations of that faith of which he
had hitherto professed himself the humble follower;
VOL. I. 17
258 Reign of
but, as in an ill-constructed edifice the removal of one
prop loosens the tenure of the whole building, so did
the energetic denunciations and objections of Luther,
fed by the opposition which he experienced, shake the
entire fabric of Romanism to its very base ; and as his
capacious mind grasped the whole system of papal
supremacy, he each hour discovered fresh reasons for
a secession which changed the face of Christian
Europe, and was prolific of the most important re-
sults.
For a considerable time both the Pope and the
superior clergy regarded with contempt what they
considered as the heretical but impotent endeavour of
a vicious and powerless monk to reorganize the re-
ligious world ; a mere ebullition of vanity and verbal
license which could be suppressed at any hour, but
which might be more fittingly allowed to perish of
its own insignificance in the little city which had wit-
nessed its birth. They had miscalculated alike the
nature and the talents of Martin Luther. Obstacles
had no power to deter him from his purpose ; contempt
passed him by unheeded ; conscious of a mighty
mission, he despised the suffrages of the powerful ; and
still, in that quiet town, and within the hoary walls of
its silent monastery, the work of God went on, to be
emblazoned thereafter in characters of never-dying
light.
Meanwhile, the favour of Madame de Chateaubriand
continued unbounded, and she was recognised as the
channel through which all court favour might the most
readily be secured. Louise de Savoie was, it is true,
still at the head of a party, who, aware of the volatile
Francis I 259
character of Francis, were confidently anticipating the
early disgrace of the favourite; but although they
secretly predicted, and even desired her downfall, they
were not the less assiduous in their services. Her
beauty, far from decreasing, appeared only to aug-
ment by time, and the passion of the King kept pace
with it. Her smile was a sufficient recompense for the
greatest concession ; and her wish was a law which he
implicitly obeyed. Stern and unyielding towards his
ministers, in her hands he was plastic as wax, and she
moulded him to her pleasure. Her ambition, as a
natural consequence, increased with her consciousness
of power ; and so completely did she contrive to thrall
the reason of her royal lover, that although her liaison
with Bonnivet had become notorious, and her ad-
vances to the Due de Bourbon had long been a theme
of sarcasm to the whole court, her influence over the
infatuated monarch was stronger than ever.
Nevertheless, either from indolence, or from habit,
Francis permitted his mother to take an active share
in the affairs of government, and to treat with the
legates and ambassadors who visited his court ; her
splendid person, insinuating manners, and powerful
understanding, enabled her to bring to his councils
the most efficient aid. Equally indulgent to her own
social vices and to those of her son, she troubled him
by none of those representations or reproaches of
which he was so impatient; and he consequently felt
for her a deferential affection which secured her last-
ing supremacy. The Queen, who, on the 28th of
February in the preceding year, had become the
mother of a third daughter, having at length aban-
260 Reign of
doned all hope of enjoying the domestic happiness to
which she was so admirably constituted to contribute,
had ceased to evince the slightest interest in the events
which were taking place around her, and was seldom
seen in public, save on occasions of court ceremonial ;
while the wily Duprat, anxious to maintain himself in
the exalted post to which he had attained, encouraged
the libertine propensities of the young King, and sur-
rounded him with companions little calculated to en-
hance his moral character.
Francis had, at this period, reached his twenty-
fourth year; and to his naturally dissipated tastes he
added a supreme contempt for all classes of his sub-
jects, save such as blindly lent themselves to his single
will. He refused to assemble the States-General, or
to recognise their right of opinion upon any public
measure adopted by himself ; nor would he suffer them
to have a voice in the financial concerns of the king-
dom. If Louis XIV., in the plenitude of his satisfac-
tion upon finding himself King of France, was
betrayed into the arrogance of exclaiming, " L'Etdt,
c'est Moil " it is certain that the same sentiment had
previously been stringently enacted by Francis I.
Nevertheless, however he might despise the opinions
or the prejudices of his people, it is not the less certain
that the young King avoided as much as possible any
lengthened sojourn in the capital, where his immediate
circle was exposed to the scrutiny and comments of
the citizens ; and, contenting himself by inhabiting the
palace of the Tournelles during the winter months, he
commonly spent the remainder of the year in travel-
ling from castle t'o castle, accompanied by his whole
Francis I 261
court ; generally selecting the western provinces ; and
issuing his orders in turn from Blois, Amboise, An-
!cenis, Verger, St. Germain-en-Laye, and even occa-
sionally from some obscure hunting rendezvous.
The enormous outlay necessitated by this perpetual
migration may be imagined, when it is stated that
Francis exacted under all circumstances the same
ceremonious magnificence; and according to Bran-
tome, his establishment exceeded all parallel. " Noth-
ing," says the quaint old chronicler, " could approach
it; for there was his own table, that of the grand-
master, that of the grand-chamberlain and chamber-
lains, of the gentlemen of the chamber, of the gentle-
men on duty, of the valets de chambre, and many others ;
all so well provided that nothing was wanting; and
what was most remarkable is, that in a village, or in
the forests, or at a meeting, all were as well provided
for as though they had been in Paris/'
Nor was this the only species of profusion in which
Francis indulged. Careless of the calamities which
he caused by overwhelming his people with taxation,
he was lavish of the money thus obtained to all by
whom he was approached; and this to so extreme a
degree, that the same writer from whom we have just
quoted, proceeds to say : " Every one was astonished
how he could sustain and furnish the outlay of such
immense sums in war, and in gifts, above all to the
ladies, for he made them great presents, and in such
pomps, sumptuousnesses, magnificences, and superb
buildings. No great weddings were solemnized at his
court which were not celebrated either by tourna-
ments, or combats, or masquerades, or rich vestments,
262 Reign of
both male and female, or suits of state liveries. I have
seen the chests and wardrobes of some of the ladies
of that period so full of dresses which the King had
given to them at different fetes and ceremonies, that
they were a fine fortune of themselves."
It will be readily understood that it was not amid
such a career as this that Francis was likely to recall
to mind the duties which he owed to the people over
whom he had been called to govern ; or to disentangle
himself from the shackles of an unholy attachment;
yet, nevertheless, the favour of Madame de Chateau-
briand, had it been less steadfastly founded, might
have sustained a perilous shock from the unbridled
arrogance of her brother, the Marechal de Lautrec,
who at this period had by his extortions and assump-
tion so disgusted the Milanese as to create great dis-
content, and to aggravate their dislike to their con-
querors to a pitch which threatened the most serious
consequences. He had, moreover, given great um-
brage to the court of Rome, by subjecting all ecclesi-
astical affairs to a species of military ordeal ; while
his demeanour towards the veteran Marechal de
Trivulzio, who had formerly held the government of
Milan, and now shared it with himself, completed the
exasperation of the people.
Trivulzio was descended, as we have elsewhere
stated, from one of the noblest of the Lombard families,
and had been induced to join the French army in order
to assist in the extirpation of the tyrannical Ludovico
Sforza: nor had his services ended there; for he had
subsequently devoted himself to the interests both of
Charles VIII. and Louis XII. with a valour and fidel-
Francis I 263
ity which was not exceeded by those of any of their
own subjects. Age had, however, tamed his gallant
spirit, and he had retired to Milan in order to pass the
short remainder of his days amid the friends of his
early years. Unfortunately, his universal popularity,
and his great wealth, which enabled him to maintain a
magnificent style of living, offended the vanity and
aroused the jealousy of Lautrec, who could not brook
to see himself eclipsed upon the very theatre of his
triumph ; and who, finding himself powerless to injure .
the brave old man at his own hearth, could invent no
other method of gratifying his selfish malice than that
of representing him in his letters to the court as a
dangerous and intriguing individual, who, profiting
by his knowledge of the internal economy and re-
sources of the French nation, had placed himself at
the head of a faction hostile to the authority of Fran-
cis, which, should it be permitted to mature its plans,
might endanger the tenure of the Milanese.
Urged on the one hand by the wishes of the Pope to
recall Lautrec from his government, and apprehensive
on the other that, should his report of the defalcation
of Trivulzio prove correct, he should be favouring the
views of the disaffected portion of the duchy by re-
moving the man who had detected their intrigue,
Francis wavered. His irresolution was not, however,
long fated to endure, for Madame de Chateaubriand
was near him at all hours, to silence his doubts, to
strengthen his decision, and to stifle his remorse.
Lautrec triumphed ; his acts of government were justi-
fied ; and the gray-haired Trivulzio declared a traitor
to his adopted country.
264 Reign of
This accusation uttered by Francis in a moment ol
passion, was soon communicated to the veteran mare-
chal; who, jealous of his honour, could not brook so
foul an insult, but forgetting his age and his infirmi-
ties, (for he had attained his eighty-second year,) made
immediate preparations for leaving Milan in order to
justify himself in person to the sovereign by whom he
had been so cruelly misjudged.
The summer was at its height ; and, thus compelled
to travel slowly alike from physical weakness and the
sultriness of the season, it was not until the beginning
of October that the heart-stricken old man reached
Ancenis, where the court were then residing ; but, worn
and suffering as he was, he lost no time in soliciting
an audience both of Francis and his mother. Madame
d'Angouleme, who had personal reasons for siding
with the Comtesse de Chateaubriand in this emergency,
peremptorily refused to receive him ; and although the
King permitted his presentation, he simply addressed
him with a few cold and civil words of welcome, and
then turning upon his heel continued a conversation
which the reception of the unwelcome visitor had ap-
parently interrupted. Again and again did the veteran
warrior entreat only to be heard ; Francis was inexor-
able ; and at length, finding that it was in vain to hope
for a formal audience, and learning that the King was
to pass on a certain day through the town of Arpajon,
where he was then residing, Trivulzio being too much
enfeebled to stand, caused himself to be carried in a
chair to the centre of the street ; and as Francis ap-
proached, addressed him with the noble and touching
entreaty of " Sire, condescend to listen for one
Francis I 265
moment to a man who has risked his life in seventeen
battles for you and your ancestors."
Francis looked towards him for an instant, but the
influence of Madame de Chateaubriand was too power-
ful ; his better nature sank before it ; and withdrawing
his eyes, he passed on in silence.
" Sire ! oh, sire ! only one word," again uttered the
failing voice, but the King coldly pursued his way ; and
the wretched old man, throwing himself back into the
arms of his attendants, suffered them to carry him once
more to his bed, whence he never rose again. His
heart was broken, and he had done with life. Francis
was no sooner apprised that the brave old marechal
was dying, than a feeling of remorse for the harshness
which he had displayed, awoke him to a sense of his
own cruelty ; and he despatched one of the gentlemen
of his chamber to express his regret that he should
have exhibited so much rigour to one who had so
nobly served the French nation.
" I feel the kindness of the King," said the expiring
veteran ; " but I have felt his harshness still more
deeply. It is now too late."
In another hour he had breathed his last sigh ; and
nothing remained of the noble victim of a licentious
woman, and an envious and unworthy rival, save the
affecting epitaph which by his own direction was en-
graven upon his tomb: /. /. Trivultius, Antonii films,
qui nunquam quievit, quiescit; face!
Whatever might have been the feelings of Francis
when he learnt that the brave old soldier had ceased
to exist, they were unable to resist the blandishments
of the favourite ; for, to the indignation of many who
266
Francis I
had fought beside Trivulzio, the baton of marechal
which he had so long wielded with honour to himself
and to the sovereign whom he served, was bestowed
upon Lescun, her second brother.
Truly vice was at a premium in France in the six-
teenth century !
CHAPTER XII.
Increasing Popularity of Charles of Spain Bonnivet is Sent
on a Mission to England A League is Proposed by Fran-
cis to Henry against the Turks and the Marriage of the
Infant Dauphin with the Princess Mary The Reception of
the Embassy at the Court of England Bonnivet Secures
the Interest of Wolsey Francis Enters into a Correspond-
ence with the Cardinal Wolsey Resigns the Bishopric of
Tournay Suspicions of Henry VIII. The Treaty is Con-
cludedThe Hostages The Betrothal at St. Paul's The
French Embassy Leaves England The Earl of Worcester
Arrives in France Reluctance of the Earl of Worcester
to Deliver up the City of Tournay Indignation of M. de
Chatillon The Betrothal is Repeated at St. Denis The
Ambassadors Leave France Francis Fortifies Tournay
and Terouenne The French King Endeavours to Concili-
ate Charles of Castile The Turks Threaten Italy Francis
Declares His Intention of Joining the Crusade Death of
the Sultan Charles Aspires to be Elected Emperor of Ger-
many Rivalry of Charles and Francis Maximilian De-
mands the Crown of Rome Intrigues of Leo X. Chival-
ric Diplomacy Bonnivet is Despatched to Frankfort Pre-
carious Position of Germany Death of Maximilian Its
Effect upon the Affairs of Europe Francis Bribes the Elec-
toral Princes.
THE increasing power and popularity of Charles
of Spain beginning about this period to awaken
the apprehensions of the French King, he became
267
268 Reign of
anxious to secure the closer alliance of Henry VIII.,
whose defection from his interests would effectually
have destroyed the balance of Europe, and involved
the political ruin of France. Moreover, Henry was
at best a doubtful ally under existing circumstances,
for his jealousy of Francis was no secret, and his thirst
for conquest rendered him a dangerous neighbour,
possessed as he was of the strongly-fortified town of
Tournay, which at all times afforded him easy ingress
to the French territories.
Desirous at once to ransom the city, and to secure
a more complete and satisfactory understanding with
his brother monarch, Francis accordingly despatched
to England the friend of his childhood, Bonnivet, on
whose good faith and zeal he implicitly relied ; and
upon whose insinuating manners and courtly tact he
calculated to effect a purpose which might never have
been accomplished through the ordinary medium of
state diplomacy. Conscious, moreover, of the vain
and avaricious character of Wolsey, who had at this
period become all-powerful with his royal master,
Francis instructed his envoy to be profuse to the min-
ister both in presents and promises before he ventured
to open the negotiation on the subject of Tournay ;
and meanwhile to represent to Henry, as the object of
his mission, his own desire to associate him with him-
self in the honourable privilege of forming a league
for the preservation of Christendom from the Turks ;
who had in fact assumed an attitude which rendered
such a precaution highly necessary. This effected, he
was further authorized to propose a matrimonial alli-
ance between the Dauphin, then an infant of only a
Francis I 269
few months old, and the Princess Mary, the daughter
of Henry; and above all to suffer no opportunity to
escape of conciliating the haughty Cardinal, without
whose assistance Francis was fully aware that nothing
satisfactory could be achieved ; and whose personal
pique against him was, as he also knew, sufficient of
itself to bring about a war between the two nations.
The city of Tournay had remained in possession of
the English since the Battle of the Spurs; but they
could place little reliance upon its aid in the event of a
frontier war, being highly unpopular with the in-
habitants, and surrounded on all sides by both the
French and the Flemish, who were equally interested
in compelling them to vacate a fortress of that im-
portance. Moreover, from its isolated position it was
rendered useless, either for attack or defence ; but,
despite all these drawbacks, Wolsey had, nevertheless,
caused himself to be appointed to its bishopric, and
displaced for that purpose Louis Gaillart, the prelate
elected by the chapter of Tournay, who, on his dimis-
sion, had retired to the court of France ; greatly to the
displeasure of the English Cardinal, who considered
himself aggrieved by the protection extended by
Francis to an individual whom he had deposed.
The first clause of the mission was, as may be readily
understood, a mere pretext for the introduction of the
more important objects which the French King was
eager to attain; for the Pope, from the ridicule and
disgust which he had brought upon religion by the
indiscriminate and venal sale of indulgences before
cited, had rendered the success of a European league
for such a purpose as a crusade almost impossible;
270 Reign of
and in selecting Francis as the sovereign by whom it
was to be organized, he had been only actuated by a
desire to arouse the romance of his nature, and to
induce him to absent himself for a time from his own
dominions.
Bonnivet, so soon as he was fully apprised of the
wishes of his royal master, did not lose an instant in
endeavouring to conciliate the English Cardinal ;
whom he assured, in the letter by which he announced
to him his intended visit to the court of Henry, that
the regret felt by the French King at the recent mis-
apprehensions on the subject of the Due d'Aubigny
and the ex-Bishop of Tournay, by which he had lost
the confidence of so distinguished a person as His
Eminence, exceeded all bounds ; adding, that he
trusted, when he should have the honour of a confer-
ence, that all would be explained to his satisfaction;
and that he would restore to the French monarch a
friendship which he highly valued.
Wolsey, flattered by these overtures, returned a
courteous reply ; and immediate preparations were
made for the departure of the embassy, which was one
of exceeding magnificence.
Not only did it comprise Bonnivet himself, a num-
ber of great nobles and members of the council, but
also Gouffier de Boisy, and Poncher, Bishop of Paris,
all superbly appointed ; and attended by so enormous
a suite, that on their arrival at Greenwich where the
court were then sojourning, on the 3Oth of September,
their appearance created to the full as much astonish-
ment as admiration.
Their reception even exceeded their hopes. The
Francis I 271
social qualities of Bonnivet, the calm judgment of
Boisy, and the meek dignity of the metropolitan
Bishop, alike produced their effect ; and Henry and
his minister emulated each other in their efforts to
render the sojourn of the embassy in England a period
of unalloyed satisfaction. Every amusement which
could be devised was put into requisition; banquets,
tourneys, balls, hunting-parties, tiltings at the ring,
and all the various sports peculiar to the age and na-
tion, alternately occupied the time ancl gratified the
tastes of the courtly guests ; and amid all this dissipa-
tion Bonnivet was busily and skilfully employed in
advancing the interests of his sovereign.
Respectful and earnest with the King himself, he
became obsequious and almost affectionate with Wol-
sey, whom he justly considered as the actual monarch
of the country ; and accordingly, the Cardinal, whose
vanity was flattered by the distinction, and to whom it
immediately became apparent, grew daily more at-
tached to the society of the French ambassador, and
more anxious to favour his views. All, consequently,
progressed to the entire satisfaction of Bonnivet, who
lost no opportunity of vaunting the liberality and ac-
complishments of his young monarch, and at the same
time of impressing upon the Cardinal the weight which
he attached to the good opinion and admirable coun-
sels of so great a minister. Wolsey listened so greedily
to these perpetual plaudits, uttered as they were, some-
times in the deep bay of a window during the intervals
of a dance ; sometimes in his barge, as the indefatigable
envoy accompanied him to Westminster; and some-
times in the quiet shades of Hampton, where the Cardi-
272 Reign of
nal was then erecting the famous palace which outvied
in its time those of royalty itself, and expatiating to
his attentive listener upon the architectural glories
which he meditated ; that at length Bonnivet ventured
to hint how anxiously his sovereign desired the advice
and assistance of His Eminence upon a subject in
which he was deeply interested.
After a little diplomatic coquetry, Wolsey declared
himself ready to aid the French King in any way not
inconsistent with his duty to his own monarch ; upon
which the ambassador entreated him to place himself
in direct correspondence with Francis, who would, as
a natural consequence, express himself more confi-
dentially to His Eminence through such a medium,
than he could condescend to do through any third
person, however trustworthy. This was, after a
time, also conceded; and forthwith letters were ex-
changed between the French King and the English
Cardinal which soon tended to secure the interests of
Francis; although all was so skilfully contrived that
Wolsey was enabled to communicate each missive as
it reached his hands to Henry himself ; who, as he read
the earnest appeals made by his brother monarch to
his own minister for advice and support, laughingly
remarked that His Eminence must indeed be an ex-
traordinary person if he could contrive to govern two
kingdoms at the same time; but that he personally
entertained no doubt of his capability even tor such
an undertaking, difficult and onerous as it was.
Meanwhile the letters of Francis were accompanied
by the most costly gifts, to which Bonnivet affected
to attach no importance, assuring the gratified Cardi-
Francis I 273
274 Reign of
As the King, only half convinced, and somewhat
startled by this sudden change in the opinion of his
minister, still hesitated, Wolsey reminded him that,
should he refuse to lend himself to the wishes of Fran-
cis upon this point, the French monarch would in all
probability recant his offer of the hand of the Dauphin ;
which was, with the sole exception of that of Charles of
Spain, the only alliance worthy of the Princess of Eng-
land ; and that, moreover, Henry might deduct what-
ever should remain unpaid at the period of the mar-
riage from the dowry of the bride, with whom the
sum of three hundred and thirty-three thousand crowns
had been demanded. He also expatiated earnestly
upon the immense advantages which must accrue to
England from a marriage which would strengthen the
friendship already existing between the two nations,
and enable them to oppose the increasing power of
the house of Austria ; which being already possessed
not only of the Empire, but also of Spain, the Low
Countries, and the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily,
was rapidly assuming an attitude that threatened the
peace of Europe, and the independence of individual
nations.
After some slight objections on the part of Henry
VIII., which were ultimately overruled by the argu-
ments of the Cardinal and the representations of the
French ambassador, the treaty was definitively con-
cluded; and Bonnivet bound himself to deliver into
the hands of the English monarch the promised
pledges, in the persons of Frangois de Montmorency,
Seigneur de la Rochefort, Charles de Mouy, Seigneur
de la Meilleraye, Antoine des Pres, Seigneur de Mont-
Francis I 275
pesat, and Charles de Souliers, Seigneur de Morette
in Piedmont ; as well as the four pages of the presence,
one of whom was the elder son of the Seigneur de
Hugueville, the younger representative of the family
of Mortemart ; and of the three remaining, two were
scions of the noble houses of Melun and Grimault.
These important measures had been accomplished in
the short period of six weeks ; and at the termination
of that time, the ceremony of the betrothal was per-
formed on the part of the Princess in the cathedral of
St. Paul's, where the English and French nobility vied
with each other in magnificence, and the most lavish
protestations of friendship were exchanged.*
The leave-taking followed; and with the same
pompous retinue as they had landed, the ambassadors
of Francis quitted the shores of England, amid the
acclamations of the dazzled multitude.
Shortly afterwards, Henry despatched, in his turn,
the Earl of Worcester, the Bishop of Ely, Lord St.
John, Sir Nicholas Vaux, Sir John Pechy, Sir Thomas
Boleyn, and a retinue rivalling that of Bonnivet, to
Paris, as witnesses to the corresponding ceremony on
the part of the Dauphin, which was celebrated with
equal grandeur in the metropolitan church of Notre
Dame ; and at the same time to receive the hostages,
and to deliver up the city of Tournay, according to the
stipulations of the treaty. The mission was an un-
gracious one to the earl, who had been present at the
taking of Tournay, and saw with regret so brilliant a
trophy once more lost to England : nor would he con-
* The treaty of marriage between the two royal children was signed in
London on the i4th of October, 1518.
276 Reign of
sent to yield np the city until Gaspard de Coligny,
Due de Chatillon and Marechal of France, who had
been despatched with a body of two hundred men-at-
arms to take possession, transmitted to him his au-
thority to receive it, together with a written acknowl-
edgment, that he claimed the place not as a right, but
as a gift; a demand which excited much indignation
among the French officers.
Nevertheless, fearful of incurring the displeasure of
Francis, they resolved to comply; and, accordingly,
the required documents were delivered to the Earl on
the following morning; and Chatillon no sooner as-
certained that they had reached his hands, than he
advanced at the head of his troop with drums beating
and colours flying, in order to make a triumphant
entry into the citadel. To this arrangement, however,
the English Earl, already sufficiently chafed by the
cession of the city, would by no means consent; and
he immediately despatched a gentleman-at-arms to
the quarters of the marechal, declaring that, as the
city had neither yielded nor been taken, but simply
transferred by a marriage treaty, he could not consent
to suffer that it should be entered after the fashion of
conquerors ; and that the banners which had been so
prematurely displayed must be furled before he would
permit the French troops to pass the gates.
This new affront was ill brooked by M. de Chatillon
and his captains ; but once more they found themselves
compelled to submit; the obnoxious standards were
covered, and they marched forward "with drums and
minstrelsy " to the walls, where they were met by the
Earl of Worcester and his companions; the papers
Francis I 277
which they had transmitted to him read aloud; and
possession of the town, and citadel, together with all
the ammunition that it contained, formally delivered
over to them; after which the English nobles took
their departure for Paris, to be present at the second
ceremony of affiance.
They reached the capital at the commencement of
December ; and such was the anxiety evinced both by
Louise de Savoie and her son to secure the good-will
of Henry VIII. that no seduction was spared in order
to induce them to prolong their stay. The most beau-
tiful women of the court were their constant com-
panions ; and festival succeeded festival with a rapidity
which left them little time to devote to public business.
The most superb horses and the richest jewels were
profusely distributed among the nobles, while their
followers were regaled with equal magnificence. At
length, however, they were compelled to take their
leave ; and Francis had once again leisure to turn his
attention to more important objects.
His first care was to restore the fortresses of Tour-
nay and Terouenne, which latter had been destroyed
by the English in 1513, to their original state of de-
fence ; and to increase the strength of the fortifications
of Havre ; while he was no less anxious to conciliate
the Pope and the King of Castile than he had been to
secure the alliance of Henry VIII. Even Lorenzo de'
Medici was not overlooked ; and Francis so far com-
mitted himself as to promise his assistance, should it
be required, in any future attempt which the Floren-
tine might make to augment his territories, notwith-
standing that he had already unjustly possessed himself
278 Reign of
of the duchy of Urbino. The death of this Prince in
the following year, however, released the monarch
from so dishonourable a compact.
The Pope conciliated, Maximilian for a time at least
powerless, and the alliance of Henry VIII. secured by
the betrothal of the Dauphin to his daughter, neither
Francis nor his mother spared any pains to win the
friendship and confidence of Charles of Castile, even
while they were secretly engaged in frustrating his
schemes of ambition. The Princess Louise, to whom
he had been betrothed, had died in her third year;
thus a link was broken which they were desirous to
renew; and in order to effect this, they proposed to
him her sister Charlotte, who was still an infant ; while,
impossible as it was to speculate upon a marriage
which could not possibly take place for many years,
Francis still persisted, in order to keep up the illusion,
in addressing Charles as his son-in-law; and in over-
whelming him with professions of regard and affec-
tion, which were intended to blind him to the efforts
that he was in reality making to curb his power, and
to counteract his projects.
Meanwhile the young King had not forgotten the
mission with which he had been intrusted by the Pope,
and in which he had urged Henry VIII. to participate ;
although there can be little doubt that neither the one
nor the other, when they professed themselves willing
to undertake the expedition, was prepared to redeem
his pledge. It was true that Selim, the reigning Sul-
tan, was equipping a prodigious na-val force on the
coast opposite Otranto ; and that should the Moslems,
newly flushed as they were with conquest, turn their
Francis I 279
arms against Italy or Germany, those countries might
become an easy prey, and all Christendom in its turn
be threatened ; but at this precise crisis it was rather the
Pope himself and Maximilian who were in jeopardy
than either Francis or Henry, both of whom were more
apprehensive of the European enemy beyond their
frontier than of the infidel who might never dream of
invading their territories.
Nevertheless, the French King considered it expedi-
ent as a measure of policy, to declare himself ready to
redeem his word; and accordingly, on the 6th of
December, 1518, he convoked an assembly of all the
Princes of the blood, the Marshals of France, the cap-
tains of his army, the grand council, and the presidents
of Paris, and announced his intention of joining the
crusade. He also caused prayers to be offered up in
the churches; and despatched information of his de-
sign to the Emperor, and the Kings of England and
Castile; but although the whole nation were aware
that the project had been pending for a considerable
period, and that it was the result of a long negotiation
with the sovereign pontiff, this demonstration created
little sensation in France, as a general conviction was
felt that it would never be carried into execution. A
few hot-headed young men, weary of inaction, volun-
teered to join the crusading army, but their enthusiasm
met with no serious response ; and the death of Selim,
which occurred before any steps had been taken to
commence the expedition, at once put an end to the
enterprise.
Meanwhile, Charles of Castile was not idle. The
health of Maximilian, his grandfather, was failing, and
28o Reign of
he aspired to succeed him as Emperor of Germany.
For several years Maximilian, ever needy, had been
endeavouring to extort money both from Francis and
Henry VIII. by an offer to transfer to them what he
somewhat questionably denominated his claims on
Italy ; and which consisted simply in a project that he
had mentally formed of uniting all the states of that
country and Germany under one sovereign. His de-
mands were of course disregarded ; and he was conse-
quently irritated against both monarchs, and readily
induced to favour the views of his ambitious grandson.
As a preliminary measure, Charles had applied to the
pontiff for a grant of the investiture of Naples, of
which Leo X. claimed to be the feudal sovereign ; and
not content with this attempt, had also prayed to be
recognised as King of the Romans ; while Maximilian,
who was anxious to secure to him the empire of Ger-
many, in his turn negotiated with the electors,* many
of whom promised him their votes ; but a legal im-
pediment rendered the election one of considerable
difficulty, a circumstance of which the Pope skilfully
availed himself.
He had lost no time in apprising Francis of the re-
quirements of Charles, and the jealousy of the French
King being immediately aroused, he had urged the
pontiff to withhold his compliance; and not, by an
ill-placed condescension, to peril the safety of the holy
* These electors were Albert de Brandebourg, Archbishop of Mayence ;
Hermand, Comte de Vied, and Archbishop of Cologne; Richard de
Greiffenklau, Archbishop of Treves; Louis, King of Bohemia; Louis,
Count-Palatine of the Rhine; Frederic, Due de Saxe, surnamed the
Wise; and Joachim, Marquis de Brandebourg. The Archbishop of
Mayence was in favour of Charles, while the prelate of Treves defended
the interests of Francis.
Francis I 281
see; reminding him that as Maximilian had never
received the imperial crown in Rome, he could claim
no higher title than that of King of the Romans ; while
he should have been crowned Emperor, before, ac-
cording to the Germanic constitution, he could assume
a right to call upon the electors to recognise his pre-
sumptive heir as successor to the empire. Moreover,
as he adduced, the grandson of Maximilian was King
of the Two Sicilies ; and by the decrees of the Church,
which had existed in full vigour during two centuries
and a half, the crown of the empire and that of Naples
could not lawfully be united on the same head.
The Pope replied to the application of Charles by
representing these impediments, which he declared to
be insuperable ; but the young King of Spain was as
pertinacious as his rival, and urged the Emperor to
announce to the court of Rome that his election was
secured in Germany ; and to request from the sovereign
pontiff a dispensation which would set aside the con-
stitutions of the Church. Francis, however, denied
that such was the case, declaring that Charles had not
been elected, and never would be so ; and that, more-
over, he had been himself urged to advance his own
pretensions to the contested dignity ; and he therefore
in his turn prayed His Holiness to be cautious how
he endangered the permanent interests of the Church
by setting aside her decrees, which had not only been
the result of profound wisdom, but had now become
doubly sacred from their antiquity.
Maximilian then pressed the Pope to send the im-
perial crown to Vienna by a nuncio, authorized by His
Holiness to perform the ceremonial of his coronation ;
282 Reign of
while Charles was betrayed into the injudicious meas-
ure of endeavouring to engage the French King to
use his interest with Leo, to induce him to consent to
this arrangement; a request which was necessarily
evaded by Francis, who counselled the pontiff to de-
cline a measure which tended to lower the dignity of
the holy see ; and to propose that Maximilian should
proceed to Rome to receive the crown of empire from
his own sacred hands.
" Let His Holiness," he added to the Legate, " be
under no apprehension, for assuredly he will not
undertake such a journey without being well guarded ;
and if he were even able to perform it at the head of
an army, which is not probable, still let His Holiness-
remain passive, and allow the King of France to act ;
for as Maximilian will be compelled to traverse the
territories of Milan or Venice, the King will imme-
diately pass into Italy to protect his possessions, and
so well accompanied that he will pledge himself that
Maximilian shall not reach Rome, but will be satisfied
to retrace his steps."
Leo X., however, could not overcome his reluctance
to venture on so hazardous an experiment ; and it
would appear from a letter of the Cardinal de Bibbiena,
that he had already prepared a bull by which Charles
was authorized to unite the imperial crown with that
of Sicily, although he concealed the fact carefully from
Francis until the result of the election should be de-
clared. Moreover, he laboured assiduously to dis-
suade the French King from advancing his claim to
the empire ; declaring that the interests of Europe
would be better secured were some petty German
Francis I 283
Prince invested with this high-sounding title than the
monarch of so powerful a nation as France ; and re-
minding him that Henry VIII., who had originally
expressed his resolution of contesting the dignity, had
already abandoned the project.
In the first instance Francis had opposed the King
of Spain with an apparent frankness and generosity
which were consistent with his reputation for chivalry ;
declaring that the contest need in no degree affect the
regard which subsisted between Charles and himself,
but that, on the contrary, they had only to consider
themselves in the same position as two young cavaliers,
who, enamoured of the same mistress, even while
using their best efforts to win her favour, avoided all
occasion to quarrel, and continue true and loyal
friends. It was impossible, however, that so moment-
ous a struggle could be carried on without bitterness ;
the very consciousness which existed on both sides,
that each was strenuously labouring to undermine the
interests of the other, rendered such an attempt in-
compatible ; and while Charles was urging his grand-
father to undertake the journey to Rome, and thus to
remove one of the most serious objections of the Pope
to his own succession, Francis despatched Bonnivet,
whose successful embassy to England had inspired
him with the most perfect confidence in his diplomatic
talents, in disguise to Frankfort, with large sums of
money, to purchase the votes of such of the electors
as had not yet declared in his favour. Bonnivet was
subsequently followed by the Marquis de Fleuranges,
and the Seigneur Albret d'Orval, who were also com-
missioned to forward by every means in their power
284 Reign of
the interests of their sovereign; but neither of these
envoys acted with sufficient circumspection ; and all
their proceedings were immediately known and
thwarted by Charles, whose early habits of caution
and prescience had rendered him a formidable an-
tagonist to inferior diplomatists. Moreover, the posi-
tion of Germany was at that moment extremely criti-
cal ; the attitude of the Turks was still hostile ; and the
nation was beginning to feel the shock of a mighty
religious schism. Thus menaced both externally and
internally, she required a Prince whose firmness and
power might enable her not only to maintain herself,
but also to recover from the prostration to which she
had been subjected by the wavering and imbecile rule
of Maximilian ; who, full of great projects, none of
which he ever accomplished, had, by his inordinate
vanity and thirst for a renown which he was utterly
incapable of acquiring, by his uncalculating love of
splendour, and his absurd pretensions, only succeeded
in rendering the first monarchy in Christendom both
helpless and insignificant.
The two rival sovereigns were, it is true, alike brave
and powerful ; but Charles had in this contest the
advantage of his German extraction, his intimate ac-
quaintance with the principles of the Germanic con-
stitution, and a stability of character which, unlike the
volatile nature of Francis, inspired at once respect and
confidence.
Thus were matters situated, when the sudden and
unexpected death of Maximilian, at Lintz upon the
Danube, on the I5th of January, 1519; from fatigue
and repletion, at the age of sixty-three years, gave a
Francis I 285
new impetus to the exertions of the contending poten-
tates. " His death," says Fleuranges, in his memoirs,
with a bonhomie which is irresistible, " was a great pity,
as he was a good Prince, and kept all Christendom
awake ; for when he could not accomplish anything
himself, he showed the way to other people, and there-
fore, all fighting men ought to grieve at his death."
One circumstance connected with his decease is
worthy of mention. During the last four years of his
existence he had caused a large and heavy chest to be
carried with him wherever he went, and despite his
improvident habits, there were those about him who
fully expected one day to reap a rich harvest from its
contents, never doubting that it was freighted with
treasure. He had no sooner expired, however, than
the illusion was dispelled by the discovery that it was
simply his coffin, which he had thus prepared against
an emergency that he foresaw must soon occur.
His demise was fated to exert an influence over the
destinies of Europe which no action of his life had
been able to elicit. Henry VIII. had, as we have
already stated, withdrawn from the contest for empire,
to which he had been originally urged by Maximilian
himself, who, forgetting all other interests in the old
hatred which he bore to France, had even offered to
resign his own claim to the imperial crown, if the
English King would possess himself of Milan, and then
accompany him to Rome to receive it. It is asserted
that Henry subsequently repented the prudence which
had led him to decline this offer, from a distrust not
only of the sincerity, but also of the stability of Maxi-
milian, whose magnificent beginnings generally ended
286 Francis I
in failure ; and that he would willingly, when it was too
late, have recanted his resolution. The delay had,
however, been fatal to him ; he could neither compete
with the policy of Charles, nor with the gold of Francis,
who had distributed the enormous sum of four hundred
thousand crowns among the electoral Princes through
the medium of his agents; and Henry accordingly
remained neuter.
CHAPTER XIII.
A Struggle for Empire Contrast between Charles and Fran-
cis Able Government of the Cardinal Ximenes He is
Displaced, and Dies The Germans Favour the Pretensions
of Francis Tergiversation of the Pope Duplicity of
Henry VIII. Supineness of the Petty Princes Wily Poli-
cy of Charles Germaine de Foix Francis Offends the
Prejudices of the Flemish Robert de la Mark Seckingen
His Introduction to the French King Mutual Misgiv-
ings The Duke de Gueldres is Disgraced at the Instiga-
tion of Louise de Savoie Her Double-dealing M. de la
Mark and the Bishop of Liege Join the Cause of Charles
Disgust of Seckingen He Joins the Princes of Bouillon
Charles of Austria Attacks the Turkish Galleys.
the struggle was entirely between the sov-
1 ereigns of France and Spain; and, perhaps, two
monarchs more dissimilar both in physical and moral
attributes could not have placed themselves in com-
petition. Francis, full of ambition, courage, and en-
thusiasm, gifted by nature with a person of remarkable
majesty and beauty, had already won a reputation for
valour which had become European. Moreover, he
had been eminently successful in all his undertakings,
had encouraged literature, had patronised art, and
had, by his extraordinary munificence, blinded the
multitude to those defects in his character which were
287
288
Reign of
a source of uneasiness to the more reflective portion
of his subjects.
Charles, on the contrary, was cold and phlegmatic,
prudent, and calculating. Born and educated in
Flanders, he was almost entirely a stranger to the
electors, with whom he had made no effort to ally
himself since his accession to the Spanish crown; as
a soldier he was utterly unknown; and his diplomacy
had as yet been limited to- mere self-security. In per-
son he was insignificant and unprepossessing. Oi
middle height and weak health, he possessed no energy
either of voice or gesture, his under lip was heavy and
pendant, his eyes cold and colourless, his face long,
and melancholy in its expression; and nothing in his
appearance tended to reveal the extent of that genius,
and strength of character, by which he was subse-
quently distinguished. Unable, even as King of Spain,
to liberate himself from the yoke of his governor,
M. de Chievres, and accustomed to obey implicitly all
his directions, he had so thoroughly abnegated his owi
powers of volition that his subjects already began to
look upon him with disdain and distrust; and to
murmur among themselves that the malady of his
mother (Jeanne la Folle) was hereditary. During the
year which succeeded the treaty of Noyon, he had
entirely absented himself from Spain; nor had he
visited Austria until September, 1517, as he shrank
from encountering the Cardinal Ximenes, who first
recovered, and then had established order and obedi-
ence throughout these kingdoms in the short spac<
of twenty months; and had even, at the instigation of
M. de Chievres, written to him coldly and ungra-
Francis I 289
ciously, advising him to retire to his diocese, and
repose himself after the labour of his administration.
The aged Cardinal, whose health was already broken,
died on the very day upon which the letter reached
him (the 8th Nov. 1517), although not, as some his-
torians declare, by fair means. This event aroused
the indignation of the Spaniards, whose respect and
attachment for their primate had been extreme ; nor
was their irritation lessened by the fact, that his vacant
arbishopric of Toledo was bestowed upon a nephew
of M. de Chievres, who was still a youth. Other
causes of dissatisfaction had also arisen ; and Castile,
Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, alike continued to
dispute his claim to the sovereignty ; while several of
the free towns formed a coalition to resist by force of
arms the usurpation of his Flemish advisers ; and these
were still at Barcelona, engaged in opposing the Cortes
of Catalonia, who had at length consented to recog-
nise him as joint-sovereign with his mother, when the
imperial electors assembled at Frankfort to decide the
question of the Germanic succession.
Nothing, therefore, under such circumstances as
these, was likely to induce the Germans to elect as
their Emperor a youth who had shown so little inclina-
tion to conciliate the subjects over whom he already
ruled, and who had exhibited such marked contempt
for their national rights and prejudices ; while, on the
other hand, Francis, as sovereign of the kingdom of
Aries and the duchy of Milan, was already a member
of the empire, popular in his own country, and cited
throughout Europe as a model of chivalry and justice.
It is not, consequently, matter of surprise, that the
VOL. I. 19
290 Reign of
French King looked forward to a signal triumph over
his unprepossessing rival ; or that he should be suffi-
ciently unguarded to betray the confidence that he felt.
Moreover, he trusted, and not without reason, to the
effect of the enormous sums which he had caused to
be distributed among the electors; and which, from
the poverty of some, and the rapacity of others, had
been unhesitatingly accepted.
It was not, however, according to Fleuranges, with
money only that the French envoys were indiscreet
enough to pursue their purpose ; for while they were
scattering gold on all sides, and backing it by promises
which were forgotten as soon as uttered, they also
gave magnificent banquets to the German nobility,
where the greatest excesses were encouraged ; and
ultimately, in order to intimidate the electors, they
contemplated taking into their pay the army of the
confederated cities of Suabia; but in this latter reso-
lution the wary and calculating Charles had already
forestalled them.
While the electors were preparing to assemble at
the diet which was to decide the future destinies of
Europe, neither of the candidates were idle. In reply
to an application to the Pope for his support, Francis
received from the wily pontiff the warmest protesta-
tions of gratitude and attachment ; while he skilfully
contrived to evade any pledge by which he might be
compromised ; and occupied himself in undermining
the interests of both sovereigns, in the hope that the
imperial crown might devolve to some less powerful
Prince, from whose ambition Italy would have nothing
to apprehend. From Henry VIII. the French King
Francis I 291
experienced even greater duplicity ; for while he un-
equivocally promised him his support, he secretly gave
it to his adversary. With the King of Poland he had
no better success, that sovereign frankly declaring that
he should adopt the views of Louis of Hungary, who
at once expressed his intention of supporting the
claims of Charles of Castile ; while the other powers
of Europe, who had no personal or political interest
in either candidate, forgetting the importance of which
such an event must necessarily prove to the future
interests of their respective kingdoms, declined to in-
volve themselves in the responsibility of declaring their
sentiments. Meanwhile, Charles, with less ostenta-
tion, was silently and incessantly occupied in strength-
ening his party; and quietly profiting by every false
move into which his adversary was betrayed. One of
these, and that a fatal one, enabled him to advance
his interests in an unlooked-for manner.
Germaine de Foix, the Dowager-Queen of Spain,
and niece of Louis XII., wearied by the neglect and
insignificance to which she was condemned, and ap-
prehensive that, on the return of Charles to his do-
minions, she should be subjected to still greater
annoyance, from the fact that, being childless, her
death would revive the claim of France to the king-
dom of Naples ; had addressed letters to both Madame
d'Angouleme and her son, entreating them to afford
her their protection in the event of her apprehensions
proving well founded. These overtures had been
coldly received ; Louise de Savoie, whose pride could
ill brook the necessity of yielding precedence even to
her daughter-in-law, at once opposing the return of
292 Reign of
Ferdinand's widow to France, which she foresaw
would be the result, should any such pledge be given
on the part of Francis. Not only, indeed, was her
pride involved in the question, but also her vanity ;
for she had not forgotten that the favourite niece of
Louis XII. had been one of the handsomest women of
the court, and was many years her junior. To Francis
himself, the subject was altogether uninteresting: he
did not calculate upon the advantage which might
accrue to Charles, should he profit by this supineness ;
and accordingly, by the advice of his mother, very
discouraging answers were returned to the Dowager-
Queen, who became at length so impatient of the cere-
monious restraints of Spanish etiquette, and the
solitude of a court devoid alike of splendour and
amusement, that her temper gave way before her dis-
appointment ; and even to the French ambassador she
permitted herself to speak in the most unmeasured
terms of the selfishness and bad feeling of the monarch
and his mother, in thus forgetting that she was a
Princess of France, and their own kinswoman.
In so rigid a court as that of Spain, not a word could
be uttered by a person of her rank which was not
overheard and registered ; and accordingly, Charles
was soon informed of the irritation of the offended
Queen against Francis and his mother, as well as her
weariness of the restraints to which she was subjected ;
when delighted at once to secure her good will, and to
further his personal views, he lost no time either in
surrounding her with attention, or in presenting to
her such individuals as were at once able to advance
his own fortune, and to interest her feelings ; and con-
Francis I 293
sequently it was not long ere he succeded in negotiat-
ing a marriage between herself and Casimir, Marquis
de Brandebourg, the brother of the Elector Joachim,
and of the Bishop of Mayence, whose suffrages were
thus secured to him in the diet.
In the Low Countries Francis had also suffered his
popularity to become diminished by the impolitic
measures that he had adopted towards the recovered
city of Tournay ; which, entirely surrounded by the
territories of Charles of Austria, had so long main-
tained its fidelity to France, simply from the fact, that
the preceding sovereigns had never sought to interfere
with its form of government, which was that of a free
republican city. Their authority recognised by the
payment of an annual tribute, they had neither inter-
fered in its internal administration, nor garrisoned the
citadel, but had recognised, as their own lieutenants,
the municipal officers chosen by the citizens ; whereas,
Francis had no sooner become master of the city, than
he refused to confirm the ancient privileges, which,
according to his view of the subject, rendered its in-
habitants too independent of his own authority, al-
though they had been respected even by the English,
who, as conquerors, might have been excused had
they disregarded them. The natural consequence en-
sued ; a considerable number of the citizens emigrated,
feeling that their commercial interests must suffer
from restraints imposed upon their transactions ; while
the operative classes, thus deprived of the means of
existence formerly secured by their industry, did not
submit without murmurs to the new thrall by which
they were impoverished; and although the constant
294 Reign of
and novel presence of an armed force compelled them
to assume a semblance of submission, they were all
ready to cast off the yoke of France upon the first
opportunity which might present itself; and, adds a
quaint old chronicler : " Many a tall yoman that lacked
livying fcl to robying, which would not labor after
their return."
Unfortunately this was not the only piece of bad
policy of which Francis was guilty in the same prov-
ince ; for it was not long ere he alienated from his
interests the brave Robert de la Mark, the sovereign
Prince of Bouillon and Sedan, and Due de Gueldres,
who, it may be remembered, did such good service at
Novara; and, together with his valiant sons Fleu-
ranges and Jamets, levied and organized the lans-
quenets who superseded the Swiss mercenaries in the
armies of both Louis XII. and Francis himself.
Nor was the house of La Mark distinguished only
in the field, having given several prelates to the see of
Liege ; while Evrard, the younger brother of Robert,
still held the bishopric of that city, whose spiritual
government he had directed since the year 1506.
Moreover, the Marquis de Fleuranges, who had been
one of the favourite companions of Francis in his
youth, was still actively employed in his service, and
entirely devoted to his interests ; and his brother, the
Seigneur de Jamets, filled an important post in the
royal army.
While levying the troops above-mentioned, M. de la
Mark had formed a close intimacy with Fransois de
Ssckingen, a German adventurer, who had acquired a
great reputation and considerable influence through-
Francis I 295
out the empire ; and by whose assistance he was en-
abled to secure the services of the before-named troops
to the French cause. Seckingen was one of those
extraordinary men who occasionally appear like land-
marks, to point out the path of fame to less gifted and
enterprising natures. Of somewhat obscure family,
and small fortune, but possessed of indomitable
energy and the most seductive manners, he had suc-
ceeded in rendering himself popular with many of the
petty Princes of Germany, some of whom occasionally
afforded him very efficient assistance in time of need.
Although not a soldier by profession, he was enthu-
siastically attached to the pursuit of arms ; and he had
organized a small force, with which he carried on an
irregular but harrassing war against the Emperor, and
such of the minor states as had neglected or refused
to secure his alliance. The very bean-ideal oi a knight
of romance, he was no sooner seen in one place than
he was heard of at another many leagues distant ; and
while he was believed to be at one extremity of the
empire, he made an attack upon some hostile sov-
ereign at the other. The Due de Lorraine, the citi-
zens of Metz, and the Landgrave of Hesse* alike in-
curred his displeasure, and were each compelled to
purchase his forbearance by a heavy tribute; the
former, moreover, not only in ready money, but by a
life-pension of five-hundred florins; while so great
was the influence of his good fortune, which attracted
to his standard many of the bravest youths of Ger-
many, that the Due de Gueldres had at length ad-
Philippe de Hesse, who subsequently embraced the Luther
and took a prominent part in the religious troubles of
'!*' a
Vj w ti ^B
^ iil .a
296 Reign of
vised Francis, if possible, to attach him to his own in-
terests, no individual throughout the empire being
enabled to render to France services of equal value.
The proposition had been at once accepted, and the
Duke was requested to bring him to Amboise with all
possible courtesy and honour, and to present him in
person to the French King; while Seckingen, whose
attachment to Robert de la Mark was as warm as that
of a brother, no sooner ascertained that the Duke was
anxious to effect the alliance, than he hastened to
Sedan, accompanied by twelve German gentlemen of
his troop, and declared himself ready to espouse the
interests of Francis.
Little time was lost in commencing the journey ;
and as full powers had been given to M. de la Mark
to effect it in any manner likely to prove agreeable to
his companion, he added his son Fleuranges to the
party, and proceeded by Chateau-Thierry and other
fine cities towards the capital, in order to impress the
adventurer with a becoming wonder and admiration of
the great kingdom of which he was about to become
the ally.
On his arrival at Amboise, Seckingen was at once
introduced into the royal presence, where the King
received him with a marked courtesy well calculated
to gratify his vanity; nor did Madame d'Angouleme
fail, " obscure gentleman " as he was, to overwhelm
him with civility. His conversational powers de-
lighted the King, who was never weary of questioning
him upon his exploits, or in making merry at their
success; and while the terms of their future alliance
were under consideration, all the seductions of the
Francis I 297
most brilliant court in Europe were put forth to capti-
vate his senses, and to amuse his leisure. Frangois,
however, even while he bandied compliments with a
King of France, and found himself the temporary idol
of some of the most beautiful women in the world,
never for an instant lost his self-possession, or suffered
himself to overlook the real design of all these atten-
tions, or, above all, to forget that amid all his social
familiarity Francis had never reposed sufficient confi-
dence in his good faith to entrust to him the real
motive which had induced him to desire his friend-
ship. He had simply stated that he desired his assist-
ance in Germany, but he had said nothing of his
intention to contend for the empire; and Seckingen,
who was as proud as he was daring, resented this idle
show of reserve. Meanwhile, however, all was car-
ried on with a great affectation of openness and confi-
dence betwen them ; and Francis agreed to settle upon
his new ally a yearly pension of three thousand francs ;
in return for which grant, Seckingen bound himself
to protect and uphold the interests of the French King
in Germany and elsewhere, as might be required of
him ; and this affair concluded, he took leave of the
court with great honour, and received at the hands of
Francis a gold chain valued at three thousand crowns,
besides other presents ; while each of the gentlemen
of his suite was also presented with a chain of less
value, but still worthy of the munificence of the mon-
arch by whom it was bestowed. Nevertheless, the
want of frankness which he had detected in the King
left in the heart of Seckingen an irritation that he
could not conceal ; and as he quitted the palace with
298 Reign of
Flueranges, who had been present at the leave-taking,
he observed, that, courteous and liberal as Francis had
proved himself, and worthy as he appeared of the
eminent station which he filled, he, for his part, would
gladly have dispensed with the richest of his gifts, to
have felt that his own intentions were better appre-
ciated, and to have been treated with somewhat less
courtesy, and more confidence.
" The King mistakes his own interest by this ill-
timed caution," he said warmly ; " and does not un-
derstand the man with whom he has to deal. Why
could he not at once acknowledge that he aspired to
the empire ? He would have told me nothing of which
I was not already well aware, and I should have felt
more desire to further his purpose. Tell him, how-
ever, I pray you, from me, that I am ready to serve
him acording to the pledge which I have given, against
all Christendom, save only your own house ; and that
when I asked of him the men-at-arms which he saw
fit to refuse, it was not that they might add to my own
consequence, or serve my own purposes, but solely
with the intention of gaining over some of the German
gentlemen to his interests. I and mine will, however,
loyally redeem our pledge, as he shall hereafter ac-
knowledge ; and you may also tell him that the Princes
in whom he places a faith which he has not conde-
scended to extend to a simple gentleman like myself,
will deceive him ; while I, whom he has not deigned to
trust, shall, with your good help, be enabled to revenge
him of their perfidy."
On his return to Germany, Seckingen resumed the
free system of warfare to which he had been so long
Francis I 299
accustomed; and meanwhile events occurred at the
court of France which were destined to shake his alli-
ance with Francis. The King, since his reconciliation
with the Swiss cantons, had ceased to feel the same
interest in his German auxiliaries; and, no longer
relying upon their aid in case of necessity, even relaxed
in the regard which he had previously evinced for the
Due de Gueldres himself, who was especially ob-
noxious to Madame d'Angouleme from the fact that
he had, during her exile from the court in the reign
of Louis XII. , been a firm and zealous adherent of
Anne de Bretagne, for whom he was suspected of a
regard which exceeded the mere attachment of a sub-
ject to his Queen.
Believing, therefore, that her son was now inde-
pendent of his services, Louise de Savoie suffered her
pent-up hatred to appear; and urged Francis to dis-
band the company of a hundred men then under the
command of the Duke, on the pretext of their ineffi-
cient state of discipline, and to discontinue the regular
payment of his pensions ; while she privately committed
a still more glaring act of treachery towards his brother
the Prince-Bishop of Liege, who was a candidate for
a seat in the conclave, and to whom Francis had
definitively promised the first vacant cardinalate, which
had been left at his disposal by the Pope.
The avarice of Louise de Savoie being as insatiable
as her enmity, she was easily induced by the offer of
a considerable sum of money, to address i private letter
to the pontiff; in which she declared that the applica-
tion about to be made to His Holiness by the French
King in favour of the Bishop of Liege was a mere
300 Reign of
measure of policy enforced upon him by circum-
stances, while he was in reality anxious to secure the
coveted dignity for Boyer, Bishop of Bourges, the
brother of Thomas Bahier, Lieutenant-general of
Normandy and Treasurer of the Savings-chest, one of
her own creatures ; nor was she deterred from this
unworthy 'action by the fact that she had been present
when Francis placed in the possession of the Marquis
de Fleuranges a despatch to his uncle, signed both by
himself and his mother, in which they informed M. de
Liege of his promotion, and congratulated him on his
new dignity; neither did her hand tremble as it was
pressed to the lips of the young courtier, on his de-
parture from Amboise, to convey the happy tidings
to his venerable relative, although she knew that he
must prove the messenger of lasting and bitter dis-
appointment. Leo, never doubting that Francis was
cognizant of the contents of his mother's letter, did not
hesitate for an instant ; Boyer was created Cardinal,
and the price of this nefarious transaction duly reached
the coffers of the unprincipled Duchess.
Aleandro,* the Chancellor of Liege, who was then
at Rome, where he was exerting himself to secure the
election of his master, no sooner learnt that M. de
Bourges had obtained the cardinalate which had been
promised to his own diocesan by the King, than, appre-
hending treachery, he strained every nerve to ascertain
the truth; and at length, through the instrumentality
* Jeromio Aleandro was a celebrated Italian scholar, who had been
invited to France by Louis XII., by whom he was appointed professor
of literature in the University of Paris. He was subsequently chancellor
to Evrard de la Mark, Prince-Bishop of Liege; and ultimately became a
Cardinal, during the pontificate of Paul III.
Francis I 301
of the pontifical secretary, he obtained a copy of the
letter addressed by Madame d'Angouleme to the
Pope, which he immediately forwarded to the Due de
Gueldres. The indignation of Robert de la Mark was
unbounded when he learnt the deception which had
been practised upon his brother; and he reproached
the monarch bitterly for so glaring a breach of veracity
and good faith ; representing that he had already suf-
fered sufficiently in his own person and fortunes from
some groundless prejudice, and that it was a gratuitous
injustice to involve his relatives in the same ruin.
Deeply moved by an accusation which affected his
honour, Francis strenuously and at once denied all
knowledge of the intrigue ; when the Duke laid before
him the duplicate letter he had received from Rome,
and even hinted at his expectation of redress ; whereup-
on the King became irritated, and high words passed
between them, the effects of which M. de la Mark
evaded by retiring immediately from the court to his
own territories, accompanied by his brother ; and their
arrival no sooner became known to Marguerite of
Austria, the regent, than she hastened to engage them
to embrace the cause of her nephew Charles ; assuring
to M. de Liege the cardinal's hat through his influence,
and urging the Duke to return to Francis the collar
of St. Michael, and to trust to his new master for the
honours, to which, by a career like his, he was so justly
entitled. Exasperated by the treatment which they
had received at the court of France, the brothers at
once consented ; and thus Francis not only lost two of
his most zealous adherents, but by the same fatal
mistake strengthened the hands of his adversary.
302 Reign of
The surprise of Louise de Savoie and the King was
extreme when they learnt that M. de Liege had
actually deserted their cause ; as from the fact that he
held the bishopric of Chartres, one of the richest in
France, they believed themselves secure of his alle-
giance; never supposing that he would voluntarily
resign so important and valuable a benefice. They
had, however, overlooked the extent of the provoca-
tion he had received ; and discovered, when it was too
late, that where he had felt his honour wounded, he
scorned to sacrifice his sense of dignity to considera*
tions of interest.
The defection of the Princes of Bouillon tended,
moreover, greatly to diminish the zeal of Seckingen,
who, having been apprised that some German traders
had been grievously wronged by certain Milanese
merchants, at once adopted their quarrel ; and by force
of arms seized property belonging to the aggressors,
valued at twenty-five thousand francs, on its transit
through the German states. The merchants imme-
diately appealed to Francis for redress, complaining
that they had been thus pillaged by troops in his own
pay; whereupon the King called upon Seckingen to
declare upon what authority he had coerced his good
subjects of Milan, and impeded their commerce; to
which the German leader boldly replied by declaring
that he had only acted on this occasion in conformity
with the vow which he had made on first taking up
arms, that he would redress the wrongs of the op-
pressed, and revenge them upon their oppressors.
That accordingly, as the German citizens had been
wronged, and were too weak to defend themselves, he
Francis I 303
had done justice for them ; and trusted that in future
the Milanese would know better than to assume to
themselves an impunity to which they were in no wise
entitled.
Francis was unable to brook the fearlessness of such
a reply ; and becoming apprehensive that he had rather
raised up an antagonist than secured a friend in the
person of an individual who thus dared to brave his
authority, he discontinued the pension which he had
conferred upon Seckingen ; who, finding himself freed
by this impolitic measure from his engagements to
France, lost no time in joining the Due de Gueldres
and his brother, and in transferring his services, as they
had previously done, to Charles of Spain ; whose cause
he materially assisted during the election, by putting
himself at the head of the Suabian troops, (whom the
envoys of Francis had been improvident enough to
overlook until it was too late,) and occupying the
neighbourhood of Frankfort ; pacifically to all appear-
ance, it is true, but in reality in readiness for any ad-
venture which might offer itself to his quixotic spirit
in the interest of his new master ; a fact which was so
evident to the electors themselves that it was believed
to have exerted considerable power upon their de-
cision.
An evil influence appeared, indeed, to preside over
all the movements of Francis at this period ; for alike
by supineness and action he equally lost ground ; while
Charles, who was far too wary to make enemies at such
a juncture, held himself prepared to take advantage of
every circumstance by which he might augment his
popularity. The German Princes, ready as they were
304 Reign of
to profit by the profuse generosity of the French King,
were yet revolted by the ostentation with which it was
proffered ; while the quiet and unobtrusive manner in
which Charles, with equal liberality, distributed his
treasure, enabled them to avoid the mortification of
considering that he had put a price upon their services.
Conscious, also, of the ambitious character of Francis,
they shrank from the idea of elevating to the imperial
dignity a monarch who might hereafter consider them
rather as vassals than as sovereigns; while, ignorant
of the real nature of Charles, they deluded themselves
with the belief that he would never seek to arrogate to
himself a greater amount of power than they might be
willing to concede to him.
When endeavouring to obtain the suffrage of Henry
VIII. , Francis had expressed himself determined to
make war upon the Turks; although, as we have
already shown, there is every reason to believe
that he never for an instant seriously entertained such
an idea. Suffice it that he had assured Sir Thomas
Boleyn, the English ambassador, that, should he suc-
ceed in becoming Emperor of Germany, " three years
should not elapse ere he would be in Constantinople,
or die by the way ; and that he would spend three
millions in gold but he would succeed ; " but neverthe-
less, when some Turkish corsairs who were infesting
the Mediterranean, and impeding the commerce of the
Italian states, were bold enough to make a demonstra-
tion which alarmed not only the population generally,
but even the Pope himself, he was so tardy in fitting
out an expedition to attack them, that, before his
vessels were ready for sea, Charles had despatched his
Francis I
305
galleys under the command of Ugo de Moncada,* the
Viceroy of Sicily, and dispersed their whole fleet.
This delay on the part of the French monarch, and
activity on that of Charles, had a powerful effect on
the electors ; and, beyond all doubt, gave the last blow
to his hopes.
* Ugo de Moncada was the representative of an ancient and illustrious
family of Catalonia, who were at one period sovereigns of Beam. He
first attached himself to the fortunes of Charles VIII., and subsequently
to those of Caesar Borgia; after which he entered the Spanish army.
He distinguished himself greatly against the pirates of the Levant, and
continued to render important services to Charles V., while Viceroy c5f
Sicily. Made prisoner by Andrea Doria, in 1524, he recovered his lib-
erty at the peace of Madrid. He took Rome in 1527, and was killed in
the following year, at the naval engagement of Capo d'Urso.
Index
Adrian VI., Pope, ii. no, 126
Agnadello, i. 59
Agrippa, Cornelius, ii. 318
Alamanni, Luigi, iii. 27
Alar?on, M. d', ii. 235, 256, 277
Alba, Duke of (see Alva)
Alcyat, Bussy d', i. 98; ii. 224, 231
Aleandro, Jeromio, i. 300
Alenc.on, Due d', i. 37, 160, 181;
ii. 156, 220, 223, 241, 242
Alenc.on, Duchesse d' (see Mar-
guerite de France)
Allegre, Yves d', i. 49; ii. 189
Alps, i. 162
Alva, Duke of, i. 79; ii. 254
Amboise, Bussy d', i. 98; ii. 224,
231
Amboise, Card, d', i. 39, 44, 49. 66
Amboise, Clement d', ii. 221
Angouleme, Marguerite d', char-
acter, and Francis' love for, i.
25, 36, 37 (see further, Margue-
rite de France)
Anne de Bretagne, youthful at-
tachment of Louis XII. to, i. 4;
fancy of Charles VIII. for, i. 7;
ultimately married to, i. ii; grief
at Charles' death, i. ii; new
King Louis again renews suit
and wins, i. 12; married, i. 14;
childless, jealous of succession
of Francis, i. 14; dislike of
mother, i. 16; establishes house-
hold of ladies, i. 19; character,
i. 22; against de Gie, i. 34; urges
Louis to placate new Pope Leo
X., i. 86; dies, i. no
Anne de France, and Louis XII.,
i. 8; after rejection of affection,
implacable enemy, i. 8
Armagnac, Marie d', i. 37
Augsburg, confession of, iii. 53
Austria, Charles of (see Charles
V.)
B
Bacon, Lord, i. 160, 227
Barbarossa, iii. 98, 263, 277, 279
Bayard, i. 52, 58, 62, 67, 69, 94-98,
100, 160, 164, 167, 172, 178, 181, 184,
185; ii. 56, 58, 69, 92, 177, 183, 192
Baylwin, Jean Paul, i. 48
Bayonne, Bishop of (see Bellay)
Beaujeau, Mme. de, i. 10
Beaurain, Comte de, ii. 105, 106, 256
Bedier, Noel, ii. 319
Bentivoglio, i. 48
Bergamo, i. 59
Berguin, Louis de, iii. 34
Berri, Duchesse de, i. 134
Bier, Sieur de, ii. 134
Blois, i. 41
Bohemia, King of, i. 46
Boissy, Artus de Gouffier, i. 15,
136; ii. i, ii
Boleyn, Anne, i. 118; iii. 52, 95
307
38
Index
Boleyn, Sir Thomas, i. 275, 304;
ii. 13
Bologna, i. 48
Bonneval, i. 94
Bonnivet, Seigneur de, i. 22, 38,
94, 136, 153, 159, 242, 268, 270, 283;
ii. 7, 84, 106, 121, 130, 135, 152, 173,
218, 222
Bontemps, Pierre de, ii. 314
Bourbon, Connetable de, i. 21, 25,
27, 134. 152, 176, 237; ii. 23, 24,
66, 81, 104, 105, 114, 122, 136, 149,
168, 190, 227, 229, 233, 255, 259,
264, 271, 303, 306
Bourbon, Susanne de, i. 21, 138;
ii. 87, 103
Bourg, Aatoine du, iii. 107, 181
Boyer, Bp., i. 300
Brancas, Mme. de, ii. 297
Brandenbourg, Marquis of, ii. 6
Brandon, Charles (see Suffolk)
Brantomc, i. 38, 140, 241, 261; iii.
37, 86
Bricot, Thomas, i. 42
Brion, Sieur de, i. 136; ii. 134, 219,
269; iii. 129
Brittany, Duchy of, i. 10, 34, 126;
ii. 327; iii. 46-49
Budee, Guillaume, i. 149, 251
Burie, M. de, iii. 157
Caesar Borgia, Pope, dissolves
Louis XII. 's marriage to Jeanne
de France, i. 13
Calvin, iii. 99
Calvinmont, M. de, iii. 5
Canterbury, ii. 18
Cardona, Raymond de, i. 68, 168
Castiglione, Balthasar, iii. 8, 68
Cellini, Benvenuto, iii. 233
Chabannes, Jacques de, i. 22
Chabannes, Jean de, i. 21
Chabot, Brian, ii. 156
Chabot, Philip, i, 136
Chalons, Phillibert de (Orange),
ii. 306
Chambord, ii. 313
Charles V., i. 37, 141, 288; ii. 6, 17,
38, 91, 127, 170, 237, 252, 261, 265,
273, 276, 328; iii. 4, 7, 12, 37, 58,
96, 119-34, 144, 151, 167, 187, 196,
204-15, 242, 266, 272, 283, 300-306
Charles VIII., secluded by father,
i. 6; his betrothal to Margue-
rite of Austria, i. 6; fancy for
Anne de Bretagne, i. 7; dis-
misses Marguerite of Austria to
Flanders, i. 9; hurt head against
door, death-blow, i. ii; died at
twenty-eight, i. 12
Charles, Prince, ii. 144; iii. 108, 120
Charlotte, Princess, i. 278
Chateaubriand, Comte de, i. 214,
218, 225; ii. 248
Chateaubriand, Comtesse de (sec
Franchise de Foix)
Chatillon, M. de, i. 276; ii. 66
Chaumont, M. de, i. 49, 58
Cheyne, Sir Thomas, ii. 129
Chievres, M. de, i. 141, 204, 206,
208, 288; ii. 2, 14
Chinon, i. 14
Claude de France, i. 39, 44, HI,
139, 140; ii. 21, 31, 122, 136, 202
Clement VII., Pope, ii. 47, 89, 205,
253, 266, 301, 307, 321-28; iii. 39,
Si, 56, 63, 74, 82, 95, 96
Clermont d'Anjou, i. 98; ii. 233
Cloth of Gold, Field of, ii. 24
Colonna, Antonio, i. 210
Colonna, Fabrizio, i. 68, 70
Colonna, Mutio, i. 174
Colonna, Pompero, Card., ii. 301
Colonna, Prosper, i. 163; ii. 69, 76,
92, 135, 235
Commines, Sire de, i. 10
Concordat, i. 249
Cop, Guillaume, i. 251
Cordova, Gonsalvo di, i. 54
Cousin, ii. 3, 315
Crequi, Antonio de (see Pont*
dormy)
Croi, Adrien de (see Beaurain)
Croy, G. de, i. 44
Index
39
D'Aerschott, Due, ii. 132
D'Albcrt, Jean, i. 78, 79
D'Alviano, i. 58, 87, 181
D'Andelot, ii. 225
Danes, Pierre, i. 251
D'Annebaut, iii. 310
D'Ars, Sieur Louis, i. 70
D'Aubigny, i. 58, 145; ii. 128, 210
Dauphin, as hostage, ii. 284; freed,
iii. 19, 48, 136
D'Auton, Bp., ii. 153
D'Avalos, Alphonso, ii. 217, 268;
iii. 173, 178, 236, 237, 240, 249,
290-98
D'Avalos, Ferdinand (see Pescara)
Da Vinci, Leonardo, i. 250; ii. 2
De Bieze, Louis, ii. 135, 159, 248
De Ceri, Lorenzo, ii. 199
Declaration of war, ceremony of,
iii. 3
De Daillon, Jacques, ii. 123
D'Emery, Sieur, ii. 43
D'Este, Alphonso, i. 71
D'Etampes, Duchesse (see Anne
de Pissleu)
De Fiennes, Marquis, ii. 133
D'Herbouville, Mdlle., ii. 175
De Lorges, ii. 184: iii. 332
De Lude, Comte, ii. 123, 125
De Velley, Sieur de, iii. 119-21
Diana of Poitiers, ii. 137, 166, 247,
315; iii. 87, 163, 356
Diesbach, Jean de, i. 170
Doria, Andrea, ii. 244, 258; iii. 133,
143, 244
Dorset, Marquis of, i. 78; ii. 24
D'Orval, Seigneur Albret, i. 283
Du Bellay, Jean, iii. 3, 29, 78, 99
Du Chatel, Pierre, i. 251
Dunois, Comte de, i. 8
Duprat, Antoine, i. 136, 156, 260;
ii. ii, 23, 53, 103, 121, 291, 302,
308, 310; iii. 18, 29, 36, 47, 107
D'Urbino, Due, ii. 301, 305; iii. 120
D'Usez, Duchesse, ii. 312
Eleanora of Austria, i. 112; ii. 106,
253, 272, 282; iii. 17, 19-25, 83, 90,
201-203
Ely, Bp. of, i. 275
England, Mary and Elizabeth of,
declined marriage to Charles
VIII., i. 6 (sec Henry VIII. and
Wolsey)
Erasmus, i. 253; iii. 32
Fabri, Jacques, ii. 247
Faenza, i. 48
Farel, Guillaume, ii. 247
Ferdinand the Catholic, i. 41, 141
Ferdinand, King of Rome, iii. 52,
73
Feronni^re, la belle, iii. 192
Ferrara, Duke of, i. 61; iii. 39
Fleuranges, Seigneur de, i. 92,
174, 186, 283, 285, 290, 294; ii. 20,
30, 45. 133; iii- 157, 181
Foix, Adet de, i. 72
Foix, Catherine de, i. 78
Foix, Francois de (Chateaubri-
and), i. 213, 217; ii. 73, 114, 121,
144, 247, 285, 291, 315
Foix, Gaston de, i. 58, 66, 72
Foix, Germaine de, i. 21, 41, 54, 291
Foix, Jean de, i. 41
Foix, Lescun de, i. 266; ii. 49, 79.
99, 224, 231
Foix, Lepaire de, ii. 12
Folle, Jeanne la, i. 45
Fontarabia, siege of, ii. 124
Fontrailles, Sieur de, i. 94, 96
Francis I., succession of, i. i;
birthplace, i. 14; early life, i. 14;
betrothed to Claude, i. 44; com-
mands Louis XII. 's army to as-
sist King of Navarre, i. 80; in-
trigue with advocate's wife. i.
84; commands Louis XII. 's
army against Henry VII. and
3io
Index
Emperor, i. 104; relations with
Queen Mary, i. 122; succeeds to
crown, i. 126; enters Paris, i. 131;
arbitrarily ideal, i. 133; bravely
killed wild boar, i. 139; would
not give up design upon Milan,
i- X 43J prepares to march against
Swiss, i. 147; organizes army, i.
152; mother Regent, i. 157;
crosses Alps, i. 162; at Marig-
nano battle, gallantly attacks
Swiss, i. 177; knighthood from
Bayard, i. 183; sees Leo X., i.
191; refuses title of Emperor of
the East, i. 196; domestic life, i.
21 1 ; birth of Dauphin, i. 226;
quarrels with Parliament of
Paris, i. 246; wishes friendship of
Henry VIII., i. 277; desires Em-
perorship, i. 286; defeated, ii. 7;
again wishes English friendship,
ii. 13; Field of Cloth of Gold, ii.
28; war with Charles V., ii. 85;
Milan expedition, ii. 91; sus-
pects Bourbon, ii. 139; proceeds
against him, ii. 173; loses Bay-
ard, ii. 192; loses Claude, ii. 202;
marches personally against Mi-
lan, ii. 205; taken prisoner at
Pavia, ii. 226; Regent's treaty
with England, ii. 252; Charles
V.'s terms, ii. 256; his answer,
ii. 257; fever, ii. 262; taken to
Madrid, attempts escape, ii. 277;
signs treaty with Emperor, ii.
281; betrothed to Queen Eleo-
nora, ii. 283; freed, ii. 284; Holy
League, ii. 288; combines with
Henry VIII. and sends army to
Milan, ii. 328; war against
Charles V., iii. 4; Charles V.
challenges to duel, obviated by
Francis, iii. ii; negotiates with
Charles V., iii. 19; Dauphin
freed, iii. 19; married to Eleo-
nora, iii. 19; wishes to establish
a Royal College, Duprat dis-
suades, iii. 26; measures against
Lutherans, iii. 35; loses mother,
"' 43J gains wealth, iii. 44;
wishes to annex Brittany, iii.
45 J Bretons resist, iii. 46; Dau-
phin made Duke of Brittany,
iii. 48; again meets Henry
VIII., iii. 55; sham agreement
to fight Turks, iii. 59; plan
against Pope, iii. 61 ; Pope
wishes to meet, iii. 64; agent
murdered in Italy, iii. 72; meets
Clement VII., iii. 76; who mar-
ries Due d'Orleans to Catherine
de' Medici, iii. 81; description of
female court of Francis, iii. 3-
94; again war against Charles
V., iii. 97; abolishes printing
throughout kingdom, iii. 103;
repudiates treaty of Madrid, iii.
126; Saluzzo goes over to Em-
peror, iii. 133; loses Dauphin, iii.
137; defeats Charles V., iii. 151;
cites him to appear as vassal be-
fore French tribunals, iii. 166;
marches on Milan in person, iii.
174; truce, iii. 178; Charles V.
wants permanent peace because
of fear of Turks, iii. 179; la belle
Feronniere, iii. 190; Charles
V. asks safe-conduct through
France, and is granted it, iii. 195;
great banquet, iii. 207; Charles
V.'s falseness sours Francis, iii.
214; dismisses Montmorenci, iii.
218; resolves to declare war
apainst Charles, iii. 255; Ro-
chelle revolts against salt tax,
iii. 256; Francis addresses them
in memorable speech, iii. 258;
persecutes Lutherans, iii. 260;
war with Charles drags on, iii.
266; joins forces with Turks,
iii. 276; unsuccessful, iii. 281;
Charles V. and Henry VIII. in-
vade France, iii. 298; they march
on Paris, iii. 313; peace, iii. 314;
is vexed by son Henry's disre-
Index
spect, iii. 331; peace with Henry
Viil., iii. 344; atrociously per-
secutes Reformers, iii. 348; af-
fected by Henry VIII.'s death,
fell into lethargy, and died not
so loved as Louis XII., iii. 354
Franget, Captain, ii. 125
Frederick of Saxony, ii. 5
Frundsberg, ii. 305
Furstemberg, Count William de,
ii. 125; iii. 105, 311
Henry, Prince, iii. 114, 144
Hesse, Landgrave of, i. .295
Holy League, i. 66; ii. 288
Imbercourt, Marquis d', i. 94, 159,
160, 182
Isabella of Spain, death of, i. 41
Iscalin, 1'aulin, iii. 262, 274
Gaillart, Louis, i. 269
Gattinara, Mercuric, ii. 262
Genoa, i. 50, 148
Gcnouilhac, ii. 215
German Electors, i. 280
German Emperorship, i. 287; ii.
I, 5
Ghibberti, Matteo, ii. 208
Gouiffier, G., i. 22
Grandvelle, Perenot de, iii. 6, 309
Grignaud, M. de, i. 122
Gritti, Andreo, ii. 99
Guasto, Marquis de (see D'Avalos,
Alphonso)
Gueldres, Due de (see Robert de
la Mark)
Guise, Claude de, i. 160; ii. 171.
24S; ii- 55
Guistiniani, Demetrius, i. 53
Guojon, Jean, ii. 314
II
Hallwin, Louis de, i. 94
Haye, M. de la, i. 244
Heilly, Mdlle. de (see Anne de
Pisseleu)
Henry VII. of England, i. 36
Henry VIIL of England, i. 66, 93,
95, 101, 109, 113, 131, 144. '97, 253,
254, 268, 283, 285, 304; ii- 8, 17, 23,
29, 32, 91, 106, 127, 251, 286, 307,
322; iii. 2, 55, 70, 95, 159, 266, 299,
306, 3i3> 341, 344, 345, 35-z
James IV. (Scots), i. 109
James V. (Scots), iii. 158
Jamets, Seigneur de, i. 92, 147, 294
Janet, ii. 3
Jeanne de France, i. 4; faithfully
succors her husband Louis
XII., i. 9; divorced, for him to
marry Anne de Bretagne, i. 13;
retires to Bourges, i. 13; died
1504, blessed by the poor, i. 14
Jerusalem, Knights of, ii. 112
Julius II., Pope, i. 47, 48, 56, 87;
dies, i. 88
Katharine of Aragon, ii. 31, 325;
iii. 4, Si, 95, 96
La Crote, i. 58
Lodeve, Comte Clermont de, ii.
278
La Fayette, i. 94, 98; ii. 258
La Motte, des Moyers de, ii. 227
La Rochelle, iii. 258
Launoy, Charles de, ii. 175, 227,
229, 288
Lautrec, Sieur de, i. 73, 136, 161,
170, 235, 239, 262; ii. 75, 103, 153,
284, 328; iii. 13
Lenoncourt, Robert de, i. 127
Leo X., Pope, i. 68, 88, 89, 148,
190, ^55, 282, 300; ii. 10, 45, 53, 80
312
Index
Leyva, Antonio de, ii. 206, 224, 266,
290; iii. 65, 72, 134
Limoges, ii. 3
L'Isle Adam, Villiers de, ii. 42
Livry, Hermit of, ii. 246
Loches, i. 14; ii. 152
Longueville, Due de, i. 58, 79, 98,
114, 117; ii. 101
Lorraine, Card, de, iii. 90, 128, 129,
179, 233
Lorraine, Due de, i. 138, 178, 228,
295; ii. 197, 231
Louis XL, i. 6
Louis XIL, death of, i. i; char-
acter, i. 2; harsh imprisonment
at St. Aubin, i. 8; revenge of
Anne de France, i. 8; marries
Anne de Bretagne, i. 19; great
deference to Anne de Bretagne,
i. 22; illness, i. 30; war with Holy
League, i. 66; assists King of
Navarre, i. 79; allies with Venice,
i. 86; wishes peace with new
Pope Leo X., i. 88; repelled,
again marches army into Italy,
i. 89; fleet captures Genoa, i. 90;
friendship with English, i. 94;
dislikes treaty with Swiss, i.
108; makes treaty of Orleans, i.
109; loses Anne de Bretagne, i.
no; betrothal to Mary of Eng-
land, i. no; married by proxy,
i. 117; and at Abbeville, i. 119;
dies, i. 125
Louise de Savoie, i. 15, 133, 157,
158, 223, 233, 240, 277, 291, 296,
299; ii. 9, 36, 43, 67, 70, 82, 103,
118, 129, 201, 205, 239, 242, 252,
254, 283, 292, 309, 318; iii. 16, 41,
42, 43
Louise, Princess, i. 140, 207,
278
Loyola, Ignatius, ii. 49
Ludovic the Moor, i. 76
Luther, Martin, i. 256; ii. 45; iii.
347
Lutherans, iii. 261
Luxembourg, Charles de, i. 40
M
Mantua, Marquis of, i. 61; ii. 155,
i75
Maraviglia, iii. 66-69
Marguerite of Austria, i. 5, 9, 112;
iii. 16, 44
Marguerite de France (Valois), i.
134, iS3; > 146, 152, 241, 246, 257,
259, 266, 268, 269, 273-82, 285, 298,
325, 326; iii. 84
Marguerite, Princess, iii. 161
Marignano, battle of, i. 184
Mark, Robert de la (Gueldres), i.
58, 91, 160, 170, 294, 301, 303; ii.
43. 45, Si, 282
Marot, Clement, ii. jo, 165, 246;
iii. 32
Mary of England, i. i, 114, 122, 130
Mary, Princess, ii. 34, 54, 91, 251;
iii. 2
Mary, Queen of Scots, iii. 267
Maximilian of Austria, i. 5, 60, 95,
188, 280, 281, 284
Mayence, Arbp. of, ii. 3
Medicis, Alessandro de', iii. 107
Medicis, Card, de', ii. 88
Medicis, Catherine de', iii. 108, 253,
254, 356
Medicis, Giulio de', i. 76
Medicis, Lorenzo de', i. 130, 168,
230, 277
Mezieres, Baron de, i. 107
Milan, Duchy of, i. 141
Molert, Seigneur de, i. 58
Moncada, Ugo de, i. 305; ii. 290,
301
MontecuculJi, Count Sebastian de,
iii. 137
Montejan, M. de, iii. 135, 179
Montmoreau, Seigneur de, ii. 56,
60
Montmorency, Anne de, i. 137; ii.
56, 135, 217, 242, 258; iii. ii, 18,
56,. 90, 143, 167, 181, 193, 197, 213,
215, 219, 225, 330, 357
Montpensier, Charles de (see
Bourbon, Connetable de)
Index
3'3
Montpezat, M. de (see Prz)
More, Sir Thomas, ii. 323
Moreto, Cotnte de, i. 161, 165
Morone, Jeromio, ii. 265, 266, 267
Mottino, i. 92
N
Naples, i. 41
Nassau, Comte Henry de, i. 142;
ii- 55
Navarre, King of, ii. 47, 232
Navarre, Queen of (see Margue-
rite de France)
Navarro. Pietro de, i. 69, 149, 159,
161; ii. 92, 100, 303; iii. 14
Nemours, Due de (see Gaston dc
Foix)
Neuville, Nicholas de, ii. 9
Norfolk, Duke of, ii. 23, 171; iii.
55, 299
Novara, battle of, i. 93
Novi, Paul .de. i. 51
Noyon, Peace of, i. 208
O
Odet, Captain, i. 58
Orleans, Due d', iii. 120, 342
Orleans, Treaty of, i. 109
Osma, Up. of, ii. 253
Paix des Dames, iii. 17
Palassis, Bernard, iii. 50
Palice, Marquis de la, i. 58, 77, 80,
94, 97. 98, 136. 159; 66, 124, 220
Pallavicini, Cristiforo, ii. 74
Paluda, Marquis de. i. 71
Pampeluna, siege of, i. 80; ii. 49
Paris, disorderly, ii. 317, 321
Parliament of Paris, i. 244, 246; ii.
158, 245, 308, 309
Paul III., Pope, iii. 96, 128, 182
Pavanes, Jacques, ii. 246
Pavia, battle of, ii. 221
Techy, Sir John, i. 275
Perousa, i. 48
Pescara, Marquis de, i. 68; ii. 76,
78, 99, 184, 190, 225, 229, 230, 234,
255, 264, 265, 267
Philibert II. of Savoy, iii. 16
Philip, Archduke, i. 45
Pierre, Albert de la, i. 170
Pisseleu, Anne de (Ileilly), ii. 292,
297. 3o, 3'5J iii- 21, 22, 84, 108,
118, 210-12, 226, 232, 304, 357
Pitigliano, Count of, i. 58, 61, i8a
Poland, King of, i. 291
Pole, Richard de la, i. 115; ii. 135,
'97
Policastro, Comte de, i. 167
Pomperant, M. de, ii. 67, 140, 148,
227, 234
Poncher, Etienne, i. 251; ii. 308
Poncher, Francois, ii. 308
Pontbriant, i. 31, 34
Pontdormy, M. de, i. 94; ii. 96
Poyet, G., iii. 181, 208, 217, 221, 222
Prer, Antoine de, ii. 236; iii. 61, 247
Prie, Aymar de, i. 94, 168; ii. 155
Primaticcio, Francisco, ii. 313; iii.
27
Puy, Bp. of, ii. 156
R
Radelais, F., iii. 31
Ramossot, Captain, i. 69
Ravenna, battle of, i. 71
Ravenstein, Sieur de, i. 206
Reformists, iii. 103
Rnee de France, i. 63, 127, 141 ;
ii. 87, 123, 327
Richemont, i. 58
Rimini, i. 48
Rochefort, Gui de, i. 43
Rohan, Pierre de (St. Gi6), i. 17,
19. 3i, 32, 33
Rome, fall of, ii. 307
Rosso del Rosso, iii. 27
Rousillon, Ccmte de, i. 60
Rovera, Francesco, i. 60
St. Angelo, Marquis de, ii. 225
St. Gie (Rohan), i. 17, 19, 31, 32, 33
Index
St. John, Lord, i. 275
St. Pol, Comte de, i. 135; ii. 39,
232; iii. 15, 55, 286, 288
St. Severino, Comte de, ii. 223
St. Vallier, Comte de, i. 154; ii.
137, 148, 157
Saluzzo, Marquis de, 5. 163; ii. 214,
302; iii. 14, 133, 173
Sanga, G., ii. 302
Savoy, Bastard of, i. 155, 170, 210,
244; ii. 231
Scheiner, Matthew (Sion), i. 64,
76, 146, 171, 173, 186; ii. 77
Scotland, ii. 36, 251
Seckingen, F. de, i. 294, 296, 298,
302; ii. 7, 60, 62
Sedan, Sieur de, i. 149
Semblan<;ay, Baron de, ii. 71, 117,
203, 247, 285, 3"
Sforza, F., ii. 46, 92, 266, 288; iii.
38-40, 106
Sforza, Lorenzo, iii. 65
Sforza, Ludovico, i. 262
Shrewsbury, Earl of, i. 93; ii. 23
Sion, Card, of (see Schreiner)
Sismondi, ii. 230; iii. 100, 349
Soliman, Sultan, ii. 112; iii. 98, 178,
241-43, 262, 274
Sorbonne, ii. 319
Soyen, M. de, 246
Spain (see Charles V.)
States-General, i. 42, 260
Suffolk, Duke of, i. 94, "6, 9.
130, 149; ii. 23, 35, 231; iii. 56
Surrey, Earl of, ii. 127, 131, 134
Swiss (guard), i. 64
Swiss Republic, i. 105, 106, 170; ii.
75
Talbot, Lord, i. 93
Talmont, Prince de, i. 159. 182
Tauzannes, Montagnac, ii. 154
Tay, Bastard du, i. 71
Teligny, Francois de, i. 93, 159
Terrail, Pierre, ii. 56
Tours, i. 42, 65
Tremouille, M. de la, i. 7, 87, 90,
105, 108, 178, 247, 248; ii. 56, 66,
108, 155, 216, 223
Treves, Abp. of, ii. 5
Trivulzio, Jean Jacques, i. 53, 58,
74, 88. 159, 262, 265
Trivulzio, Teodoro, ii. 233
Turks, the, i. 195, 268, 278, 284, 304;
ii. 112, 254; iii. 54, 58, 182
Turtoso, Bp. of (see Clement
VII.)
Valaisan, G. de, i. 170
Vandenesse, M. de, i. 21, 25, 28,
29; ii. 188
Vaux, Sir Nicholas, i. 275
Vendome, Due de, i. 136; ii. 109,
133, 155, 171. 242; iii. 154
Venice, i. 47; ii. 253
Vergy, Sieur de, i. 107
Verjus, M. de, i. 246
Viane, Prince de, i. 78
Villa Franca, battle of, i. 167
Villalva, Col., i. 80
Villiers de 1'Isle Adam, ii. 42
Vivcrots. Sieur de, i. 73
Voland, Mdlle. de, ii. 203
w
Wartz, Seigneur de, ii. 142
Watteville, Jacques, i. 105
Wingfield, Sir Richard, ii. 8, 15,
323
Wirtemburg, Duke Ulrich of, i.
105, 107
Wolsey, Card., i. 115, 197, 268, 270;
ii. 16, 18, 33, 36, 5i, 54, 79, 88,
126, 251, 323-27; iii. 3, 51
Worcester, Earl of, i. 175
X
Ximenes, Card., i. 205, 288
z
Zapolsky, John de, iii. 53
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DC Pardoe, Miss
The court and reign of
P2 Francis the First, king of
1901 France
v.l
