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PREFACE
AN article which appeared a short time ago in one
of the leading weekly journals, also the suggestion
of many friends, first prompted me to publish my
late father's Crimean Correspondence and Extracts
from his Diary.
I thought that, as a sailor, I could not do justice
to the subject, and my friend Major Hugh Pearse
kindly undertook to edit the letters, and to him I
return my warmest thanks.
The veteran, Sir William Russell and I take it,
no higher Crimean authority exists most kindly
undertook to write the opening chapter; and I cannot
find words to express how deeply touched I have
been by the interest he has taken in the book.
The letters are those of a man who occupied a very
responsible position, and who had ample opportunities
of forming a correct judgment.
Naturally, I do not wish to enter into any personal
controversy with regard to my father's conduct either
in the Crimea or in India.
I am perfectly satisfied to leave the former in the
hands of Sir William Russell, and the latter to the
dictum of that most accurate and able historian,
Colonel Malleson, who, in reference to the siege of
x PREFACE
Cawnpore by the Gwalior Contingent, has placed it
upon record as his deliberate opinion, that "Windham
saved India."
I may, however, be allowed to borrow one sentence
from Lord Wolseley's Life of Marlborough. He
says, "We must judge of what the public thought of
that Great Soldier at the time"
What the public thought of a much humbler soldier
at the time of the Crimea is well known, for by only
a few votes in the Cabinet did he fail to be made
Commander - in - Chief (vide Greville Memoirs and
Colonel CampbelFs Letters from the Crimea],
If this small book is appreciated by the few friends
now living of an old soldier who ever strove to do
his duty well and nobly, often under the most trying
circumstances, I shall feel more than repaid.
Thinking it might interest old Norfolk neighbours,
I have appended a short account of Felbrigg (the
old seat of the Windhams) taken from the Norfolk
Daily Standard ; also two letters from two of my
father's most valued friends.
CHARLES WINDHAM,
Captain Royal Navy.
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE BY SIR WILLIAM HOWARD RUSSELL . . i
THE CRIMEAN DIARY . . . . . 14
THE INDIAN MUTINY . . . . . 215
APPENDIX LETTERS . ... 257
PREFACE
BY
SIR WILLIAM HOWARD RUSSELL.
A FEW days after the allies occupied the plateau on
the south of Sebastopol it was, I think, on the
2/th or 28th of September I rode up from Balaclava
to take a look at the city, on which we were destined to
gaze for so many eventful months ; and, as I was cross-
ing from the French pickets on our left, I came upon
a part of the Fourth Division, on their march to take
up their camping-ground on one of the ridges over the
ravine which runs from the Great Harbour. They were
in charge of a staff officer whom I remarked, when the
army left the Belbek, warmly expostulating with Lord
Raglan's Staff, on account of the orders which had
been given for the Fourth Division to remain on
the river that night. I had previously seen him over
and over again, always energetic, busy, demonstrative,
in Varna, and now he was hurrying up the men, who
had had a long tramp from the plain below, to
their ground in view of the beautiful city the Queen
of the Euxine. I asked the officer, Major Dickson,
whom I was with, when he came back from a few
minutes' conversation with his Staff acquaintance
u Who is that ? "
2 PREFACE.
" A guardsman, named Windham," he replied. " A
very good man, I should think ; full of ideas. He is
very keen, but he's rather inclined to take the bit in
his teeth."
It was not, however, till some weeks later that I
made Colonel Windham's personal acquaintance. It
was on the day after the memorable battle of Bala-
clava. The Fourth Division had been ordered down
to the plain on the morning of the action to rein-
force the troops in the valley. They had arrived
late ; at least, so it was said. The First Division,
under the Duke of Cambridge, had also been sum-
moned. The appearance of these two great bodies
of infantry, streaming down from the plateau into the
Valley of Balaclava, produced, no doubt, a considerable
effect upon the Russians ; and Sir George Cathcart,
a masterful man, who had already worked himself into
a frame of mind conducive to violent enterprise, because
his counsels, for an instant assault upon Sebastopol, had
not been taken, was eager to dash at the Turkish
redoubts, and had, indeed, whilst his skirmishers
pressed forward and engaged the Russians in a brisk
musketry encounter, occupied one of them, when he
was once more ridden on the curb, and restrained from
the bold offensive which he contemplated.
The next day I rode up to the walled enclosure, which
was subsequently named " Cathcart's Hill," because the
General's Headquarters were near the elevated ridge,
whence there was an extensive view of the city front.
There was a group of officers looking down towards the
ground on the right, from which Evans' Division had
that morning driven the Russians, who had come out
to establish themselves in force upon it ; and amongst
them was Colonel Windham.
PREFACE. 3
Presently, he came to the place where I stood
watching the movements of the troops on the extreme
right towards Inkerman, and, with an abrupt " Good
evening," asked me " if I had seen the cavalry charges
down below the day before, and what I thought of the
whole affair?" I said I had been all the morning
in my tent, continuing the work of the night before,
and writing about the battle.
" And what have you written ? "
I said " I hoped it would all appear in good time."
" I hope," said he, " that you let people at home
understand what a lot of muddling muffs we have out
here. What on earth did they mean by hurrying us
down there ? Two divisions ! And then making out
that we were late ! Late for what ? Why, when we did
want to do something, we were not allowed. I believe
if my General had been allowed to go on, and the whole
force had been advanced, we 'd have shoved every man-
jack of these Russians up into the mountains, and
retaken the guns. That's my private opinion, mind
you ! And I don't want my name in the papers."
Whilst I was living at the Headquarters Camp, I
went up nearly every day, early or late, to Cathcart's
Hill, and there I found Colonel Windham, his pipe
in his mouth and his note-book in hand, very
often, but he would not tarry long. He seemed
always to have something to do in addition to some-
thing that he had done already. His opinions on men
and matters were given with refreshing directness, and
his views were original, at all events ; full of confidence,
and always in advocacy of instant action ; sometimes
to make a dash at the Round Tower or the Redan ;
sometimes to break up camp and march right away
for Simpheropol or Eupatoria. Occasionally he had
4 - PREFACE.
moments of despondency ; he doubted if we should
ever take the place at all ! Certainly that frame of mind
was justified after the battle of Inkerman, and the death
of his beloved chief ; and it was intensified in the terrible
winter, during which Windham became known through-
out the army for his indefatigable exertions in providing,
as far as he could, for the wants of the Division to
which he was attached, and by his liberal criticisms
of the officers of his own department on the Head-
quarters Staff. His military theories, however, were
not in favour. He had no experience in war. But
he had long service, and in the love of sport and
travel, which had led him far afield in the East and
in the West, he had all the aptitudes which go to
the making of a soldier. Officers of less experi-
ence, however, than Windham, considered themselves
entitled to express the most decided opinions on the
operations. One day, after the first bombardment, Lord
Cardigan, accompanied by his friend, Mr. De Burgh,
and an aide-de-camp, rode up to the front to take a look
at the batteries. They were joined by a young officer of
Engineers.
"Ah!" said Lord Cardigan. "I see! Those fellows
down below are our men, and they are firing at the
Russians. Those fellows who are firing towards us are
the Russians. Why don't we drive them away ? "
The officer explained that there were certain diffi-
culties in the suggested operation. But the gallant
General, who was a few days later to distinguish himself
in the valley of Balaclava, was by no means satisfied,
and insisted on his views with an air of haughty con-
viction. At last, putting up his glass, and turning
to remount his horse, which was down below, he
exclaimed ;
PREFACE. 5
" I have never in all my life seen a siege conducted
on such principles, Squire."
The Squire assented. He had never seen such a
siege, either, and they rode back to Balaclava.
Windham was, indeed, a very different sort of man
from Lord Cardigan, but if, after a few weeks' acquaint-
ance such as I have described, in constant, if casual,
meetings with him, I had been asked what I thought his
failing as an officer was, I would have answered, " Reck-
less gallantry and dash." I say that because I have been
induced to write this prefatory chapter by a sense of the
injustice done to him by those who expressed the
opinion that when he left the Redan on the 8th of
September, 1855, ar "d walked back to the nearest
parallel to solicit the help to his faltering soldiers, for
which he had sent three times in vain, he had acted
unworthily.
I was not in the Redan, and I did not see General
Windham in the advance or the retreat from it that
day ; but immediately after the disastrous assault, I
heard, from those who were with him, particulars of
what came under their personal observation. One fact
is beyond question. At the moment Windham left
the Redan his presence had ceased to exercise any
influence over the shrinking and discomfited men, who
were sheltering themselves behind the traverses near the
salient. Nothing could save them but immediate sup-
port of " troops in formation," the support Windham
sought to obtain. His example had had no effect upon
these men in any way. They would not follow him.
He had endeavoured in vain to induce them to move
towards the Russians at the base of the Redan. Our
officers felt that without instant help the men would run.
There were still old soldiers who disdained to turn their
6 PREFACE.
backs and fly, but they knew that if they went forward
they could not save the honour of the day, and that
they would assuredly lose their lives to no purpose. It
was to save those men perhaps indeed in the hope that
he might make good a footing in the Redan that
Windham made his last appeal.
Whatever may be said, or whatever has been said or
written, about the part he took, it appears to me
impossible to attribute the decision that Windham took,
when he crossed the ditch and walked across the open
to appeal to Codrington, to any regard for his personal
safety. The first thing he did was to stand upon
the top of the ditch of the advanced parallel, and ask
General Codrington for "the Royals, or for troops in
formation," to restore the fortunes of the fight, paying
no regard to the General's urgent words "Get down,
or you will be killed ! "
The assault was, indeed, a great calamity a national
misfortune, a political disaster. When the story of
that day of failure and loss reached England, there
was an immense sensation. In the bitterness and
humiliation of the defeat, which were not perhaps
lessened by the success of the French at the Malakoff,
the public rejoiced in the record of the gallantry of
the officer, who quickly became known as " the Hero
of the Redan." Windham was the only officer in
command of a column who entered the Redan. He
set a splendid example to his men, but few of them
followed it. Reading between the lines of his letters
and of the diary referring to the assault, one can see
the painful stress which was placed by circumstances
on a man like Windham, who felt that he was not
responsible for the disaster, at the same time that he
could not brills' himself to accuse British soldiers of
PREFACE. 7
want of courage. It is best to leave the reader to form
his own conclusions respecting the conduct and motives
of the General, which were very recently condemned by
a high military authority, from the letters and from the
diary which follow. The opinion that it was dereliction
of duty for a commander to leave his men under any
circumstances, said to have been expressed by French
officers of high rank, was caught up at the time by
those to be found in every army, as amongst other
bodies of men, who are disposed to accept unfavourable
versions of the conduct of others. In letters written
from camp on September 8th and loth, I stated as
the results of personal enquiry and investigation the
facts connected with the assault ; and anyone who cares
to read the evidence of the soldiers who were actually
in the Redan, can refer to the volume of my letters
published in 1856. I spoke, I think, to every officer
who was inside the Redan, and not one of them differed
from the general account published in the Times.
Everyone expressed the highest opinion of Windham's
personal bearing, and none, so far as I am aware,
questioned the propriety of his seeking, by personal
entreaty as a last hope, the reinforcements which one
might suppose the General in the trenches would have
pushed forward of his own accord. That General was
Codrington, as gallant a gentleman and as honourable a
man as ever lived. We may form an opinion of the
impression left on Codrington's mind by Windham's
conduct that day, from the simple fact that soon
after he succeeded to the command of the army, he
appointed Windham Chief of the Staff !
In recognition of his services, immediately on the fall
of the place, Windham was appointed Commandant
of Sebastopol, a post which he retained, and a very
8 PREFACE.
unpleasant one it was, till the I3th of October, when
the notification of his promotion as Major-General for
distinguished conduct on the 8th September reached
the Crimea.
On the nth of November, Sir William Codrington
assumed the command of the army, Sir James Simpson
having been permitted to resign on the previous day.
From the iyth November, 1855, till the evacuation of
the Crimea on the I3th June, 1856, Windham was Chief
of the Staff. But the labours of the expedition had
nearly come to a close ; all the Generals had to do was
to obey orders from their respective Governments at
home, in case the diplomatic Conferences and negotia-
tions, which occupied so much time even in the midst of
war, failed in establishing a basis for treaties of peace.
The activity and resources of Windham, as Chief of
the Staff, were devoted to the improvement of all
that appertained to the efficiency of the troops. Had
another winter campaign tried the fortitude of our
soldiers, they would not have had to complain of
hunger, of want of cover, and insufficient clothing.
They were housed in comfortable huts, supplied by a
railway with fuel, forage, fresh meat, vegetables, in
abundance, there were excellent roads through the
camp ; and Windham describes, with justifiable pride,
the splendid appearance of the forty-six battalions
of British infantry, paraded in line upon the heights
of Telegraph Hill, on the 25th of February, for the
inspection of Marshal Pelissier and La Marmora.
The Brevet-Colonel of June, 1854, returned home
in 1856 a General Officer and a Companion of the
Bath, a Commander of the Legion of Honour, with a
medal and four clasps, a First-class of the Military
Order of Savoy, the Mcdjidieh, and the Turkish War
PREFACE. 9
medal " a made man " his name in every mouth.*
But he had not long to rest upon his laurels. At
the end of the year 1857, ne was appointed to the
command of a Major- General's district in Bengal ;
in December, 1857, he was placed in command of
the Fifth and Sixth Divisions of the Field Force,
under Sir Colin Campbell ; and presently, at a
very critical moment in the history of British
India, was left in charge of the important post of
Cawnpore. It may be doubted whether Sir Colin
Campbell would have selected Windham for any
command for the old soldier, though he became a
Guards General, was not fond of Guards officers, nor
was he particularly partial to the Headquarters in the
Crimea. He had been, moreover, injuriously super-
seded, in command of the Army, by Codrington, his
junior, who had chosen Windham to be his right-
hand man. But Windham was very popular and
very powerful at home, and, indeed, he had been re-
commended to the Governor-General for the command
of the expeditionary force to Persia in the previous
* The reception which Windham had in England was enthusiastic,
and particularly in his own county, where his family had long occupied
a distinguished position. The public manifestations in his honour
afforded him the liveliest satisfaction. He had not been long in India,
however, before the news of the action at Cawnpore reached England,
and the absence of any complimentary mention of his name in the
General's despatches was taken to imply the dissatisfaction of the
Commander-in-Chief with the General's defence of his post. Ere I
left London, towards the end of 1857, to join Headquarters in India,
I waited on the Duke of Cambridge, at the Horse Guards, to pay
my respects. "Well," said His Royal Highness, laughingly, "we
will see what your Redan General makes of it now." I asked His
Royal Highness whom he alluded to. "Why, I mean Windham, of
course ! We all know that it was you made him the ' Hero of the
Redan.'" I intimated my belief that it was Windham, himself, who
had achieved the distinction.
io PREFACE.
year. He was only passed over because he had never
served with native troops, but he was now on the
spot ; and so Windham was placed in charge of the
ill-omened town, which was the base of operations
for the force that had just set out for the relief of the
Garrison, and of the civilians, women, and children in
the Residency and adjacent entrenchments at Lucknow.
The bridge at Cawnpore was the only means of
passage from Oudh to the right bank of the Ganges,
and the main trunk road, for the great Lucknow
column under Sir Colin, with its civilians, women
and children, artillery, cavalry, soldiery, stores, guns,
baggage, sick and wounded. The instructions Wind-
ham received were explicit ; but, without plunging
into the heated controversy in which Malleson and
other writers have given judgment against him, I
think that the opinions of an officer like Sir John
Adye, who was with Windham in those days of
trial, carry far greater weight than the minute objec-
tions of inferior authorities to the details of the
operations which had the one all-powerful argument
in their favour, that the bridge was saved, and that
Cawnpore was held against enormous odds. When I
went to Simla, after the actual capture of Lucknow
and the campaign of Rohilcund, I met Windham, who
was on leave with Sir Robert Garrett. We often had
causeries about the Cawnpore battles, in which he
mentioned matters concerning officers and men
" things not generally known " which made me feel
thankful that he had held the bridge so well and at
all ! " Had I acted according to orders the bridge
would have been lost as sure as you are alive ! Why,
had I withdrawn my force, after I had displayed them
outside the entrenchments and the town, as I was
PREFACE. ii
ordered to do, the whole of the 'Budmashes' would have
swarmed in on us ; but I gave them a blow in the face
which staggered the Gwalior gentlemen. Sir Colin felt
he had done me wrong, and he made the amends, but
the mischief was done. As to the shameful accusations
that I was ungenerous in my treatment of Carthew, I
can only say, that if I was guilty of anything of the
kind, I deserve all the obloquy that has been heaped
upon me ten times over. But I feel it is not true."
The passages in his letters and memoranda which
follow speak for themselves, and the letters from Sir
Colin Campbell and General Mansfield, which made
tardy acknowledgment of the injustice which had
been done to him by his chiefs, are the best answers
to those who have assailed Windham for his defence
of Cawnpore. That he was judicious and politic I
will not say, for I do not think he was either, having
regard to his own interests ; but that he was as honest
and as brave a soldier as ever served the Queen I most
fully believe.
W. H. R.
CHARLES ASH WINDHAM, the fourth son of
v_x Admiral William Windham, of Felbrigg Hall,
Norfolk ; and a great nephew of William Windham,
who was Secretary of State for War and the Colonial
Department in Lord Grenville's Ministry "of all the
Talents," was born on October 8th, 1810.
He was educated at the Royal Military College,
Sandhurst, and entered the Coldstream Guards at the
age of sixteen.
The dates of his Commissions are as follows :
Ensign and Lieutenant . December 3Oth, 1826.
Lieutenant and Captain . May 3ist, 1833.
Brevet-Major . . . November 9th, 1846.
Captain and Lieut.-Colonel December 29th, 1846.
In 1849, Lieutenant - Colonel Windham married
Marianne Catherine Emily, daughter of Admiral Sir
John Beresford ; and on June 22nd of the same year
he exchanged to half-pay.
On the outbreak of the Crimean War, Windham
exerted himself to the utmost to obtain employment
in the field, and eventually was rewarded by receiving
the appointment of Assistant Quartermaster-General
to the 4th Division, which was commanded by a dis-
tinguished and experienced soldier, Lieutenant-General
the Honourable Sir George Cathcart.
14 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY.
Windham had been promoted to the rank of
Colonel in the Army, on June 2Oth, 1854, and thus
entered on his first campaign in full maturity of mind
and body, and entrusted with duties of much responsi-
bility. He embarked at Southampton on August 9th,
1854, on board the steamer Harbinger, and began his
diary, which is given, as nearly as possible, in the form
in which it was written, on his arrival at Constantinople.
DIARY.
CONSTANTINOPLE, September ist, 1854. Arrived at
Constantinople this morning, and heard that the Army
was embarking for Sebastopol, and would probably
sail on the 3rd.
The French and English have suffered severely from
sickness in Bulgaria. For my part I never felt better,
and I sincerely hope I may be preserved to return
home; but, above all things, I do earnestly pray that
God will grant me strength and courage to behave as
becomes a man and a soldier, come what may.
It will be my first battle, and no man can say what
effect that may have on him, so I repeat that, above
all things, I pray for a stout heart and a clear head
when the battle rages fiercest, particularly should we
be unsuccessful.
A letter to Anthony Hudson, Esq., Colonel Wind-
ham's oldest and best friend, follows :
" CONSTANTINOPLE,
September isf, 1854.
"Mv DEAR ANTHONY,
" This is for you and William, as I have not
time to write to both. We have this moment (7 am.)
GENERAL CATHCART. 15
dropped anchor, and we are off again directly, as the
Army is embarking for Sebastopol, and we shall be
just in time.
" I am happy to say that I never felt better in my
life, and lucky for me it is so. The sickness here has
been frightful (don't let Marianne know this), and I
think the attack on Sebastopol is a good deal owing to
this. How I pray we may succeed. Our Division is
gone on, and I shall have arduous duties to perform
without positively one single day's preparation, even
for my horses. They have never seen fire, nor have
I, so we shall be novices together ; but we must do
our best.
" Give my best, very best, love to William, Charlotte,
and all your family, as I shall not probably have
another chance of writing to you for some time.
God bless you, my dear Anthony, for all your many
kindnesses ; and sincerely praying that I may conduct
myself well before the enemy, and live to return to
old England.
" I remain in good health and spirits,
" Yours affectionately,
"C A. W."
VARNA, September 2nd, 1854. Anniversary of the
death of a great English soldier, Oliver Cromwell. I
wonder what he would do if at Varna? I had a long
and interesting talk, last evening, after dinner with the
General (Sir George Cathcart). He told me all he
intended doing, and I am convinced that he is
perfectly right in his views. He said almost exactly
what I wrote to Bentinck* last February.
* Brig. -Gen. commanding the Brigade of Guards.
16 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
VARNA, September yd. Went on shore and saw
Lord Raglan, Sir George Brown, General Airey,
Admirals Dundas and Lyons. Drew some necessaries
for servants and the detachment of the 46th Regiment,
now on board here. I did what I could to find out
what I had to do, but, as to this, got but little
information.
I was glad to see Lord Raglan looking so well, and
as to General Brown, he looks the freshest man here ;
and I do not doubt he will lead the Light Division " like
a good 'un."
For my part, what I fear is the condition of the men.
They are so dispirited and downcast by sickness that I
very much question their fighting in the resolute way
I am sure they would have fought had this expedition
been undertaken months ago.
I think that,, from a strategical point of view, Odessa
is the place to attack.
Why we should choose to fight the Russians with a
strong fortification to assist them, instead of fighting
them with an open town near us that would probably
offer no resistance, is more than I can understand.
From what I can learn the French seem to be
opposed to the attack (on Sebastopol) ; the English
think it too late in the year, and a great many of
our superior officers look upon it as hazardous and
doubtful. And no one seems in the right spirit to
do it.
The French have lost a frightful number of men by
sickness, and will only be able to embark twenty
thousand ; we shall send twenty-two or twenty-three
thousand, and I understand the Turks will send ten
thousand.
One thing is certain, we must all do our best.
THE WORTH OF COMMON SENSE. 17
Codrington has got Airey's Brigade,* which I am
delighted at, as I am sure he is a man whose heart is in
his profession.
VARNA, September ^th. That the French and
English Armies should have been here for months
doing nothing, and that now, when they are out of
health and spirits, and have lost in effective strength
at least one-third of their force, they should undertake
to beard in his den the lion that they were afraid of in
the open, is certainly wonderful.
Alas ! how few men there are who possess common
sense. Cathcart does, and I believe he is quite right in
most of his views.
Only fancy if we fail in this expedition ! To say
nothing of the bloodshed, look at the loss of reputation
to our arms, to the apparent certainty, or, at least,
strong probability, of a split with France; for a defeat
would assuredly produce the most bitter disputes ;
lastly, consider the defencelessness of our island in
the event of the Army being destroyed. And what,
I ask, are we to gain ? Sebastopol ! And in what
respect will Russia be injured if we have to return it
to her at the end of the war?
We shall, if successful, be further off peace than ever,f
in my opinion ; and, if unsuccessful, it is utter ruin,
unless we fall back upon Odessa, and declare the
Crimea attack to have been only a feint. God is
merciful, and spares many who little expect or
deserve it.
We shall assuredly have a rattling fight of it, and I
* Brigadier-General Airey had been appointed Quartermaster-General in
succession to Lord de Ros, invalided.
t This proved to be erroneous. W. II. R.
C
i8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
earnestly pray that these lines may stare me in the face
hereafter, and prove to me that, though I now think I
am writing wisely, I am after all a fool, and that the
people in whose hands the nations of England and
France have placed themselves are wiser by far
than I.
All I can say is that, as I am firmly convinced of the
folly of the attack, undertaken to gratify the vainglory
of a lot of foolhardy men, I will never expunge a
word.
If the Armies were in health and spirits they would
unquestionably take Sebastopol, and they may, and, I
hope, will do so now. Indeed, I do not think the odds
are two to one against it, but they ought to be five to
one in our favour before we undertake so hazardous
an operation.
VARNA, September %th. Got up this morning at six
as usual, and saw the Agamemnon moving about the
Bay under steam, and looking beautiful.
A vast portion of the fleet has already gone, and our
steam is nearly up.
We soon sailed for Baltchick,* and, on leaving the
Bay, ran over the dead body of one of the poor Zouaves
who was drowned the other day at the embarkation
of his corps.f
" vS.5. Harbinger" September 6th. Arrived at Bait-
chick Bay at half-past ten a.m., and anchored. What a
noble armament ! At present everything looks well, the
wind fair, and the outside of things all one could wish.
* A cape a few miles N. of Varna.
+ A boat full, going off to a transport, had been run down by a steamer.
SHARPENING THE SWORD. 19
God grant all may go on well, and old England win the
day. So hurrah for success !
BALTCHICK BAY, September jth. I suppose such a
fleet as this was never seen before in any sea. I cannot
help thinking the sight of it will cast a damper on the
good folk of Sebastopol.
At about one o'clock p.m. the fleet got into order, the
French being on the right, Turks in the centre, and
English on the left.
I fancy we shall land nearly fifty thousand men.
. Harbinger" September <)tk. At twelve, noon,
we were about thirty-five miles from Cape Tarkhan,
and sixty-five miles from Odessa. Soon afterwards
the leading ships cut off their steam and we lay to, I
suppose for the rear portion of the fleet.
Their heads are now lying in all directions, so I
really do not yet know where we may ultimately go.
I still hope it may be Odessa, but fear not.
I find, in an old French work, that all the rivers
immediately to the north of Sebastopol, and falling into
the sea, namely, the Bulganak, Alma, Katcha, and
Belbek are sharp torrents in the spring and winter, but
easily fordable at this season. The weather to-day is
cloudy and autumnal, and, I may add, cold.
Had my sword sharpened and loaded my pistol, and
then, as soon as my three days' provisions are served
out, I shall be ready to land. At about 4 p.m. the
signal was made to anchor, and we accordingly did so
in about fifteen fathom water.
Who could fail to admire, by the light of the declining
sun, the appearance of this magnificent fleet, or to feel
proud of the works of science and civilization ?
20 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
While I was in the midst of these thoughts the John
Masterman dropped overboard the corpse of some
unfortunate to remind us, I suppose, of our end, as far
as this being is concerned.
" S.S. Harbinger" September \Qth. The fleet still at
anchor this morning, the sun shining, and everything
looking peaceable and happy.
It seems to be the opinion on board that we shall
land near Eupatoria, and take possession of the narrow
strip of land between the salt lake and the sea.
It may be so, but we shall then be a long way from
Sebastopol, and have no easy business to defend our
lines of communications against the hordes of Cossacks
that I expect will be about us ; and there certainly will
be an end of carrying out St. Arnaud's assertion (in his
proclamation) that we will take Sebastopol in three
days, for we shall, unquestionably, not be able, in our
present state, to march there in that time, even if the
Russians received us as friends, and not as enemies.
The men are ordered to land with their knapsacks,
great-coats, and three days' provisions, and to leave their
blankets behind them. In my opinion, the knapsack is
a perfectly useless thing.
I have walked under weight, and have carried my own
provisions for many days, and I am sure that, provided
you took a blanket, and put in it a spare shirt, a pair of
shoes, and a towel, you might leave your knapsack and
great-coat behind you for a fortnight.
A great-coat is a great-coat and nothing more, but a
blanket is a blanket and great-coat too, and when men
lie down together in twos and threes, they can, with
good blankets, make themselves comfortable ; at least,
I always found this to be the case in my hunting trips
CONCERNING KIT. 21
in North America, where I have gone through more
real hard work than falls to the lot of most men.
The knapsack appears to be a thing to which officers
are peculiarly wedded ; which can easily be accounted
for by their never having carried them.
If they ever had to do so, they would avoid them as
studiously as gipsies, pedlars, and trappers do.
Any weight, in fact, that cannot be shifted is painful
for a man to carry ; and as a blanket, rolled lengthways
and slung over the shoulder, will carry all that a man
can want for a fortnight, I cannot see the use of loading
him with more. When going on sentry duty he would
leave his trifling effects with his comrade, and use the
blanket as a great-coat ; when in his tent, his blanket is
his bed.
"S.S. Harbinger" September nth. At about I p.m.
the fleet got under weigh, and stood for the Crimea.
Before starting, Charles Woodford* came on board,
and I asked him whether any information had been
obtained as to the original strength and reinforcements
of the enemy. As to the first, he said he knew nothing ;
as to the second, it appears they have positive informa-
tion that ships have lately sailed from Odessa with
troops on board, and have safely landed them at
Sebastopol.
This, if true, is a considerable reflection on the
vigilance of our fleet.
I suppose to-morrow we shall be off our landing-
place, and I hope the appearance of the fleet will
have considerable weight with the Russians, and make
them overrate our numbers.
* Colonel Charles Woodford, Rifle Brigade, afterwards killed, when
under Windham's command at Cawnporc.
22 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
" S.S. Harbinger" September \2th. There was a
sharpish squall in the night, which caused our ships
to cast off those they were towing, but they have now
resumed their places. We see nothing of the French
and Turkish fleets, and don't know if they have gone
elsewhere, or dropped astern.
EUPATORIA, September i^tJi. Weighed anchor in
the morning, and stood to the southward ; land distant
about three miles to the eastward ; the country looks
sunburnt and very open, and has a good deal the
look of Newmarket Heath from the lowlands of
Cambridgeshire.
The French and Turkish fleets came up during the
night, and we made sail, and got fairly off about 9 a.m.
Anchored off Eupatoria. As they have made the
signal to land, I suppose we shall do so. The place,
though fifty miles distant from Sebastopol, appears
in other respects a good and safe place for landing.
DISEMBARKATION OF THE ARMY, September i^tJi
to September \"jth. To our great astonishment, instead
of landing at Eupatoria, we were ordered off this
morning at two o'clock, but did not start till daylight.
We landed without opposition on the tongue of land
between Lake Kamishli and the sea. The prearranged
order of landing was soon abandoned, and we got on
shore as best we could.
In the 4th Division, Sir George (Cathcart) went first
with Elliot, and left me to follow with the remainder
of the Staff, excepting Smith, who remained in charge
of the horses.
We did not land till just dark, and found the General
with the ist Battalion Rifle Brigade.
CHOLERA AGAIN.
It soon began to rain, and we passed a wet,
unpleasant night on this spit of land, a good deal in
want of water.
We remained in this position till the iQth September,
during which time the tents were re-embarked, which
was wise ; but a vast number of stores had also to
be re-embarked, or, what was worse, to be abandoned,
which was unwise ; and showed, what has subsequently
been too clear, that we had hardly any transport, and
no method with what we had.
September iS///. At 8 p.m. I was sent for by the
Quartermaster- General, and, in his tent with the
remainder of the A.O.M.G.'s, I wrote down the order
of march, and galloped back with it to Sir George
Cathcart.
Nothing had been arranged by the Commissariat,
but it was still determined that we should march early
next mornin.
BULGAXAK VALLEY, September IQ///. Accordingly,
off we went, with the exception of the 63rd, and the
two complete companies of the 46th, who were left
behind, under Brigadier-General Torrens.
We had a hot, dusty, slow, drawling march to the
Bulganak, a mere brook, about four inches deep, and,
in most places, practicable for a horse to jump.
On arriving there, the advanced guard (consisting
of light cavalry, under Cardigan) had a small
skirmish with the Cossacks, who soon withdrew, and
we encamped upon the stream.
We had suffered a good deal at our first encamp-
ment from cholera, and it pursued us here. I brought
a man, with assistance, into our camp in a blanket.
54 GENERAL WINDHAAPS DIARY.
He belonged to the 5Oth. He kept constantly
saying, " I want to go home. I am going home, I
know I am."
Poor fellow, I did what I could for him, but found
him dead in the morning, and so was Seymour's
servant. Poor Beckwith, of the Rifles, was also taken
ill, and we never saw him again.
BATTLE OF THE ALMA.
September 2Oth. We advanced again early in the
morning, and after a slow, loitering march, arrived at
the Alma about mid-day. When I first saw the
village on its banks it was in flames, but the smoke
from it was soon equalled, if not eclipsed, by the fire
from the Russian artillery.
The Light and Second Divisions crossed first,
and were soon followed by the First. The Third
and Fourth Divisions acted in support, and were
neither of them engaged during the day, though
under fire.
It was my first fight, and I was quite astounded
at my coolness. I did not feel a bit more nervous
than I should have done in Hyde Park.
The General sent me off to the left to look after
some Cossacks, and it was the opinion of some that
I should be cut off; my friends, on the contrary, did
not try it, but bolted.
We crossed the river as soon as possible, and the
General, followed by me, galloped after the Highland
Brigade as fast as we could, and arrived in time for
"the brush."
We had the pleasure of seeing the Highlanders,
aided by three or four guns, pitching into the Russians,
ALMA. 25
who were in full retreat. I found a man of the 42nd
threatening to break the head of a Russian who lay
at his feet, and, on my stopping him, he said the fellow
had shot at him after receiving quarter. I heard the
same story from many on the field, and from all I have
seen, I believe it to be true.
This battle must have shown the Russians that they
had to deal with no ordinary infantry, as they could
not hold their very strong position above two and
a half hours.
Had they thought less of their trophies, or, in other
words, of their brass guns,* and more of their position,
they would have held it much longer. Their fear of
losing their guns lost them their position.
As for our attack, it was a mere stupid taking the
bull by the horns and throwing him. Had we not
let him get up again, this might have been excused ;
and we could have done this by sending in pursuit
the 3rd and 4th Divisions, the Highland Brigade,
and the cavalry. But we simply let him get up and
go off with all his artillery (save two guns), and then
sat down on the ground we had previously camped
on, and looked out for dinner.
I watched everything very closely, and was much
pleased at the kindness and good nature of the men
to their enemies.
The great slaughter was at the large battery, about
half-way up the hill, six hundred yards from the
river. Here the enemy lay thick, both on the inside
and outside of it, but more on the outside.
As to myself, I had nothing to do. I was never
exposed to a close musketry fire. The shells and
* The Russians were very badly armed, with smooth-bore flint-lock
muskets, converted. They possessed very few rifles.
26 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
round shot flew about fairly, but nothing much. At
the end, when I was near enough, the enemy was
making off too fast to put one in much danger.
The more I think of the battle, the more convinced
I am that it might have ended the campaign. I
thought so at the time, and I think so more strongly
now*
The battery never should have been attacked. Our
left should have been thrown forward and to the left,
and have turned the right of the Russian position.!
Had the Russians then waited for our attack, they
would have been driven on to the French or into the
sea. Had they not waited, they must have abandoned
their batteries and their position.
If it be said, "Aye, but they would perhaps have
driven back our attack over the river and ruined it,"
I answer, "If they could do this without their
batteries, why could they not drive back our centre
with them?" In fact, we flung away the great
advantages of the attack, namely, choice of time and
place ; and, moreover, when the battle was over, did
not follow up our success.
The following letter to Mrs. Windham gives some
interesting details of the battle :
"CAMP ON THE HEIGHTS OF ALMA,
' ' September 2ist, 1854.
" MY DEAREST,
" We are now in the camp occupied by the
Russians yesterday. In 2 hours 50 minutes we carried
* It appears that the above remarks were written a few days later, at
Balaclava.
t This was St. Arnaud's plan, which Lord Raglan accepted, but did
not carry out. W. H. R.
ALMA. 27
their position with the loss, I fear, to us of about 1 100
killed and wounded.
" The Guards did beautifully, and have suffered
much, particularly in wounded. I saw Charles Baring
to-day, arm lost ; Cust, killed ; Heygarth, arm and leg
lost ; Percy and Ennismore,* both wounded ; Charles
Hare, I hear, is killed, poor fellow ! Listowel and
Richard will regret him much. I am glad to say
Ennismore was gone on board ship when I went
down to see him. Poor Lord Chewton is desperately
wounded in several places, and, I fear, will not recover.
Colonel Chester killed, Major Rose ditto, and Montague,
of the 33rd, and many others. It was a beautiful
military sight, and I watched it as quietly as if I had
been in Hyde Park, but I must add, for fear you
should think me boastful, that I was in no kind of
danger ; a few cannon shot and bullets wounded some
half a dozen men in our Division, which supported the
Guards, and that was all. I am, my dear, perfectly
well.
" The Russian General we took prisoner, and who is
now on board the Agajneinnon, says of all the soldiers
he ever saw he has never seen anything like the British
infantry ; they fought more like devils than men. Tell
Lord Somerville that the centre battery was 600 yards
from the river, and consisted of twelve 32-pounders,
supported by 35,000 men and 50 pieces of artillery,
and that the allies made a clear sweep of them in less
than three hours. It was nobly done.
" We advance to-morrow.
" God bless you, my dear,
" Your affectionate husband,
" C. A. W."
* Present Earl of Listowel.
28 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
A letter to William Windham, Esq., the eldest brother
of the writer, is also included, as it gives a good many
additional details of interest :
"CAMP ON HEIGHTS ABOVE THE ALMA,
"September 2isf, 1854.
" MY DEAR WILLIAM,
"We yesterday carried the Russian position in
the finest style imaginable, with the loss, I am sorry
to say, of noo men (British). The French did their
work excellently, and are well pleased with us. I
cannot enter into plans and minutiae, as I am writing
at night in the open air, without tent, and by a little
lantern. The glory rests with the Left Division and the
Guards. Our Division, though close up, was untouched
save a few wounded, and beyond a few bullets and
round shot every now and then coming up to me,
and a shell or two, I might as well have been in
Hyde Park.
"The Russians had an immensely strong position,
30,000 men and 50 guns, besides a battery of twelve
32-pounders, and they were driven to the devil in less
than three hours. Tell Anthony it would have done
him good to have stood, as I did, by Lord Raglan on
the height with the Guards and Highlanders, and to
have seen the whole plain below strewed with
Russians. The Russian General we took says we
fought more like devils than men, and how such a
position could have been carried under a loss of eight
or nine thousand I can't think.
" We have to-day been burying the dead and carrying
in the wounded. You could trace the route of the
Russian columns by the dead, dying, broken arms,
lost knapsacks, c., as clearly as you could a road, and,
ALMA. 29
in less than five minutes, the Highlanders, at 600 yards,
killed a hundred men whilst they were running.
" Give my best love to Anthony, and I will send more
particulars if I am not bagged on the Katcha ; but
I think they have had a sickener, and won't stand
long before us whenever we meet. We lead next time.
" Yours ever affectionately,
" C. A. W."
Ox THE ALMA, September 2ist and 22nd. Assisted
some of our own, and many Russian wounded. Much
pleased at the conduct of our men to\vards the latter,
but greatly hurt at the want of exertion and system
in getting the wounded away. The whole of the 4th
Division ought to have been employed, as well as
others, in collecting them ; whereas hundreds of men
were walking about giving them bread and water, but
no fatigue parties were employed to carry them in, and
bury the dead, until nearly forty-eight hours after the
battle. Cholera on the increase, I am sorry to say.
KATCHA, September 2$rd The allies left the Alma,
and marched to the Katcha.
Sent fifty-two of the division to the beach, sick,
mostly, with cholera ; also my servant.
Had to destroy my brown mare before marching.
This (Katcha) is a beautiful valley, and full of the
finest fruit, particularly grapes, and most handsomely
were they plundered. This was very natural, as the
inhabitants had all deserted their houses, so the men
could not buy the fruit.
The 57th Regiment joined us.
\Yhat a strong position for the Russians to have
abandoned !
30 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
BELBEK, September 2tfh. Left the valley of the
Katcha late, and advanced to the Belbek, a stream
running through another valley, rich in fruit, and about
as big as the Katcha. Crossed it, and camped on the
bushy heights to the south of the river.
Cholera still in camp.
THE FLANK MARCH, September 25/72. Under arms
at 7 a.m. The rest of the Army marched across country
in a S.S.E. direction. We (4th Division) remained as
a rear-guard, and to protect the sick and baggage. In
the afternoon Smith* was sent by Sir George with
despatches to Lord Raglan ; lost his way, was fired at
(from Sebastopol), and one of the two dragoons who
were with him was killed.
Smith got back about midnight.
BELBEK, September 26th. At about one o'clock this
morning Sir George desired me to go to the Katcha,
and inform the senior naval officer on the station that
Lord Raglan wished the base to be considered changed
to Balaclava, and the fleet to be moved accordingly. I
was also to get all commissariat stores, transport, and
sick on board the fleet.
I rode down to George Paget'sf tent to ask him for
a dragoon, when his charger kicked me, with all its
force, upon the right shin, and hurt me most severely.
However, after having had my leg dressed, I rode on,
and gave my orders, first to Admiral Dundas, and
then to Sir E. Lyons, who took me in his ship, the
Agamemnon, to Balaclava, where I witnessed the
capture of that place.
* Captain Hugh Smith, " The Buffs," D.A.Q.M.G. of the 4th Division,
t Lord George Paget, at this time Lieutenant-Colonel of the 4th Light
Dragoons.
BALACLAVA. 31
In the afternoon I was attacked by either colic or
cholera ; was given calomel and opium every ten minutes
for the first two hours, then every hour. The Admiral
and Captain Mends both extremely kind.
BALACLAVA, September 2jth. I may think myself
very lucky to have had this attack here, as on shore
I might not have got over it. Stayed on board the
Agamemnon by the advice of the Admiral, Captain
Mends, and the doctor, and wrote to Sir George
Cathcart and to Powlett Somerset,* explaining my
absence. The Agamemnon entered the harbour of
Balaclava this morning ; the entrance very narrow.
BALACLAVA, September 2%th. Went on shore and
saw Powlett Somerset and others of Lord Raglan's
Staff. When there, although still ill, I determined
to join my Division immediately, hearing that 26,000
Russians were likely to attack it. Accordingly, I
borrowed Powlett Somerset's pony, having sent my
horse to camp, with the orderly I took with me to
the Katcha, and rode up to camp, where I arrived
ill and uncomfortable.
The following letter to Mr. Hudson shows how fully
it was expected that " the Flank March " would lead
to the immediate fall of Sebastopol :
" H.M.S. ' AGAMEMNON,' BALACLAVA,
"September 28 f A, 1854.
"Mv DEAR ANTHONY,
" On the 24th, the French Army encamped upon
the right of the road, running from the second bridge
* Colonel Powlett Somerset was an officer on the Headquarter Staff, and
an old friend and brother-officer to Colonel Windham.
32 GENERAL WIKDHAM'S DIARY.
(further from the sea) of the Belbek to Sebastopol, and
the English Army on the left of it.
"About mid-day the French moved to their left
and front about four miles, but the English marched
by compass, carrying no baggage, S.S.E., to near
Mackenzie's farm, through the thickest copse and
brushwood, struck the old road from Batchi Serai
to Balaclava, and halted at night on the Tchernaya
(black water), near Tchorgoun, about four miles from
Balaclava. This was done because the Russians have
dismantled and sunk all their ships, and placed the
guns in battery on the north shore to the south
where we now are. They are quite unprepared, and
we hope soon to have the place.
" I was badly kicked by George Paget's horse just
before starting with the despatches, to announce the
change of the base of operations from the Katcha
to Balaclava to Sir Edmund Lyons, and have accord-
ingly come round with him ; and glad I am I did
so, as I was attacked with cholera the day before
yesterday, and they have crammed me full of calomel
and opium. I am now going to get on my horse
and rejoin Cathcart, who is within five miles of
this. Don't tell Marianne anything about my having
had the cholera. St. Arnaud goes home to-day or
to-morrow, being nearly dead of the same disorder.
Alma was a fine fight as to pluck, and has cast a
damper on the Russians ; but our loss was over
2000 men.
" Yours ever in haste,
" C. A. W."
September 2()tk. Leg still bad. After an uneasy
night, awoke this morning not much worse. The
SKIRMISHING. 33
groans of six or seven poor fellows of the 5/th, who
died during the night of cholera, did not add to my
comfort.
At about i p.m. the Russians began firing shot and
shell at us, and continued doing so at intervals for the
remainder of the day.
At 1 1 p.m. the outlying picket reported the sounding
of bugles and beating of drums in the Russian lines.
At midnight, owing to four or five shots from the
outlying picket, we all got under arms, and in the
morning we found that they had captured a man from
a Russian patrol.
October 2nd, 1854. It is now a week since we left the
Belbek by the " cross-country " march, the best done
thing of the campaign ; but instead of turning it to
account, we appear determined to allow the enemy to
recover from his surprise and despondency, and to let him
erect every defence in his power. I am sure Sebastopol
ought to have been taken ten days ago. That is my
firm opinion. Days and days have been wasted since
I first arrived. As for the enemy, they could not have
prevented us ; but what with idleness and delay, we have
not yet done or begun anything to strengthen our
position against an attack from them. They fire at
us all day, but, I believe, do no harm.
October ^th. Not well yet. Russians to-day fired
with more success, as they killed one man of the 63rd,
and one of the 68th, and severely wounded a sergeant
of the 68th.
October %th. Worse, and with Sir George's permission
went on board the Agamemnon, where I slept.
D
34 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
October 6th. Rejoined the camp, I hope for good,
as I feel better. Found the General out with four
companies of the s;th : three near the Quarry in our
front, and one further to the right. I believe the
Engineers intend getting one gun into position. Sad,
slow work, but I hope it will be proportionately sure.
October th. My birthday. May it please God to let
me see some others. Another day and nothing done ;
the Russians shooting and shelling us, and we looking
.on. If Sebastopol is ever taken it will be by the
bayonet.
We have now lost many days since we embarked
at Varna, and I am perfectly convinced we ought, with
energy, to have had the town ere this.
We may still take it, but it will be a long business.
The world cannot say we are all talk and no action, for
we never hear or say a word. No one seems to know
anything as to what is to be done.
October <^th. A real touch of the coming winter. A
strong north-east gale, with searching cold. This, added
to a want of wood, bad prospects, starving horses, con-
stant shot and shell from the enemy without any return
from us, were certainly cogent reasons for passing an
uncomfortable day. A bitter cold night.
October \Qth. Russians more than usually playful
with their artillery. I believe we have at last one gun
in position, and to-night the 3rd Division and ourselves
will turn out in earnest. At sunset a working party of
six hundred proceeded to the front, supported by a
covering party of one thousand, under Brigadier-General
Goldie. The like number were furnished by the 3rd
RUSSIAN FIRE. 35
Division ; the covering force, under Brigadier-General
Eyre. It is now II p.m. The Russians have been
firing all night, but over and beyond our working
parties. Should they leave them alone till morning
it will be everything. The Light Division sent out a
small working party and covering force, but somehow
or other Captain Gordon lost his trace,* and they came
back. Not so, I believe, the covering party. The Rifles,
one wing of each battalion, are in advance of all.
Lord Raglan and Sir John Burgoyne came to our
camp at about 10.30 p.m., and I showed them the
way to Sir George Brown's. Sir George Cathcart went
afterwards to show them where the trench work was
going on.
Powlett Somerset told me the French were getting
on famously ; they have discovered a fine clay to work-
in, expect to have everything ready by Thursday, and
to take the place in forty-eight hours after opening fire.
We shall see.
October I ith. Rode to Balaclava, and called at Head-
quarters en route. Lord Raglan asked me about the
trenches, round which I had gone with Sir George
Cathcart at about half-past seven this morning.
A strong fire was kept up upon us, but there was
lots of time to bob down if one kept one's eyes open.
Got 1500 blankets for the Division.
October I2th. Was roused at about two o'clock this
morning by heavy firing and cheering at the trenches.
Was sent by Sir George to find out what was the
matter, and was nearly killed by a shell.
* The working party arrived late, and the trace could not be found in
the darkness.
GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Found Torrens* at the trenches, and discovered that
all the noise and confusion had been caused by three
Sappers getting amongst the Russians, and being
fired at.
The works are progressing favourably ; and the
covering force remained very steady during the alarm.
Went to the trenches again at 10 p.m.
October i$th. The General again sent me to Bala-
clava. Had the reserve ammunition horses laden \vith
gabions. Was much struck by the extreme carelessness
of persons in charge of fatigue parties, and by the
waste of that which is most precious, namely, " the
means of transport." Without authority, I could,
of course, do nothing in the way of reform in one day.
October i^th. At Balaclava, arranging for a house
to be used as a store for the Division.
October \$th. Again at Balaclava on the same
business. Heard of poor Chewton'st death.
October i6th. At 3.20 this morning, marched 1500
men down to the trenches as a covering force. Stayed
there about an hour and a half. Got all the men into
position without any killed or wounded.
At a quarter to ten o'clock the Russians began a
tremendous fire, from every gun they had, against both
us and the French. A grand " tapage " they certainly
made, but we returned not a single shot, nor budged
an inch.
* Brigadier-General A. Torrens, commanding the 2nd Brigade, 4th
Division ; he was mortally wounded at Inkerman.
t Captain Lord Chewton, Scots Fusilier Guards ; mortally wounded
at the Alma.
THE FIRST BOMBARDMENT. 37
In about half-an-hour this shower of shot and shell
passed away, and the sun shone clear again under the
smoke. In our Division we only had five or six
killed ; and, amongst others, poor little Rowley, of the
Grenadiers. I am sorry for it. He was killed, when
perfectly under cover, by a round shot striking a rock,
flying up into the air, and alighting on his loins.
Seeing the "weather" well settled after this storm,
I rode with Seymour f to Headquarters, and then on
to Balaclava, where I brought the Division store
business nearly to a close.
THE FIRST BOMBARDMENT.
At 9 p.m. Sir George sent for all his Staff", and read
to us Lord Raglan's mems. for the attack upon
Sebastopol to-morrow morning, which is to commence
upon the firing of three French mortars from their
lines : both fleets are to join in it. Hurrah ! God
grant it may be successful.
October I'jth. The batteries opened against the town
this morning at ten minutes to seven, and a grand row
they made. At nine o'clock the French magazine
of their right attack blew up ; and that battery has
been silent since. (It is now noon.)
FAILURE OF THE BOMBARDMENT.
I am, at this moment, much disappointed at the
effect of our fire. We have certainly damaged the
White Tower, and dismounted three guns ; and that
* Captain Rowley, Grenadier Guards.
t Lieut. -Col. Charles Seymour, Scots Fusilier Guards, brother of the
late Admiral Lord Alcester.
38 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
battery looks sickly. But the " Redan " holds out
stoutly, and does not appear to have suffered.
We are now expecting to see the fleets attack. At
about i p.m. the French fleet attacked, and at 2 p.m.
the magazine of their left attack blew up. At 3 p.m.
we blew up the magazine of the " Redan," and great
was our cheering.
Owing to the smoke, I could not see when the
English fleet attacked, but they are firing away now
(4.30 p.m.) like mad, and have been for some time.
In the afternoon some caissons, in the rear of Gordon's
Battery, blew up ; and I fear some men were killed.
They sent a horse and cart some fifty feet into the air,
and, as certainly, have not hurt the battery.
October i8///. Marched the covering party (1000)
to the trenches at 3 a.m., and stayed there till 5. At
daylight the firing began, and continued vigorously
till twelve noon, when it somewhat slackened on
the part of the Russians.
I greatly regret to say poor Hood* was killed in
Gordon's Battery, about mid-day. We prepared to
receive the Russians on our right front, but it is now
3 p.m., and they have not come.
I think the Round Tower looks sickly, and that
is all I can say. The French have not fired a shot
during the day. The fleet yesterday, I understand,
lost nearly one hundred and fifty in killed and
wounded.
October \tyh. W T ent to Balaclava with the sick.
The pounding match went on as usual, without our
* Colonel the Honble. F. G. Hood, Grenadier Guards, who had
distinguished himself at the battle of the Alma.
RECONNOITRING THE REDAN. 39
gaining the slightest advantage, and I am more
convinced than ever that we shall lose double the
number of men in taking the place (if we do succeed)
than we should have done had we attacked it twenty-
four days ago.
This long range firing is all nonsense ; moreover,
the Russians are better at it than we are, and, from
all I can see, our present attack is an absurdity.
October 2Otk. Horsford (Rifle Brigade), Smith, and
Maitland went out this morning at half-past one to
reconnoitre the Redan ; but they could make out
nothing except that the hill on which it stands is
too steep for infantry to get up in line. Firing
commenced at 6.30 a.m., and continued till dark. The
Russians I thought rather slack, but this may be
fancy.
I believe that the proper method is for us to attack
the south-west salient point of the town, in con-
junction with the French, storm it and hold it, and
leave the Redan and Round Tower to themselves.
By so doing we should turn all their batteries, and
get possession of that portion of the to\vn, west of
the harbour, which we could hold.
Euston,* Newton,! Dunkellin,| and D. Carleton,
came to see me, and I saw also Mark Wood,|| Percy
Feilding,T and young Greville.** I do not like the
look of things, although (it is now night) they look
better in the morning.
Present Duke of Grafton. f Afterwards General Newton.
% Lord Dunkellin, afterwards taken prisoner.
Present Lord Dorchester. || Afterwards General Mark Wood.
TT General the Honble. Sir Percy Feilding. ** Killed at Inkerman,
All the above were officers of the Coldstream Guards.
40 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
October 2ist. General Goldie was sent last night
to Balaclava with 1000 men, but no attack was made
there. A small sortie was made upon the French
lines, and also upon our 2nd Division. Rode to
Balaclava.
This night the General has requested me, upon
taking the relief to the trenches to-morrow morning,
to advance beyond them, and see what sort of country
there is past the house in the left ravine.
Notwithstanding the favourable reports, I don't like
the aspect of affairs.
October 22nd. At 3 a.m. marched the covering
party to the trenches. Took Sergeant Rutland and
six men of the Rifles, and followed a company of
the 2 ist to the house in the left ravine. When there,
found they had been erecting a battery on a hill to
the left of it.
About two hundred yards in front of this battery
I found a French picket and working party, the latter
making a battery within five hundred yards of the salient
angle. This is a move in the right direction.
I then went forward, edging off to my right, and
got a good view of the town and harbour, but could
discover nothing as to the foot of the hill on which
stands the Redan, although I got within three
hundred yards of the town.
Came up the valley after sunrise under a heavy
fire of shot and shell, but was not hit.
After breakfast rode to Balaclava, and put the sick
on board ship.
On returning to camp, D. Carleton told me that
Dunkellin had been taken prisoner by a Russian
picket.
SSR GEORGE CATHCART. 41
Letter to William Windham :
"ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
" October 22nd, 1854.
"Mv DEAR WILLIAM,
" I had intended enclosing you and Anthony a
bird's-eye view of our proceedings here, but the proba-
bility is so great that the Illustrated News will have
a much better one, that I shall refrain from exhibiting
my talent in that line, and stick to the good old British
system of grumbling. We have decidedly no Wel-
lington here. Lord Raglan is a well-mannered, brave,
and amiable man of business. Sir George Cathcart is the
best of the Generals of Division, and he is warped and
out of temper ; disappointed, I fancy, at not being more
consulted, and, therefore, irritable and angry with most
people and most things. After our flank march from
the Belbek to the old road from Batchi Serai to Bala-
clava, we had turned their position, and found the town
defenceless on the southern side. To do Cathcart
justice, he proposed to Lord Raglan to assault it with
his Division immediately, provided he were supported.
This was not listened to people who are constantly
sneering at others, and offering suggestions, are apt to
get the cold shoulder given them and I fancy this is
the case with him. One thing is, however, clear : the
town was not assaulted on the 2/th or 28th September.
The Russians worked day and night from the 25th to
the i /th ult. (the day on which we opened fire), and the
greater part of that time we did nothing but wait for
the landing of our siege-train ; and on the Qth, broke
ground ; and, as I before said, began firing on the i/th,
at a range averaging at least 1200 yards. Up to this
day we have done nothing beyond killing (according to
deserters) the governor and a good many men, and if
42 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
the point of attack be not changed, we shall, in my
opinion (which I have expressed for the last fourteen
days), continue the same laborious and useless occupa-
tion it is at present a mere pounding match. One
good battery thrown up on the ground between the
French and English attacks, or, if you will, on the left
of the English and right of the French, would clo more
in one day than all the others in one week. At first the
French thought they could knock clown the Russian
works in four hours. What was the result? We both
opened fire together at half past six a.m. Bang ! bang !
bang ! Whiz ! whiz ! whiz ! Every kind of whistle,
hum, and noise, but, singular to say, topsy-turvy goes
over one French gun after another, until nine out of
some thirty-five are upset, when at nine a.m. exactly
two and a half hours from the commencement Johnny
Russ pitches a shell straight into the French magazine,
and up goes Johnny Crapaud's battery, with three
officers and a hundred men killed and wounded. At
half- past two p.m. his other battery is blown up, and
instead of the Russians being silenced, the French are
for two days ; and we have to bear the whole brunt of
it. Our batteries have been well made, and our fire has
been good ; we have blown up the Russian batteries,
and killed many of their men ; but the arsenal is close
at hand, and at night the damage of the day is repaired,
and we begin afresh in the morning. I do not say we
shall not succeed ' Patience passes science ' we may
blunder and punch our way in at last ; but it is clear we
have not a Wellington, the French a Buonaparte, or the
fleet a Nelson. I hope I may live through it. Dunkellin
was taken prisoner to-day by a Russian picket. It is
now nine p.m , and I have been hard at work since three
this morning ; and, as I may be turned out at any minute,
THE BATTLE OF BALACLAVA. 43
I shall close this letter, though I have not said half what
I could say. Menchicoff is at Batchi Serai, and they
talk of attacking our right rear, defended by General
Bosquet and two divisions of French. I wish they may,
as they are pretty sure of getting a licking. He has
13,000 Turks to help him and 2000 British (Marines
and 93rd Highlanders).
" Love to Anthony and Henry and Bob.
" Your affectionate brother,
"C. A. W."
October 2yd. The same as usual a mere pounding
match. The French have, however, advanced a long
way, but they have not as yet opened their new
batteries.
October 2^th. Our Picquet House Battery, to the left
of our left ravine, opened at sunrise this morning.
Three 32-prs. and one mortar.
BATTLE OF BALACLAVA.
October 2$th. Horsford had just pointed out to me
the confused masses of French upon the hill to our
right, and I had just gone to point out the same to the
General, when up galloped Captain Ewart, of the 93rd,
and ordered us (the 4th Division) off to Balaclava.
We gof under arms immediately, and, on arriving at
the scene of action, were informed that the Turks had
run off to a man without firing a shot,* running
straight through our Cavalry Camp. The Russians in-
stantly took possession of the position, but abandoned
the greater portion of it on our approach.
* This information was quite erroneous. The Turks defended No. I
Redoubt very gallantly, and lost heavily. W. H. R.
44 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
The cavalry instantly went into action, and the
Heavy Brigade did very well. Unfortunately the
Light Brigade was ordered to charge, and they did
so gallantly ; but, being received by three times their
numbers and three batteries of artillery, besides rifle-
men, they got cut up and driven back, losing about half
their number.
The 4th Division got there just as this charge was
being made, and the Russians abandoned two of the
redoubts, retaining only the one furthest to the
eastward.
Captain Nolan, who took the orders to Lord Cardigan,
was killed, charging at the head of the Light Cavalry.
Although a good fellow, from all I can learn, his
conduct was inexcusable. His whole object appears
to have been to have a charge at the Russians at
any cost ; but he could not have chosen a worse
time.
After the fight was over, and we had been pounded
for the better portion of the day, we returned at
night to camp, abandoning our original line as too
extensive.
My leg wonderfully painful all day, but I held on.
SIR DE LACY EVANS' ACTION, " LITTLE INKER-
MAN," October 26th. The Russians, rendered daring by
their success against the Turks yesterday, made to-day
a sortie against the 2nd Division. We (4th Division)
turned out, but were not wanted, as the Russians soon
beat a retreat, getting a handsome mauling, and losing
500 men in killed and wounded.
They could not stand the fire, and, though they got
up their guns, did not fire a shot with them. General
Bosquet came down, but too late for the fun. I rode
SKETCH OF THE POSITION.
45
forward and joined the skirmishers of the 2nd Division
for a few minutes. Leg still very bad.
A letter to Mr. Hudson gives an interesting account
of the battle of Balaclava :
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
' ' October 2 6//fc, 1854, i o /. m.
"Mv DEAR ANTHONY,
" After two stormy days we have now a lull, and,
for a wonder, I do not hear a single cannon or musket-
shot, a perfect rarity for one month, I assure you.
"Without entering into particulars of hills and dales
I will simply suppose that this is
SEBASTOPOL.
i/7 I K >N/\i
Mm
'n-M?cj tu v
46 GENERAL WINDHAM*S DIARY.
" As before stated this is not a plan of the place, but
a mere outline to let you understand what follows.
Balaclava is distant about seven miles from our camp,
and to get to it you have to descend the heights
occupied by General Bosquet, and then go to your
right. Immediately in front of Balaclava, and to the
right of Bosquet's two Divisions, are a lower range of
heights, on which are four redoubts occupied, up to
yesterday, by as many thousand Turks. (Here I have
been interrupted by a general shout of ' To arms ! to
arms ! here they come ! ' &c. I immediately jumped
on to my horse, Sir George Cathcart being absent,
and told the men to stand still and to their front, and
to hold their tongues. I soon discovered that the alarm
came from some sailors, and was all nonsense ; so, after
riding to see that everything was quiet, I came back to
the camp, reported my proceedings to the General, who
has just returned, and shall now resume my letter.)
" Yesterday morning at 7.30 the Russians passed
round our right, and, giving a wide berth to Bosquet,
attacked these Turks, who ran away to a man, going
right through our cavalry who were encamped behind
them and before Balaclava. In addition to the Turks
and our cavalry, we have in the town 1000 invalids,
1000 Marines, and the 93rd. The cavalry, upon being
alarmed by the Turks running away, immediately
mounted ; and the Heavy Brigade went at the
Russians, broke them, and drove them back. The
enemy were strong, 20 battalions of infantry, 20 guns,
and 3500 horse. They had, however, met with so
rough a reception, particularly from the Scots Greys
(whose horses were fresh from England), that they had
partially withdrawn (the 93rd having pitched into them
heavily), when a Captain Nolan, of the Quartermaster-
"NOBLE SIX HUNDRED? 47
General's Department, rode up to Cardigan and told him
it was Lord Raglan's order to him to charge the enemy
with the Light Brigade. Cardigan hesitated, seeing the
danger of leading 600 men with starved horses against
such a mass of cavalry, supported by a battery of
heavy guns in their front, another on their right, and
a third lot in the captured redoubt. Captain Nolan got
excited, insisted on its being Lord Raglan's order, and
Cardigan then submitted, made a most plucky and
valorous charge, and left on the field 300 * of his
men, and nearly 500 horses. Captain Nolan was
killed, but I have every reason to believe that this
melancholy business would never have happened had
it not been for his unfortunate conduct. Major Lowe,
of the 4th L. D., killed or knocked off their horses
thirteen Russians, and the whole plain was covered
with wounded men and horses. We were sent to
cover the town, and arrived in time to see the last
onset, and to have the pleasure of passing the day in
presence of the enemy the men lying down and
exposed to shot and shell. I know not who are
killed; Captain Morris,! of the i/th, Captain Goad,
1 3th Light Dragoons, Lord Fitzgibbon, Captain
Charteris, Nolan, and many others are, but I know
not all their names. At dark we marched
back to the camp. This morning, inspired, I
suppose, by their success, the Russians thought
proper to have a fling at our 2nd Division, under
Sir de Lacy Evans, and came up the hill in strong
force, but before they could do anything the artillery
* The Light Brigade had 113 killed, 134 wounded, 475 horses killed,
and 42 wounded, out of 673 horsemen who went into action.
t Captain Morris was very severely wounded, and reported killed, but
survived until July, 1858.
48 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
(18 guns) let fly at them, the men went at them with
their Minies, and Johnny Russ had to bolt with the
loss of 500 men, and go back at double quick speed to
Sebastopol. I do not think he will try it again,
although there is no certainty about it. The siege
is a long, troublesome job, badly managed from the
beginning, more by the French than by us ; but I
suppose we shall ultimately take the place, at least,
the French will, as they occupy the only ground by
which it can be taken ; and if we had had it, I believe
it would have been over before now, as our artillery
is decidedly better than theirs, and the Russians fear us
the most of the two, at least, so two French sergeants
told me the prisoners they took told them. They
have a great dislike to our musketry. We took some
prisoners to-day, but I know not as yet what informa-
tion they have given. The town apparently will not
burn ; but it is in a good deal of distress from want
of supplies, dirt, disease, and our shot and shell.
They (the prisoners) say they have lost 5000 killed
and wounded, which I should think was much
exaggerated.
" You will, of course, send this letter to William, as I
have not time to write to you both. My leg, where I
was kicked, is still most troublesome to me, and this life
is not the most likely to cure it, as I cannot give it rest,
which, from the inflammation, is what I want to do.
The Russians we defeated to-day were not such fine
men as the Grenadiers we met at Alma ; they behaved
steadily and retired with some order, but had not any
earthly chance against us, and never will have, except
in a panic, or with overpowering numbers. My own
belief is that our Army here would, on the level ground,
beat the 40,000 Russians they have in Sebastopol; but
GOR TCHA KOFF. 49
we must not boast; they are well armed, and will give us
a good deal of trouble yet ; but they are certainly not
the good men I expected to see, although I never ran
wild about their Army. Tell William and Maria that
I hear Ennismore behaved very well at Alma. Give my
love to Charlotte and the girls, also to Cecilia and Cecy
Suffield and Tad. I generally write my military epistles
to you, as I know you like the game more than the rest
of my family. If the French cannot take the salient
point of the town (and I think they can) we shan't take
it at all. Old - * is really too bad, and it is very un-
fortunate that he is where he is. I shall not be much sur-
prised if he is tried by a court-martial; he will, however,
perhaps be made a G.C.B., which he ought to be ashamed
to wear, and the Ministry disgraced who gave it him.
" Ever, my dear Anthony,
" Yours affectionately,
"C. A. W."
October 2jtk. Had my leg lanced, which did me
much good. Lay quietly in my tent all day, and found
my leg much better.
A quiet day ; no particular event happened, except
that a soldier of the 93rd Highlanders shot a Zouave
at Balaclava for not having answered his challenge.
I have just heard that in the skirmish yesterday
Gortchakoff commanded in chief. Menchikoff told
the men (5000, and well supported) that they would
meet the same men they met the day before (the
Turks) ; they were then taken to mass, blessed by the
priest, and sent on. They were the garrison of Anapa,
lately arrived, it being thought wise to try fresh men,
and not have any that were at Alma in front. It would
* This name is unfortunately illegible.
E
50 GENERAL WIKDHAM'S DIARY.
not do, however, and though they showed firmness, they
were soon routed. The Minies are telling muskets. We
only lost 3 officers and 12 men killed and 65 wounded,
and this morning we buried in one trench upwards of
100 Russians, besides those in the descent of the hill
killed in their retreat. They lost upwards of 700 men.
Part of the information comes from the Russian lieu-
tenant who took Dunkellin prisoner three or four days
ago, and who was himself taken yesterday. I have just
looked out of my tent, and, singular to say, there is not
a single light to be seen in the town. I wonder if this
forebodes anything extraordinary, perhaps a sortie.
October 2%th. Leg a vast deal better, and I hope by
to-morrow to have it all well. Yesterday the General
wrote to Lord Raglan concerning Smith and myself
carrying the Mackenzie Farm and Katcha despatches.
October 2Qth (Sunday). Church parade put off on
account of weather : wet and bitterly cold. Said my
prayers mentally and imperfectly ; who does not do the
latter ?
This week will bring a change to many, and on this
corner of a small peninsula will take place events that
will shake States, and make families in countries far
away shed many a bitter tear. May mine not be one
of them is my most earnest prayer to God.
All quiet ; the only news I have heard is that the
Russians, in reply to our flag of truce, said that they
had only two officers of the Light Cavalry Brigade
prisoners.* All the men and other officers were killed.
* Lieut. Chadwick, Adjutant of the I7th Lancers, and Cornet Clowes,
8th Hussars, were the officers, both severely wounded. There were also
55 non-commissioned officers and men taken, 39 of them wounded. They
were well treated while prisoners.
INSPECTING. 51
This looks like foul play to the poor wounded fellows
who fell, and corroborates what many of the men said
at the time, namely, " They are sticking them on the
ground."
October ^Qth. Hot sun and lots of dust, and a most
bitter N.X.E. wind. Reported myself as quite well.
October ^\st. Marched the relief down to the new
battery at 3.30 a.m. Found the embrasures a good
deal knocked about, and the artillerymen employed in
shifting a ship's gun, for the purpose of placing another
in position to fire hot shot at a ship. Useless labour, as
she will haul off if they do not hit her in the first six
shots, which they will not do.
At sunrise rode to Bosquet's Division to enquire the
cause of firing on our right during the night.
Heard, in the course of the afternoon, that the
Russians (whose information is excellent), finding that
it was Bosquet's intention to attack them in the low
grounds, were so thoroughly on the qui vive that they
fired into one another.
This night, at about 9 o'clock, the Russians opened a
smart fire on the French on our right. It is now half-
an-hour later, and I shall turn in the more willingly as I
hear Osten Sacken has arrived with 20,000 men, and we
may expect daily to be attacked ; at least, I should
think so ; they say nothing at Headquarters.
November 1st, 1854. French getting on well. Rode
to Headquarters, and traced out for the General the
position of the two Armies, and the attack.
November yd. Marched down the covering party
without casualty. On my return, there was heavy
52 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
firing between the enemy and the French. During
the day rode to Headquarters, and saw Airey about
reserve ammunition.
Rode home with Seymour and General Estcourt*
Firing heavy against the French, and on their part ;
also on our left.
There is no entry in the Diary on November 4th,
but Colonel Windham occupied himself by writing
the following letter to Mr. George Payne, which he
completed after the Battle of Inkerman:
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
^ November ^th, 1854.
"Mv DEAR PAYNE,
" .... Of Alma you have, no doubt, heard
enough. Our Division was in reserve, and was only
in reach of shell and round shot ; but the Staff, being
on ahead, had a good opportunity of seeing all that
was going on. It was certainly a fine sight ; par-
ticularly the retreat of the Russians. I certainly never
saw men take a full pace of 36 inches in quicker time,
or more willingly, in my life. Had the 3rd and 4th
Divisions and Cavalry followed them up, which they
might easily have done, I believe we should have taken
many guns and prisoners ; but, I suppose, I shall be
told this would have been a hot-headed method of
proceeding.
"After waiting two entire days, we moved on at
a snail's pace to the Katcha and the Belbek. From
the latter river, as you know, we made a 'cross-
country' march to the old Balaclava road, and, on
the 27th, were in position before the town. Sir G.
Cathcart was all for an immediate attack, and, had
* Adjutant-General of the Army in the Crimea.
11 THE SCIENTIFICALS." 53
we followed his ideas, I am convinced we should have
carried the place ; but the suggestion was laughed at,
and we were ordered to sit down and smoke for
twenty-one days, whilst the siege-train was being
landed, during which time the Russians worked day
and night, and have made the south side stronger
than the north, and all the advantages we gained
by the flank march have been thrown away ; and, if
the town be taken at all, it will, after all, have to
be assaulted. The only available part is the salient
angle in front of the French, and I hope they may
be able to take it. / think they will. If they fail,
it will be indeed a failure. The ' Scientificals,' as
I call them (Engineers and Artillerymen), both French
and English, fully expected to bowl over the Russians
in about a day, whereas the French batteries were
both silenced in three hours. We have been hammering
away at them for eighteen days without any result
whatever, as we cannot, from the nature of the ground
and our position, advance. The French have, however,
got very close, and I am in great hopes may succeed.
But artillery is the strong arm of the enemy, and,
with a fine arsenal to back them, we have attacked
him in the very way, and from the very position,
that he would have had us choose. Instead of taking
o
him by applying the fort au foible, we have just
reversed it ; and I believe that our waiting for the
siege-train, which was done for the express purpose
of saving life, will be the occasion of our losing
double, for now every house is fortified, and re-
inforcements have arrived.
"The weather to-day is very wet, and we have had
some days bitterly cold, and we are all heartily sick of
this^ business, I can assure you ; but I know there is no
54 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY.
use in grumbling, and an untried man rinding fault is
dangerous. Since I have been here I have seen lots
of pluck, and that is all. The skirmish the other day
in front of the 2nd Division, at which I was present
at the finish, was well managed by Sir de Lacy
Evans, and the Russians got most severely handled.
" The cavalry affair at Balaclava was gallant in
the extreme, but destructive to the Light Brigade.
These Turks ran a deal better than - * ; and our
Division, that was sent to their assistance, had to
remain all day for the Russians to pelt at with
artillery, on account of their shameful abandonment
of the redoubts. We (4th Division) lost 5 men, though
we made them lie down, by this stupid day's work.
The Russians towards Balaclava are about 35,000, and,
I daresay, they will have a try at that place, but we
have restricted our line of defence, and got within
such a compass that I question, without very bad
luck on our part, their being able to succeed.
"The enemy appear to have very good information,
which, I fear, is not the case with us ; but I am not
sure, as Lord Raglan very properly keeps what he
hears to himself. As the weather looks a little
brighter, I shall walk out, and leave this letter for
another day. I hope, old fellow, that I may live to
have some sweet and dry with you on my return ;
but when a man gets shot at pretty often during the
week, he must not look too far ahead. I have had
but little danger, and very good luck up to this, and
I hope it may continue ; but there has been a deal
of 'craning' at this place, and I fear the leap won't
be well taken, but we shall see. 'All's well that ends
well,' and who knows what an hour may bring forth ? "
* Name illegible : no doubt a playful allusion to one of Mr. Payne's horses.
INKERMAN. 55
BATTLE OF INKERMAN.
November *,t1i. Marched the relief down to the
trenches at 4 a.m., and, on returning, mounted my
horse and went into action with my Division: 2225
under arms. Felt quite calm and collected during the
fight ; nervous and unhappy after it. Loss and carnage
fearful.
November 6th. Buried poor Sir George, Generals
Strangways and Goldie, poor Charley Seymour, and
fourteen other officers in the Fort. De facto in com-
mand of the Division.
" The Fort " is better known as Cathcart's Hill.
Colonel Windham commanded the 4th Division during
the battle of Inkerman, Sir George Cathcart having been
killed, and the two brigadiers mortally wounded.
Colonel Horn, of the 2Oth Regiment, was senior to
Windham, but, having been detached to a particular
region of the battlefield, could not assume command of
the remains of the Division.
Lord Raglan called on Colonel Windham for an
official report of the proceedings of the Division, which
follows the letter to Mr. Payne.
Continuation of letter to Mr. Payne written on
November 6th and ^th :
" I left off about 3 p.m. on the 4th. In half-an-hour
afterwards we had conjectures afloat as to what was
going on at Headquarters by Sir Geo. Cathcart having
been sent for. Yesterday I marched the covering party
down to the trenches at 4 a.m., and on my return at
daylight the Division was immediately got under arms,
the right having been attacked again by the Russians.
56 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
And what a day, my dear Payne! What pluck!
What confusion ! What havoc ! And what death ! I
hope to God I may never go through such another,
although I was cheerful and quiet enough, except an
occasional ' damn ' during the fight, which lasted about
eight hours. Poor Sir G. Cathcart was shot through
the heart, just by me ; Charles Seymour through the
shoulder, and afterwards bayoneted ; General Goldie
through the body. Col. Swyney, of the 63rd, Majors
Wynne and Townsend, together with nine other officers,
are among the killed of this Division ; C. Maitland, Col.
Smyth, Gen. Torrens, and twenty-eight other officers of
.this Division, are wounded. It was a fire with a
vengeance. I had the command of what was left of
the Division nearly the whole day, and formed them
on the left of the Guards, and again advanced to the
front, where we had to stand a complete cannonade
for about two hours, that killed with shell and round
shot the thirteen men to the front, right, and left of me.
If we had had ammunition we should have made a
more splendid example of them than we did. They
attacked us with near 40,000 men, and we had about
6000 to oppose to them,* and I think every man bagged
his enemy, for the dead lay by far thicker than at
Alma. I am proud of the ways of my countrymen,
and see plainly that we have far fewer skulkers than
the French ; but the Zouaves, both French and
' Indigenes,' fight uncommonly well, and go at it like
a quick fencer.
" I shall not bore you about my hair-breadth escapes,
&c. When I tell you that now (November 7th) the
return of killed and wounded is made out, that we have
lost (in the 4th Division) forty-two officers and 705 men
* This appears to be an accurate estimate. See Kinglake,
INKERMAN. 57
killed and wounded, out of 2225 that we took into
action, you may guess that they must have been pretty
numerous to a mounted man in the thick of it. Our
loss altogether you will see is heavy, and as I rode into
the action I met poor little Napier Sturt, Percy
Feilding, and many others being taken to the rear.
The Guards are cut to ribbons. Poor little Greville*
killed in his first fight, and so many of my old friends
that I cannot bear to think of it. I am assured that
the Russian corpses on the hill in front of the 2nd
Division are upwards of 5600, to say nothing of those
removed, and those not found. So in England they
ought to be proud of the conduct of 6000 of their
countrymen ; for I don't believe there were above that
number in action. The Russians are now, I understand
from officers taken prisoners, about 68,000 strong ;
and I have a great notion, if our countrymen and the
French don't send us reinforcements, we shall be done.
" So much for this stupid expedition. I always told
you the proper place to attack was Odessa ; then we
should, with the French, have formed the right with
near 100,000 men ; the Turks the centre with ditto ; and
the Austrians the left have taken Bessarabia, and
threatened Poland, and have obtained peace. Now
God only knows what we shall do ; hold our own, we
hope ; but even if we take Sebastopol, I see no chance
of doing permanent good in this country.
" My best regards to all old friends.
" Yours very truly,
" C. A. WINDHAM.
"November Jt/t. P.S. I have not time to write to my
dear old friend, A. Hudson, Esq., Norwich, so pray
* Lieutenant C. H. Greville, Coldstream Guards.
58 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
forward this to him, and he will afterwards forward
it to my family. Don't forget this.
"Mv DEAR ANTHONY,
" This letter was originally intended for Geo.
Payne, but as I have not time to write (the whole
Division being on my hands) to you or William, I send
this first to you, and wish you would direct it after-
wards to Payne, at the Turf Club, Arlington Street ;
send it first to William and Marianne. I got your
letter yesterday ; sensible in some respects, but not
based on correct data. My escapes yesterday were
marvellous, and I give you my honour I never once
bobbed my head or flinched, although I was mounted
on a big horse, and the shot came about somewhat after
the fashion of a shower for five or six minutes (800
Russians fired at me alone, at distances varying from
1 50 to fifty yards ; to say nothing of round shot and
shell that came six or eight at a time for hours, and a
general running fire of musketry whenever I conveyed
an order) ; when I thought it all over, and was moving
off the field by Lord Raglan's order, a zolb. shell,
thrown from a ship, passed just over my cap, and by
my horse's ears, fell plump into the body of a dead
Russian, burst, and blew all the dirt over me, but did
not hurt either me or my horse.
" Yours ever, C. A. W.
" P.S. The grand total killed and wounded is about
2500, including 43 officers killed and too wounded."*
* The losses of our Army at the battle of Inkerman were :
Killed . . 632
Wounded . . . 1878
Missing . . .63
Total . 2573
THE OFFICIAL REPORT. 59
The official report of the proceedings of the 4th
Division follows. It has been decided to include it,
as it contains an accurate and interesting account of an
obscure passage in the " soldiers' battle."
The very heavy losses of the Division are recorded
by Windham, in the Diary, April i6th, 1855.
" To Brigadier- General A irey, Q.M. G.
"CAMP ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
" November 6th, 1854.
" SIR, In compliance with your request, I make the
following report to you, for the information of the
Commander-in-Chief.
" Yesterday, soon after daylight, musketry being
heard to our right, Lieutenant-General Sir George
Cathcart, K.C.B., ordered his Division under arms, with
the exception of 1000 men just relieved from the
trenches, and the inlying pickets.
" He ordered the different regiments to follow him
to the windmill, near the camp of the 2nd Division,
but the increasing fire, before he reached the place
appointed, caused him to send back his A.D.C., Captain
Greville, to order Brigadier-General Torrens and the
men left in camp to advance immediately.
"Lieutenant-Colonel Horsford, with the 1st Battalion
of Rifles, upon reaching the camp of the 2nd Division,
formed line, and advanced into action on the left of the
Inkerman Road.
" Brigadier-General Goldie's Brigade, with the ex-
ception of the right wing of the 2Oth Regiment, did
the same. This gallant officer, as his lordship knows,
fell mortally wounded. His Brigade consisted, on this
occasion, of some companies of the 5/th Regiment, left
60 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
wing of the 2Oth Regiment, under Colonel Horn, and
of the 2 1st Fusiliers, under Lieutenant-Colonel Ainslie,
until he was wounded, when one wing, I understand,
was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Lord West
(and taken to the extreme left), and the other by Major
Ramsay Stuart.
" Sir George Cathcart, in person, went to the right
of the road, and sent Captain Hugh Smith, D.A.Q.M.G.,
to bring the right wing of the 2Oth, under Colonel
Crofton, to support the Guards ; and he sent me back
to Brigadier-General Torrens, to order up his whole
Brigade to the right.
" I found General Torrens to the left of the road,
and, as Colonel Wood, of the Royal Artillery, rode up
and informed me that the enemy had taken two of our
guns upon the left, I took upon myself to order General
Torrens to send Lieutenant-Colonel Swyney, of the
63rd, to the left (in contradiction of Sir George's order,
he having given me authority to do so on emergencies),
in support of Colonel Wood, and, I am happy to say,
the guns were quickly retaken. Lieutenant -Colonel
Swyney was killed upon advancing further against the
enemy, and the regiment remained under the command
of Major the Honourable R. Dalzell.
" I took the earliest opportunity of informing Sir
George Cathcart of what I had done, which met with
his approval ; and I then continued with him in rear
of the four companies of the 68th Regiment, who were
lower down the hill than the right wing of the 2Oth
Regiment.
" The 68th were led into action by Brigadier- General
Torrens, who fell severely wounded when in the act of
trying to restrain their ardour, after driving the enemy
before them.
AFTER THE BATTLE. 61
" Sir George Cathcart expressed himself to Brigadier-
General Torrens, lying wounded on the ground, as
highly pleased at his conduct ; and then, with his
Staff, continued to advance until he saw the enemy
in full occupation of the heights above him, which
he had previously thought were in our possession.
" He immediately ordered me to get back the wings of
the 2Oth and 68th, and tried to show front with the few
skirmishers around him, and with them drove back the
enemy twice ; but I regret to say he was shot through
the heart. His Assistant Adjutant-General, Lieutenant-
Colonel C. Seymour, of the S. F. Guards, was shot
through the body, and afterwards bayoneted (he had
previously been wounded when with me) when rendering
him assistance. Major Maitland, his D.A.A.-General
(of the Grenadier Guards), was severely wounded at
the same time ; and his A.D.C., Captain the Honourable
A. Cathcart, had his horse shot under him.
" I did all I could to get back the men of the 2Oth
and 68th, but it was a work of time, as the ascent was
almost perpendicular, and the men were mixed with the
Guards and others, who had pursued the enemy even
into the meadows.
" I am happy to say that as the hillside was covered
with brushwood, and the men protected by a ledge of
rock, they moved to the rear without suffering any loss,
the only people being exposed being those on horse-
back.
"As soon as I could collect the men of the 4th
Division in this part of the field, I took them to the
rear of the 2nd Division Camp, where I found Captain
Hugh Smith had, with his usual zeal and activity, got
up the reserve ammunition.
" I beg to mention that at this point I received very
62 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
valuable assistance from Captain Street, Brigade Major
to Brigadier-General Goldie, who had come to look for
Sir George Cathcart.
" After Captain H. Smith had distributed the ammu-
nition, I took the command of the men collected
namely, four companies of the 68th, under Lieutenant-
Colonel Henry Smyth ; two companies of the 2Oth ;
two companies of the 46th, under Captain Dallas ;
some men of the 1st Battalion of Rifles; and about
thirty men of other regiments not belonging to the
Division and formed line upon the left of the Guards ;
immediately advanced to the front, accompanied by
Captains Smith, Greville, and Cathcart, and placed
myself under the orders of Major-General Pennefather,
in front of the camp of the 2nd Division, and on the
left of the road, sending Lieutenant-Colonel Smyth,
with the 68th, still further to the front.
" Here I remained until I received, through Lieu-
tenant-Colonel the Honourable A. Gordon, Lord
Raglan's order to march the Division to their camp.
" The 4th Division \vent into action about 2200 men,
which you will observe were disseminated by regiments
and wings from the extreme right to the extreme left,
so urgent were the demands made upon Sir George by
officers from different parts of the action, and so neces-
sary was it, in his opinion, to prevent the enemy's
reaching the camp.
" The greater part of the Division was on the left of
the Inkerman Road, fighting far away from their
General, under the independent command of their
Commanding Officers.
" Sir George Cathcart had with him but a small
portion of the Division when we had the misfortune to
lose him on the slope towards Inkerman.
"RIGHT AGAIN, WINDHAM!" 63
" I reported his loss on the field to the Commander-
in-Chief.
"I have already forwarded to you the list of killed
and wounded.
" I have the honour to remain, Sir,
" Your most obedient servant,
" C. A. WlXDHAM, Col, A.Q.M.G."
In a letter to Mrs. Windham, some particulars are
given concerning the death of Sir George Cathcart.
After describing the order given by himself to the 63rd
Regiment, Windham states that he explained to Sir
George why he had thus acted in opposition to his
orders, and Sir George, " like a generous and gallant
soldier, thanked me, and said I had done quite right."
" Poor Sir George," the letter continues, " I would
have given anything to have seen him Commander-
in-Chief ; he was fitted for great movements and broad
views. ... I cannot help thinking that if he would
have fallen back only twenty yards, or I might almost
say, if he had stood still, he would have been saved ;
but he would go on. When Seymour was first wounded,
he leant against me, and I said to Sir George : ' Sir,
those are Russians on the height.' He replied, ' They
are, and we are in a scrape.' His horse then had its
fore feet on a small rock.
" I answered him and said, ' Yes, Sir ; shall I ride on
and try and get the 68th back ? ' He replied, ' Right
again, Windham ; do so.' (This ' again ' referring to
the matter of the 63rd.)
' : I rode forward to the right, he to the left, and in one
minute I might almost say in ten seconds he and
Seymour were killed, Charles Maitland wounded, and
A. Cathcart's horse shot.
64 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
" I soon rallied, or rather got together, a few men
of the Guards, 3Oth, 68th, 46th, 2Oth, and 47th ; and
I repeat, had the General, on seeing the scrape, fallen
back as many yards as he advanced, I really believe
not twenty, he might have been spared to us ; but he
declared for the bayonet, and with a dozen men tried to
repulse twelve hundred, and being on horseback was,
like all the mounted officers but myself, killed or
wounded.
" He is a loss to the Army, God knows, and time will,
I fear, show it.
" I had him buried in the centre of the old fort, round
which he used continually to walk, with General Goldie
on his right, as belonging to his Division ; and General
Strangways (an old friend of his) on his left ; Charles
Seymour at his feet ; and sixteen other officers of the
4th Division, who fell on that day, in two lines, a few
yards off.
" I bought -Sir George's black mare, presented to him
by General Murray ; should she live to get home, I shall
be very happy to let any of the family have her for
what I gave, which, in fact, was the reason of my buying
her.
" She was a great favourite with him, but he did not
ride her on the day of his death. Pray let them know
this : I do not like to write upon such a subject.
" C. A. W."
November *jth. Was turned out twice in expectation
of an attack. Thanked God often for my many escapes
on the 5th. Rode to the 2nd Division Camp and
returned with General Eyre. A long talk with him
about poor Sir George. With him fell, at any rate,
all the dash of the Army. He was not perfect: who
RALL YING. 65
is? but he had more enterprise and spirit than all
the rest of them put together. He is a great loss to
this Division. I suspect it is thought great blame
attaches itself to Sir George's having descended the
hill to the right. I admit this was a bad move, and
Sir George undeniably had faults as a General of
Division ; but it is ridiculous to throw the blame on
him of most of the slaughter and mischances, because
he went too far down with 187 men of the 68th, 154
of the 46th, and a portion of the right wing of
the 2oth.
I myself rallied or collected those men who had gone
down into the valley. They consisted of Guardsmen,
3Oth, 49th, Rifles, and odds and ends from the ist and
2nd Divisions. The 68th were almost the only men
of our Division that did go down. When the enemy
rushed into our centre and fired upon our inner flank,
killing the General, Seymour, &c., the 2Oth and 46th
were mostly on the hill, and I owe my life to having
gone forward and downward to get back the 68th
and other loose skirmishers.
The only men I could get to stand by me were some
of the Coldstream, who knew me, and asked me by
name to stop the men on the hill from firing at them,
taking them for our own people till I undeceived them.
I had no idea of the difficulty of stopping men
retiring, not running, under a heavy fire.
I made all the men of one company lie down until
I brought them fresh ammunition, after which, I led
them all to the front.
In fact I worked hard ; feel convinced that I did my
duty like a good soldier, feeling no funk. I am sure
I showed none, and, therefore, whether I am mentioned
or not in despatches, is a matter of indifference.
66 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Had Sir George lived, I am sure I should have been,
as he thanked me for having, on my own responsibility,
ordered the 63rd (contrary to his original orders) to the
left to retake the guns of Townsend's Battery.
I suppose, however, that General Pennefather, who
deserves much praise, will get all that is given.
They will make out that a most plucky and brave
resistance of individual detachments was a well-planned
and able defence ; whereas I know there was no plan at
all, and not half the officers knew who was commanding
them.
Poor Seymour was first wounded in the foot,
leant upon me, and said, " Charley, I Ve got it." I
handed him over to a man of the 2Oth, and rode to get
back the 68th. Before I had gone ten yards, he, the
General, Maitland, &c., were all down, and the shot flew
about me like hail, so much so as to make me smile at
the whistling.
The quantity of Russians killed here was great ; they
lay so thick that I could scarcely get through them,
and on getting off my horse to slip down a precipice
to the men, I took the sword from one big fellow, who,
in his struggles, had twisted his belt off his shoulder.
At least, the sword lay close to him, and I suppose
was his.
Wrote a report of the proceedings of the 4th Division
to General Airey, for Lord Raglan's information.
November %th and gth. Hard worked. Remainder
of 46th arrived on the 8th. In hourly expectation of
an attack from the Russians. We are now strengthening
our right, but, like everything else in this Army, far too
late. The mischief has been done, and they will next
try somewhere else. Besides, I question their holding
SIX GEOXGE CATHCART. 67
the Redoubt three days, unless they make better practice
than heretofore, or the enemy worse.
(The Diary is very scanty for some days after
Inkerman, but the following letters are of interest)
" To Mr. Hudson.
"CAMP BEFORE SEBASTOPOL,
"November izth, 1854.
"Mv DEAR ANTHONY,
" I was so pressed by business the last time
I took up my pen, that I had no time to pour into
your ear my sorrows and grumblings at what is going
on here, and at the unceasing blundering that has
taken place in the conduct of this expedition ; not-
withstanding the publication of Wellington's despatches,
and the experience that was, or ought to have been,
acquired in Bulgaria since the landing of the British
Army in the East.
" By my letters to you, from on board the Harbinger,
you are aware that I always thought the attack on
Sebastopol to be a bad move, both from a strategical
and political point of view. To my letter to Cathcart,
as soon as I heard of his arrival in the Channel
(absolutely before he landed), pointing out Odessa as
the proper place of landing, I believe I may attribute
his taking me out with him, and his talking so much
to me as he did. A word or two by way of episode
upon his character. He was a man more fitted to be
first than second. His views upon great questions
were decidedly above par, and, provided he was master
and had everything his own way, his temper, naturally
irritable (though amiable), did not get riled ; and his
judgments, under such circumstances, were clear and
sound. As a General of Division he was out of his
68 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY.
element ; with neither eye nor speech sufficiently clear
or rapid, he saw not the points of attack with suffi-
cient quickness, and from an over-explanatory way
of giving out his orders, he both confused others,
and often contradicted himself. He never (or rarely)
called regiments by their right numbers, or placed
them in their proper brigades ; and though I, who
knew him, could see what he wished, and took the
meaning for the word, others did not, which had the
effect of putting him on his high horse, frightening
the bringer or carrier of the order, and made confusion
worse confounded. Since he arrived in this country
his temper has been infinitely worse than it ever was,
and from his never having been willingly consulted,
he felt himself aggrieved, / fancy (for he never said
anything to me to that effect), and tried to find
occupation in fidgeting about trifling matters he had
much better have let alone. Having said this much
as to his faults, I ought to say something of his merits.
Although hard as a commander, he was kind and good-
humoured as a man, extremely vigilant and active, both
mentally and physically, most undeniably brave ; to
private soldiers kind, much averse to martinetism, and
a good strategist. Oh ! how I wish his advice had been
taken after the arrival of this Army on the heights. It
was simply to assault the place the next morning. Had
we done so we should have succeeded, and instead of
losing, as we have done in the trenches and the battle
of Inkerman, 3000 men, to say nothing of sickness, we
should have been in the town with half the loss, and,
I trust, out of the country.
"As it is, I do not see my way. The Russians
have as many men as we, a more numerous Artillery
and Cavalry, and a decided equality as to science in
PLANS FOR THE FUTURE. 69
the former arm. If the French assaulted the town
to-morrow they would get in ; but, I fear, not hold
it ; yet something must be done ! To suppose that
men can winter on these heights, sleeping on the
cold, damp ground, without being killed by dysentery,
is nonsense, and to descend into the valley of Inkerman
and attack their Army, although it would, probably, be
successful as to the fight, would not advantage us
much, as we should have to abandon our siege-train,
and could not follow them up, as we have no means
of transport, and, therefore, could not leave Balaclava.
If I were Lord R. I would reduce the size of the
camp, hut the men as soon as possible, remove from
our batteries all the guns worth having, fortify our-
selves strongly, then wait patiently for reinforcements;
form, in the course of the winter, another Army to
the north; land it, and, in connection with this one,
begin again next spring without leaving out the north
side.
" I have a strong belief that a one-sided account
will be given of the battle of Inkerman ; for as
regards the 4th Division, notwithstanding its heavy
losses, it will be tried to be proved that it suffered
from disobedience of orders on the part of Sir
George, and that he handled the troops with little
or no judgment. But I was present, and I must
say, that no man could have been more pestered
and bothered by A.D.C's from the front with orders,
pressing and contradictory. I do not approve of Sir
George's habit a fatal one, alas ! for him of thrust-
ing himself forward and riding about so continually
that it was almost impossible to find him ; I do not
approve of his having sent forward General Torrens
to make a dash without thinking of a reserve, and
70 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY,
without having previously made himself acquainted
with the absolute position of the forces, aggressive
and defensive ; but I maintain it to be absurd to
attribute to him the greater portion of the mischief,
when the real truth is that the action, begun with a
surprise, was continued with great pluck and con-
fusion by individuals, every disposable man, as he
came up, being sent to the front, in detail, to remedy
a momentary weakness ; and ended by the courage
and resolution of independent commanders (directing
steady and bold men) in repulsing an enormous and
overpowering force, three separate times. At the
fourth attack, had not the French come up, we should,
I think, have been done ; but, as they did come, the
enemy was finally repulsed, and his loss must have
been immense. We buried 4081 bodies of the Russians
the next day, and there must certainly be 1000 on the
ground on the other side of the hill ; and we have
brought in 1250 men severely wounded, to say nothing
of those who got away. I am sorry to say the Russians
(officers as well as men) stabbed and killed our wounded
without mercy, and if that sort of game is to continue,
I see nothing for it but retaliation, which will make
matters worse. Poor Sir George was shot through the
heart, but as soon as they got to him by the weight of
overpowering numbers they bayoneted him and robbed
him ; the same with poor Charles Seymour, and those
poor young fellows of the Guards who were slightly
wounded, they treated in the same way. In fact it will
not do, as has been proved, both at Alma and here, to
leave the wounded to their mercy, even for a minute.
Bar their artillery and numbers, however, they are not
formidable; and I live in hopes and pray that we may
never be driven back again.
GENERAL AIREY. 71
" The grand error of this campaign, from a military
point of view, has been ' the want of transport,' and
the not properly considering what we had to do. As
we landed without transport and with only three days'
provisions, it was, in fact, nothing but a coup de main
against Sebastopol, with 50,000 men, that could succeed ;
but, alas ! we moved along at .a snail's pace (and yet,
after all, arrived before the town before they had erected
any works), and when we ultimately came before the
town we did nothing, not even in field fortification, but
remained for twenty-one days, smoking, and awaiting
the landing of the siege-train. Now, again, there is
a strong report (I know nothing as to its truth) that the
Army is to hut itself and pass the winter here, and yet
they never sent, until two days ago, for any wood or
other materials ; and I, therefore, fully expect to be
caught by the approaching winter, and this is all
owing to dilatoriness and indecision. As for General
Airey, he is more like a Private Secretary than a
Quartermaster - General, with a quick inconsiderate
manner, and no roundabout common sense, which is
really what is wanted for such a situation. As to in-
formation the Staff appear to have none, and seem to
know nothing of the enemy until they see him, and not
much then : beyond the common sort of courage to
be found in all men of good digestions, they appear,
with the exception of Wetherall, to be a moderate lot.
If the farm-house in which the Headquarters are now
established were only burnt down, we might get them
possibly to move.
" During the heat of the battle of the 5th, Sir George
ordered me to bring up the whole of Torrens' Brigade
from the rear of the left, to the right. When I had
given him this order, Lieutenant-Colonel Wood, R.A.,
72 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
came and told me the enemy were in possession of two
of his guns, and that our left was turned. I immediately,
in direct contradiction to Sir G.'s order, desired Torrens
to detach the 6jrd Regiment, under Colonel Swyney,
to Wood's support, to restore the battle on the left,
and to recapture the guns ; this was done. I should
like to see if Lord Raglan mentions a word of it in
his despatch : he knows it, for I sent him, through
the Quartermaster - General, a full account of the
proceedings of the 4th Division ; but I will wager
not one word of it will be published, as it probably
won't suit their purpose for it to be seen how the
right were sent piecemeal into the fight. I am
afraid we have hard fighting and bad times before
us, but we must do our best ; and with Providence
on our side, and strong reinforcements from England
and France, we may weather the storm ; but it will
be no easy matter with the absence of head we have
here. Lord R. is a bold, gentlemanlike, amiably-
mannered man, and a good ' red - tapist,' but no
General. Dundas is worse. Lyons, a good fellow
and clever man ; and of Canrobert I know nothing,
but that he is a fat, punchy fellow of forty-five ;
they say, with a good head and great courage.
Of our subordinates I know none of any mark,
Brigadier - General Eyre perhaps the best of them ;
plenty of them have courage, but there are very few
with ideas beyond a field-day. Our loss has been
severe, and I expect, during the winter, to see an
immense deal of sickness ; but I suppose the Russians
will have their share of that, as they are without tents,
and supplies will get shorter. Would to God we had
gone to Odessa ; our troubles had now been over, and
the Emperor probably inclined to peace. As it is,
THE STORM. 73
I know not what will happen. I send you a copy
of the report I wrote to the Quartermaster-General.
This ought, in fairness, to be published, but I am
afraid it never will, as it shows too plainly that no
one was, in fact, in command on the day."
THE GREAT STORM.
November \^th. At 6 a.m., the breeze freshened ;
at 8 a.m , our tent went ; and by 9, it was blowing
a perfect hurricane. Every tent down; and what with
snow, rain, and wind, all in camp were thoroughly
miserable. I can hardly imagine men living through
a worse day; indeed, many did not.
Some further details of the effects of the storm are
given in a letter to the Earl of Caledon :
" I believe the Russians are a good deal pinched,
and I . hope they are ; but certainly, in the way of
shelter, they have the best of it, as no one can fancy
anything much more bleak than the top of this hill.
The weather, when we first landed on the I4th
September (except that individual night), was hot
and fine, until the middle of October, when we had
two or three days of severe cold, then a sort of fine
Indian summer until the I4th inst, when one of the
most terrific hurricanes of wind, snow, and rain
brought in the winter. Heavy losses occurred amongst
the transports and shipping, and every tent in the
Army was blown down ; the men had to remain for
twenty-four hours as uncomfortably situated as any
mortals could possibly be. You, I daresay, can fancy
what a gale of wind you could not stand against,
accompanied by heavy drenching showers of rain,
74 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
followed towards night by a Canadian poudre, would
be. It was, I think, the worst day, consideration
being paid to the ground, I ever passed in my life.
Still, here I am alive and kicking, never better, and
only wish others were as well off as I am."
On November I5th and i6th, Windham occupied
himself in exertions for the benefit of the men of
his Division, and had no time to make an entry in
his diary.
November I'jth. Rode with Wood, of the Artillery,
to Monastir, to look after wood for hutting the Division ;
found none.
November igth. Going on with my house it is
decidedly too big. A day of heavy wind almost as
bad as the I4th. Had to turn out without shoes or
stockings to get up the th at 4.30 a.m. Men perfectly
miserable, and sickness greatly on the increase.
Went and saw Codrington ; from what he told me,
I hope the French will do something towards Inker-
man.
In the letter to the Earl of Caledon, an extract of
which has already been given, appears the following
account of the gallant attack on " The Ovens," on
November 2Oth, under Lieutenant Tryon, of the Rifle
Brigade, who had already highly distinguished himself
at Inkerman :
' ' November 2$/A, 1854.
" I firmly believe the Russian defences in our front
are, at this moment, stronger than when first we began
firing at them in October. The nature of the ground
admits of our advancing but slowly, and it was only
HORSES STARVING. 75
four days ago that we even began to make an attack
on their advanced riflemen. This was done, without
any direction from Headquarters, by Sir John Campbell
(in the temporary command of this Division since
Cathcart's death), who sent a party of the Rifles
attached to the Division, under Lieutenant Tryon, a
fine, gallant fellow as ever lived. He dislodged the
enemy by night. It was well done ; Tryon was killed,
but the ' green men ' held their own, and repulsed the
enemy twice, after dislodging him with the bayonet.
We hold the ground still. This was, and is, the
only fight (and a small one it certainly was) that
showed the slightest scheme or forethought since we
landed. Tryon was a really good officer."
Further on in this letter occurs the following passage,
which shows the disgraceful want of forethought, and
mismanagement of land and sea transport, which
wrecked our army :
" Our horses of all ranks are literally starving, while
every animal in the French camp is living positively
in plenty ; and they sent our Cavalry, the other day,
forty pressed trusses of hay to keep our horses alive.
In fact, the old Duke's boast of being thoroughly au
fait as to how to feed an army, cannot be made by
anyone here. We have a good deal of dysentery and
cholera, and out of 3500 men (4th Division) have
760 at present on the sick list. I really hope they will
try and do something."
November 26th. Heard to-day that the Qth Regiment
and 1 200 Turks had arrived, also 2100 French; but
the latter is doubtful.*
* The French troops alluded to did not arrive at this time.
76 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
We ought surely now to do something have a shy
at Liprandi, for instance.
A very fine day : if dry weather would last, we might
yet take the place.
Sir John Campbell, a pleasant, cheerful commander,
sprained his ankle three days ago, and has since been
laid up.
A gap in the Diary is well filled by the following
letter to Mr. Beresford Peirse, Colonel Windham's
brother-in-law. Some repetitions will be excused in
consideration of the spirit with which the story is
told :-
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
" Camp, 4th Division,
"December isf, 1854.
" MY DEAR HENRY,
" As the weather to-day seems to be inclined
to preserve its previous character of 'extremely bad/
I shall, as well as a man can in such wet and dirt,
try and amuse myself by writing to you. You will be
sure to have heard all about Alma, and probably, long
ere this reaches you, all about Balaclava and Inkerman.
The last battle was begun by the Russians surprising
us, our pickets having allowed at least twenty pieces
of heavy ordnance (24-prs.) to get up the heights
before they ever fired a shot. These guns were
supported by heavy columns of troops, who, in the
mist and grey of the morning, commenced the attack :
first and last, 40,000 of the enemy were certainly in
action ; and, at the most, 8000 British, from the
commencement to the end, were brought to meet
them. The ground was all covered with a low oak
brush, and on the right, towards the valley of Inkerman,
THE SOLDIERS' BATTLE? 77
nearly precipitous. Our Army was never commanded
throughout the day ; it was split up into detachments,
and those small bodies luckily fought (almost univer-
sally) with the most determined valour. I firmly
believe that history cannot show another battle similar
to Inkerman. The loss of the enemy, I am convinced,
was enormous; I feel sure it was above 20,000 men, and
almost all of them fell by musketry. A great portion
of our loss was, on the contrary, occasioned by shell
and round shot. I was present from nearly the
beginning. Every mounted officer near me was killed,
wounded, or unhorsed ; and at one time, in half-an-
hour, I saw thirteen men killed by round shot, within
five yards of me. I merely mention this (most
of the men were lying down) to give you an idea
of the weight of artillery opposed to us 40 field guns,
the before-mentioned heavy guns, and a considerable
portion of the shipping all assisted the Russian efforts
to dislodge us, but all this, luckily, did not succeed ;
and, latish in the afternoon, they gave up all further
attempts. The enemy showed great pluck and reso-
lution, and had their attack been as strong on the 25th,
after two divisions had marched to Balaclava, I think
they would have succeeded ; as it was, they didn't.
They found the British Infantry, notwithstanding the
weight of their artillery and masses, too stubborn for
them, and they retired, after capturing two French
guns that arrived late in the action, leaving us in
possession of our old position.
" The day was an honourable, not a profitable one ;
spoke volumes for the men, little for the General.
Why the position had been left utterly unstrengthened,
from the 2/th September to the 26th October, no one
could tell ; still more wonderful was it, that after the
;8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
attack on the 2Oth October, in open day, no means
whatever should even have been thought of, much
less executed. One junior officer, who shall be
nameless, certainly suggested, many days previous
to the 5th, that the ground in the immediate front of
the 2nd Division might, at any rate, be cleared so
that the Artillery could be sent to the front, &c., &c.,
but he was snubbed and told to mind his own
business ; suffice it to say that, with the exception
of a 3-gun battery, erected to the right of the road,
nothing was done, and with blood we have had to
pay for our idleness and want of forethought Since
the 5th, we have been working hard in that quarter,
and I therefore think the next attempt of the
Russians will not be there.
"As to the siege, you will see more of that in the
papers, and better described, than anything I can
write ; for my own part, I think it has been as badly
conducted as it well could have been. At the
commencement, everything on our part was presump-
tuous, and since then the reverse. The same may be
said of the French, except that since the conceit
was taken out of them, on the first two days, they
have worked hard, and, as the ground aided them,
have got nearer to the enemy. Why they have done
nothing for the last ten days I cannot say ; I suppose
they have cogent reasons known at Headquarters,
but the Army generally knows nothing of them. For
my part, I firmly believe that both the French and
English Engineers wanted to have a siege of their
own, and, therefore, instead of attacking the western
side of the town only, they have attacked the western
and the southern we the latter ; and we occupy
ground, man and fight batteries, with about 10,000
SEVASTOPOL. 79
men, that would certainly require 40,000 to do it
properly. The result is the men are worked to death,
hundreds of them on the sick list, working parties
can't be furnished to carry out the magnificent ideas
of Sir J. Burgoyne, and it would not surprise me
to see the business end in a complete failure. I have
still some hope of the French and their reinforce-
ments, and do not pretend, as I said before, to be
able to judge properly of the propriety of our present
line of conduct ; but of one thing I can judge, and
that is, of the present state of the transport of this
Army. . . .
" This Division, on paper, is between 5800 and 6500
men ; 900 are absent, sick, and nearly 800 present
sick ; those present are dying fast ; they lie in the wet
and muck without medicine or any single kind of
comfort. Private enterprise has brought wine, brandy,
cheese, butter, hams, preserved meats, biscuits of all
kinds, bread and vegetables, to Balaclava; and any
officer choosing to spend his money and send down
a horse there may get all he wants, in reason ; but so
miserable is the transport of this Army that the
soldiers can get nothing of this, and, consequently,
have to go with short rations, on several occasions
no meat at all, or rum ; this, coupled with the wet
and constant exposure, night after night in the
trenches, will account for the alarming and still
increasing sickness. The night before last the Royals
(ist Regiment) lost 27 men by cholera, of the young
ones that arrived in the last draft, about a week ago.
Six companies of the 46th, arrived here lately, lost
100 men by cholera and dysentery, and have now
upwards of 260 men in hospital. This expedition
I was always firmly opposed to, conceiving it to be
8o GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
a decidedly bad move. Odessa was the place to have
gone to, but we came here, and we came equipped
for a coup de main. The march from the Belbek to
Balaclava was, we all thought, for that purpose ; but
all of a sudden we are told to wait quietly for
twenty-one days doing nothing, until the siege-train
is landed. We then begin by making batteries at
a mean distance of 1500 yards, and having attacked
the Russians in their strong arm (artillery), with a
splendid arsenal to back them, we are surprised that
we make no impression. In the meantime, the two
other arms, in which we have shown ourselves to be
their superiors, are sacrificed ; and we see how one
old General may conduct, and many presumptuous
young ones assist in carrying on, a siege, at a time
of year the most unfitted, and with numbers quite
inadequate to the purpose. I said a siege, but it has
always struck me as being neither a siege, a bombard-
ment, nor an investment, but simply a sort of school
in which our young gentlemen might try the effect
of long-range fire, and of lo-inch shot and shell.
" We receive constantly accounts from Russian
prisoners, who all state the enemy to be suffering
immensely from sickness, and want of provisions,
also from general depression. I yesterday, however,
saw two letters from 'two wounded men taken
prisoners by them, and belonging to this Division, in
which they say that they receive a pound of bread,
some soup with a piece of meat in it, and a pint of
tea daily. The Russians appear to know everything
that passes here ; but I fear we are not quite so
enlightened as to what goes on in Sebastopol. The
French private soldiers have all got an idea that they
will attack the place to-morrow; for my part, I don't
FEEDING AN ARMY. 81
believe it; however, I hope they may, and I hope
they may succeed, for anything would be better than
passing one's winter on these heights. A great many
officers of standing are going home, and I believe
there are not many left that would be sorry to go
also, French or English ; for my own part, however,
I am very easy on that head ; I am in good health
and good spirits, and if matters were only a little
better managed, I should feel easy as to the result
The Duke of Wellington prided himself on thoroughly
understanding how to ' feed an army.' I fear his
mantle has not fallen on any shoulders here.
"Your letter reached me three days ago, and I
remembered you the same day to C. Woodford. One
battalion of Rifles, under Horsford, is attached to this
Division, and most rapid promotion they have had,
although their being much in action has not been much
against them. Beckwith died of cholera, and so did
poor little Godfrey, the other day. Rooper, I hear,
also is dead, and Cook has resigned from ill-health.
That poor fellow Tryon, who was killed some ten days
ago, was a first-rate young officer, and is regretted by
us all.
" Poor Sir George is a great loss to me. I was of
essential service to him the day of his death, and,
had he lived, I am sure he would have got me a
brigade. . . .
" After getting through what I have since September
1 4th, without a scratch, I ought not to grumble ; and
when I think that my health has stood when not only
hundreds, but thousands, of younger men have fallen
in that respect, many never to rise again, I ought to
be thankful and am. Yet I cannot help thinking
that I, who have always been so near landing myself,
G
82 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
and yet just missed it, cannot be said, in a worldly
point of view, to be a lucky man.
" Lord Raglan, I believe, is aware of my services at
Inkerman ; at any rate, the Master- General of the
Ordnance is, and so was poor Cathcart, who thanked
me for what I had done, although it was contrary to his
orders. I should have been eternally abused had the
movement been a failure ; now I suppose I shall get no
thanks, as it seems to be the object to cast dirt at
Cathcart's move to the right. It is true he went too
far down the hill, and it is also true that he didn't keep
his Division enough in hand ; in fact he was, though
a good strategist when he had time to think, not a good
tactician, and at the time everything was in confusion,
and few people in good humour. I smoked tranquilly
(without any nonsense), and felt as easy as I do at the
covert side ; but the fire was certainly a hot one, and
to this day I wonder how I escaped ; the bullets flew
so thick about me that I really laughed outright at the
whistling. I was glad enough, however, when the
French came up to lend a hand. The first of their
battalions that entered the fight were the " Zouaves-
Indigenes," and they went in well, and the Zouaves
(French) are also very fine fellows, in some respects,
I may say in most, the best men I ever saw ; but it will
not do to compare a regular French regiment of the line
with one of ours ; it is altogether a different thing.
In everything but discipline and respect for their
officers they are our superiors, but in fighting they
decidedly are not. A French general, at the time,
acknowledged that they never would have held the
position as we did, and said they had not the same
talent de se tenir ferme. They would have retired,
probably have retaken it by beat of drum, again been
THE LONG CAMPAIGN. 83
beaten back, and again advanced, &c., but they never
would set their teeth tight, and fight it out to the last,
as we did. The road through the 2nd Division camp
was one of the most wonderful sights I ever saw, the
Russians being so thick that I could with difficulty
get my horse through them. When I tell you we
buried in forty-eight hours 408 1 , besides about 7 or 800
flung into a chalk pit, and 3 or 400 that still remain
unburied on the right and in the valley, to say nothing
of the 1400 desperately wounded that we brought in,
you may easily guess that they didn't get off cheaply ;
in fact, they were most awfully mauled, but still they
took off their guns, and though they marched off very
fast they didn't need to run.
" Now give my best love to George Melville,* and tell
him to be contented with Old England. If I live to get
home again, we will all talk these battles over again, but
there is much to be done before that happens. The
poor old Coldstream, tell him, got an awful mauling ;
and I helped many of them after the fight, and Percy
Feilding during it. Many of the men knew me, and.
when the skirmishers were retiring, several rallied when
I called to them, although they had no ammunition. I
was near them the greater part of the day. . . .
" It is now night ; the Russians have been just letting
fly a couple of loo-pound shot and shell at the French
(a nightly amusement), and, as everything is quiet, I shall
roll up in my blanket and take a snooze. Except two
nights on board the Agamemnon, I have not had my
clothes off since the I4th September to sleep very
seldom my boots. The Army is good-tempered, notwith-
standing its extreme hardships. Tell Geo. Melville that
* Colonel Windham's very intimate friend, George Whyte Melville, in
whose best-known book, The Interpreter, Windham figures.
84 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
the I4th November was the worst day I ever expe-
rienced an awful gale of wind, ending in Canadian
' Powder'; every tent blown to the devil ; and all hands
left to hulk up their shoulders, on a bare lofty hill,
exposed for hours to the blast. Many of the sick died,
and plenty of the horses. I hope Pern* is with you ; if
so, she will see this. I have received her last letters,
and also the dear children's. I shall write to her a
short note to-morrow.
" Remember me most kindly to all at Bedale, and
don't forget to do so to the Duke of Leeds, with whom
I yet hope to drink a bottle of claret at Hornby ; and
with young Fox, who behaved well at Alma. Describe
to him all the wonders and hardships of this campaign.
All this sort of thing, my dear Henry, is better to talk of
afterwards than to go through; and, though I have really
heard nothing but the report of guns and the whiz of
round shot for the last two months (no exaggeration,
upon my honour), I constantly wake up when these
Russian outbreaks begin. It is true I soon go to sleep
again, but what would you have a poor fellow do ?
" Love to Henrietta and all your family, and to Jos
and Frances Hudson.
" Yours affectionately,
"C. A. WlNDHAM."
December $rd, 1854. Since the 26th, there have been
a few rays of sunshine ; but, on the whole, the weather
has been very bad, and the roads nearly impassable.
The men, therefore, have never had a regular supply
of rations, and sickness has been greatly on the increase.
I do not pretend to know what our Generals are about,
particularly the French ones ; they seem resolved to
* Mrs. Windham.
S//? DE LACY EVANS. 85
wait here quietly until the winter has destroyed the
Army. Ours certainly will be ruined by it, as our means
of transport are truly disgraceful.
How any man who had served under the Duke of
Wellington, or who had even read his despatches, could
ever have allowed such a state of affairs to arrive, is, to
me, incomprehensible.
Sir De Lacy Evans is gone. He was, after Sir
George Cathcart, the best of the Generals of Division :
in some respects his superior.
Yesterday morning we had a skirmish in the trenches.
The Russians killed and wounded some fourteen men,
chiefly of the 5Oth ; and our Rifles had again to recover
the advanced trench so gallantly won by poor Tryon.
His, by-the-bye, was the only attack made by us with
the slightest scheme or forethought.
This morning the Russians killed, in the same way
and manner (bayoneted), two men of the th, when
asleep. The men are so knocked up and tired that you
cannot keep them awake.
Things look very gloomy, in my opinion ; I hope they
will look better soon.
Our chief hope is that the Russians suffer as we do,
or more. It is now reduced to a mere question as to
which side can receive and feed the greatest reinforce-
ments.
All the advantages we had at first have been thrown
away. They have found out that in artillery they are
our superiors, that our fleet cannot injure them, and
that, if they can only hold on long enough to get
reinforcements, they may yet drive us into the sea.
They cannot, I hope, quite do that yet, but certainly
we have given them every chance.
General Pennefather very ill : hear he will have to
86 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
go to England. Thus we shall lose a very respectable
officer.
December ()th. Rode over the battlefield of the
5th November : how altered ! Some few arms of the
men, too shallowly buried, sticking out of the earth.
Some broken accoutrements and dead horses no more
left of the many thousand that lay stretched on this
plain.
We have, in conjunction with the French, erected
two redoubts and a battery in these parts, and have
certainly much strengthened the position. We now
have, too, a very considerable command of the harbour.
The enemy are working hard on the opposite side,
and, I suppose, a heavy fight, at any rate with
cannon, will take place here again.
From the advance battery one gets the best of all
views of the town, and the only wonder is that the
Engineers should not have found the place out sooner.
If we can hold it, the ships must quit this part of
the water ; that is clear, and we shell a good deal
straighter than the enemy. Still, I question if they
will not be found just as good men as we are at this
long ball game, though they do report that all their
best artillerymen are killed.
Our supply of provisions is getting worse and worse,
all owing to the want of transport from Balaclava.
Now what can be more inexcusable than this?
Here we have a fleet twice as large as the French,
with not half the men to feed ; and yet they want
for nothing, we for much ; our horses are literally
starved, and everything for the hospitals has to be
brought up by the private goodwill of the already
overworked men.
COLD AND FAMINE. 87
This is too bad ; yet it has been represented a
hundred times.
Armies are not to be managed in this way. A
man's desk is one thing, but his saddle is another ;
and, for a real soldier and general, more wanted than
the former.*
At Headquarters they have every possible comfort,
both for themselves and their horses ; good beds,
good stables, good fires, and good dinners. If their
horses stood out in the open air, and could scarcely
be kicked along ; if they could with difficulty get
wood to cook with ; if, like me, they had not (on
shore) taken off their clothes since September I4th,
they might possibly form a more accurate idea of the
discomforts of the men, and discover some remedy,
at any rate, for a portion of them.
The Medical Department is disgracefully neglected.
One might almost fancy from what one sees (officially
stated) in the paper that every sick man would have
a comfortable vehicle for his transport. What would
the nation say if they knew that one wretched araba,
without springs or covering, was all the transport that
the sick of each Division had on their advance to this
place ; that hundreds of poor devils died upon the
road with no means whatever of assistance ; men
rolling on the ground with cholera, and not a drop
of laudanum for them, nor any means of conveyance,
after the one araba (carrying four men) was filled.
This was bad enough, but was to a certain extent
unavoidable, as it was a forced march, with a great
* Compare with this passage Kinglake's description of Todleben. "It
was not at table or desk, but on that black charger of his, which our
people used to watch with their glasses, that he mainly defended
Sebastopol. "
GENERAL WlNDHAM^S DIARY.
object in view ; but what excuse is there now for
having left the men six weeks in the mud and water,
without shelter or medicine, or any means of procuring
warmth when they are taken ill.
Since the 29th, the Royals have had 85 men
absolutely die ; and the Army loses 200 a day by
deaths and invaliding ; and yet there are plenty of
stores at Balaclava, plenty of horses at Varna, but,
unfortunately, no head here.
I have this minute heard that Lord Raglan has
been appointed a field-marshal. I hope that, with his
" baton " he will flog matters on a little faster than
he has done hitherto, but I doubt it. It is not in
him. He has not sufficient energy, and is far too
old for his post. He is, however, an amiable, well-
mannered man, and in some respects well adapted
for the post he fills. Few would have got on so well
with the French.
This expedition was, I know, undertaken in haste,
and, unfortunately, it has been carried on at leisure.
I know that many reasons of broad policy may be
acting on our commanders, of which I know nothing ;
and they may have very good and cogent motives for
acting as they do as to the attack on Sebastopol,
The great reasons of State can, however, have nothing
to do with the badness of our transport, and the
consequent miserable discomfort of the men ; nor
can they have anything to do with the great and
flagrant neglect of not strengthening our right after
the skirmish of October 26th, to say nothing of our
not having done so from the 27th September to
the loth October, during which period we had nothing
to do but to smoke pipes.
COLD AND FAMINE. 89
December loth (Sunday). Went to church -parade.
The men looked cold, pinched, and unhappy, the
reason being that they had had nothing to eat by 1 1.30,
and, moreover, no prospect of getting anything before
night. This was the reason of their appearance, not a
bad one either.
At 5.30 p.m. a note came from the Commissary,
stating that to-morrow we should have a short allow-
ance of biscuit, no beef ; coffee, sugar, and rum hoped
for, but doubtful.
Yesterday 280 sheep arrived, which had taken two
days coming from Balaclava, a distance of six or seven
miles. This arose from the escort having been kept
there for hours because the sheep were not disembarked,
and then the men had to return owing to its getting
dark. By heavens! the arrangements of this Army are
disgraceful.
I repeat that I do not presume to talk of the great
questions. The Commander- in -Chief's information
enables him alone to judge on them.
But what have the great questions to do with the
health and comfort of the men? What have political
intrigues to do with the state of the roads here ?
Alas, alas, what a thousand pities it is that Sir
George Cathcart was not Commander-in-Chief. He
was not good as the commander of a Division, but
as Commander-in-Chief he would have been all in all.
He had head, energy, and activity ; saw things with
his own eyes ; rode about and looked at what was
going on, and decided for himself.
As for the matter of winter clothing, we have scarcely
any of it and why ?
The Prince arrived laden with it on the 4th or 5th of
November (I forget which). She remained outside
90 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Balaclava Harbour, with one single anchor, until the
I4th, when she was wrecked with all her goods and
every soul on board. How unfortunate ! how truly
unlucky ! was said. I thought she had very good luck
not to be wrecked earlier. Good God, do people expect
that, because they are indolent, it will please Providence
to prolong summer weather into mid-winter ? Did none
of our naval commanders know that it sometimes blew
in the Black Sea?
Oh dear, yes ; but the truth is, private traders had
got possession of the harbour, and a few days outside
would not matter !
December \2th. Now, as this book* is nearing its
close, and I shall send it to England to-morrow, I will
just say that Sebastopol will never be taken without
immense reinforcements. If disease and starvation fall
upon the Russians, and the winter prevents their getting
reinforcements; if England and France strain every
nerve and send every man, I do not say but folly
may ultimately be made triumphant ; without this, I
doubt it.
How creditable to have to say that all our sick are
carried to Balaclava by the French mules, our own
ambulance corps being found perfectly useless, the
pensioners sick or drunk, the mules used-up or dead.
I hope this war will open the eyes of the home
authorities as to our inferiority in all, save fighting.
The French are organised for war we for nothing.
As soon as trouble turns up, all has to be organised
afresh, and the moment peace is declared, if some
jackass of a clerk can discover how a momentary
saving of half-a-crown can be made, made it is,
* Colonel Windham's first MS. book.
"PENNY WISE, POUND FOOLISH." 91
immediately ; thus many a valuable establishment is
knocked on the head because it is not wanted at the
moment Why, for instance, should not a transport for
the sick exist in time of peace ?
Petty economies of this sort will, before this war is
over, have cost England millions.
The same may be said about the commissariat, cloth-
ing and arming of the Army.
All of these will have to be remodelled ; no one can
stand by the French and not observe their vast
superiority to us. Entrenching tools, axes, &c., will
not or ought not, at any rate be supplied for the
future by contract.
The Enfield rifle, or a better one, if anything superior
can be found, should be the arm for the infantry ;
and they should be a hundred times more practised
in shooting than they are, without the bayonet being
fixed.
I can clearly see that what the French call le combat
a la debandade is the real thing in attacking, with a
reserve held in hand.
This is just what the Russians do not understand ;
and, therefore, they have been beaten, notwithstanding
numbers, artillery, and position.
The French do understand it, practised it at the
Alma, and won easy.
We understand it less, did not practise it at the
Alma, and therefore lost many more men than we
ought, carrying the heights by mere pluck.
Our men are always educated, at least have been
ever since I have been in the Army, to look upon the
bayonet as a wonderful weapon. They fix bayonets
(except the Rifles), invariably, before going into action.
This is simply absurd.
92 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
No man should, in my opinion, ever fix his bayonet
as a skirmisher^ or ever be ordered to do so. Leave
that to him : you may be sure he will do so soon
enough if pressed.
A really good Infantry has no humbug about it, and
I can clearly see that, with a change of system and the
necessary practice, we could turn out ours as fine as
any, perhaps the finest in the world.
We are that now as to mere fighting, but we have
much to forget, and much to learn, in other respects.
December i^th. Rode to-day with Poulett Somerset
and General Cannon round the battlefield of Inkerman,
and pointed out to the latter all I knew. He, like
others, appeared to think that Cathcart, with the 4th
Division, had gone down on the right into the valley.
I was glad to undeceive him on this point.
December \6th. Ground this morning quite white
with snow. Last night the weather was miserable, and
the day is not much better. For the last week the
provisions of the Division have been issued with
extreme irregularity and great deficiency.
December igth. Rode to meet the th Regiment,
who are attached to our Division. Found them in
rear of the farm behind the 3rd Division Camp, as
appointed. They are under the command of an im-
petuous old gentleman, aged about sixty-five, who
ought to have been rewarded fifteen years ago if he
ever did anything. Now he comes and cuts out
younger and better men.*
* He became a General at last. W. H. R.
RAIN AND SLEET. 93
December 2ist. A sharp sortie last night against the
French and our Green-hill and Right Attack Battery.
The 5<Dth lost fourteen killed, seventeen wounded,
and Captain Frampton and Lieutenant Clarke missing.
Major Moller is, I fear, mortally wounded.
The flank -companies of the 38th, under the orders
of Colonel Waddy (5Oth Regiment), and commanded
by Captains Gordon and Brooksbank, behaved very
well.
The Russian prisoners were drunk, particularly an
officer, and said that an entire Division had been told
off for the sortie say 8000 to 10,000 men. They were
easily repulsed.
December 2yd. Rode to Headquarters and to Bala-
clava. Everything was going on the same as ever ;
that is, most unsatisfactorily. According to my
opinion, if some energetic exertions are not made,
half the Army will be lost before the month of April.
December 2^th. Weather last night and to-day shock-
ingly bad ; cold rain and sleet. Ten men of the 63rd
died in the night, and three of other regiments. To-day
the 57th had five men killed and two wounded in the
advanced trenches. This arose from the poor fellows
having to lie down in the wet until perfectly numb with
cold. They were then obliged to rise to warm them-
selves, when five of them were instantly shot. The
others were hit by round shot.
Seeing that we have had this advanced ground a
month, surely this could have been seen to ; it has been
mentioned more than once of that I am sure. Like
everything else in this Army, reports are made, replied
to, and forgotten. I understand that the French are to
94 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
have this ground. Should such be the case, I will bet
any money that in less than twenty-four hours they
will put their men under such cover as to be nearly
safe.
When I think of the difference of the two Armies, I
am ashamed of ours, more particularly the upper parts
of it. As to the men, they deserve, in some respects,
the most enormous credit : their submissiveness and
cheerfulness under their difficulties are wonderful. If
the French underwent what we do, they would be in a
state of mutiny. Every day in the French Army the
men in the trenches receive a good hot dinner, and
double allowance of rum. With us there is constantly
no dinner at all ; never a hot one ; and sometimes no
rum at all.
The English soldier, I admit, has not the savoir faire
of the French; and why not?
Because the object, or at any rate the result, of our
system is to make a fool of him.
I hope to God a change will be made after this war.
January yd, 1855. The weather to-day is shock-
ingly bad, and this Army will be ruined if matters
continue as they are. The sick are increasing in
numbers every day, the means of transport are de-
creasing, and no move made at Headquarters to remedy
our position.
January ^th. Snow deep. How the men are to get
wood for cooking is to me the puzzler ; and yet, I
believe, no steps have been taken to supply them with
any. One week of this weather will bring the Army to
a standstill, and then what is to be done, God only
knows. Heavy fall of snow.
SNOW AND FROST. 95
January $th. Rode to Headquarters, and delivered
McPherson's and Garrett's letters about pickaxes and
fuel, with Sir John Campbell's note on them.
Rode home with Yea.*
At this time Colonel Windham was distressed by the
death of his eldest brother, to which he alludes in the
following letter to his brother-in-law, Mr. Robert Hook.
In this letter, and in another of the same date to
Mr. Hudson, painful details of the disastrous condition
of the Army are given :
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
"January $th, 1855.
" MY DEAR HOOK,
" Notwithstanding the heavy snow and frost, the
consequent misery and discomfort of this Army, and
the many gloomy matters that are surrounding me
on this cursed hill, I can still spare a tear for poor
dear William, whose death, from your letter of the
22nd, I look upon as certain.
" It is some consolation to me to know that I never,
at any instant of my life, felt ungrateful to him for
many kindnesses.
" I can hardly realize the idea of Felbrigg without
him.
" Alas, as time rolls on, everything tends to drive
me from the old corner of my birth. Anthony
Hudson is now almost the only inducement I have
to take the train to Norwich. However, my dear
Hook, with alarms, and firing, and shot flying, and
* Colonel Yea, commanding the jth Fusiliers, one of the best officers
in the Army. He was killed on the i8th June, when gallantly leading the
assault on the Redan.
96 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
diurnal deaths from violence and disease immediately
beneath my nose, I need not worry myself about
Norfolk, but simply pray and wish that I may live
to get there.
" Our state here is shocking ! Our Army so
thoroughly helpless ; and, on my honour as a soldier
and a gentleman, I believe the fault is in our rulers
here, not in the Duke of Newcastle.
" I shall be surprised if I see the Generals in
authority (appertaining to the British) now in the
Crimea handed down to posterity as men of head,
or, indeed, as anything but a comfortable, easy-going,
gentlemanlike set of do-nothings, who are only fit
to scribble a despatch to the Secretary at War. If
this weather lasts a fortnight this Army is ruined,
absolutely. This Division, which had on the 1st
December 3760 men under arms and fit for duty,
out of 6800 on the roll, has this day only 2500
under arms, and those absolutely crying with cold
and discomfort.
"I marched off last night, at 5 p.m., 1200 men to
the trenches, 315 of whom had only come off thence
at 8 in the morning ; they had most of them had no
fuel to work with, the snow was four or five inches
deep, the wind strong and cold ; their shoes (bad
English ammunition articles) so small and contracted
from wet as scarcely to allow of one pair of worsted
stockings, and their spirit crushed by constant
fatigue, wet, cold, and discomfort of all kind. They
do not, however, grumble. Now, is not this hard,
when one thinks of the thousands of pounds Old
England is sending out for us? Is it not hard that
even the parcels of goods (and I want them, for I
have but two shirts, and no winter clothing) sent me
"EXCUSE THE ANTI-CHRISTIAN SPIRIT? 97
by Marianne and Sophie, which have arrived in the
Arabian, cannot be got, because she is ordered
instantly to convey Turks from Varna to Eupatoria?
Thank God I am but one of the few who suffer by
this, and I can easily bear it ; but when I see the
same negligence, bustle, hurry, and want of proper
arrangement in all that relates to the men, and that
these poor fellows have no means of helping them-
selves, I am fain to sink down in despondency, and
to acknowledge that arrangements and carelessness
such as we have in this Army can bring, ultimately,
nothing but disaster and defeat.
" I most sincerely pray that it may please God to
afflict the Russians (excuse the anti-Christian spirit,
my dear fellow) with greater hardships than He does
us, or else I see no way of getting out of this mess
with honour to Old England; for, believe me, we have
no working men at our head, no organisation, no
forethought. . . .
"Yours ever, my dear Hook, with many thanks for
all your kindness to Pern and the children,
" C. A. WlNDHAM."
" To Anthony Hudson.
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
"January 5$, 1855.
" Seeing the extreme uncertainty of human life in
the most favourable cases, I ought not, perhaps, to
bother myself about whom I shall meet on my return,
but think myself a lucky fellow if I ever get back ; but
I certainly did hope that poor William, and I sincerely
trusted you also, would have been alive to greet me
on my return.
H
98 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
" I am in capital health, but am much out of spirits
owing to this bad news from home, and the state
of affairs here.
"The organisation and arrangements here are of the
worst possible ; and if Parliament does not, first or
last, bring the conduct of matters here to light, I
shall be somewhat surprised.
" The snow is now about six inches deep ; the cold
considerable ; the utter want of preparation to meet
it, wonderful !
" There is scarcely any fuel to be had, and that little
got by immense labour in digging up roots. Yet the
men go watch and watch about in the trenches, and
are completely beaten.
"Our Division (4th), on paper, consists of the i/th,
20th, 2 ist, 46th, 57th, 63rd, 68th, ist Battalion of Rifles,
and a battery of Artillery in all, 6700 men (we were
near 8000). Of these, we have 1881 men sick at Scutari,
1084 sick in camp ; and, deducting servants, batmen,
and nurses, we cannot get 2500 men under arms, and
we lose about twelve men by death, and fifty by
invaliding, every night.
" Dysentery rages. Our poor devils have nothing
but bad ammunition boots, too small to allow of more
than one pair of socks ; and, as they are almost always
wet and without fuel, the malady goes on increasing;
and I fully expect in ten days or a fortnight, if this
weather continues, to see the siege brought to a dead
standstill. Should this be the case, you will have
to thank no one but the heads here.
" The organisation of the French is beautiful, ours
a perfect disgrace; and I do therefore hope that,
PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS. 99
if we have another campaign, we may get rid of all
Peninsular heroes."
January 6th. Tried to get Sir John Campbell into
communication with the other Generals of the Division,
and to get him personally to see Lord Raglan about
the state of the Army than which nothing can be
more lamentable, and a great deal of it owing to want
of forethought and proper management. I fear every-
thing is useless ; we have not a man of common sense
and energy among us, now that poor Cathcart is gone.
January "jth. Walked with Earle to Headquarters,
and suggested to Wetherall the propriety of having
three or four thousand snow-boots made out of
blankets.
January %th. Walked and looked at "the Caves"
with Lord West, and went round the batteries at
ii a.m. Wrote to the Quartermaster-General upon
the subject of "the Caves," proposing felt lean-to
shelters, which would, I think, be much preferable to
placing the men in " the Caves," from which they
would be a long time in getting, in the event of an
attack.
Walked afterwards to Headquarters with Sir John
Campbell, who spoke to Gordon about an interpreter,
and spoke out well, but I fear we shall not get one.
I believe the Headquarter people are desperately afraid
of any of the Divisional Staff getting the least informa-
tion before themselves. God knows, the information
we get from them is little enough ; and I should
recommend them to see if they could not extract
a little more from the prisoners than they do.
GENERAL WINDffAM'S DIARY.
It is true that Lord Raglan says, in his despatch
to the Duke of Newcastle, after Inkerman, that, from
"the information he had received, an attack might be
expected " ; but surely, if this were so, one might have
expected a little more preparation on our part for its
reception.
January qth. Did not go to Headquarters, being
sick of doing so, as I never get what I ask for.
Received an order for eighty horses for the Division.
I wonder when we shall get them, and, when got,
whether we shall get any hay or corn to feed them
with. I much doubt it.
At this time the authorities are doing at Balaclava
what they ought to have done seven weeks ago. What
they should be doing now, supposing things had been
heretofore properly arranged, is to be forming some
system of transport, so that the Army would be able
to do something in the spring.
As it is, their whole time is taken up in planning
how to feed us to-morrow, and their thoughts are
occupied upon peace, or in dreaming how they can
escape from the results of their stupidity. What
a set ! What a set !
January loth. Sir John Campbell wrote to Airey,
supporting my suggestion of the felt shed.
Late in the afternoon found Lord Raglan in camp.
What a pity it is that so amiable a man should not
have the truth strongly put before him. I am convinced
that this is not done. Every little good he does is
magnified ; the great evils, that are not attempted to
be corrected, are softened down, and kept in the back-
ground.
CONCENTRATION OF OUR ARMY. 101
January \2th. Weather still severe, with frost and
snow. Everything in the Issuing Department going
on with the same slackness. At last got consent to
erect felt sheds for the men in the trenches.
January i^th. Walked over in a bitter snowstorm
to Chapman's tent about the erecting of the sheds.
Then returned and visited the hospital tents of the
46th. Found General Airey in camp enquiring into
last night's attack, in which we lost nine men wounded,
and thirteen missing.
Rode to the trenches at dusk to see about the felt ;
could scarcely find my way back, so thick was the fog,
snow, and " poudre."
Heard from Airey that the ist and 2nd Divisions
were to come and camp in rear of us. They are forced
at last into doing something to bring the means into
something like fair proportion to the task. Until this
moment it is perfectly ludicrous to see the way matters
have been managed. For my part, I never thought
Lord Raglan would command an Army well. I thought
it very probable that he might be caught in a trap ; I
was not the least surprised that we were surprised at
Inkerman ; but I fairly admit that I am surprised that
a man like him, so perfect a clerk, so continually calling
for details, should have allowed his Army to waste away
from want of method and arrangement.
I am afraid the fault must be with him.* How else
can it be? If one department were wrong, it might be
supposed that the individual at its head was to blame ;
but with this Army everything goes wrong.
* Notice, however, that Colonel Windham believed that Lord Raglan
was kept in the dark as to the state of the Army by his Staff, and see
entry in the Diary on June 24lh, 1855.
102 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
January \^th. Snow considerably deeper than we
have yet seen it, so deep that I fear that the men will
not be able to get any wood for cooking.
Went early to the Commissariat to see what the
issuers were doing. Found them not up ; but with
nothing to issue.
About mid-day Lord Raglan came, and went over
the hospitals of the 5/th and 2ist. He desired me
to report upon the sheepskin coats already issued ; to
get as many bat animals as I could, and, with them
and our private horses, to bring up to-morrow from
Headquarters a day's rations in advance ; and, finally,
to breakfast with him.
Since the article in the Times of the 23rd December,
we have seen more of the Headquarter people than we
ever saw before, although the weather has been very
bad. It has made them move about, and has, I think,
done good.
January \$th. Went to Headquarters this morning
with fifty ponies, and sent a day's provisions to camp.
Breakfasted with Lord Raglan. The remarks in the
English Press have decidedly had the effect of stirring
up these gentlemen, and making them open their eyes
and their ears.
Did not succeed in getting the felt down to the
trenches by the covering-party ; hope I shall to-morrow.
January i6th. A very cold day, with a heavy and
keen north wind. Two men of the 2Oth frozen to
death on returning from the trenches this morning.
One man of the 2ist, whom I got carried into my
kitchen, will lose his fingers from frost in spite of all
our care.
NO FUEL.
103
If this weather lasts, the Army will, in my opinion,
be ruined, as we have no transport to get up the clothes
that would save us, although it is all at Balaclava. Got
some of the felt forwarded to the trenches ; but it is
too cold to do much.
By this time, thanks to the special correspondents,
the public at home had become aware of the terrible
condition of the Army.
A storm of indignation burst upon the Government
at home, and upon the military authorities in the
Crimea.
It is clear, from Colonel Windham's Diary, on whom
he considered that the blame should fall.
The following letter to Mr. Hudson throws further
light on the gloomy scene :
"HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
"January i6th, 1855.
"... This Army is in great peril. The weather
intensely cold, the snow deep, the Commissariat in-
famous, the transport damnable, and no fuel. Not a
word that you see in the papers is exaggerated. . . .
" By energy and determination something might yet
be done, but when I tell you that we have this day only
n,ooo effective Infantry on the heights, and 3000 at
Balaclava, that our Artillery and Cavalry are done for,
you may easily conceive that such a number is small
for the effectives of an Army that amounts to 54,000 on
paper.
" I am looked upon here as a Cathcart man, and, as
I have hit some hard blows in conversation, I believe
(you may laugh, but it 's true) that I am more feared
than loved. Several suggestions I made relative to
104 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Balaclava eight weeks ago, were commenced upon
five days back ; and since the Times has written against
Headquarters, some have attributed the attack to me
(which is untrue), and I have been invited to breakfast,
and made much of. Seriously, since the articles in
the Times, I have observed much more activity at
Headquarters ; and they evidently see that sitting in
a warm room and writing orders, whilst the men are
dying by hundreds, don't suit the British public. I
need not tell you that, although a grumbler, I am not
disposed to attack people in the dark, . . . but the
sooner, now poor old Cathcart is gone, they hand the
Army over to Fred Markham, or some other man of
his standing, the better.
" Believe me, your Peninsular heroes are of no use
nowadays. They who really led the Army in Spain
are gone, and those who, as juveniles, served in it, have
not caught the mantle that fell from Wellington's
shoulders.
"If the weather we have now lasts three weeks, we
are gone, my dear Anthony, and, as an Army, ruined.
" I am very well and strong, but see clearly that the
climate, mismanagement, and overwork, will bring us to
destruction."
January \jth. Cold and snow the same as yesterday,
but the sun warm. Rode to Headquarters and saw
General Airey, who gave me another letter to Com-
missary-General Filder about the divisional transport
ponies. Went to Balaclava and presented it, when
Filder told me that he had no ponies, owing to the
ship they had given him for them having been filled
with sick. These latter could not be disembarked, and,
therefore, his horses could not be embarked.
THE HELPLESS ARMY. 105
Thus the Division will have to go without fuel, and
everything will have to be fetched by the men.
I hope to God I may never be attached to so helpless
an Army again ; once in a man's life is quite enough
to have to do with such a set of incapables. I have
not seen the papers yet, but understand the attacks
on Lord Raglan are most severe. It is now, however,
too late.
January \%th. Went down to the trenches, and was
glad to find one small shed erected. Got the Artillery
to bring nails up from Balaclava.
Rode to Balaclava and saw Mr. Filder again. No
use, although I took him a letter from the Quarter-
master-General. Went also for charcoal and got a
third of a load, or 1200 Ibs. ; no more landed. Again
time and labour thrown away.
January \tyh. Wrote to Sir John Campbell, report-
ing in strong terms the conduct of the Balaclava
authorities. I did not specify the Commissariat, for
had I, they would have said it was the fault of the
Navy, and vice versa.
January 2Qth. 63rd Regiment left us. Went to
Balaclava, and saw them settled.*
January 26tk. Went to Balaclava to superintend the
disembarkation of the drafts. Arrived late in camp,
having had to load my mare with the knapsacks of
the men, and to walk in my big boots. The drafts
consisted of detachments for the 2Oth, 46th, and Rifles
in all 100 men.
* They were practically annihilated, chiefly by disease and death.
W. H. R.
106 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
January 2jtk. Made arrangements about the bat
animals, and Mr. Balcombe was appointed transport
officer.
Saw Lord Raglan in camp this afternoon, and spoke
to him on the subject. The ammunition horses are to
be cleaned and kept with our bat animals.
January 2$th. At work again about the bat animals.
Went on board the Bucephalus, and had an interview
with Suckling regarding my horse-trough. It is to be
finished on Wednesday. (This was a trough for the
bat horses of the 4th Division.)
January $oth. Wrote a letter to Sir J. Campbell for
the perusal of the Quartermaster -General, but he
galloped off to Balaclava before I could catch him.
So I took it with me to Headquarters, and got
Wetherall to forward it to the Commissariat. Airey
seems to approve highly of the regulations I have
written out.
January ^ist. Ponies came up for the first time.
The night before last I sent to Headquarters a young
cadet of the Russian Artillery. They seem pleased
with his information and manners.
To-night we are warned by Lord Raglan to expect
an attack.
February 1st, 1855. There was more continual firing
of musketry and artillery between the French and
Russians last night than I remember since the siege
began. I have heard a much heavier cannonade, but
never so much pop shooting with small arms at the
same time. Called up by the corporal of the Battery
BOSQUET'S DIVISION. 107
Guard at half-past four, as he said the Russians
were advancing. Found a strong musketry fire
going on, with occasional French bugles. Weather
thick.
Waited until the sortie was repulsed. It must have
been a heavy one, lasting an hour, and, as the moon
was full, or nearly so, the loss must have been serious ;*
but the French keep these things very close.
Bosquet's Division paraded this morning, and marched
towards Inkerman and back. They evidently expected
an attack this morning, and I daresay we should have
had one had not the Russians lost all their Artillery
horses, which, from what my Artillery cadet says,
appears to be the case.
Went to Headquarters and saw Lord Raglan.
Heard there that the sortie against the French was
a heavy one, and disastrous to them as to loss of
men, but that the enemy had not injured their
works.
Went on to Balaclava. On the two last occasions
of going there I plainly saw that they were acting
on the letter I wrote General Airey weeks ago.
They might have employed me to carry out the plan
I laid down ; I could have improved upon it.
However, so long as the work is done, I care not
whom it is done by.
February 2.nd. Went to Headquarters on " Inker-
man," who, I am glad to say, is better ; and, when
well, one of the nicest horses I ever rode.
Received more parts of huts, and gave one to the
Rifles and one to the 46th.
* The French loss was 16 killed, 30 wounded, and 1 8 taken prisoners.
Letters from Headquarters.
io8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
The worst of the winter was now over, and the
following letter to Mrs. Windham gives a more
cheerful description of the state of affairs :
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
" February 2nd, 1855.
". . . . The Army is looking better, and is more
cheerful ; the weather has improved, and the Head-
quarters Staff are at last carrying out the suggestions
I made to the Quartermaster-General about ten weeks
ago ; so I hope by the warm weather, should peace be
declared, we may be able to get the Army down to
Balaclava. As to its moving ten leagues before
May, it is ridiculous to suppose it possible. No
preparations are ever made for what is to happen five
days in advance ; and, until dire experience teaches
them, they will never give up the system of favouritism
that rules supreme. If anyone at Headquarters had
an insight into human character, and a knowledge of
men, you would have seen very different appointments
from those that have been made. However, let us
hope that peace will be proclaimed, and then the
appointments won't matter a bit. It would be hard
on the majority of mankind if fools could not get
on, but it is certainly annoying that they should
so often have the power of life and death in their
hands.
" The Russians made a severe sortie against the
French yesterday morning, and inflicted a consider-
able loss on them, and took a good many prisoners.
The French were surprised. I had to listen to the
fight for hours, but it was too thick to see it ; but
I could hear the shooting and firing as it were under
my nose.
DISTRIBUTION OF " THE CRIMEAN FUND." 109
" We lost nobody, they not having fired at us.
" I hear good accounts of the nurses here.
" February 3rd. There is snow again this morning,
but it will not last. . . .
" C. A. W."
February $rd. Distributed the oranges presented by
the " Crimean Fund," and more bits of huts.
I am glad to hear that the transport hut at Balaclava
is nearly finished, and I hope that in a week the system
will have settled into regularity.
Rode to Headquarters, and saw the prisoner cadet.
He seems to be in favour, and is decidedly a Pole.
Ordered up the tea (of the " Crimean Fund "), of which
the men are fully inclined to avail themselves. Very
cold ; snow, wind, and frost.
February ^th (Sunday). More huts came up, and
the " Crimean Fund " tea arrived, and was instantly
distributed. No church-parade, owing to the snow
and cold.
More assertions that the Russians would attack us
again, but I hardly believe it. The town is, however,
well garrisoned, and immensely strengthened in bat-
teries.
February 6th. Blake, who had come to the Crimea
to superintend the distribution of the " Crimean Fund,"
rode to camp on my grey pony. Took him round
the trenches, and saw with disgust that the ignorance
of the Engineers, and the carelessness of regimental
officers, have rendered my felt sheds of little or no
use.
The unthriftiness of this Army is something won-
derful.
GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY.
February %th. Rode to Headquarters, and found the
Quartermaster-General's Staff absent.
This is another instance of the annoyance of the
centralizing system ; in other words, of the habit they
have in this Army of making everyone go to Head-
quarters for everything, instead of leaving each Division
to its own A.Q.-M.G. Why should this be ?
As to checking accounts and issues, it could easily
be arranged once a week, and endless trouble and
delay spared to all concerned.
But I must control myself even in this journal
although it is unquestionably disgusting to be put
under such a system, and to see men rewarded, as
those at Headquarters have been, for casting ruin and
havoc to the right and left through their ignorance,
or rather want of forethought and business habits.
Had they made up for it by any marvellous
superiority in fighting, it might have been borne ;
but this they have not done, though I am far from
accusing any of them wanting that commonest of all
qualities a sufficiency of pluck to pass muster.
High and devoted courage is rare and noble, but
common pluck is common pluck and nothing else.
February i6th. I have not written in this book
for a week, because things have gone on with so
much sameness, that I did not care to do so. I have
got up four or five more wooden houses.
Saw Lord Raglan in camp yesterday.
Rode to Kamiesh to-day with Sir John Campbell,
and on my return found Codrington and Newton.
We were soon after joined by Steele and Leicester
Curzon. Gave them some of Payne's cura^oa. Steele
gave us a most gratifying account of the disastrous
THE "GREAT ERROR." m
state of the Russians at Bakshi Serai and Sim-
pheropol.
February \^th (Sunday}. Blew hard and cold
almost all day.
No church-parade on account of the parson being
sick.
Heard this morning that the Russians had really
attacked Omar Pasha at Eupatoria, and had been
fairly repulsed.
Also heard that our tactics were to be completely
changed. That Niel (the French Engineer) and
General Jones are both against an assault, and in
favour of an attack on the north side, and a regular
investment. I do not pretend to know if this be
true or not. Should it be so, it will be singular that
we should have been trying for six months to starve
ourselves, and should only now prepare to starve the
Russians.
Read some of the debates in the Commons and
Lords. All too violent against the late Ministers, and
if a Committee be appointed, they will, in their
present state of feeling, probably commit some
absurdity. After all, the great error has been the
management of the transport, both as to horses and
roads, to Balaclava ; and if they try to prove more than
this they will fail, except, perhaps, in the matter of
"overwork." There the Headquarters are equally
blamable, and showed great ignorance of ways and
means.
February iqth. Rode to Balaclava. I am glad to
say that that beastly place is at last being got into
some shape ; and I am proud to say that everything
GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
(except the boat canal) which I suggested in the be-
ginning of December last is being executed, almost
to the letter.
The railway is progressing fast, and will soon come
into operation. I heard to-day that the Russian loss
at Eupatoria had been heavy.
Got up the boarding of the last two huts, and I shall
now go on a planking and charcoal expedition with the
ponies.
February 2Qth. This morning, at two o'clock, Sir
John Campbell came and woke us up, and showed us
a memo, desiring that the troops be kept to their
camps during the day, and the officers in command
at the trenches warned that it was probable that we
should be attacked, as the French and English, under
Bosquet and Colin Campbell, were going out in force
to the right, and the enemy might think it a good
opportunity to try a rush at our batteries.
The morning proved perfectly fearful as to weather ;
very cold, much snow, and a regular " poudre," with fog
and a gale of wind.
The weather did not clear up till dark, and no attack
was made.
February 2ist. Heard that Sir Colin Campbell had
been out with his Brigade from Balaclava yesterday
morning, and had hit upon the Russians ; and, had
the French not been deterred by the state of the
weather, the Russians to the number of about 1500*
would probably have been picked up, as they were
unquestionably surprised.
* The strength of the Russian force was 7000. The combined English
and French force amounted to 15,000, it being hoped that the Russians
would be surrounded, and would surrender without fighting.
THE DANGER OF GREAT NIGHT-ATTACKS. 113
February 22nd. Wrote to Gordon about some boilers
for hot water, that the Division might have a chance
of washing themselves. As yet have no positive answer
that the blankets may be washed, although I have men-
tioned the subject four times at Headquarters. There
appears to be a perfect paralysis when any plain little
common-sense thing is proposed.
February 2yd. At about 2 a.m. the French assaulted
the Russian battery to the right of the Round Tower
and failed, losing 240 men and officers.
It was a severe skirmish, and affords another proof
of the folly of night attacks, except with a very small
force, easily manageable, and well acquainted with one
another.
February 2^th. Spoke to the Quartermaster-General
about the boilers. He was friendly in his answer, but
finding none come, I resolved to send and buy them
out of my own pocket.
February 2^th. The washing of the blankets awaits
the orders of the Ordnance Department, no one being
willing to sanction the outlay of is. per blanket for
washing, although no hesitation is shown in condemning
and burying them by the score after the decision of a
Board.
Can anything beat this in the way of childishness ?
March Jth, 1855. Everything has gone on as usual
during the last few days. Last night the news arrived
by telegraph of the Emperor of Russia's death.
If true, the world will be the gainer for the time, but
a loser in the long run ; for I am convinced it would be
I
ii4 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
for the benefit of mankind that constitutional opinions
should get the upper hand throughout Europe.
March 1 2th. A good deal of firing ; and the Russians
will soon complete, in addition to their two new bat-
teries to the east of Careening Bay, a strong redoubt
upon the hill to our right of the Round Tower, called
the Mamelon. I, of course, shall be called a mere
grumbler by any who may read this journal hereafter;
but I must say the conduct of the French and English
Engineers excites my astonishment in the highest
degree. What the devil they can be about I do not
know. It appears to me that they make it an axiom
that it is easier to take a work from the enemy, after
it is complete, than it is to take the position. This
appears to be a lively satire on the science of military
engineering.
We are now told that everyone knew that the
Mamelon was a desirable place for us to get, but that
we could not hold it, as we should be shelled out by
the shipping. Now all the talk is that it must be
taken.
It appears to me that, as the hill is within range, we
could have stopped the Russians from fortifying it as
well as they could stop us.
But no matter. This is an age of peace, and not of
war, and perhaps so much the better.
March i^th. During the day I watched two guns of
Gordon's battery firing at the Mamelon work, and the
Russian return fire. Our practice was, I thought, very
good ; the Russians seem to have fallen off. Probably
they have lost their best artillerymen.
Had another working-party, all of the 5/th, and very
LORD RAGLAN'S FEARS. 115
well they worked, finishing filling in all the tent-holes
of the 63rd.
March I'jth. About 9 p.m. we were turned out
under arms, and were marched to the quarry. It all
ended in a French attack.
March \%th. Lord Raglan called at the camp at
about 6 p.m. He seemed nervous as to the Russians
attacking us. A young officer of the S/th, Lieutenant
Mitchell, was, I fear, mortally wounded through the
chest this day, in the WoronzofF road.
March 2Oth. Delivered the ponies to Captain Dick,
of the Land Transport Corps, and had from him a
sketch of the intended plan. It will be very expensive,
and not a bit more effective than the present one.
What we wanted was the horses ; as soon as we got
them we managed our transport well, and everyone
was contented.
March 2$rd. Last night the Russians made one of
the severest sorties they have yet made, but, owing to
the wind, we heard but little, though we could see all.
The Russians attacked our Left and Right Attacks, and,
still more severely, the French Right Attack. In the
advanced battery at the Green-hill (Lord West, Field
Officer of the trenches), the enemy succeeded in
getting in, killing five men and wounding ten. They
were driven out before they did any harm, and left two
officers and seven men dead in the trenches, and, it is
hoped, some outside; but we do not know, as we
cannot look up for fear of the rifle-pits. At Gordon's
advanced battery seven Russians were found dead.
n6 GENERAL WINDHAATS DIARY.
The English lost three officers Vicars, 97th ;
Cavendish Brown, 7th Fusiliers ; and Jordan, 34th
killed.
Lieut-Colonel Kelly, 34th, missing, as is Montague
of the Engineers. Major Gordon, R.E.; McHenry, 7th;
Godfrey, 34th wounded. One corporal and fifteen
men are missing, and nine are known to be killed.
A very handsome and handsomely dressed Greek,
who led the Russians, was killed. They pretended,
as usual, to be French, and fought stoutly.
I went all over both attacks this morning, and
counted in front of the rifle-pits, and round one
in particular, twenty-eight French and forty-nine
Russians ; inside the French lines, seven French and
seven Russians. One Zouave was far in advance
up the Mamelon. The French, I hear, lost 400 men;
some say 600.*
Rode to Headquarters, and G , as usual, refused
my requisition, which on this occasion was for planking
for the Division.
March 2$th. Went down during the armistice to
see the dead buried in front of the advanced battery,
and carefully looked at the ground.
I am convinced that from this side we shall not
take the place ; at any rate, if we do, it must be
from a French attack, on the extreme left, supported
by the Fleet.
So much for my observation. I have only one
thing to add, and that is, that no ground can be
more easy to defend than that near our advanced
battery.
* Kinglake gives the French loss as 600 killed and wounded ; English
loss, 70 ; Russian loss, 1300.
THE SIEGE CONTINUES, 117
Dined with General Barnard, and met Henry Keppel,
who still thinks he could take the St. Jean d'Acre
into the port, and I firmly believe he could and would
do it.
I decidedly agree with him that the Fleet should be
constantly under weigh, teasing the enemy, and com-
pelling him to man his sea batteries.
But I will not go on growling.
For my part, I think everything on the part of
the allies so slackly performed that I am perfectly
disgusted.
March $ist. The siege goes on as usual. More
work is required. Very few improvements are made,
except such as are produced by the weather
Spoke to Lord Raglan in camp. He appears to be
very cheerful, and quite happy about something or
other. Whatever errors of judgment he may commit,
he may certainly safely be copied by young and old as
to manner : no indifferent point, after all.
Hamilton went to Balaclava, and back by Head-
quarters, where G again cut down the requisition
(for planking) by one-half, without any apparent
reason.
April ist. Church-parade was ordered at noon, but,
owing to the cold, Sir John Campbell sent to the
clergyman and told him not to come. I think he was
right ; but certainly it is a long time since we have
seen a parson.
April yh. Had a talk with Calvert, the interpreter,
who seems to have very considerable military talent.
Calvert assured me that every one of the deserters
n8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
stated that for two days and a half after Alma the
Russians positively did nothing did not even take a
spade in their hands.
I look upon the non-pursuit of the Russians after
Alma as having cost the country 20,000 men, and
twenty millions.*
There is no entry in the Diary of the following day,
but some plain speaking in a letter to Mr. Anthony
Hudson :
"HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
" April 6th, 1855, 10 /.;;/.
"Mv DEAR ANTHONY,
"Marianne enclosed me last post a letter from
Charlotte, in which I see you have done me another
most kind and friendly turn. Many, many thanks !
Everything goes on here as usual, except the weather,
which is now perfectly beautiful, and I only hope it
may so continue until we leave this place, which I do
sincerely hope may be soon. I am not a desponding
man, or a coward, but believe me that England must
not make a point of selecting all the d dest fools
she can find for civil, military, and naval commands,
both at home and abroad, if she wants to succeed in a
war against Russia. I have been hammering for weeks
at the transport for this Army when I say weeks, I
mean months and yet here we are, at the opening of a
campaign, unable to move five miles. By God ! it is
too bad. The Crimea would be far easier to take than
Sebastopol 40,000 men at Theodosia (cutting off their
supplies by Arabat from the Don), and they would
soon be done ; but here we go, on the contrary, tugging
* There is no exaggeration in the estimate. W. H. R.
TO-MORROW! 119
up shot and shell to fire at this place, which the French
won't assault, and we can't.
" Oh, my dear Anthony, would to heaven that it had
pleased Providence to have put me at the head of this
Army at Eupatoria on the I5th of September ; you may
depend you would have seen my round face swinging
or sticking over many a pot-house down in Norwich ;
but now it is too late ; we have nothing else for it but
to make peace if we can, and take the chance of getting
up a central rising in Europe should Russia break out
hereafter. I am told here that I am looked upon as a
very good officer, which, I suppose, is the reason they
do nothing for me at home.
" Love to Charlotte and the girls. I hope Harriet is
better.
" Ever, my dear Anthony,
" Yours affectionately (as I ought to be),
" C. A. W.
"We are told every day that we shall open our
batteries if we do, it is all nonsense. They can do
nothing it will only end in a bombardment, an
investment, a retreat, or a peace. Take your choice !"
April Jilt. I have received this night an order to
prepare for an attack to-morrow, and everything is
ordered to be in readiness. For aught I know, it may
please God to prevent my seeing either wife or children
again in this world ; and, therefore, I am writing with
serious feelings, and with no levity. Yet I wish to
record my feelings ; and I do say that the imbecility
of the conduct of the Allies, arising from I know not
what beyond pure stupidity, surpasses human com-
prehension.
120 GENERAL WlNDHAM'S DIARY.
But no matter : it is clear to me that God puts
whom He will at the head of affairs, and arranges all
things as He likes.
I hope it may please Him to carry me safely through
the battle to-morrow, if there is one, and let me see
Pern, and little W , and the other two, once more.
Should He think proper to order it otherwise His
will be done. I leave my love to all my family, and
to dear old Anthony, my best and truest friend.
April $th (Easter Sunday}. Divine Service at eleven.
Dined with Sir John Campbell ; and after we had
returned home, an order came from the A.-G., con-
firming the afternoon's rumour, that the batteries are
to open at daybreak to-morrow. The guards of the
trenches to be removed to the ravines in flank.
THE SECOND BOMBARDMENT.
April <)th. Got up before daylight, and found it
raining, and a thick fog besides.
At sunrise we began, except Gordon's battery,
which fired but little. The French fire is wonder-
fully heavy, and up to this (6.15 a.m.) the fire from
the town is unquestionably less than in the October
opening.
8.45 a.m. Up to this the firing seems greatly in
our favour. I had no idea of the Russians replying
so mildly. The truth is, I am fairly puzzled.
ii p.m. From all I can hear, our loss has been
slight. We are now shelling the town like the devil.
April io//z. The firing continued all night with
shells, and this m6rning the batteries began again.
The Russians, as yesterday, scarcely making any
CAPTAIN OLDERSHAWS BATTERY. 121
reply, except from the Bastion du Mat, which was
reported yesterday, at noon, absolutely " extinct."
This morning, accordingly, it has fired with greater
vigour than ever.
Had a long talk before noon with General Penne-
father, who, I think, views the case soundly. His
description of the " moral " of the French is certainly
not encouraging, and he thinks, and with reason, that
the British would be neither wise nor successful in
making an assault.
April 1 1 th. We have kept up a steady fire all day ;
but I expect this bombardment will prove a failure, as
did the October one.
Had a long talk with Steele. We never agree. He
holds my opinions cheap (they may be right, never-
theless) ; I hold his cheaper, because they have been
wrong.
A young Artillery officer has, I hear, had both legs
amputated from a wound received to-day. Poor
fellow ! I hope that, for his own sake, he will die.
April \^th. The advance battery, on the left of
Green - hill, opened fire with four guns this day,
Captain Oldershaw, R.A., commanding. He was
quickly overpowered, and nearly all his men dis-
abled ; but I understand that Captain Oldershaw is
quite contented with the parapet, and, as he is
promised fourteen guns to-morrow, has volunteered
to take the command again.
The enemy concentrated twenty 68-pounders on
him. I hear he had about 40 killed and wounded
out of his party.*
* The survivors of Captain Oldershaw's party volunteered to a man to
serve in the same battery under him on the following day.
122 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
April \^th. Yesterday the bombardment continued,
but not so heavily as before.
At 4 p.m. to-day I heard that the French were to
attack the Bastion du Mat at eight o'clock. They
did so, and the firing has just ceased. I hope they
have effected a lodgment, and that our week's
work of shooting shot and shell will not be thrown
away.
A letter to Mr. Hudson gives a somewhat fuller
account of the French attack, together with some
general comments on the events of the war :
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
" Sunday, April i$th, 1855.
" MY DEAR ANTHONY,
"After church, this day, I was informed that
something serious was intended, and thought it very
probable that the English would be called on to
assault some portion of the works. About 4 p.m. I
was, however, informed that the French intended to
spring a couple of mines, and then attack the
Bastion du Mat after dark. This they have just
done, and a short, sharp, angry fight they have had ;
but, at present, I don't know whether they have
succeeded or not. It is now about half-past ten p.m.,
and the morning will show. If they have failed, I
look upon this business as hopeless, unless some
providential accident or other helps us through.
How true it is that ' War ' is usually a series of
mistakes. The conduct of the Allies, since we have
arrived in this country, has been one continued piece
of blundering stupidity; and our opening our batteries
on Monday last was, in my opinion, quite unnecessary.
GENERAL LIPRANDPS ADVICE. 123
We have now fired upon the place for seven days,
have lost many hundreds of men, and, unless we
follow it up with bloody assaults at different places,
we shall never take it ; and, should we lose a large
amount of men in doing so (which is more than
probable), we shall have thrown away more life and
more money, for a useless object, than was ever
done before. For, mind you, with the southern part
of this place in hand, you will be no nearer a peace
than you are now ; for, until you take the northern
side (and perhaps not even then), Russia will never
consent to the non-reconstruction of the fortifications
here ; and as they will have, in the course of a day
or two, 100,000 men effective within twenty miles of
us, it will not be so easy to take the northern side.
N'importe, if the French have taken the Bastion du
Mat to-night, and can hold it, a great point is gained
quo ad the capture of the place. To revert to the
question of the mistakes made in war. I believe if
General Liprandi's advice had been followed in
October last, we should have been done. Take your
map (or, if you should have none, I will enclose you
a rough sketch). His wish was to make an attack, with
10,000 men, at Inkerman ; to have thrown the same
number right at Balaclava ; and then, with 45,000 men,
to have marched straight up the Col de Balaclava,
and turned our whole position, a sortie being made
against the French Left, the same as it was on the 5th
of November. Had he succeeded, we should have
been hopelessly lost ; and had he failed, they would
equally have been done ; but the chances were in his
favour, particularly if they had never made the attack
at Balaclava on the 25th of October, inasmuch as
we never dreamt of their having such audacity, and
124 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
were only dreaming of entering the town. I shall
now close for to-night, and resume, as the parsons
say, the thread of my discourse to-morrow.
, 10 p.m.
" Last night was most noisy, unceasing firing,
springing fougasses, &c. ; but I have discovered at
Headquarters that, though the French had entered,
and remained in, the Bastion du Mat all night,
they thought proper to withdraw in the morning.
I of course expected a renewal of the attack
to-night, but up to this minute there has been none,
and this night is as quiet as last night was noisy.
Our chiefs seem to do nothing but hold consulta-
tions, and I do not put the slightest faith in any
of them but Omar Pasha.
" I believe the Russians will have 100,000 effective
men at Batchi Serai in a day or two, and that, with-
out immense risk, loss, and luck, we shall never take
the place. I only sincerely hope that I may receive,
by the mail to-morrow, news of peace from Vienna,
and that I may get safely home. I do not expect
ever to get anything for what I have gone through.
I don't eat humble pie enough, or listen with sufficient
humility to some titled or official fool, to get on ; but
if I only get back again, and should ever be once more
employed, I must have the devil's luck, and my own
too, if I do not get a better lot over my head than I
have now.
" To revert to Liprandi. It was his intention, after
rising the Col de Balaclava, to have marched straight
upon Sebastopol, and have crushed the left wing of
the French. It would have been an awful hubbub
had he tried it ; and had he been worsted he could
LIPRANDPS MARCH.
125
still have got into Sebastopol. Had he done this on
a foggy day, like the 5th of November, he would
have succeeded.
" I send you on the other side a small sketch.
" Love to Charlotte and the girls.
" Yours ever affectionately,
" C. A. W."
The dotted line shows Liprandi's intended march and attack on
Balaclava and the Allies.
126 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
April \6th. Rode to Headquarters, and found that
the French had not accomplished what they had
announced that they intended doing, but it appears
that they occupied the Flagstaff Battery all night.
I dined with David Wood, and, before dinner, had
a long talk with General Pennefather. Touched on
Cathcart, and the proceedings of the 4th Division at
the battle of Inkerman.
I find he knows as much of our proceedings as I
do of his, which is exactly what I thought; but he
is the hero of the battle.
What with unintentional and intentional misrepre-
sentations, not once in a thousand times do you
come at the truth.
To give an idea of what General Pennefather's
notion was of the 4th Division, I will just mention
that when I told him the Division did not go to the
right, although Cathcart did, and that the whole of
the men who went down the hill numbered about
380, he said :
"Well, that's pretty well out of 700."
" Why," I said, " Sir, we lost 747 killed and wounded
(in the Division), and 51 officers, 29 of whom were
killed."
He looked astonished.
April \^th. I understand that yesterday Lord
Raglan proposed to storm, and said he was ready.
This pleases many, but does not please me, nor did
it the French.
If we stormed we should be beaten.
What we shall do now, I know not. Our transport
is not ready, and, in fact, the Army is no army, and
is incapable of moving twenty miles. The French
THE LOSS OF EGERTON. 127
are just as badly off as ourselves. In fact, we have
not a man amongst us.
April 19^/2. At night the Light Division attacked
the rifle-pits by the Woronzoff road.
April 2Oth. The attack last night succeeded, but
we lost 68 killed and wounded; among the former,
Colonel Egerton of the 77th, a fine fellow.
April 2$th. Heard that yesterday's unceasing fire by
the French on the left arose from their determination to
prevent the Russians from occupying the vacant rifle-
pits at the head of their advanced sap. Notwithstand-
ing their labours, the Russians occupied the pits, and
were in full possession this morning.
If true, this looks as if the French were no match for
them at this sort of close work, and I really begin to
think that they are not. The Army appears to be dull,
and in expectation of nothing. I do not like the idea
of assaulting under present circumstances.
April 26th. In the afternoon rode to the right, and
saw a review of Bosquet's Corps and the French
Cavalry. The men under arms amounted to 33,000,
and looked very well. Canrobert did not.
What a pity it is that we should have no real leader
in either Army. The French are, I think, worse off
than we are. They have as much prejudice, and more
conceit.
April 2%th. Met Morris, of the Artillery, who is
attached as A.D.C. to Bosquet. He told me that
Canrobert's letters to France are full of complaints as
to the English, and the hindrance we have been to him.
128 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
He also said that the French were much disappointed
in Canrobert as a general.
The French force he states at 55,000 effectives :
very small this, and, if correct, shows they must have
suffered immense losses.
April 2Qth. The French on the left are keeping up
an incessant fire (11 p.m.). The perseverance they
show in fighting in the trenches is really wonderful,
and I must admit I think them quite right in re-
fusing to assault.
There are no entries in the Diary on the two following
days, but a letter to Mr. Hudson shows the intense
indignation excited in the Army by the partial dis-
tribution of rewards, and by the meanness with
which the soldier of that day was treated by the
authorities :
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
" April $Qth, 1855, 10 p.m.
" MY DEAR ANTHONY,
"The mail from England arrived this morning,
but as usual they do not choose to forward the letters
to camp, and I therefore shall not be able to answer
by return of post, as the mail leaves here to-morrow
morning. These delays occur constantly, and are
most irritating. I suppose England is not particularly
pleased at the failure of the last bombardment, or
rather artillery attack ; for my part, I never doubted
its failing, and am therefore neither surprised nor
annoyed. It is true that I cannot for the life of me
understand why we opened fire at all, but I suppose
they had their reasons.
THE REWARDS OF WAR. 129
" I feel convinced we shall now wait until some large
reinforcements arrive, and with these, and time and
blood and money, we may take a place that common
dash would have carried, after Alma, with no loss at
all. I suppose I shall never get promoted when I see
Torrens, who commanded six companies, and was
wounded in six minutes, made a Major-General ;
when I see Sir John Campbell and General Eyre
(the latter a junior Lieutenant- Colonel to me) both
made Major-Generals, although they have neither been
really under fire with their brigades since they have
been here, I must say I think it hard that I, who took
Torrens' place and kept it for seven hours (having
many more men under me), should be passed over with
no kind of notice. The direct act of injustice about
the ride to the Katcha I forgive ; but this last case,
with both the brigades of my Division vacant, to give
neither to either Horn or myself, is too bad.
" It is perfectly true that Colonel G , who landed
three days after the battle, was my senior, and that I
have had no junior put over me ; but God bless me,
were we not told that merit was to be the order of the
day? If not, upon what principle are Lord R. and all
the other generals promoted over the heads of their
seniors ? Had the old system been adhered to I would
have said nothing ; but I must say that I did expect,
having been at every fight, I should have had some
consideration shown me ; but really and truly the
British Government is not a Government to serve
under. Most of the best men in this Army yea,
Egerton (killed the other day), and many others have
got nothing, and I firmly believe never will have.
"If we are to be rewarded, it is a d d shame not
to do so at once. Is it the fault of the Army that
K
130 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Sebastopol is not taken ? Have the heads not
blundered, and hesitated, and pottered away thousands
of poor devils who would a million of times sooner
have died in the breach ? Why then reward the heads,
who have done all the mischief, and decline giving
anything to the men, who have done all the work ?
The Emperor of Russia allows the defenders of
Sebastopol to count one month's service in the town
during the siege for six months, whereas that old
petrified dandy, Lord Palmerston, won't even allow
the winter campaign, that has absolutely killed one
man out of three, to count for aught extra this is
purely brutal. To-day is cold ; the weather is, how-
ever, soon going to be hot, and, I am sorry to say,
fever is on the increase, and we have a few cases of
cholera. I expect we shall await our transport until
the heat knocks down the Army ; and not until
England rises in a towering passion do I see any
chance of getting rid of the horrid imbeciles that
beset us on all hands. As to the French, they are
worse off for Generals than we are ; they have as
much prejudice, and a great deal more conceit ; and I
believe their Army here to be thoroughly disgusted
with their Generals and Engineers, and well they may
be. This is a growling letter ; but I am angry at the
letters not having arrived, and at everything going
wrong. Love to Charlotte and the girls.
" Ever, my dear Anthony,
" Yours affectionately,
" C. A. W."
May 2nd, 1855. Observed about mid-day, with Sir
John Campbell's glass a new and powerful one
GENERAL BELLA MARMORA. 131
that a large body of Russians were entering the
town. At about 3 p.m. the Russians made a sortie
upon the French Left Attack. The fight lasted an
hour, and the firing very heavy.
Heard to-day that a force of ten thousand French
and English troops were to go to Kertch. At last
they appear to open their eyes to what is wanted.
May &th. Having finished my old book, I have
neglected to write my Diary for a week.
On Sunday last I heard at Headquarters that the
expedition to Kertch had been recalled by General
Canrobert, from orders received from Paris. Here
the "worry" has been going on as usual. In fact,
this campaign is enough to drive anyone mad
nothing but waste, stupidity, orders, and counter-
orders.
May tyh. Rode to Headquarters, and presented
Airey with a calculation of transport animals
necessary to move an Army of 24,000 Infantry, 3000
Cavalry, and 3000 Artillery, with fourteen days'
provision and ammunition complete.
General della Marmora arrived at Headquarters
while I was there quite a young, active man.
I was yesterday shown a letter from General Yorke
to Lord Raglan, informing him that Lord Hardinge
did not think it proper to recommend me for an
advance of rank. This advance would have given
me 200 per annum, and seeing that I have served
Her Majesty twenty-nine years, and have never yet
received one shilling that I have not paid for, I did
think I might have had a chance. As it is, my
insurances swallow up my pay, and as those who
132 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
have not been here during the winter are to be given
the good things, I must content myself with the
reflection that if I have done but little, I have, at any
rate, received nothing.
The expedition to Kertch, which sailed a week
ago, arrived safely at its destination, and was about
to disembark, when it was recalled by General
Canrobert.
This little pleasing episode cost us 50,000 in
coals, and has not a little disgusted those sent
upon it.
I have heard various reasons given for its recall,
but do not pretend to know the real one. Should
it occasion the Russians to strengthen themselves
there and at Kaffa, we must hark back, and go over
the old ground.
May IO//Z. This morning at one o'clock, it
being very dark, a sortie was made by the Russians
on Gordon's Advanced Parallel ; it was quickly
repulsed, with much cheering, and small loss. I soon
saw, from the quantity of shells thrown by the enemy,
that they had not succeeded.
(From a letter to Mr. Hudson, of same date?)
" Whether my eyes have been blinded by looking
at Sebastopol every day, and all day (to say nothing
of the nights), is a matter for your judgment ; but,
supposing they are not, I am free to confess that I
do not see how we are to take this side of the town
without immense loss of life, time, and money ; and
when we have taken it, I cannot see what use it will
be to us, as we cannot use the harbour until we have
conquered the north side as well.
CALCULA TIONS. 133
"To do this, an Army (either this or some other)
must move, and I therefore have said, and do say,
that to attack this south side by assault, to lose
thousands of men in doing so, and to risk a defeat,
is pure insanity. If unsuccessful, all the ' prestige '
now in our favour will be gone, and many of our
men with it ; if successful, we shall have to draw
off, and attack the Army on the outside, either by
crossing the Tchernaya, embarking at Balaclava for
Aloushta, or some place to the eastward or by
going by sea to Eupatoria.
" I am aware that some men think that the north
side could be easily and rapidly attacked from the
south side ; but I believe they are thoroughly in
the wrong.
"The Allies, as I have oft repeated for months,
ought to have been ready to move, if wanted, on
the ist of May they are not : it is of no importance
to my argument to know who is to blame for this
flagrant error.
" I made a calculation some days ago, for the
Quartermaster- General, as to the number of baggage
animals it would take to move an Army of 24,000
Infantry, 3000 Cavalry, and 3000 Artillery, with 14
days' provisions, forage, and reserve ammunition ;
together with all its camp equipage, and forage, for
its bat animals.
"I found that it would require 15,000 mules, or
horses, and 5000 transport men, the meat being
driven with the troops, and killed as required.
" 3500 two-wheeled carts, and 8000 animals, would
do better.
"If 30,000 British troops could be moved with this
amount of transport, I do not see why others could
134 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
not do as much ; and as every man can, as we did,
carry, at any rate, two days' provisions on his back,
I think twice the amount of transport I have
mentioned might move an army of nearly 100,000
men for ten days.
" Owing to the withdrawal of the expedition to
Kertch, and its appearance in that quarter having
awakened the enemy, I should be inclined now, all
things considered, to try Eupatoria.
" The greatest mistake the enemy has made since
we landed in this country was the not attacking and
taking Eupatoria, before advancing against us at
Balaclava and Inkerman last year.
" Liprandi's plan of attack, if carried out against
us at Inkerman, would, I think, have succeeded ;
but no matter, they made a fatal mistake when
they allowed us to get a firm hold of Eupatoria,
and by it will probably, if the war lasts, lose the
Crimea.
" My plan is to give up the trenches (if compelled
to do so by events), and strengthen ourselves in every
possible way upon the heights ; then to assemble
every possible means of transport at Eupatoria, to
collect there all the Cavalry, and every man we can
spare, and make a bold advance straight on
Simpheropol, and bring the campaign to an issue
by one or two great fights.
" I am told that the French have now more than
40,000 men at Constantinople, and nearly as many
more coming.
"We must now have nearly 100,000 men upon
these heights, and when we get the whole of the
Sardinians (4000 have arrived), we surely can hold
this place, and Eupatoria also, safely, in conjunction
CHOLERA AGAIN. 133
with the Turks, and yet advance against the Russians
at Simpheropol with 100,000 men.
" If we do this we shall win, but we must not
potter away our time here and pertinaciously, like
an old Leicester tup, keep butting against the post
when the gate is wide open before us.
"If we persist in attacking the Russian Army
through Sebastopol (for that is what we are doing),
we shall merely play their game, and waste everything
that is most valuable, and probably shall not get away
from this cursed place before the winter.
" We have had a few cases of cholera, but I hope
the heat won't begin in earnest before the latter end
of June, and until then we shall, I hope, do well
enough.
" You cannot think how disgusted I have been with
things here ; and when I read Lord Palmerston's
speech, declining to allow this winter campaign to
count for anything extra in the way of service, I felt
more disgusted than at anything I ever knew in my
life.
" Had he consented it would have cost the country
next to nothing, for how many will ever live to benefit
by it?
"It was a harsh and cruel decision, and when I look
back at the ungrumbling manner in which the private
soldier laid down his health and life during the last
horrid winter, I feel certain that none but a pampered
statesman would ever have made such a speech.
" Yours ever, though wet and tired,
" C. A. W."
136 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
May \2tk. Just after I had coiled myself up in
my blankets, a sapper came and stated there had
been a heavy attack on the Green-hill Advance, and
asked for an ambulance waggon.
I turned out and got on my horse (1.30 a.m.),
went to Major Grant, and ordered one.
I then returned and went to the trenches, and found
there were thirty-six killed and wounded on our side,
and about twelve Russians killed in the trenches.
Macbeath was much pleased with the conduct of the
men. Shocking wet night, and some of the men
severely wounded. Captain Edwards, of the 68th,
killed.
May \$th (Sunday}. Sent for early by the Quarter-
master-General, and fancied I should, on seeing him,
hear something of importance; but it all ended in his
sending me to Balaclava to enquire into fuel and ration
questions, thus giving me a long ride for absolutely
nothing for how is it possible that I should con-
tradict the reports of two gentlemen at the head of
their departments?
Alas ! it is really painful to see a really good-
tempered man like Airey placed in such a position.
He would have made a very good brigadier, but is
utterly unfit for his present place.
May i^th. Went this day with Sir John Campbell,
and was examined by Sir John McNeil and Colonel
Tulloch.
I answered very few questions, for the plain reason
that I did not know they were examining us both
together.
I could see that the examination took a line that
CANROBERT. 137
must damage Airey very much ; indeed, it is difficult
to see how it could do otherwise, or how he can get
over the fearful delay in issuing the things sent from
England, occasioned by his plan of making everything
pass through Headquarters, and not allowing the
Divisional Staff to have anything to do with the
subject, beyond the passing on of requisitions.
May \tyth. Heard to-day that Canrobert was
certainly displaced, and the command of the French
given to Pelissier.*
Sent down eight carts for the Rifles' huts, with
written authority for their issue, and found there
were none left. How annoying are these arrange-
ments.
May 22nd. Expedition sailed to Kertch.
About twelve midnight a most heavy fire began
on the left between the French and Russians, and
lasted till near daylight. The loss, I should think,
must be severe, and I only hope the French have
succeeded in doing what they wanted.
Matters are unquestionably pressed on more
vigorously than by Canrobert.
May 2-$rd. Heard this morning that the French
loss last night amounted to 1200. This, I trust, is
exaggerated.
May 2^th Went to the Cavalry review, near
Monastir. When talking to Mrs. Duberly, Omar
Pasha came up and spoke to her. He is a soldier-
* General Canrobert behaved in a very soldierlike and manly way
under most difficult circumstances, and earned the generously-expressed
admiration of Lord Raglan.
138 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
like looking man, and his appearance by far more
military and gentlemanlike than that of the French
generals. Pelissier seems, however, to have stirred up
the French. Their loss the night before last was
between iioo and 1200 men, but last night the
Russians bolted, and the French completed what
they wanted to do, and are now very cock-a-hoop.
There is much talk of the Mamelon being assaulted
to-night.
What I believe is certain is, that a large force will
go to-morrow into the valley of the Tchernaya, and
stay there.
It is now late, and the shelling is very heavy. What
is singular is that the Russians have sent seven
steamers to anchor off the Mamelon, which proves
their information to be pretty good. The ships, how-
ever, seem to have done harm the night before last,
having killed a large number of their own men. Their
loss is said to have been 4000 men that night.
May 2$th. This morning found that a large portion
of the Army had moved from our rear and from
Balaclava, and now occupy the heights close to the
Tchernaya, immediately in front of the redoubts lost
by the Turks on October 25th.
The Russians did not dispute the ground, but made
off as fast as they could.
May 2jth. Heard this morning that the expedition
to Kertch arrived and disembarked there on the 24th ;
also that the Russians had blown up their batteries,
and deserted the place.
Our men are now at Yenikali, and have captured
fifty guns and destroyed a large foundry.
S/K JOHN CAMPBELL. 139
At Headquarters to-day I heard Sir E. Lyons most
highly spoken of. Steele says they have information
that the Russians acknowledge to having lost 50,000
men out of the 80,000 they had here during the winter.
The enemy certainly has had a very bad week of it
from the French.
May ^Qth. No change among the troops outside.
Walked round the trenches with Pakenham and
Smith. The guns are unquestionably heavier, the
mortars more advanced, and ammunition more plenti-
ful than before ; and people seem to think that
something will really be done in the next bombard-
ment.
I nevertheless disapprove of it, and think it perfectly
useless. The Army outside should be beaten first, and
then both sides taken at once.
June 1st, 1855. After dinner I met Sir John
Campbell on his return from dining with Lord Raglan.
He told me that we had had very considerable success
in the Sea of Azof, had captured or destroyed 240
coasting vessels, four men-of-war steamers, and six
millions of rations.
June 2nd. Sir John came this forenoon and showed
me a " confidential " memo, from Lord Raglan, by
which it appears that we are soon to attack the
quarries in front of the Redan. It does not say if
the attack is to be made by night or day, but the rest
of the plan is plain enough. But I cannot see what we
can want to take the Quarries for until the French try
the Mamelon, and then I think it would be wiser to
attack the whole place at once, instead of losing
HO GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
hundreds of men in these nasty little "bit-by-bit"
affairs.
June ^rd. Yesterday afternoon Sir John Campbell
announced that he was ordered off to Kertch, and gave
up the command of the Division.* I am sorry for it,
as he is a good-tempered and agreeable man, cheerful,
kind, and hospitable. Last night he gave me his cave,
and to-day made me a present of half his cocks and
hens, and his ewe and lamb, besides pots of marma-
lade, &c.
June Ajh. Sir John Campbell left us, and went to
Balaclava. He had not gone long when up came
Bentinck, and, though unwell, I stayed some time with
him. Ordered a fatigue-party to put the ground in
order for his horses, &c. He and his A.D.C., Greville,
dined with us. He has very kindly ordered Smith and
me to dine with him every day.
June $th. Went to Headquarters, and on to Bala-
clava ; very hot indeed. I cannot find out if the
Russians have as yet shown any symptoms of being
hard hit by our Kertch operations.
June 6tk. Another very fine day, but did not go out,
not being well yet.
At 3 p.m. our batteries opened against the place, and
towards evening the Russian fire certainly did not
appear strong. Fire continued all night on our part,
and the enemy scarcely returned a shot. Heard that
the French Cavalry (if not ours also) were to advance
* To Lieutenant-General Bentinck, who had returned to the Crimea
from England.
THE ATTACK ON "THE QUARRIES.'' 141
up the country, and that an attack was to be made
upon the Mamelon by the French, and on the Quarries
in front of the Redan by us, to-morrow.
This I think likely, and I hope it will prove true.
Something, I fully expect, will come off, and the
sooner the better.
June 7th, A few minutes after ten a magazine in
Gordon's Attack blew up with a very heavy discharge,
and I am afraid has done considerable damage.
Daniell came up from Balaclava, and called on me.
While he was here Bentinck informed me that the
intended attack on the Quarries and Mamelon were
to take place at half- past five o'clock p.m. An hour
later news arrived that, owing to the heat, the French
would not attack till half-past six.
At a quarter-past six the signal went, and they
attacked the Mamelon, and carried it with little or no
opposition.
Previous to the attack I accompanied Norcott and
300 of the 68th to the Woronzoff road, and placed
them in reserve and, I hoped, in safety. I took
Hamilton with me and left him there. On our way
down a 42 -pounder came slap into the middle of the
men, but, thank God, hurt no one.
After seeing the men safely placed, I returned and
reported the fact to Bentinck, and watched the attack.
The French took the Mamelon quickly and gallantly,
and with very little loss ;. but as soon as they had done
so, they (as far as I could see) chose to follow on and
attack the Malakoff Tower. Here they were warmly
received, and lost, I fancy (I am writing at midnight,
and don't know), a great many men.
Somehow or other they appeared to be driven from
142 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
the Mamelon, as well as out of the Round Tower,
and were positively attacked in their trenches, until
a reserve came up, retook the Mamelon, and reattacked
the Tower, unsuccessfully.
We could see nothing of the proceedings of the
British owing to the dense smoke, but at about 8 p.m.
General Pennefather sent to Bentinck, saying he was
hard pressed, and wanted two battalions to support him.
These were quickly told off, and P. Herbert desired
me to march them past Pennefather's tent, and learn
where they were to go.
My horse being saddled, and the men not ready,
I rode to General Pennefather's (thinking thereby to
save time), when I found he thought that I was already
at the advanced works.
Now, seeing that I had not had any notice of his
distress above five or six minutes before I called on
him, I was certainly surprised at his being astonished
that I was not already in the advanced trenches. My
surprise was, however, increased when, upon my gallop-
ing back and going to the i/th lines, a distance of at
most 300 yards, to find the men falling in, and Colonel
P. Herbert present, who told me that six hundred men
I was about to march down should only act as a
reserve, and on no account be taken to the front.
No sooner had I sent Earle with this order to
General Bentinck, thereby letting him know that I
considered that I was no longer under the orders of
General Pennefather, but of Lord Raglan, than I
received an order to turn in the whole of the six
hundred men, and to march down a separate party,
previously told off as a second reserve, under Colonel
Maxwell, of the 46th, to the support of Colonel Norcott,
whom I had originally taken down.
DESCRIPTION OF " THE MA MELON." 143
So much for having a variety of " Kings of
Brentford."
On arriving on the scene of action I found that Lord
Raglan was quite right, and General Pennefather quite
wrong, as everything was going on successfully, and
there being no appearance of our losing (either French
or English) the ground we had taken.
June 8///. A nasty, blowy, dusty day.
Went early to Headquarters, having been sent for to
receive, as usual, the most childish orders. Remained
in camp until I marched down Colonel Kirby and the
48th to the Woronzoff road. A mistake was made
about a party of 250 men going to the Right Attack ;
not Smith's fault. They did not leave camp till mid-
night.
June qth. At 12 o'clock there was an armistice to
bury the dead. I rode to the Quarries, where I found
some thirty of our men dead, or being carried away,
and about two hundred Russians.
I went as close to the Redan as the Russian sentries
would allow, and I looked both at their officers and
men. They looked, according to my opinion, annoyed
and distressed. They were captious at officers looking
at the Redan; and there was no one, as on the last
occasion, to ask us when we intended going away.
I afterwards rode on to the Mamelon, and a very
clever, well-contrived work it is, and I hope it will
prove a good lesson to our gentlemen of the Engineers.
The parapet was immensely thick, and the space in rear
of the guns very narrow. The screen in the rear was
also very thick say twenty feet and the work was
mostly built of gabions about eight feet high.
144 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY.
The confusion in it was not so great as the
description would have led one to suppose, although
there were, of course, many guns upset and broken,
and many Russians buried, half buried, and unburied
lying here and there.
The loss of the French, in taking it, appears to have
been very small ; and had they not gone on, contrary
to orders and without supports, to the attack of the
Malakoff Tower, they would have lost few men, and
be where they are with many of their best men alive.
June loth. Rode to Headquarters, and saw Lord
Raglan about Cathcart's monumental inscription in
Russian. He asked me to dinner, and I accordingly
stayed, and had a pleasant dinner. Had a long talk
with him and also with Airey. The latter appears,
and is, a much better man in theory than in practice,
on paper than in action. In fact, to judge from his
conversation, had he had his own way, the whole
management of the Army would have been exactly the
reverse of what it has been.
He told me that the Russians had 45,000 men in the
town, and plenty of provisions ; but, upon my telling
him that I did not believe the Russians could bring
60,000 men into the field against us, he agreed.
June nth. Rode with Bentinck, Smith, and Greville
to Kamiesh. The French have nearly, if not quite,
finished the ditch and rampart round this town for
re-embarkation. It strikes me that it is using rather
a superabundance of caution, but as they have lots
of hands, it is perhaps as well.
What the devil can Russia mean by not coming
to terms? Is it not surprising to see a nation con-
TOWARDS THE REDAN. 145
tinuing an immense war like this, when she cannot,
by any conceivable success, make us do more than we
ourselves are willing to do viz., go away, and remove
our Army.
June \2th. Went to Headquarters by appointment,
but Airey had not time to speak to me about the
place of attack I pointed out to him on the evening
of the roth. I rode with him, and we selected a place
for the 63rd, which regiment will rejoin the Division
to-morrow (having been completely reconstituted).
We have made a further advance towards the Redan,
and have got two mortars into the battery. It is to be
armed with two lo-inch and three 32-pounder guns,
and these two mortars.
By a deserter we hear it is asserted that the town
is all mined, and that the Russians are ready to spring
the mines and quit for the other side as soon as we
advance.
This, however, is more easily said than done, unless
they are determined to blow themselves up with us.
They are certainly in a very considerable funk, and,
if I were Commander-in-Chief, I would immediately
assault the heights and shut them up, and go at the
town on the other side.
The man said that of his regiment of 1 500 they had
only fifty left.
June \^th. The 6jrd come to-morrow instead of
to-day. At about half-past six Lord Raglan rode
into camp to call on McPherson, and afterwards came
and looked at Sir George Cathcart's tomb, and decided
upon the Russian inscription being placed upon the
centre. When at the fort, he looked at the town and
L
146 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
advanced works through my glass, asked many
questions, and remained there for some time. Sir
John Campbell also came there, having arrived from
Kertch.
The tone of the Army is decidedly good, and
everybody looks upon success as nearly certain. God
grant it may be so, and that we may all live to
see it.
Four hundred of the 57th were sent to the advance
of the Right Attack, having been ordered to join that
attack in " After Orders." I daresay there will be
nothing for them to do, notwithstanding, as I have
great doubts of the Russians making any more sorties
in force.
June i^th. Rode with Bentinck and Smith to
Monastir in the afternoon. The General much sur-
prised at the beautiful sea view and the romantic
appearance of the place. The day was beautiful, and
certainly nothing could look more grand than the
high, bold, rocky coast, with the calm blue waves
hundreds of feet below, large steamers of 2000 tons
looking like little boats.
June i$th. General Airey came to camp to take a
stare from the Fort.* Sir John Campbell arrived
from Balaclava late, and dined with the 57th. At
1 1 p.m. a short, sharp fire of large and small arms
commenced between the Mamelon and Round Tower
and parts adjacent.
* Better kno vn as Cathcart's Hill.
THE REDAN. , 47
FIRST ASSAULT ON THE REDAN.
June ijth. Running about all day, preparing for
the assault.
Marched off scaling and wool-bag party, under
Hamilton, twenty-five minutes past midnight. Perhaps
I should say twenty-seven minutes past, there being a
difference of two minutes between Sir George Brown's
time and mine.
About an hour before, General Bentinck received
an intimation that the attack would probably be at
3 a.m. (i8th), and that care must be taken to have
all the troops down in time. I accordingly told the
General that I agreed with him that there was no
necessity to alter the orders, but that I would tighten,
and not slacken, the cord. I therefore hurried off the
party a quarter of an hour before the time named,
and left camp, with Sir John Campbell and his party
(1750 strong), about five minutes before one o'clock.
Although Colonel Windham was aware that his
post would be with the Reserve Brigade during the
assault, he thought it possible that it also might be
engaged, and wrote the following letter, to be des-
patched to Mrs. Windham in the event of his death :
"June I7//&, 1855.
" MY DEAREST PEM,
" Our batteries opened again this morning, and
we have received orders to storm the place in a few
hours. I do not anticipate that it will be a very
bloody affair; but, as I shall be of the party, it may-
please God that I shall lose my life. If so, you will
148 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
bear in mind that my last thoughts will be with you
and the children. As I have never received a single
thing from the Government during the twenty-nine
years that I have served, I hope that the Queen,
should I fall, will do something for you and the
children. At any rate, petition Her Majesty direct,
and ask no one else ; for, if she will do nothing, you
may be sure that no one else will. My commission
money will be lost, and you will be badly off; but,
my dearest, I can't help it. You must do the best
you can with the children, and I only pray that God
will protect both you and them when I am no more.
Kiss little W for me, and tell him he must be a
good boy, and not be troublesome to his mother
when he grows up ; and do the same and say the
same constantly to the other two. If they turn out
well all will go well. Now give my best love to all
my brothers and sisters, and to yours, and do not
forget dear Anthony Hudson, the oldest and best
friend I ever had. D will see about your money
affairs, and look to the insurances, &c.
" Give my love to Guy and Charlotte, and also
remember me kindly and warmly to the Somervilles
and Des Voeuxs, particularly to C. Des V. and
Mary S. And now, my dearest, God bless you and
protect you and the children, and may He enable
me, as heretofore, to go on like a man to-morrow,
and assist in bringing this detestable siege to an end.
I cannot help thinking the Queen, should I fall, will
do something for you if applied to.
" Ever, my dearest,
" Your affectionate husband,
" C. A. VV.
FAILURE OF THE ATTACK. 149
"P.S. It is now 12 (midnight), and I am off to
the trenches ; so God bless you, my dearest, and the
children. To-morrow will, I hope, be a proud day
for Old England, and not a sorry one for you."
June \Wt. On arriving at the twenty-one gun
battery I found no officer of Engineers, although one
had been promised me, to give Hamilton's party, of
one hundred and ten, wool-bags and scaling-ladders.
When I had been there a minute or two Colonel
[name illegible] came, made me an offer to
direct the working -party, and went, I believe, with
Hamilton and the scaling-party.
After seeing all the men file in the trenches, I left
to march down the Second Brigade to their place.
On my way back, Cathcart asked me, from Sir
George Brown, if the Fourth Division was in its
place, to which I replied, "Yes."
Owing to the time I had been detained, I met
Bentinck, with the Second Brigade, in the Woronzoff
road, and conducted them to the caves, and other
places of comparative security ; while Bentinck rode
to the twenty-one gun battery, to see Sir George
Brown.
Shortly after the Second Brigade was settled and
comfortable the attack began ; and, though I was
sent out twice to look at the proceedings, I could see
nothing, owing to the smoke and heavy fire ; but we
soon learnt that the attack had been a failure, and
that Yea and Sir John Campbell were killed. At
about half- past nine General Bentinck sent to Sir
George Brown for orders, and was told that we
might march home with the Reserve Brigade. We
shortly afterwards returned to the camp, and found
ISO GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
the Twentieth there they had formed the working
party.
June igth. Rode to Headquarters, and had luncheon
with Lord Raglan. Found people somewhat down,
more so than I see any necessity for.
The attack was badly planned, and worse executed ;
and, from the hour being changed, as well as the
previous system of attack altered, late at night,
everything went wrong.*
I look upon poor Sir John as having been one of
the kindest, best -hearted men I ever knew in my life,
and as brave as any man could be; but he was a person
without the organ of arrangement, and one who thought
that " British pluck" would do everything.
Now British pluck is very much like any other
pluck, and British soldiers will be found to resemble
others most uncommonly, if they are badly managed.
Had the covering and wool-bag parties been placed,
before daylight, down the hill to the left, and thrown
as far forward as the ground would allow, and had the
5/th (the storming column) been also placed in their
rear, clear of all the works, and the supports to the
storming- party placed in rear of the Quarries, the
men in the advance moving forward to the "re-enter-
ing angle" of the Redan, as was ordered, and not
to the apex, the attack might have succeeded at
least, they would have reached the place.
Nothing of the sort, however, was done ; everything
was left to haphazard, and people appeared to think
that as soon as a cheer was heard the work would
* The change was made at the request, or demand, of the French,
and against Lord Raglan's wish and advice ; it must, however, be
allowed that the French gave good reason for the change.
SIR JOHN CAMPBELL. 151
be carried. But it was not so. The enemy were
prepared and steady ; their guns were loaded ; and
they showered such a fire of grape upon the advanced
party, that the whole thing failed.
One way and another we lost a thousand men,
killed and wounded, as near as I can guess ; and I
can see no likelihood of our deriving any advantage
from this attack, except that the Allied Commanders
may now be induced to take the field, and try their
hand at the outside, not the inside.*
The more I look at the matter, the more convinced
I am that every man lost in front of these works is
pure waste, as we must eventually invest the town ;
and the sooner we do it the better.
General Bentinck gave strict orders to Sir John not
to lead the storming-party, and I too begged him to
turn his attention more to direction, and less to leading;
but I saw it was of no use, and told Hume, his A.D.C.,
that I was sure he would make a rush, which was
exactly what he did, and accordingly lost his life, and
did not win.
Poor fellow, he was as kind-hearted and gallant a
man as you would meet with anywhere : but, alas
for his wife and family, he thought of nothing but
carrying the Redan with his own sword.
The French, if anything, conducted their affairs
worse than we did.
June 20th. Rode to Headquarters, where I heard that
95 officers and 1443 men were either killed or wounded.
This is a most severe loss, and, added to those lost in the
attack on the Quarries, makes an entire Brigade of our
* Windham's opinion on that subject completely changed when he
became Chief of the Staff.- W. II. K.
152 GENERAL WINDHAM^S DIARY.
little Army, which can but ill be spared. All this too
for nothing, except a couple of houses, and a slight
advance to the left of the Left Attack gained by
Eyre.
The men, I understand, did not behave well. But
this, no doubt, arose from mismanagement of the
attack, and is possibly a good lesson for some of our
officers, who always seem to think that British pluck
has done, and can do, everything. Now British pluck
is not absolutely universal. When present it is as
good as any pluck, and in some respects better, but
without head is worth very little.
June 22nd. Heard to-day that we shall give up the
houses that were taken by Eyre's Brigade, and destroy
the Russian rifle-pits. What next is to be done seems
difficult to say. It is quite clear to my mind that they
will try another assault, simply because it is a thing
they can do, and whether it succeeds or not seems
to matter very little. Oh dear ! oh dear ! what a
wonderful thing is reputation, and what a miraculous
thing is discipline.
The French troops attacked better than ours, but both
made a disgraceful failure ; whereas, had the French
stuck to the original scheme, we should certainly have
had the Malakoff, and possibly the Redan. It must be
admitted, however, that the French got out better (from
some cause or other), and attacked in large numbers,
and with greater spirit, than we did ; but their supports
were badly arranged, and Pelissier seems to have made
a considerable mull of it.
A letter to Mr. Anthony Hudson gives some par-
ticulars of the assault, and shows how it failed :
THE REDAN.
'53
"HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
"June 22nd, 1855.
"Mv DEAR ANTHONY,
" You will long ere this have received an
account of our failure on the i8th, as well as that
of the French ; by it we have lost ninety-five officers
and 1453 men, and the only little bit of advance we
gained costs us daily so many men, that we give it
up to-night. The truth is, the original plan was
bad, and made worse by the hour of attack being
changed at a late time of the night. The Russians
were perfectly prepared, and I am by no means sure
that, as soon as 'shelling' the different points for
three hours previous to our storming was abandoned,
we could ever have taken the Redan ; acting as we
did it was impossible.
" The Redan is an arrow-headed work, supported
by other works in the rear, and may be represented
thus :
Rifles.
Quarries. First Brigade, First Brigade,
Fourth Division. Light Division.
154 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
"The 4th Division was ordered to go at No. i,
the Light Division at No. 2, and they were formed
at and in the advanced works, where they were so
crowded that they could not have very easily been
got out under ' no fire/ and where it was most difficult
to make them do it under lots of grape, and after
one has been trying for months to make them stick
to their trenches. The 1st Brigade of the 2nd
Division was to have assaulted the apex of the
Redan as soon as the 4th and Light entered it by
the two re-entering angles. In fact, a brigade from
each Division was told off for the purpose, consisting
of 1760 men each. Sir John Campbell, with our ist
Brigade, was told by me, from my previous knowledge
of the ground, to keep down the hill to the left of
his advanced party, so as to drop the Redan, and be
invisible to all save the two batteries upon its proper
right. This he did not do, and he made hardly any
arrangements, or thought of aught save being the first
in. He was as brave and as kind a fellow as ever lived,
and during all this arduous, long winter he was never
once unhappy or depressed, or did I ever have a word
with him, poor fellow. He was hit right through the
head by a grape shot, and poor Yea, who commanded
the Light Division Attack (an old friend of mine), met
the same fate from a rifle, and the whole thing became
a perfect failure. I am too tired to go on. Love to
Charlotte and the girls.
" Yours ever, C. A. W."
June 2^rd. It seems positive that General Penne-
father goes to England, and that General Estcourt is
better. The Guards having come to the front, the
duties are greatly lightened.
DEATH OF ESTCOURT. 155
June 24/7*. It is positive that General Pennefather
goes to England, but not positive that poor Estcourt
is better, as he died this morning.
I am sorry for this, as he was a talented, gentle-
manlike man, superior in intelligence to most at
Headquarters.
I cannot make out what is going to be done next.
I fancy the Malakoff Tower will be tried, and cannot
for the life of me understand why it should not be
taken. But alas ! what is the good of forming
opinions as to what will be done by a sort of disjointed
command, such as we have.
In my opinion, Napoleon III. would do much better
to appoint Lord Raglan Commander-in- Chief of the
Armies. He is an amiable man, the oldest soldier,
and, I believe, if left to himself, the best.*
At any rate, if the original plan of attack had been
carried out on the i8th, we should have done something
more respectable than we did, and not have made a
disgraceful failure.
June 2jth. Heard this morning that Steele and
Lord Raglan have both been very ill (cholera).
Rode with Bentinck to the Maison d'Eau, and took
a good survey of the town from that point. Afterwards
went on to Headquarters, where, I am glad to say, we
heard that Lord Raglan was better, and saw Steele
looking quite fresh. A great deal of sickness, however,
appears to be about, and there is some talk of Lord
Raglan being obliged to go away for a short time.
Codrington will, I believe, and I am glad of it, rejoin
the Army to-morrow.
* This remark should be set against some harsh criticisms of Lord
Raglan which occur in the Diary. Windham frequently remarks that he,
of course, did not know what difficulties Lord Raglan had to contend with.
156 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
June 28t/i. A Medical Board assembled on Sir
George Brown, and he goes home.
At half- past six Bentinck returned, and informed
us that, at half-past four p.m., Lord Raglan had been
taken much worse ; and at about half-past nine Ed.
Somerset* rode to the Cave, and informed us that
he had died about an hour previously.
Poor Lord Raglan. I am most deeply sorry for it.
His age, his previous position with the Duke, his rank
and excellent manner made him admirably adapted
to deal with the French. Looking to the extreme
difficulty of finding a successor to him, I cannot help
thinking his loss a serious one.
June 2<)th. Morris, of the Artillery (Bosquet's A.D.C.),
told me last night that the cause of Canrobert's resign-
ing was that Lord Raglan would not raise the siege
and go forth against the enemy. Bosquet called Sir
George Brown to witness the truth of his statement,
who, by his silence, admitted it.
" // faut prendre une partie," was Canrobert's expres-
sion, and his arguments were the same that I have often
used. Would to God that his advice had been followed.
Heaven alone knows what we (the Allies) shall do
now. Lose 10,000 more men at the Malakoff, I
suppose.
July yd, 1855. Among the many rewards dis-
tributed I find I have got nothing, and suppose I
never shall have, so I will not grumble.
Heard that General Simpson was appointed
Commander-in-Chief, and that another Chief of the
Staff was coming out.
* Lord Raglan's nephew, afterwards General E. A. Somerset, C.B.
SICKNESS AND DEATH. 157
July $th. Dined on rice soup and tapioca, having
been unwell since the 2nd.
July 6th. Ditto.
(Colonel Windham was ill for eleven days, but
remained at his duty.)
July 'jth. Major Harrison, of the 63rd, was killed
by a round shot in marching with the relief to the
trenches, or rather in riding down, for he was
mounted. Hard luck this, considering that the day
was so thick that it must have been a chance shot.
Such is fate.
July loth. I have still been kept in by this nasty
diarrhoea and fever, but think I am decidedly better.
Yesterday I heard that Calvert* and Vicot were both
taken desperately ill at Headquarters with cholera.
Calvert died last night, and Vico to-day. There
has been a great uprooting of the Staff there.
July \2th. All right, but not quite strong.
July i^tk. Rode to Headquarters, and found
Arthur HardingeJ unwell. That young fellow ought
to go home, or his father will lose him.
Barnard told me that his appointment, and others,
were in abeyance, by a telegraphic despatch. The
truth is that everything is unsettled ; the French very
down in the mouth ; and future proceedings of all
kinds uncertain in the highest degree.
* Mr. Calvert was the Russian interpreter at Headquarters.
f Le Commandant Vico, the very popular French Military Attache at
Headquarters.
t he late General the Honble. Sir Arthur Hardinge.
158 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
July \%th. A sortie was made last night, about mid-
night, against our attack (centre of it). It was quickly
repulsed, with a loss on our side of three killed and two
wounded. Much yelling on the part of the Russians,
but no very daring advance. Garrett was down there,
and the 48th had to receive the attack, and, I under-
stand, behaved steadily, although from the want of a
banquette the men can never fire properly.
July ityh, Rode to Headquarters, where every-
thing looks as dull as ditch-water. Saw Airey and
Steele the latter not looking well. Spoke about
some bricks for the ovens, and was told that it was
what Lord Raglan had wanted ever since he came
here. This, I suppose, was the reason that no one
ever tried it until I took the matter in hand.
There is no entry in the Diary on July 2Oth, but
a letter to Mr. Hudson may still be read with advan-
tage by those whose duty it is to write despatches.
Medals are still issued when most of the men entitled
to them have left the Army :
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
"July 2oth, 1855.
"Mv DEAR ANTHONY,
" This old bruin, Pelissier, keeps everything to
himself, and gives us nothing but a grand and over-
powering example of bad manners and bad language.
I hope he may have something beyond this in him
time will show. As for me, I am very well ; and
if we succeed in taking this southern side of the
town without getting my head knocked off, I shall
return to England, as I clearly see that I have no
chance of getting on with such a lot as we have at
"THE SYSTEM IS ROTTEN." 159
home and here. I think Lord R.'s despatch of the
business of the i8th as absurd a document as was
ever written ; and until Commanders give up the
habit of undistinguishing praise, the sooner they leave
out men's names the better. It was an ill-arranged
and worse executed plan, and deserved to have been
passed over in silence at the best, merely mentioning
the poor fellows who went gallantly to the front and
fell. Singular to say, the regiment that with us
deserved the most praise is scarcely mentioned ; and
an officer of the I7th (Captain J. Croker), who was
killed, and who was as fine a fellow as ever stepped,
was not mentioned;* and others who behaved very
unlike him got puffed, as did Sir G. Brown and the
Generals of Division, who deserved about as much
credit as you did at Norwich. The whole system,
my dear Anthony, is purely rotten, and nothing else.
I am in hopes that I may live yet to see one other
good fight, well commanded, and where those who
do the work shall get the credit The British
Government is certainly a pleasant Government to
serve, and always so handsome and rapid with their
rewards : by God, they would sicken almost any-
one, let alone such an intemperate one as I am. My
best love to Charlotte and the girls.
" Nothing will occur before August on our side,
and then, I suppose, the same sort of thing again.
"Ever, my dear Anthony,
"Yours affectionately,
" c. A. w:.'
" I am really and truly sorry for poor Caledon."
(Who had recently died.)
* This is a mistake ; Captain Croker was mentioned.
160 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
July 2$rd. Bricks for a new oven came up from
Balaclava. Last night there were two heavy affairs
between the French and Russians, one on the right,
to seaward of the Malakoff and Mamelon, and one
on the left, at the Bastion Centrale. Very heavy
shelling, but we were left perfectly quiet*
On my return to-day from Headquarters with Percy
Herbert, agreed to go with him to the French Right
Attack, from the Mamelon to the advance ; some
grape, round shot, and rifle balls flew over us, but the
shooting was very moderate. The heat was most
oppressive.
The French have certainly done a great deal since
the 1 8th June, in advancing towards the Malakoff and
Little Redan. The more I see of the attack the more
convinced am I of the folly of attacking a place that
we could not properly invest. However, I am always
met with a host of absurd objections, proving if
anything that perseverance in error is better than
beginning again.
July 2.^th. To-day has been distressingly hot, and
I gladly bring this volume to a close.
I am in very good health.
July 2<)th (Sunday). I finished the last volume on
the 24th, and, from idleness, have neglected to write
in this till to-day. The last mail brought out the
appointments to the Bath, and I see I am a Companion ;
much good may it do me.
To have withheld these honours until now, and to
have given the great dissatisfaction that the Ministry
* This was generally the case at the close of the siege. Todleben gives,
as reason, that we were not so dangerous as the French. W. H. R.
THE D UKE OF NE WCA STLE. 1 6 1
have given in their distribution, certainly required the
united talent of a British Cabinet. If Alma, Balaclava,
and Inkerman were the test of merit, why not have
given the Bath after those battles ? If the winter were
to be the test, why exclude those who served through
the winter? As it is, many cannot see why they are
included ; others, why they are excluded ; and many
are naturally and properly most annoyed.
In fact, the Government wanted to make more than
it was worth of a bauble ; and those who, like myself,
think they fairly earned it in November last, do not
thank them for their tardy gift ; and those who have
since gone through hardships and dangers think, with
reason, that they are fully entitled to it, and are
disgusted at its not being given to them.
I speak plainly. Our Government is a disgusting
one to serve, and rewards men according to anything
but merit and hard work.
Was introduced to the Duke of Newcastle at the
Old Fort (Cathcart's Hill).
Rode out with Airey, who was accompanied by
Colonel , who is a fool, if ever I saw one. What
selections they have made in this Army ! They are
enough to frighten horses from their oats.
July $\st. Yesterday I dined, as usual, with the
General, and met the Duke of Newcastle, with whom
I had a long talk concerning last winter, preparations
for this winter, &c.
I think him, and always have thought him, an
ill-used and much-abused man. Had he been well
seconded here, I firmly believe all the outcry would
have been saved; but I see now that this year we
shall have very nearly the same result as last, unless
M
162 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
the Q.M.G. and Commissariat are made to do something
else than dream.
I think the Duke one of the most reasonable and
sensible men who have come out here, and I am sure
that in his explanation in the House of Lords he
took as much blame upon himself as he was entitled
to.
August ~$rd. In general orders, I see that Assistant-
Surgeon is dismissed the Service ; and, as the
proceedings of the Court of Enquiry* will be published,
I shall be held up as a time-server and worshipper of
the powers that be. This will certainly be rather a
new character for me to appear in, never having been
supposed to have the bump of veneration very strongly
developed.
August 8th. I dined yesterday with Wilbraham; and
for the last five days, I own, have not written in this
book, although during that time I have been put in
orders to command the 2nd Brigade of the 2nd Division.
I yesterday saw it for the first time, and a very fine
brigade it unquestionably is, and I only hope I may
live through the campaign to command it.
At seven yesterday morning I paraded with it, for
the first time, to see General Markham distribute
medals for distinguished conduct to two N.C.O.'s and
a private of the 47th.
To-day I have quitted the old 4th Division, where
I have been for nearly a year, without having a
disagreeable word with a soul.
* Colonel Windham had been President of this Court of Enquiry,
which made investigations as to the authorship of a letter published in
the Times, bringing false charges against the Army Medical Depart-
ment.
MORE DEATHS. 163
August <)tk. I attended the parade of the 47th this
morning at half-past ten ; was introduced to the officers
of that regiment, and had a little talk with the different
sergeants and men that I came across.
I went yesterday with Markham and the Duke of
Newcastle over the Right Attack, and got caught in
a heavy shower and thoroughly ducked. A shell also
fell in the trench about two or three yards from us, and
I had just time to slip out of the way.
The firing last night was heavy ; they threw three
shells up to the Old Fort (Cathcart's Hill), and seemed
determined to hunt out the Duke of Newcastle.
August loth. Dined early, and rode down to the
trenches at about half-past seven. Lieutenant-Colonel
Cuddy,* 55th, commanded in the advance; heard a
good character of him, and, from what I could see,
he deserved it. Went over all the works, and then
visited the Reserves, and established myself in my hut.
No musketry, but increasing shell, shot, and grape from
9 p.m. till 2 a.m., when it slackened for an hour, and
then went on till 4 a.m.
August nth. On visiting the advance this morning,
I found that the casualties amounted to about twenty,
four or five of whom were dead or dying. Captain
Elton, 55th Regiment, was wounded.
Poor Coppinger, of the Commissariat, died to-day.
August \2th. Went to church at eleven, and after-
wards, with Markham,! to see the hospitals of the
* Killed at the assault on the Redan, September 8th, 1855.
t Lieutenant-General Markham had joined the Army from India, and
had taken command of the 2nd Division, in succession to Sir John
Pennefather.
164 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
Division. Early in the morning I was called upon by
Sir William Eyre, who desired to have a talk with me
upon Quartermaster-General's matters.
At 5 p.m. attended the funeral of poor Coppinger, as
strong as a horse, and only twenty-eight, and yet taken
off quickly by fever and diarrhoea. He came out with
me in the Harbinger.
7.30 p.m. General Markham came and told me the
result of the conference at Headquarters.
It appears that 24,000 of the Russian Imperial Guard
have arrived, and that a false attack upon our trenches,
and a real one on the Tchernaya, are expected.
Sir Colin Campbell has gone to the Right Attack
with the whole of his Division, and we are all ordered
to be in readiness throughout the night, and to be under
arms at 3 a.m. to-morrow.
This is all right, but I feel very uncertain whether this
will be more than a false alarm, and for this reason :
I do not see how 24,000 men will enable the Russians
to force the attacking party. If they are able to do
so, we cannot be warranted in besieging (as we call it)
Sebastopol. However, let them come on. I shall be
glad of it, for if we beat them (and we shall, please
God), I think they will give up the defence.
Their real point is the Mamelon, and I cannot but
think the French will hold it, in spite of all the
Russians can do.
August i$th. The whole Army of the Allies was
under arms from 3 a.m. till daylight. The Russians did
not move.
August \\th. Heard that Sir R. Airey was very
unwell.
A RUSSIAN REPULSE. 165
August i$th. Heard Airey was worse, and, from
what was said to me, I think it possible that they
will offer the post to me, if he is obliged to leave. If
so, I shall take it ; but I fear we are very much behind
with everything.
Young Hardinge is ordered to England.
August \6th. This morning Wilbraham came and
told me to have the brigade in readiness to fall in,
the Russians having attacked the line of the Tchernaya
in force, somewhere near the Aqueduct Bridge at
Tchorgoun, at about half-past eight.
The reports were somewhat contradictory, some
saying the Russians were falling back, others that
they were advancing in great force. Our Cavalry was
all out on the plain, and our Artillery in places taking
part in the fight.
The cannonade appears pretty smart.
5.30 p.m. I have just heard that the Russians have
been heavily repulsed, with a loss of upwards of 2000
men killed, probably an exaggeration. However, David
Wood, who has been down into the plain (we the
Infantry were all kept in readiness to turn out), says
he thinks the enemy must have lost 6000 in killed and
wounded.
Went, as General of the Right Attack, to the
trenches, and was informed that a sortie might fairly
be expected.
Went all round the advance, and saw that Colonel
Hume (95th) had everything in place. On returning
from the advance, received a despatch from Airey
informing me that both attacks would open fire at
daybreak. Settled everything on that head, and then
went to my hut.
1 66 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Some particulars of the battle of the Tchernaya are
given in a letter to Mr. Hudson :
"HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
"August i6M, 1855.
"My DEAR ANTHONY,
" I am for the trenches to-night, and as I think
it very likely the enemy will begin in the morning,
I do not know what will be the result to me
personally, so I take up my pen to write to you.
I have written to Marianne, but of course not this
sort of letter, as it would merely frighten her. The
Russians are now descending in great force to the
Tchernaya, and, as they are pushing on their
waggons and heavy artillery, I do not doubt they
mean business, and before long I expect we shall
have a heavy fight. I should say they are from
30,000 to 40,000 men (visible), and, from all we can
learn, they are in much greater force on the Belbek.
Omar Pasha, I am sorry to say, is at Constantinople,
for without him I do not rank the Turks very highly.
We have, however, now on the Tchernaya :
Sardinians . . . . 10,000
Turks ..... 20,000
French 20,000
English Cavalry .... 2,000
French Cavalry .... 4,000
And about 100 guns.
" If these men fight as they ought, the Russians
cannot get across, and, for my part, I don't know
that they would if they could, for we have fully
60,000 men up here. One thing is, however, clear,
and that is, from some cause or another, ever since
BATTLE OF THE TCHERNAYA. 167
the flank march, the Russians have always taken the
initiative, and may do so again.
" I have no expectation of anything serious occurring
before the morning of the i8th, and I firmly believe,
from the nature of the ground, that the Russians never
will go down into the plain, unless they are 80,000 or
100,000 strong. If they come it will be a noble fight,
and if we win it, which by God's help we will, it will be
a crusher to the pride of the Autocrat. The English
and French have 8000 sabres (effective) in the field, and
the Turks and Sardinians 1000; so we ought to do
something if once the Russky come into the plain.
" I hope my brigade may be there, as it is one of
the finest in the Army, and 2500 real good Minies
are not to be sneezed at, supported and assisted by
a good steady battery of 1 2-pounders ; besides, my
men led at Alma and Inkerman, and are fully con-
vinced that they can lick the Russians, and they are,
moreover, healthy and cheerful. If the Russians really
make an advance into the plain (which I doubt), it
will unquestionably bring matters to a crisis, a con-
summation devoutly to be wished. In fact, although
the affair will, I fear, be bloody, yet, should the
Philistines come down into the plain to give us
battle, I do hope the ' Lord will deliver them into
our hands,' and that we shall make a better use of
our advantage than we did at Alma. I hear we
intend opening our batteries this afternoon, but doubt
the truth of the report; but as I do not close this
until my return to-morrow morning from the trenches, I
may have many things to add. I have just heard that
the Russians have left 2000 dead and wounded about
Tchorgoun ; if so, the Sardinians and French must
have done well."
168 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
August ijth. In the trenches all day. The batteries
opened fire at daybreak, and, for a quarter of an hour
at least, the Russians made no reply, after that they
kept it up well for about two hours, and occasioned
us much loss.
On my return to camp I found that Captain
Hammet, R.N., had been killed ; poor little Dennis
(of the Buffs), who was with me in the Right Attack,
mortally wounded by a shell (both legs and one arm
shot away) ; together with fifty-eight others killed and
wounded. This does not include Artillery, Sappers,
or Sailors. We had five guns disabled, the Left
Attack many more twelve, I believe. Oldfield *
was killed on the Left, and Henry t lost his arm.
The continuation of Colonel Windham's letter to
Mr. Hudson follows:
"10 /.;., August i^th, 1855.
" I have just returned from a twenty-four hours' bout
in the trenches. Our batteries opened this morning at
daylight, at the request of the French ; our loss in
the Right Attack was fifty killed and wounded, and
on the Left I should think ab'out half. I was the
General of the Right, and am very tired.
"I hear the battle of yesterday was much more
than was at first thought. Report here says that the
Grand Duke Constantine was present. Gorchakoff
commanded the reserve, Liprandi one of the wings,
and General Reid the other ; this latter was killed,
and we have all his plans and papers. The Russians
lost full 5000 men, and were really and truly hand-
* Captain Anthony Oldfield, R.A., who had frequently distinguished
himself during the siege.
t Brevet-Major C. S. Henry, R.A.
VISIT TO THE SCENE OF ACTION. 169
somely licked ; but then again they, as usual, were
not followed up. There was our Cavalry all drawn
up in rear, and yet nothing done. I am so tired
that I will not finish this to-night"
August \$>th. This morning at daylight, though after
a bad night's rest, I rose and started with Roger Swire*
for the Tchernaya. I see plainly that the fight was
a severe one, and the Russian loss heavy. Returned
home quickly, as the battle-field was decidedly un-
pleasant. I saw at least a thousand bodies at the
Tete-de-ponts.
I understand that the Sardinians gave a good
account of the enemy, who were fresh troops from
Warsaw.
On my return, rode to see Eyre concerning his
bakery for the 3rd Division. I saw General Simpson,
who told me that he thought the Russians would again
try the Tchernaya, as their orders from St. Petersburg
were most positive. I cannot see why they attacked
it before, still less do I see why they should again.
It appears to be merely playing our game.
I hear the garrison of Sebastopol is much de-
moralised, and believe it ; otherwise, why did not
they sally, as directed, on the morning of the i6th?
The French may do something soon at the Malakoff,
as we help them by keeping under the fire from the
Redan.
August I9//2. General Markham still very unwell,
though somewhat better. Up to 7 p.m. I heard no
account of poor young Dennis's death. He was with
me in the trenches on the night of the i6th; the day
following he, unfortunately, would not take the advice
* Lieutenant in the ijth Regiment, and A.D.C. to General Windham.
i;o GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
of a sapper as to the safety of the place he was in,
nor take warning from one shell that lit and burst
near him, but persisted in eating his breakfast in the
same place, when a second shell came and broke both
his thighs and one arm. Yet he is still alive, though
dying.
August 2O//2. Markham, I am glad to say, is looking
better, and when I spoke to him this morning, was as
fresh again as yesterday.
August 2ist (1.30 a.m.}. Thesiger has just come in
to let me know that the brigade must be under arms
at 3 o'clock, as a row is expected.
Our information lately has been better, and so it
may on this occasion prove correct. Should it be so,
I only pray that God may give us a complete and
glorious victory, should the enemy come out in force,
and that our being in a state of preparation may enable
us to deal him a severe blow.
God grant that " Crapaud " and ourselves may do
it well, and that the Russians may catch it even
hotter than they did in the Tchernaya.
August 22nd. In the evening, whilst at dinner, a
round shot came through Markham's stable and killed
King's horse. Went down to the trenches at 7.30 p.m.
After going all round and through the advance, and
having been very nearly caught by a shell, I returned
to my old quarters, the hut ; and had not been long
there before a telegraphic message came to order me
to throw out sentries about the white rifle-pits, and
to take special care that the Russians did not turn the
left of the French Right Attack.
A PAUSE. 171
I went down and did so. Tyler, of the 62nd, is
active, and, with practice, will make a good trenchman.
August 2T,rd. Musketry sharp at 4 a.m., as I went
round the advance ; but there was no attack, and
I am glad of it, though I think Tyler would have
done very well.
August 2^th. Forwarded the Field Officer's report,
and am sorry to see that the casualties amounted to
seven killed and thirty wounded.
Markham informed me that a severe attack was
expected on the Tchernaya, and that if it were
unsuccessful, the enemy was expected to withdraw
altogether. Tant mieux, say I ; I only hope he will
get a good thrashing, as he did on the i6th.
August 2$tk. No attack from the enemy, but we
are still ordered to be on the look-out ; and so
thoroughly convinced are the people at Head-
quarters that something serious will occur on the
right, that Sir C. Campbell and his Highlanders
are to be sent to Balaclava.
Poor young Dennis is still alive.
August 26th. Went to church, and walked after-
wards with Bentinck and visited him in his cave.* I
should be grievously sorry to see us make peace now,
unless the Russians consented to terms that really
proved us to be victorious. If we carry on now we
must before next spring bring them to their senses,
no matter what the size of their Army may be.
* This was a very curious and comfortable excavation, close to
Cathcart's Hill. W. H. R.
172 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Heard to-day that the 6th Parallel was opened to
aid the French. This is the only reason that could
be given for such an absurdity ; for, as regards our
attack, it is as useful as the fifth wheel to a coach,
and will cost us many men. The enemy appear to
be working very hard on the north side, and at the
bridge. What means the latter? Is it for retreat,
or advance, or both ? I cannot help thinking it looks
like a preparation to withdraw, and I sincerely hope it
may be so, for I am convinced we do not shine as
besiegers.
Heard to-day that poor Torrens had died in Paris.
Poor fellow ! I am very sorry for it. I suppose it was
from the effects of his dangerous wound at Inkerman.
August 2jth. An investiture of the Bath took place
at Headquarters. I did not go, as I was ordered to
remain in camp in readiness to turn out, should
the Division be wanted. No French officers were
decorated, which I consider a great mistake.
The Russians finished and opened the bridge across
the harbour, and I expect that as soon as the moon
wanes we shall find out what they intend doing.
August 2th. Intended to ride to Balaclava, but
found that the other Brigadier had gone. As General
Markham does not wish us both to be absent for
any length of time I curtailed my ride, and merely
looked over the heights to the right, then on to
Inkerman, and the Light Division look-out.
Heard yesterday from Howard, of the 2Oth, that
three spies had been executed by the French.
Owing to the Highland Brigade having gone to
Balaclava, duty falls very heavily upon our men.
BRIDGING SEBASTOPOL HARBOUR. 173
The worst of it is that no arrivals ever seem to do
more than make good our losses. The 56th have
joined us in this attack.
A letter to Mr. Greville, written on the following day,
fills a gap in the Diary :
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
" August 2%th, 1855.
" Many thanks for your letter of the 6th. I agree to
almost all you say, but I think you underrate the losses
and difficulties of the Russians. We have all been
continually confined to camp, expecting daily that
some important move will be made by the enemy,
either on our trenches or our right.
" For my part, I believe the much talked of attack
that is to be was begun and ended on the i6th August.
The Russians advanced very firmly on that day, but
they got a severe thrashing, and, from what I saw, I
cannot put down their loss at less than 5000 men,
which, I think, is more than they would lose for the
mere purpose of reconnoitring. However, the im-
pression here is that they will attack us again
somewhere, and, if that fails, cut off for good.
" They have finished the bridge across the harbour,
which of course gives them great facility of bringing
troops into the town ; and they have also been working
immensely hard on the north side in throwing up
defensive works, which looks as if they meant to use
the bridge in decreasing, and not increasing, their
garrison. A few days, I really think, must bring
matters to something like a crisis.
" We cannot go on throwing away life and time much
longer in the way we have done.
174 GENERAL WIKDHAM'S DIARY.
" The last three times I have gone as General to the
trenches I have lost 33, 27, and 97 men ; in fact, we
lose in casualties upwards of 250 men in a week.
The attack with which I am connected is the largest
and, I believe, the most dangerous ; but they lose men
in the left one too.
" The moon is now at the full, and I do not expect
an ' hooroosh ' at us until that is passed ; but as soon as
we come to the dark nights, I fancy the enemy will
have a try. If they do not they will have made their
minds up to abandon the south side, and will probably
look to peace, for I am convinced that their loss during
the winter will be awful, and ours ought not to be so ;
although, from the carelessness and want of method
of our people in authority, I dread it beyond measure.
Pray do not think that I wish to cast dirt at others, but
I assure you there is a slackness and a constant looking
to home for all the common necessaries, that makes
me dread the passing the winter here. In the first
place, they put faith in the railway a perfect absurdity ;
then, again, in the 'Army Works Corps,' not much
better ; and, lastly, in the Land Transport Corps
a corps as ill managed and as badly started as any-
thing can well be. I do not say we shall be as badly
off as last winter. Our men themselves are better,
as are our regimental officers, but still I think there
will be much misery, and much unnecessary misery,
from the want of method at Headquarters. I am
writing to you in private^ but you may believe me when
I tell you is a fool plainly and simply, and all the
greater one from his having a certain quantity of
specious paper talent, that induces people at home to
believe that he knows what he is about.
" I have for some time had the command of a
LOSSES OF THE FRENCH. 175
brigade, but I suppose they will not make me a
Brigadier-General, as it costs the Government a few
shillings a year ; and as a younger son, I am, of course,
bound to be shot for nothing.
" Yours very truly,
" C. A. WlNDHAM."
August 2C)th. The French magazine in the Mamelon
exploded last night, by which they lost forty killed
and a hundred wounded. We lost five killed and
fourteen wounded. The magazine contained twelve
hundred barrels of powder.
The French have certainly been very unlucky, or
very careless, with, their magazines.
August $oth. I have been waiting in pretty nearly
all day, expecting a visit from the Field Officer of the
trenches ; I being the General of the Right Attack
to-night, and a very unpleasant duty it unquestion-
ably is.
Called on Markham, and begged that he would use
his exertions with the Engineers to get them to make
a banquette to the 5th Parallel, and put the whole
parapet into a proper state, which it sadly wants.
Walked up to see Bentinck, who saw Bosquet
yesterday, and received a true account of the French
losses from him. They are certainly very great, at
least 250 men a day, from death, wounds, and sick-
ness.
I hope I shall get through this with safety and credit,
and that God will spare me as he has often done
before.
I am free to admit that I have no desire to be
attacked in the trenches where no generalship can be
i;6 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
exhibited, and where the confusion is such that you are
as likely to be shot by friend as foe.
The French are certainly getting very near the
Malakoff ditch, and if they ever mean storming, will do
so in a few days.
August 3 !.$/. I came off duty at six this morning.
Passed a most unpleasant night, when in my hut, from
a superabundance of fleas.
At about 11.30 p.m., the moon being very bright,
about fifteen or twenty Russians attacked the working-
party in front of the 5th Parallel. The advanced
sentries ran in without a moment's hesitation, and the
working-party ran away, leaving everything behind
them, which allowed the Russians to upset all that had
been done. A sharp skirmish then took place between
the th and th and a party of the enemy, in which
the Russians were ultimately driven back. We lost
some twenty-three men, four of whom were officers ;
Lieutenant Preston was killed on the spot.
I was not present, nor did I hear anything until it
was all over, but it appears to have been a bad business.
Had our sentries behaved well, there would probably
have been no fight.
September ist, 1855. Received the Field Officer's
report, and am sorry to see by it that the casualties
on the night of the 3<Dth amounted to fifty-nine.
Rode to Headquarters, and saw General Barnard
about the transport arrangements for the winter, and
also spoke to him about the 5th Parallel.
He wished me to go to General Simpson, which I
did, and told him what I thought of it in plain and
strong language. He referred me to Colonel Chapman,
ANOTHER BAD NIGHT IN THE TRENCHES. 177
with whom I had a long talk. He admitted its being
very incomplete, and promised to apply for fifty
additional miners, and to do his best to complete
it.
After Chapman I saw Bentinck, and advised him to
apply for 12,000 saplings to hut the 4th Division, as
I am convinced no number of huts will arrive for the
troops before winter is upon us.
Hear that was a more ruinous business last night
than the night before. Captain Fraser, of the Q5th,
killed ; the Adjutant of the 3Oth since dead ; and an
officer of the Buffs killed ; besides several men killed,
and some taken prisoners.
September 2nd {Sunday}. The anniversary of old
Cromwell's death, and of the "crowning mercy of
Worcester." I have always fancied this day an his-
torical one as regards England, and, therefore, have
fully expected an attack.
Went to church at 1 1 .
After dinner I received a " confidential " letter from
General Barnard to General Markham, announcing an
intended attack in great force by the Russians to-
morrow upon the Turks at or near Baidar, the French
at the Tchernaya, and ourselves in the trenches.
Owing to the numbers being specified, and the places
marked, it looks like business, and we are all ordered to
be in readiness. Yet I can hardly think the enemy can
make a successful move upon so extended a line.
Surely, if he makes the reverse, we can turn it to
some profit.
I hope that we may be given the victory, as I am
convinced that if the Russians fail they will abandon
Sebastopol altogether, and will be more likely to make
N
178 GENERAL WINDHAM^S DIARY.
peace than if we took the Malakoff and the Redan
without their having this last throw of the dice.
Gave Bentinck a calculation of the number of
saplings requisite to hut his Division.
Went round the hospitals with Markham, who told
me I was to take his place upon a Board at 1 1 a.m.
to-morrow, in connection with Soyer* and his soup.
Heard to-day that poor young Dennis was dead.
September yd. Sat at a Board as Markham's repre-
sentative, in the First Division Camp, to take into
consideration a letter from Lord Panmure relative to
the soldiers having some hot soup before going on and
when coming off duty in the trenches.
In one respect it was a most pleasant Board, as
M. Soyer gave us a most excellent luncheon, of which
General Eyre partook most heartily, although he dis-
approved of the principle of Soyer's cooking, &c.
Another order from Headquarters about being pre-
pared for the enemy, but no enemy came.
September 4^/2. Rode to Headquarters, and saw the
Quartermaster-General relative to getting poles for the
62nd to hut themselves. He consented, and I rode
on to Balaclava to arrange for their being sent up to
camp with as little delay as possible. Found a great
deal of shot and shell still coming ashore and going
up to the front ; so I expect to hear of our opening
again, and then, I suppose, we shall assault.
At dinner an order came to hold ourselves in readi-
ness.
* The French cook who came to teach our men how to prepare their
food, and did some good. He published his experiences under the title,
A Culinary Campaign.*?*!. H. R.
BOMBARDMENT BY THE FRENCH. 179
September ^th. Got up to-day before daylight, and,
to my surprise, the French Left Attack opened fire
at sunrise with severity, aided very slightly by our
batteries and their own right.
I don't think I ever saw anything more beautiful
than the commencement. The morning was clear and
lovely ; from some condition of the atmosphere, the
smoke did not disperse.
The flashes of the guns and the ships at sea could
plainly be seen under a curtain of smoke ; and the
town, too, was brightly lighted up by the just rising
sun. I never saw anything so perfect. None of the
other bombardments were half so beautiful to look at.
Heard that Anderson,* of the 3ist, was killed last
night at that beastly sap, and a great many men hit,
in trying to hold the rifle-pit in front of our right.
Captain Rowlands, of the 4ist, with twelve men, got
into it easily enough ; but seeing himself about to be
surrounded by the Russians, and being heavily shelled
by the Malakoff, he retired again to the trenches.
We lose about twenty men a night in this absurd
business, which, if the Malakoff were taken, would be
ours at once, and which cannot be held at all until
the Malakoff is taken.
Rode to Headquarters, and called on Chapman on
my way back. Heard from him what was intended
to-night. In three or four hours I shall be in the
trenches ; and I thought of writing to Pern, knowing
it to be a service of danger, but I shall not it
would only frighten her if I were not hurt, and do
her no good if I were.
A long conference to-day at Headquarters : General
Pelissier, Omar Pasha, Sir E. Lyons, and Simpson.
* Captain Charles Anderson, 315! Regiment, Assistant Engineer.
i8o GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
The bombardment has been continued by the
French all day, but not very spiritedly ; it is now
half-past three o'clock.
At 5 p.m. Charles Woodford came and had a long
talk with me ; and from what he and the Engineers
told me, I directed Lieutenant-Colonel Hancock,* of
the 9/th, the Field Officer of the trenches, to post
his men for the protection of the sap, and of the right
of the 5th Parallel.
Left for the trenches at 6.20 p.m.
September 6th. The posting of the sentries and the
sap both got on very well. The Engineers reported
most favourably of the whole proceedings.
We had a quiet night, whether owing to the
arrangement of the sentries, or to the previous bom-
bardment, I don't know. One thing is certain, the
sap progressed well, and the working-party only had
two men very slightly wounded.
The whole casualties during the night did not ex-
ceed ten.
During the greater part of the night we were illu-
mined by a Russian ship, set on fire by the Allies.
Have been employed for some time during the
day in explaining to Colonel Daniell the nature of
the ground where the right sap now is in front of
our right. Buckley, and afterwards Scarlett, came to
ask me how the sentries were to be posted, they
then being on their way to the trenches. I then
found that Lewis was the General of the Right
Attack, and not Daniell, so my plans and lecture
have been thrown away for to-night.
* Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable H. R. Hancock, killed three
days later at the assault on the Redan.
SELECTED TO LEAD THE ASSAULT. 181
September 'jth. Saw Lewis on his return from the
trenches, at 6 a.m. He told me that they had had
a bad night of it, and that poor Buckley* was
killed.
The batteries kept up a tremendous fire all night,
and to-day they are doing the same. A conference
is being held at Headquarters, which, I suppose, will
receive the final intentions of the Allied Commanders.
If my brigade is ordered to lead the assault
against the Redan, it is a hundred to one that I am
killed ; but better far die so than get ignominiously
hit in the trenches.
At one time to-day the firing was quite tremen-
dous ; at other times they have slackened or nearly
ceased.
Erecting my stable hut, which, with a wall outside
my house, will make, I think, a good job of it.
At about half-past ten I was sent for by General
Markham, and I was informed I was to lead the
storming-party against the Redan to-morrow.
I look upon the attack as certain to fail, unless the
Russians give way as soon as the French have got
the Malakoff. We know nothing of the obstacles we
have to meet with, and all we do know is that there
is a very deep ditch, over which we must get
somehow or other.
God's will be done. I pity poor dear Pern, and
deeply regret the prospect of not seeing her and dear
little W again. I must, however, do my duty,
and do my best ; and hope that God will have mercy
upon my many sins, and have pity on me and my
children, and preserve my poor dear wife to take
care of them.
* Captain D. F. B. Buckley, Scots Fusilier Guards.
i82 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Asked the Duke of Newcastle to interest himself,
on behalf of dear Pern and the children, with the
Queen, which in the kindest way he promised me
to do.
I like that man. He is honest, kind-hearted, and
sharp-sighted.
Before entering into Colonel Windham's account
of the storming of the Redan and of his proceedings
on that occasion, it may be well to remind the reader
that Colonel Windham was not responsible in any
way for the arrangements made.
Sir James Simpson, the British Commander-in-
Chief, entrusted the command of our troops which
were to form the assaulting force to Lieutenant-
Generals Codrington and Markham.
It will be seen from the detailed account of the
assault, written by Windham for his children, that
he was not told that he was to lead the storming-
party of the 2nd Division, until all the arrange-
ments had been made.
Foreseeing a probable disaster, Windham protested
strongly against the narrow front (20 files only) on
which the storming-party was to advance.
His protests were, however, unavailing, and he
retired to make all the arrangement of his affairs
that was possible, fully expecting to fall in the
assault, but determined (in his own words) to do
his duty as a Christian and a soldier to the last
breath.
" THE TIES OF THIS WORLD? 183
Among other letters written before the assault
was the following, to his wife :
"CAMP, 2ND DIVISION,
" HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL,
' ' September jfA, 1855.
" This may possibly, ay, and probably will, be the
last letter you will ever receive from me. Your last
only reached me this day, enclosing dear little
W 's drawings 'to please Papa' (God in His
mercy bless him !), and also a kind scrap from dear
, and my oldest and best friend, Anthony.
"It is now late, and I am ordered to-morrow to
lead the storming-party of the 2nd Division against
the Redan, an operation, my dear, of great difficulty
and great danger. I shall probably fall, but I have
spoken to that kind-hearted man, the Duke of
Newcastle, who is now here, and asked him to
interest himself for you and the children, should such
be the case.
" That I may return to see you all again is my
most earnest prayer, but should I not, I hope God
Almighty will, in His mercy, give me a clear head
and resolute heart to do my duty as a Christian and
a soldier to the last breath. Give my love to all
your brothers and sisters, as well as to mine, and my
blessings, dearest, upon you and the children. May
they be a happiness and comfort to you, and may we
all meet together in the world to come.
" No soldier ought to marry the ties of this world
ought not to have so strong a hold on him. I have
left this letter in the hands of Mr. Baudiere (son of
the Vicar of St. Mary's). I shall read prayers with
i8 4 GENERAL WINDHAM^ DIARY.
him to-night, and hope to go to-morrow to the
assault with a light and cheerful heart, and God
grant we may succeed. Love to Guy and Charlotte.
" Yours, my dearest Pern, most truly,
"and your affectionate husband,
" C. A. W."
"The Duke of N promised to make a personal
request to the Queen in your behalf, should I fall
most kind and the Queen will, I think, help you
and the children, in consideration of what I have
done and shall do. This feeling has made me quite
happy."
SECOND ASSAULT ON THE REDAN.
September Qth. Awoke and rose this morning
before six, having slept very well. I dare not
think of Marianne and that dear little boy W ,
and my comfortable little home at Myton, as it
unmans me quite. But God help them, and by His
mercy, for their sake, may I get through this day.
If the Russians stand an assault, I have no
expectation of beating them, but quite the reverse ;
and yet, wonderful to say, with these opinions, I really
do not feel nervous, and never slept better.
And now, my dear Pern, this journal I have ordered
to be sent to you, provided I am never to write in
it again. It is written hurriedly, and in some places
violently, but always honestly.
Mind, if I die, you must live for the boys, and you
must get help from the Government.
Do this by properly applying for a pension. This
application, made direct to the Queen, will, I am sure,
succeed, as she is a kind-hearted woman.
THE SECOND A SSA ULT. 185
Kiss the children for me, and remember me to the
Somervilles, Hudsons, and Des Vceuxs. And now,
my dear, again God bless you ; I shall soon march
down to the assault.
The following short account of the assault seems to
have been written on the night of September 8th :
The assault took place at one, and I went over the
Parallel at the head of the 4ist The Grenadiers
followed me pretty well, but not in the best order. I
went straight at the ditch, and did all that man could
do to get them into the centre of the battery, but it
was no go. I ran out into the middle of the battery
with my sword over my head, but it was useless.
They would stick to their gabions and to firing, and
not come to the bayonet ; so, after holding on to it
for near an hour, and having sent back Swire twice,
a young officer, Lieutenant Young,* of the iQth, and
Colonel Eman,f to tell Codrington that he must send
me the supports in some formation, I went back
myself and asked leave to have a fresh battalion.
This was granted, and I put myself at the head
of the " Royals." Whilst Codrington was considering
whether he would let me go on or not, the whole
attacking force fell back, leaving behind numbers of
killed and wounded.
If I could have got the men of the storming-party
to make a rush, I should have carried it ; but I
never could. They were all in disorder, and each
looking out for himself. The officers behaved well,
and so did the men as individuals, but not
collectively.
* Ensign W. W. Young, who was severely wounded.
t Lieutenant- Colonel J. Eman, C. B., 4ist Regiment, killed.
1 86 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Came back very hoarse. Poor Roger Swire is
badly wounded.
Dined with David Wood, and after dinner was
sent for to Headquarters, where I told General
Simpson the same as I had told Codrington that
there was nothing to stop good troops, and that if
the Highlanders, who were not tired and overworked
in the trenches, were let at it, they would be sure
to carry it.
September <)th. The whole of last night loud reports
were heard, and large fires blazing, and everything
clearly prepared for abandoning the town.
This morning it was found evacuated, and so ends
the memorable and bloody Siege of Sebastopol, the
greatest ever known in ancient or modern times.
September nth. Early in the morning Barnard
came and offered me the post of Commandant or
Governor of that part of Sebastopol surrendered to
the English. I was much surprised at this, seeing
that the attack on the Redan had failed, and know-
ing that, with most men, success is the criterion of
merit.
I accepted it most willingly, for certainly it is a
great compliment.
God knows I did the best I could, and I believe
the Army here think so ; but after all, it is not
pleasant to be a beaten cock.
A few more entries were made in the Diary,
principally allusions to Windham's work as Governor,
which was arduous and unpleasant
ANOTHER FAILURE. 187
A letter to Mr. Greville, written a few days later,
throws further light on the failure of the assault:
" DOCKYARD, SEBASTOPOL,
" September 14^, 1855.
"This is the anniversary of our landing, and here
I am, at last, resting myself in that town which I
fully expected would have taken some time longer
to have got into.
" And when you consider that two out of the three
French attacks, and our one, all failed, you will
probably agree with me in thinking we have, on
the whole, been very lucky.
"'Except to assist the French,' by giving occupa-
tion to some thousand Russians, the attack on the
Redan was thoroughly useless, as it is completely
commanded by the Malakoff.* It was badly planned,
and I firmly believe (from the fact of our men never
having advanced a yard since the i8th of June) that,
until a very few hours before the assault took place,
it never was intended. That part of the above
paragraph marked by inverted commas, was the
reason given out here. Only look at it ! To have
been good for anything, the attack ought to have
taken place at the same instant as the attack on the
Malakoff, whereas it was ordered that none of the
other attacks should be made until a succes assure
had taken place at the Tower. In other words, the
other attacks did not take place until they were
useless. I told all my Generals that I was convinced
that, unless the Russians bolted on the loss of the
* The capture of the Redan would have caused the surrender of the
bulk of the Russians, as they could not have used the bridge to the
north side. W. H. R.
1 88 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Malakoff, we should never succeed. And why did I
say this? Simply because I agree with Napoleon,
that troops should not be exposed to grape for 300
yards. Under a severe fire it is impossible to form
men, and as they had to get over a high parallel,
they were perfectly sure to be broken at the very
start. Men ' in formation ' may hold it under fire
with a fair start and good discipline, but, once broken,
the thing is hopeless. The result was that I went
straight at the battery, followed by a few Grenadiers
and officers, crossed the ditch, and went through the
third embrasure on the proper left, and found myself
alone, or nearly so, in the battery.
" Hartnady, a Grenadier of the 41 st, was the first over
after me, wounded ; Kenealy, ditto, the second ; and
Dan Mahoney the third, immediately shot through the
head ; as was an officer of the 9Oth. I did all I could to
get them on by advancing and cheering in my own
person, by turning round, patting them on the back,
telling them to look to their bayonets, &c., but it was
useless. Those who had got between the parapet and
screen were of many different regiments, unacquainted
with me or each other, and could not be got on ; and
I have heard since that their great stumbling-block was
their conviction that the whole battery was ' mined.' It
is odd, but nevertheless true, that their great fear of
gunpowder was the cause of their halting directly over
the magazine. There was a great deal of individual
pluck, particularly in the officers, and many of the old
soldiers behaved well ; but there was no ' united pluck,'
and without that how can you act against numbers.
"... So, although I have been handsomely spoken
of by both officers and men engaged, I suppose I shall
meet with my Inkerman fate, and, after having borne
MARKHAM AND EYRE 189
the brunt and dangers of the day, be thanked by my
inferiors, approved of by my conscience, and be un-
rewarded. . . .
" I have been made Governor of the English portion
of Sebastopol, and am therefore a sort of little Osten
Sacken.
"The first thing I had to do was to clean out the
hospitals, in which there were about 500 dead, and every
species of dirt. I am sure I wish, with you, this war
was over ; but if it continue, I do hope that we may have
to act alone, and in a country where there is no electric
wire, and under a man who is not obliged to wait every
day for orders from home.
" The three Generals you mention are the best here,
and the first* the best of the three. Markham's health,
I am sorry to say, is too much broken, and Eyre's bad
temper too intact
" In fact, until the Home Government make up their
minds to choose a proper person, without fear of the
Army or the Press, we shall never get on as we ought to
do. For my part, I do not dislike General Simpson ; he
has been very kind to me ; but he is too old, and has no
weight, and in fact does not ' command ' the Army. It
is lucky for that the town is taken, for his
arrangements for the winter were so absurd that we
must have come to a standstill.
" Sebastopol must have been one of the handsomest
places in the world. It is now one heap of ruins. I
cannot put down the Russian loss at the iast bombard-
ment and attack at less than 15 to 20 thousand men.
The Allied Cavalry (10,000 sabres) and the Light Artillery
ought ere this to have been at Eupatoria, or on the
Alma, whereas we have not moved.
* Sir William Codrington.
GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
" So now farewell ; show my letters to whom you like,
but do not, as an old friend, use them to my detriment.
To you I write the naked truth, which of course ought
not to be published until the world is good enough
to hear it.
" Yours ever,
"C. A. WlNDHAM."
A month later, General Simpson called on Windham
for information required by Lord Pan mure, the Secretary
of State for War.
The unofficial and official letters to General Simpson
merit attention, as does the private letter to Mr. Greville.
" To General Simpson.
"CAMP, SEBASTOPOL,
"October itfA, 1855.
"MY DEAR SIR,
"After our conversation this morning, I should
like to place before you my opinions ; but as to the
propriety or impropriety of the attack on the Redan
I shall remain silent, as also upon the details of the
attack, and shall confine myself to that which came
under my notice. The whole character of the fight
at the Redan would have been changed had the
leading party never stopped at the salient, but gone,
without halting, at the second line of defence ; and
from the gallantry of their advance to the salient, who
can say they would not have done this, had not their
leaders been killed. Had they done so the fight
would have been at the second line, not at the salient;
and the supports would have arrived inside, instead
REASONS. 191
of outside, the battery. I arrived after the Light
Division, and attacked on their right. I went through
the third embrasure (I think) on the proper left of
the work, but was not followed by any numbers, as
the men clung to the salient. This again would not
have happened had we gone straight at the second
line without halting. It is true that I (and others)
tried to get the men out of the proper right face of
the work (to which I had crossed from the left),
without success ; but, in justice to all parties, it should
be remembered that, what with traverses and screens,
the men were necessarily cut up into small bodies (to
say nothing of being of different regiments), and a
simultaneous rush was, therefore, almost impossible
when once file firing began. Without a certain body
of men, it was useless to attack the second line ; but
how get them out of these little chambers, in which
they were necessarily separated into small parties?
I have no hesitation in saying that the men I came
across did hang back, but I do not say it was
altogether from want of courage : want of mutual
support was the great thing ; this the intermixture of
the regiments rendered difficult, and the construction
of the battery almost impossible ; it could have been
avoided by a rapid and continued advance from the
first, but could not be overcome. I stated -at the
time (and think so still by my subsequent observation),
that one united battalion, thrown on the proper left
face of the work, would have carried the second line,
provided they could have kept clear of the men
upon the salient; this I told Sir W. Codrington at
the time, and I was then sanguine as to the complete
success of such a move. But since I have cooled,
and calmly looked at the batter}', I am not sure that
192 GENERAL WIND HASPS DIARY.
we could have held it ; but we should, at any rate,
have brought the question to a fair trial.
" Sir William waiting for a few minutes to see what
the French were doing was the wisest plan of the
two. Had the Royals (the regiment I got from
General Markham) run to the salient, I am positive
it would only have added to the slaughter, as there
would have been no means, under such a fire, of
preventing them from intermingling with the others.
The failure of our attack, particularly at such a
moment, was very unlucky, but it does not follow
that if renewed it would have succeeded ; and it
should be borne in mind that the French failed in
all their attacks against the works open in the rear,
and that the Russians, after their defeat at the
Malakoff, turned greater weight on us.
" As to the ladders, they were long enough, and I
cannot see what use Field Artillery could have been
to us. I have only now to request that you will
not suppose for a moment that I attribute our
failure to the Light Division men, as individuals.
I only think that had their leaders not been killed,
the men would probably have gone into the battery
with a rush, instead of firing into it ; and it would
have remained to be proved whether or not we could
have held it. At any rate, we should, under these
circumstances, have tried the question fairly.
" With regard to the belief held by the men as to
the work being mined, I saw no explosion during
the time I was there; but I think I should have,
had we succeeded."
ARGUMENTS. 193
Letter to Mr. Charles Greville, enclosing a copy of
the official letter to General Simpson :
" SEBASTOPOL,
"October i$th, 1855.
"This is very nearly the letter I have to-day for-
warded to General Simpson for Lord Panmure's perusal,
and it contains my honest opinion. I declined saying
anything as to the attack of the Redan being wise or
unwise. I have all along been against it. The attack,
if made anywhere, should have been made between
the Karabelnaia Ravine and Malakoff, which would
have aided the French more, and put us more within
reach of one another ; but no matter as to this. What
I wish you to do is to stop any enquiry into the
conduct of the troops. If any man ought to know
what that conduct was, it is your humble servant ;
and yet, I assure you on my honour, if before a
court, I could not bring home a case to anyone of
my own knowledge. The regiments were so inter-
mixed (and I had thirteen different regiments, or parts
of them, in the scramble), the men strangers to me
and one another, and to the officers who addressed
them, that I am quite sure it would only create an
immense deal of bad feeling, and do no atom of
good. The country ought, in justice, to remember
that we called on the men to attack a work that
was perfect, and defended by more men than we could
bring against it, to say nothing of the protection of
distant batteries ; and so they ought not to allow
their national pride to come down too heavily upon
the men who 'stood' probably better in the Redan
than many would have done who complain of them.
194 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
" I much regret the strong attacks against General
Simpson. They are not fair ; he is by no means a
bad man. . . . We all know he is not the ' personage '
Lord Raglan was, that there is not for him, with the
French, the same amount of ' prestige ' that there was
for the friend and secretary of ' Vilainton,' the man
who had lost hJs arm at Mont St. Jean, and had gone
through the wars of the Empire ; all this is true, and
it is also true that he cannot speak French nearly as
well as Lord Raglan.
" I am told, but I know not if it is true, that the
French strongly opposed our going to Eupatoria ;
if so, they have prevented the Russian Army from
being cut to pieces. One of the great dislikes I
have always had to the attack on the south side
has been the certainty that we should lose 10,000
men, and the equal certainty that we must after-
wards go to the north before anything could really
be done against the Russian Army.
" Des Salles has fallen back from the Belbek, and all
idea of turning their left is abandoned. I always
thought it would be. The authorities do not seem to
have made up their minds where the Cavalry are to
go, but the general opinion is to the Bosphorus.
" If this war lasts, everything will depend upon the
early opening of the campaign before the enemy
can receive his reinforcements. We ought to have
six weeks start of him, and in that time crush him.
But for this purpose everything should be prepared
at Eupatoria, ready for a start the first fine weather ;
but I am afraid this will not be done. We shall be
looking to the Russians retiring (which I think they
will do) and to the diplomats.
" I would look to nothing but God and the sword,
THE RECRUITS. 195
and would smite them hip and thigh, from the rising
to the setting of the sun.
" There is one good thing in rest, we shall be able
to touch up our recruits a little ; and, had these roads
not been going on, we should soon have had them tidy
soldiers, and it must be admitted that the trenches have
done them much harm.
" Only think of my having a Division ! As to the
newspapers, they seem to make me the greatest hero
that ever was, which is purely and simply ridiculous.
I am too old, however, to have my head turned by
that sort of nonsense, and am well aware that this
day fortnight I might be just as much in their black
books as I am the reverse now. I have no belief in
the Russians attacking us again, notwithstanding the
advice from Berlin. I think they can hardly be so
foolish ; yet fighting is, of all things, the most uncertain.
" Pray do no harm with my letters, particularly this
one, and do what you can to stop the 'nagging' the
Army and 'hitting it in the raw.' When we meet
the Russians in the open field I hope to see a different
account of old ' Brickdust.'
" Yours very truly,
" C. A. WINDHAM."
Official report to Lieutenant-General James Simpson,
Commander- in-Chief in the Crimea :
" SEBASTOPOL,
" October 15^, 1855.
" SIR,
" I have the honour to inform you that I have
no remark to make upon the first portion of Lord
Panmure's despatch.
196 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
" The conduct of the troops in the attack upon the
Redan, on the 8th September, was good in their
advance to the salient ; after the unfortunate halt there,
it was characterised by hesitation and want of unity
of purpose, which I attribute (i) to the regiments
becoming intermingled ; (2) to the construction of the
battery (the face being divided into small chambers) ;
(3) the difficulty of getting any simultaneous move-
ment ; and (4) the dread of the work being mined.
" The leading Division having lost its leaders and not
going at once to the second line, but commencing firing,
is enough to account for our want of success.
" Had there been no halt until we arrived at the
second line, my party and the supports would have
' brought up ' inside, instead of outside, the battery.
"Whether we could have held the work is a matter
of doubt ; at the moment I thought we could, but upon
reflection, and considering the fact of our Allies having
failed against all works open in the rear, I am not
so confident as to the correctness of my first opinion.
"At the time I thought that an entire battalion
thrown over the proper left face of the work, clear of
our men then fighting, would have carried the second
line, and I think so still.
" But had the ' Royals ' (which regiment was granted
me for this purpose) joined the men at the salient (and
who can say they would not have done so), their attack
would only have added to our losses.
" I saw no reason to complain of the length of the
ladders.
" I do not see how Field Artillery could have been
brought advantageously into play. I saw artillerymen
present for the purpose of spiking the guns.
" I beg to enclose a letter from Captain Rowlands,
A POPULAR CRY. 197
of the 4 1st, who led the Grenadiers of that regiment on
the 8th September, touching the men's opinion as to
the work being mined.
" I saw no explosions during the fight, but, from what
was observed next day, I think it fortunate that no
second attack was made, as I should probably have
seen many.
" I enclose a sketch of the work, and, for the
information of Lord Panmure, wish to say that what
I call the second line of defence was simply a ditch,
perfectly easy to pass over both ways, in which the
Russians were placed, their heads only being visible.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" Your obedient humble servant,
"C. A. WlNDHAM,
"Major- General Commanding 4th Division"
A letter to Mr. Charles Greville, written a few days
later, gives some interesting particulars of the assault :
"CAMP, SEBASTOPOL,
" 2oth October, 1855.
" Many thanks for your two last letters : both reached
me yesterday. What a curious thing is a popular cry !
If my head was inclined to be turned I might fancy
myself a hero ; but, after all, I really did but little.
Praise ought only to be given to me for trying to
remedy an error, and quickly seeing the only way
it could be done with any chance of success. Not
liking to set a bad example by retiring in my own
person, I sent four times to let them know what I
wanted, which was, 'Soldiers in formation and under
obedience.' No number of scattered men joining the
198 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
rear of an already disjointed lot has any chance
of moving it, or restoring order; as well might you
hope, by doubling the rear of a riotous mob, to make
them more rational in front. By the enclosed sketch
you will see that our men, having got into those little
chambers numbered I, 2, 3, &c., were by necessity cut
up into small parties ; and as the Russians held in force
the proper right and the four flanking guns, the only
thing to do was to get our men out of that position
and take the second line an easily-traversed ditch
by a dash, which would have induced all followers
to come into the battery, instead of into the salient.
" This I found impossible. I tried it three times.
Many of the men could not see me, others were busy
firing; two only came out with me when I went forward,
and took a shot, by my order, at a Russian officer,
where I have put a cross. But in spite of the most
approved theatrical attitudes, and strong language, I
could never succeed in getting attended to, the
more so as I found myself with the Light Division
(who were the leaders), and not one man in fifty
knew me. All this time, when I was at work in the
chambers and in the battery, the men on the salient
kept up firing at the Russian heads visible in the
second line, and at the re-entering angle upon the
proper right. Having failed, I immediately sent for
support, and, as the men looked shaky, called upon
them to hold on to what they had got : that supports
were coming ; and some officer (very wisely) had the
' advance ' sounded lustily on the outside by a bugler
of the 62nd. I kept eagerly watching for some number
of formed men with officers, that I might lead them over
the ditch of the second line. The guns of the whole
battery, bar the flank ones, had been abandoned, and
GORTCHAKOFF'S DESPATCH. . 199
therefore it is probable that, with a battalion of men
in order, I should have taken the second line. I
wight have held it, especially if the enemy had con-
tented himself with firing at us from the third line
until our working-party had secured us. I say I might,
but I do not think I could, unless which is possible
the Russians should have bolted upon seeing both
Redan and Malakoff lost. As soon as ever the fresh
battalion had mounted the parapet on the proper left,
the men on the salient, outside the ditch, would have
joined their comrades, and we should have had a hell
of a rough-and-tumble fight before we had given way;
for I much question if the enemy would have held the
battery on the proper right (four guns) with my
troops in possession of the second line, and if they
had not, the men in the trenches would have come
out much more freely. It was these guns that helped
to cut us up so in the advance, together with the
mass of riflemen placed there.
" You will probably now understand why I wanted
soldiers in formation. It was because I wanted to
make a move, and, by attraction, obtain what I could
not get \>y propulsion ; that is to say, to lead the men
out of the chambers and off the salient and parapet
into the second line, thereby bringing the taking and
holding of the battery to a fair trial.
"As to the town, except the store-houses in the
dockyard, everything is in ruins (but Fort Nicholas).
The inhabitants consisted of some used-up soldiers,
and the hospitals, houses, and streets were full of
dead bodies.
" Gortchakoff s despatch described very correctly the
state of the town. If the Russians can hold on
through the winter (why they should try to do so is
200 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
to me marvellous), it will come to what I told you,
namely, a loss on our part of 10,000 men to get us
out of our difficulties; for, if the Russians can feed
themselves, nothing will drive them out so easily as
an Army acting from the Eupatoria coast. I believe
the weather difficulty could be yet overcome ; and a
battle fought on the head waters of the river running
westward, or anywhere near Simpheropol, if decisive,
would seal the fate of the Crimea. Long before the
assault, I told the Duke of Newcastle that the first
step to take, previous to attacking the south side, was
to have Horse Artillery, Cavalry, and every spare thing
in the shape of transport and provisions sent to
Eupatoria, so as to be ready to follow up success, if
such were granted us and it will now have to come
to this : and it is on this account that I would, if
possible, have all the English Cavalry, &c., that could
be spared sent there now, and not to the Bosphorus,
that they might be ready in the spring to act before
the Russian reinforcements could arrive. If this had
been done in connection with the Turks, and 55,000
Infantry had been collected, it would have settled
Russky's hash, because had he denuded this part
of troops, those left here of us would have taken
the north shore, and our object would have been
gained.
"The only Russian woman I have seen is a one-
eyed one of fifty (used as cook at Headquarters), since
the 8th of September.
" Yours very truly,
"C. A. WlNDHAM."
THE REDAN. 201
It has been decided to include in this book the
following paper, although it was not written for
publication, as the discussions anticipated by General
Windham have arisen recently :
"ACCOUNT OF THE ATTACK ON THE REDAN
"ON THE STH SEPTEMBER, 1855.
(Written in 1857.)
" As I think it quite possible that hereafter dis-
cussions may arise as to the attack on the Redan
on the 8th of September, 1855, I am determined
to write a short account of the matter, for the satis-
faction of my children ; in this account, which is
not meant for publication, I will, as far as I am
able, speak the whole truth, and only hope that I
may not state anything unfair of any party concerned.
"On the afternoon of the 7th of September, 1855,
I was sent for to Markham's hut, and informed by
him that my brigade would furnish the storming
party of the 2nd Division; and that the attack was
to take place the next day at twelve o'clock, pro-
vided the French met with success at the Malakoff.
" The attacking-party told off for the Redan was
as follows :
1. 200 men . . Covering-party.
2. 320 . . Scaling-ladder-party.
3. 1000 . . Storming-party.
4. 400 . . Working-party.
" This force was to be drawn equally from the
Light and 2nd Divisions. The first and second parties
were to go abreast, and the storming-party was to
202 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
toss up which should lead (to prevent jealousy, I
suppose). I accordingly tossed up with Colonel
Unett, who on that day was in temporary com-
mand of Shirley's Brigade, owing to his (S.'s) absence.
" Percy Herbert flung up a Napoleon ; I lost the
toss, and Unett chose the lead.
" I now think it right to state, as nearly as I can,
my impressions at the time as to the ultimate fate
of the attack. There were a good many officers
present ; amongst others, Brigadier-General Warren,
Colonel Mauleverer, Colonel P. Herbert, Colonel
Wilbraham, and Markham himself. Unett, as soon
as he had chosen the lead, went out of the hut.*
" Having heard that the ditch was revetted, and
twenty-five feet deep, I honestly stated that I did
not see how it was possible to carry the work in the
way we were going to attack it. Our ladders were
reported to us as being twenty-four feet long, and I
naturally asked how it was possible to pass over any
number of men with rapidity with such short ladders.
" I also strongly objected to going out twenty file
abreast from one given point, stating that I felt sure
the rear of the column never would, or could, keep
up ; that the proper \vay to attack was to rush from
the whole length of the 5th Parallel, and then to be
backed up by men in order from the rear.
" I also objected (after the experience of the 1 8th
June) to there being no 'banquette,' stating that I
felt sure some of the men really would hang upon
the gabions and not be able to get over, whilst others
would pretend to do so. To these objections I met
but with one reply from Markham, and it was always
to this effect : ' It is no use" talking, Windham, all that
* He was mortally wounded in the assault.
THE REDAN. 203
is settled, and you must do it as directed.' I succeeded
in nothing but getting a promise of some tubs and
planks to form a ' banquette ' along that portion of the
5th Parallel from which we had to get. I was told
that Warren's. Brigade would support me, and I here
firmly state that I went to the attack looking upon
myself as immediately under Markham, and relying
upon the 2nd Division to support me. In proof of
this, I solemnly declare to having shaken hands with
Markham after my long discussion in opposition to
the proposed plan of attack, and said, ' Well, you
may depend upon my going into the battery, if I
keep upon my legs ; but if I ever get to the second
line, mind, I will not quit it for the white buildings
until you or Warren come up.' Having retired to my
hut, I made my will, wrote my letters, &c., and sent
for the officers in command of the two regiments from
which the storming column was drawn, namely, the
41 st and 62nd (Eman and Tyler).* Having given
them my directions, particularly as to the men not
fixing their bayonets (for fear of their tumbling on
to one another in the ditch) until they were absolutely
in the work, I lit my cigar, and passed my time as
usual until the evening, when I went with Swire, my
A.D.C., to Baudiere's hut, and had him read prayers to
us ; after this I went to bed, and slept soundly till the
morning.
" I thought we were under arms a great deal too
soon but that perhaps is a fault on the right side.
I remember the morning was both cold and windy. I
marched my party to the head of the Light Division
ravine, and there I saw Codrington, who asked me if
* Colonel Eman was killed, and Colonel Tyler severely wounded in the
assault.
204 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
I knew the details of the attack, to which I replied
Yes.
" I was on horseback, and rode down the front of the
company of the 4 1st, and told them that although the
service they were on was one of danger, that we should
no doubt do it well and successfully. That I begged
they would be cool and quiet, and not fix their bayonets
until they were over the ditch of the Redan. That
there would then be plenty of time for that, as the
Light Division would be ahead of us, and that I wished
to avoid accidents in descending the ladders. It was
only after seeing Codrington that I found out Shirley
had come back, which put me more out of joint as
commanding the storming-party, and made me hold my
tongue when in the trenches, and refer everyone to him
for orders. I, however, took upon myself to see that
Maude was all right with his ladders ; and I sent back
an order to Dr. Alexander, of the Light Division (with-
out consulting Shirley), upon finding out that the
Medical Officer at the Quarries had been there up-
wards of twenty-four hours, and had used up all his
lint, bandages, &c., of which he then had none. This
was about two hours before the attack.
" I had two men of the leading company of the 4ist
killed (one next to me) before the attack, and the
Russians kept shelling us heavily ; one portion of the
shell that killed the right-hand man of the Grenadier
company of the 41 st next me, also struck Captain
Hood, of the Buffs, in the stomach, and obliged him
to withdraw.
THE REDAN. 205
THE ATTACK.
" As soon as the flag was up I was ready, and ordered
my men to follow me along the trench until I came to
the proper place to cross. I then jumped over, and the
first thing I did was to collar the man next me and
make him unfix his bayonet ; when I got up to the
advanced sap (having my back to the Redan, and
facing my own men), I observed some were inclined to
make for the shelter of this sap, and I accordingly
ordered Roger Swire to place himself there and pre-
vent their entering it.
" I proceeded on to the Redan with the Grenadier
company and Eman. Upon coming up to the work
I diverged slightly to the right, to clear the Light
Division, and went at once into the ditch, which, thank
God, was not revetted for above six feet ; and was the
first man of the 2nd Division storming - party that
crossed the ditch. I was accompanied by Privates
Hartnady, Kenealy, and Mahoney the rest of the
company I thought slow, and I called to them loudly
to hurry on ; as soon as I got a dozen or fifteen men
over, I turned and entered the work at the second
or third embrasure to the right, the first being on
fire, and went straight into the middle of the work.
/ was followed by no one, to the best of my belief.
I crossed the work, and went into the chambers
upon the proper right face of it, and patted many of
the men upon the back, and tried to get them out
of both the openings towards the second line it was
of no use : I was never followed but by one man
of the 88th, and two men of the Rifles. The man of
the 88th came out most gallantly, and was abreast of
206 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
me ; the first rifleman also came out well, and it was to
these two men, who unfortunately would fire and not
charge, that I said, " Well, if you will fire, shoot that
(a strong expletive)," pointing to a Russian officer, who
was kicking away the gabions in his front to give his
men a good shot at us. Finding, notwithstanding my
cheering and doing the theatrical, that these three men
were all that came, we fell back ; and, on my getting
upon the parapet, the men were nearly taking a panic.
I accordingly ran upon the top of it (amongst their
muskets), and assured them that there was no cause for
fear, and implored them not to fall back ; the men on
the salient gave me a hearty cheer, and all seemed
right. I then sent Roger Swire back for the supports
(having recrossed the ditch), and returned on to the
parapet of the Redan. In a short time another panic
came on, and I thought they would all be off; but I
shouted to them to stand firm a bugler of the 62nd
sounded the advance, the men cheered, and all was
again quiet. I now, after having hit a man of the 62nd
with my fist for firing through the burning embrasure,
tried my best to get the men away from the salient,
where they were crowded, along the proper left face
of the work ; but beyond a dozen it was no go. I
accordingly crossed the ditch, and young Swire having
returned, I sent him back immediately to desire that
our batteries would keep up a heavy fire upon the
Redan, no matter whether they hit us or not. I also
sent back another officer (I have heard it was Major
Rickman, of the 77th, but I cannot say from my own
knowledge that it was) to request support ; until this
time I had received only a few scattered men, and I
think it was about this time that a fair-sized party of
the 23rd came out, and also some riflemen, under
THE REDAN. 207
Captain Hammond* and Major Ryder. A sergeant of
the Rifles would have been of great service to me, as he
was active, cool, and brave ; but he was killed whilst I
had my hand upon his arm, being shot through his
black belt, and the blood spurting quite out from his
body.
"A sergeant and party of the 23rd also behaved
tranquilly and well ; and I cannot help thinking I
might have succeeded in getting at this time fifty
men to have followed me to the proper left of the
work, had this sergeant not told me distinctly that
the last words of Sir VV. Codrington, on sending them
out of the trenches, were, ' Mind and not go to the
right' The sergeant was so cool and collected that I
could not but believe him, and replied, ' Well, I suppose
he sees something there that I cannot see.' At this
time a tremendous volley of grape and musket balls
came, and certainly must have knocked over at least
twelve or fifteen of the party, and the rest soon dis-
persed from the heavy fire. Having again been
thwarted, I had nothing for it but to send again to
hurry on the supports, requesting they might be sent in
a mass, and some sort of order. This time I em-
ployed Lieutenant Young, of the igth Foot, who was
wounded. No numbers, however, came, and ammuni-
tion began to run short, and the men to get slack. I
accordingly called Colonel Eman to me, and said,
' Now, Eman, you are a man of high rank ; you ought
to have some weight with the General, whoever he
may be. Go and tell him, that if he cannot send
or bring me some real support, and in some order,
I would rather, by God, he sent me none.' I was
angry.
* Captain Hammond was killed.
2o8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
"Stones now began to be thrown, and the ground
was thickly strewed with dead and wounded ; but I
still thought the fire at the Redan was by no means
insupportable ; and if I could only have got a fresh
battalion over, at the proper re-entering angle, on the
left of the work, I felt convinced I could get the
second line. Seeing that Eman's message had
apparently no effect, I at last turned round to a
young officer, standing close to me, and asked him
his name. He replied, as I understood, Graylock (it
was Crealock). I then said to him, ' I have sent five
times for support; the last man I sent was Eman.
Now, bear witness that I am not in a funk (at which
he smiled), but I will now go back myself, and try
what I can do.'
" I accordingly called out to the man on the salient
to hold on till I got up the support ; and then, running
back to the 5th Parallel, I saw Codrington standing
in the trench. Without going from the top of the
parallel, I said to him, ' If you will only send me a
fresh battalion now, and help me out with it, I can
carry the work.' His answer was, ' Come down, Wind-
ham, you '11 only be killed there. Why, my good
fellow, they won't go, and I have no number to
send.' Seeing the trench filled with wounded and
disheartened men, I immediately asked for Markham ;
and hearing he was in the Quarries, I ran across, a
distance of fifty or sixty yards, and found he was not
there, but at the old advance. I ran to him, and found
him in company with Richard Wilbraham, Percy
Herbert, young Thesiger, and King. The first thing
I said to him was, ' Only give a battalion, and help
me out with it, and I will carry the work at once.'
He said, ' Can you ? then take the Royals.' I asked
THE REDAN. 209
Wilbraham to order the batteries to keep a heavy fire
upon the Redan, and immediately, without a second's
delay (and I appeal to Markham's Staff on this point),
I marched the Royals to the front. As soon as I got
to Codrington I halted the regiment, jumped on to
the parallel, spoke to the men, telling them to stick
to me, and not mind the others now on the salient
of the Redan ; and then, turning to Codrington, said,
' Now, sir, I am ready ; give the word, and help me.'
He pulled me down from the top of the parallel, and
said, ' Come down, Windham, don't be in such a hurry ;
let me see what the French are about.' Having been
stopped, I argued the case as quietly as I could. He
(C.) asked me if I thought I was sure to succeed ; if
it were possible to get men out steadily under such
a fire. I admitted the difficulties and uncertainties I
admitted that if I failed on the left the loss would,
of course, be great. At this time Williams, of the
Artillery, ran back from the Redan, and said to me,
' Sir, if you will only now come on, Major Maude says
he will open out and let you through.' To this I
offered all the opposition I could. I told Codrington
that if the attacking-party once joined the men on
the salient, it was all over ; and, beyond file firing and
logs, you would get nothing ; that the only thing to
do was to keep clear of the other, and try the proper
left of the work. At this time a panic seized the
men at the Redan, and the day was lost. Upon
reviewing my own conduct up to this point, I think
very highly of it ; and had I only replied to Cod-
rington when he pulled me down from the top of
the parallel, when at the head of the Royals, 'Well,
sir, do as you like about the attack I will rejoin the
men at the salient,' I should have abandoned my
210 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
plan of attack on the proper left (the only thing to
have been done), but I should have given my most
bitter enemy no chance of saying one word against
me.
" I have heard it said that I ought to have returned
(and so I should in a minute or so, had not the
repulse occurred) ; and people seem to insinuate that
an exposed position at the 5th Parallel was a place
of comparative comfort ; but it was not so, nor did
I seek it on that account.
" I was now desperately tired and hoarse, having been
in great excitement and continued exertion for eight
hours, but, after having assisted in stopping the men
from abandoning the 5th Parallel, I strongly recom-
mended Codrington to send to Simpson and ask him to
attack again with the Highland Division, adding, ' I am,
as you know, a married man with children, but having
been three times into the work, and the old flag not
being where it ought to be, I will volunteer to lead
them and show them where they ought to go over.' I
believe that orders were sent to the Highland Division,
because I have heard Rokeby express his surprise at Sir
Colin Campbell declining to attack unless the orders were
sent in writing*
" No further attack being intended, and being hurt by
a gabion and greatly fatigued, I asked Markham, as my
brigade was reduced to nothing, to allow me to go home,
which he did; and I \vent and dined with Colonel David
Wood, at that time commanding the Artillery attached
to my old Division, the 4th. I of course talked over
* General Simpson says in his Despatch, "The trenches were,
subsequently to this attack, so crowded with troops, that I was unable
to organise a second assault, which I had intended to make with the
Highlanders, &c."
THE CA USES OF FA 1L URE. 2 1 1
the attack without disguise, and said that so convinced
was I (notwithstanding David Wood's opinion) that the
place could be taken, that I was determined if I went to
Headquarters I would tell them so, recommend it, and
offer to lead it. Hardly had I said these words when
Barnston, of the Quartermaster-General's Department,
came in and said, ' General Windham, you are wanted
at Headquarters.' David Wood lent me his pony ; I
got up from table and rode off immediately. Upon
entering the great room at Headquarters, I saw at table
General Simpson, Sir Colin Campbell, Airey, Steele,
de Suleau, &c., &c.
" I told the General I had come according to orders ;
he seemed surprised to see me, saying he had not sent;
to which I replied that Captain Barnston had ordered
me there, and that I had left my dinner on purpose to
come. He then asked me to sit down, and said, ' How
comes it we failed at the Redan ? ' I told him bluntly,
' From want of pluck and method.' That there was
nothing in the work itself to stop anyone. Seeing that
he did not much like this answer so openly given, I
stopped, and afterwards said to Airey, who sat between
me and the General, sufficiently loud for the latter to
hear, ' Tell the General he ought to attack again at once
with the Highland Division.' The General heard me,
and asked again what I had said. I repeated my
advice, to attack again immediately, and that I was
quite sure I could carry the work in half-an-hour. To
this, Simpson's reply was somewhat curious. (Sir Colin
sat next him and heard all I had said.) ' Well, may be
you 're right, but I must see Pelissier about it in the
morning, first.' So strong were the opinions I expressed
as to the whole attack, that I received next day a letter
from Steele (which I now have), deprecating my plain
212 GENERAL WINDHAM^S DIARY,
speech. The next day I saw General Simpson after
he had visited the works the Russians had abandoned
during the night, and I then asked him whether he
thought my impressions and opinions wrong ; his reply
was kind and frank. He said, ' Eh, mon, but ye have
spoken the truth ; ye have gallantly won your spurs,
and I hope you will get them.' Upon giving me my
Major-General's commission, on my birthday, the 8th
of October, he said, ' Here's your General's commission,
Windham ; the spurs have not yet come, but I hope
they will later.' And I will just add that they have
not come yet, although I have been in England
months.
" I daresay people will like to know whether I still
believe that the Redan could have been taken had I
gone on with the Royals. All things considered, I think
it would not ; the men looked disheartened, the trenches
were filled with wounded, over whom they had just
passed (which always must have a bad effect), and
instead of going forward in one continued stream, they
would have met almost as many coming back as going
on. If I had to do it again from the beginning, I think
it unquestionably could be carried, but I am not so
certain, as I was at the time, that anything would have
turned the fight when once the men began to hang
in the chambers."
CONCLUDING REMARKS: CRIMEA.
As has already been stated, Windham was, on the
nth September, 1855, appointed Commandant of the
British portion of Sebastopol ; but he only held this
appointment for a month, as, on the I4th October of
the same year, he was specially promoted to the rank
CONCLUDING REMARKS. 213
of Major-General, for his distinguished conduct on
the occasion of the assault on the Redan.
General Simpson had warmly and generously recom-
mended Windham's claims, but the knighthood, which
he considered that Windham had fairly earned, was
not bestowed till many years had elapsed.
General Windham was gratified by being given
command of his old Division, the 4th, which knew
him so well, and which owed as much to his exertions,
in camp and on the line of march, as to his gallant
leading in battle.
Still higher honour, and duties of even higher
responsibility, were, however, in store for Windham ;
and on the i/th November, 1855, he was appointed
Chief of the Staff to his friend, Sir William Codrington,
who had succeeded General Simpson as Commander-
in-Chief in the Crimea.
In Windham's hands this office became a useful
reality, and it was on the condition that it should be
such, that Windham accepted it.
Fully supported by his chief, for whom he felt both
respect and affection, General Windham now entered
on what was probably the happiest period of his life.
Incessantly busied with plans for the improvement of
the Army, and daily seeing the troops improve in
health, efficiency, and mobility, Windham was in his
element.
It is natural that the letters written by him at this
period are, in some respects, less interesting to the
general reader than were those written in the days of
battle and adversity. Windham's official position now
tied his tongue, and, moreover, there was little to find
fault with.
So, trusted and respected by his chief, by the Army
214 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
in the Crimea, and by the public at home, General
Windham worked loyally to the end, "sticking to the
ship" in the final dull and uneventful days as he had
in that dark and gloomy time when she seemed likely
to founder.
Peace came at last, and on June 3Oth, 1856, he
embarked for home one of the last to quit the
Crimea, as he had been one of the first to set foot on
its shore.
There must still be many who can remember the
enthusiasm with which Windham was received in
England, and with which, much to his gratification,
his native county of Norfolk heaped honours upon him.
The gift of a Sword of Honour and the Freedom
of the City of Norwich were followed by the triumphant
election of the distinguished soldier to Parliament, in
which unfamiliar scene General Windham fulfilled his
promise to his constituents to speak only on matters
with which he was acquainted.
It should here be mentioned that Mr. Anthony
Hudson, the old and dear friend to whom so many
of the letters in this volume were written, lived to
welcome General Windham to England, and to rejoice
in his honours, but died while Windham was on his
voyage to India.
THE INDIAN MUTINY.
ON the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny Major-
General Windham at once offered his services,
which were eventually accepted, owing to the numerous
casualties in the higher ranks. The General arrived at
Calcutta very shortly after the fall of Delhi, the capture
of which place was completed on September 2Oth, 1857.
General Windham applied immediately for a com-
mand in the field, and finding that there was no im-
mediate intention to employ him, volunteered to keep
open the lines of communication, if placed in command
of some of the disarmed regiments of the Bengal Army.
This offer was not accepted, and shortly afterwards he
was ordered to take command of the Sirhind Division,
a district which had been denuded of troops, and which
was far removed from all chance of active service.
Windham was, however, suddenly relieved from the
depression and disappointment caused by this order,
as Sir Colin Campbell, the new Commander-in-Chief,
who was about to march from Cawnpore to withdraw
the garrison of Lucknow (now commanded by Outram),
placed Windham in command of his base of operations.
Sir Colin marched from Cawnpore on the 9th
November, 1857, leaving Windham in his first inde-
pendent command. That independence was, however,
but very partial ; and it is evident, both from the
instructions given him and from the manner in which
216 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
he acted under them, that Windham had little freedom
of action.
His garrison was a small one (about five hundred
Europeans and a few Sikhs), and he was directed
by the Commander -in -Chief to place his troops
within the entrenchment which, on the re-occupation
of Cawnpore by Havelock in July, had been hastily
constructed on the river.
His further orders were not to attack any enemy
unless by so doing he could prevent the bombard-
ment of the entrenchment ; to send to the Commander-
in-Chief all detachments of European Infantry that
arrived from down country ; and, further, he was ordered
not to detain troops, even if seriously threatened,
without first asking for instructions.
It appears, in fact, that Sir Colin Campbell was so
intent on the second relief of Lucknow, an object
certainly of vital importance, and a task of great
difficulty, that he disregarded the danger of Windham's
small force being attacked and crushed by the Gwalior
troops.
Sir Colin persuaded himself that no such attack
would be made before his return from Lucknow, and
grievous was his miscalculation. Moreover, he had
not the excuse of want of warning, for the chivalrous
Outram wrote to him in good time, pointing out that it
was " obviously to the advantage of the State that, before
Lucknow was relieved, the Gwalior rebels should be
first effectually destroyed," and stating that the Lucknow
garrison could hold out till the end of November.
The Commander -in -Chief having marched away
from Cawnpore, Windham prepared at once to carry
out his instructions. He took measures to clear the
' glacis ' of the entrenchment, and the country beyond
THE MUTINY. 217
it ; to strengthen the works ; and to train men to work
the guns.
There was no time to be lost, for the error of the
Commander-in-Chief was promptly exposed ; Tantia
Topi, the most capable leader produced by the Mutiny,
was already advancing against Cawnpore, and marched
from Calpi on the day following Sir Colin's departure.
Windham's responsibility was now very great, for
the defeat and destruction of his small force would
leave the Commander-in-Chief without a base, and
with a victorious enemy acting in his rear. Windham
saw clearly that he would be attacked, and made an
urgent application to Sir Colin for permission to
retain such troops as he might think absolutely
necessary for the defence of his position, continuing,
meanwhile, loyally to send on reinforcements to his
chief.
On November I3th, the Chief of the Staff, Major-
General Mansfield (afterwards Lord Sandhurst), wrote
Windham the warm letter of thanks for his co-
operation given in the Observations, and on the
following day gave him authoritity to detain certain
troops. By this means Windham's force was gradually
increased from the original strength of 500, until on
the 26th November, when his first action was fought,
he had about 1400 bayonets in the field, together with
about 300 men left to guard the entrenchment.
Before this date, however, the situation had become
more and more critical ; the Gwalior contingent was
approaching him rapidly, and all communication with
Lucknow suddenly ceased on the iQth. To add to
his difficulties he learned, on the 22nd November,
that the enemy had surprised and defeated a police
force at Banni, on the high road to Lucknow.
2i8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Windham at once resolved to weaken his small force,
with the object of restoring communication with the
Commander-in-Chief ; and at 3 a.m. on the following
morning sent a wing of the Madras Infantry Regiment,
with two guns manned by Europeans, to re-occupy the
Banni Bridge.
Then, having to choose between an active and a
passive defence, his decision was quickly formed.
That it was to attack, rather than to be attacked, will
surprise no one who has read the preceding pages.
Such is ever the best course of action against an
Asiatic enemy, and it was also the most congenial to
the bold and resolute Windham.
Early on the morning of the 24th November he broke
up his camp, and marched six miles south-westward
to meet the advancing enemy ; two days later he
attacked and defeated a force of 3000 men with six
heavy guns. The fight was severe, and the enemy
left half his guns in the hands of the 34th Regiment
when driven from the field.
The British loss on this day amounted to ninety-two
killed and wounded, six of whom were officers.
The troops then returned to Cawnpore in excellent
spirits, and took up a position, previously selected, from
which Windham hoped to be able so to act against the
enemy as to defend the city and bridge from his attack.
A letter had been received from the Commander-in-
Chiefs camp to the effect that all was well, and that
the Army was marching back towards Cawnpore.
Tantia Topi now showed the instincts of a real
general, and taking advantage of his great superiority,
both in numbers and in artillery, endeavoured to crush
Windham before the Commander-in-Chiefs arrival.
Two days' severe fighting followed (November 2/th
BEFORE CAWNPORE. 219
and 28th), during which Windham's small force suffered
heavily, partly from the great strength and the deter-
mined action of the enemy, and partly from an
untoward incident to which further allusion will be
made presently.
Such were the odds against him, and such the
difficulties caused by this incident, that Sir Colin
Campbell, on his arrival (on the evening of the 28th
November), found Windham's force on the point of
being driven into the entrenched position.
General Windham's conduct of affairs, during his
three days' righting before Cawnpore, has been freely
criticised, both by competent and incompetent writers ;
by those acquainted with all the facts of the case ; and
by those who obviously are not acquainted with them.
He has been blamed for taking up too extended
a position for his small force ; but this, it should be
remembered, he did in compliance with the written
instructions of the Commander-in-Chief ; perfectly
proper instructions they were too, or they would not
have been issued by that experienced and cautious
soldier.
As for Windham's choice of method in his defence
of Cawnpore, the opinion of Colonel Malleson should
justify him.
" That Windham," he writes, at the conclusion of his
description of the fighting, " was justified in deciding to
make an aggressive defence cannot, I think, be ques-
tioned. It is the opinion of those best qualified to
form an opinion, that, regard being had to the enormous
superiority of the rebels in artillery, a purely defensive
system would have ensured the destruction of his force }
and the occupation of Cawnpore by the rebels, with
consequences Sir Colin and the women and children
220 GENERAL WIND H AM* S DIARY.
of the Lucknow garrison being on the other side of the
river the evil extent of which it would be difficult to
exaggerate.
" Windham, by his military instincts, saved the
country from this disaster."
The circumstance previously alluded to as causing
the worst of General Windham's difficulties, was one
happily of very rare occurrence in our military history ;
one which the General could not have provided against,
and for which he was in no way to blame.
There is both official and private testimony establish-
ing the fact, as appears from a letter addressed to
H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge by Sir Colin Campbell,
as soon as the latter discovered that he had been guilty
of an unintentional injustice to General Windham.
Sir Colin, in this letter, mentions the "remarkable
forbearance " of General Windham towards the person
who had caused his discomfiture, and adds that the true
facts of the case had come to light without pressure on
Windham's part.
General Windham's conduct had indeed been most
generous.
The official despatches follow :
"The Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council
has received the following despatch from his Excellency the
Commander-in-Chief, and hastens to give publicity to it.
"It supplies an omission* in a previous despatch from his
Excellency, which was printed in the Gazette Extraordinary
of the 24th instant.
" Major-General Windham's reputation as a leader of
conspicuous bravery and coolness, and the reputation of
the gallant force which he commanded, will have lost nothing
* This omission was that of a favourable notice of the name of General
Windham and of the officers who had served under him.
THE OFFICIAL DESPATCHES. 221
from an accidental omission, such as General Sir Colin
Campbell has occasion to regret.
" But the Governor-General in Council will not fail to bring
to the notice of the Government in England the opinion
formed by his Excellency of the difficulties against which
Major-General Windham, with the officers and men under
his orders, had to contend.
" To the Right Honourable the Governor- General.
"HEADQUARTERS, CAMP, NEAR CAWNPORE,
''the 2oth of December, 1857.
" MY LORD,
" I have the honour to bring to your Lordship's notice
an omission, which I have to regret, in my despatch of the
2nd December, and I beg to be allowed now to repair it.
" I desire to make my acknowledgment of the great
difficulties in which Major- General Windham, C.B., was
placed during the operations he describes in his despatch,
and to recommend him and the officers, whom he notices
as having rendered him assistance, to your Lordship's
protection and good offices.
"I may mention, in conclusion, that Major-General Wind-
ham is ignorant of the contents of my despatch of the 2nd
December, and that I am prompted to take this step solely
as a matter of justice to the Major-General and the other
officers concerned.
" I have, &c.,
" C. CAMPBELL, General,
" Cornmander-in-Chief. n
Seldom has an act of injustice been more frankly and
honourably undone, but it is, unfortunately, the fact that
the slur on General Windham's reputation, cast by Sir
Colin Campbell's hasty condemnation of the operations
before Cawnpore, has made a far deeper impression
on public opinion than has his subsequent attempted
reparation.
222 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
It seems desirable, therefore, to complete General
Windham's exoneration, and to make it as widely
known as possible, by the republication of a pamphlet,
privately printed by him in 1865, entitled, Observations,
supported by documents ; a supplement to Colonel
Adye's "Defence of Cawnpore."
THE OBSERVATIONS.
"By those who only read the title-page of this
pamphlet, it may be asked Why, after the lapse
of many years, publish anything relative to the
proceedings at Cawnpore in November, 1857? Why
trumpet a work, well and ably written, it is true, but
composed by one who served with you, who was
your friend, and who wrote to do you justice? I
reply, that Colonel Adye had not permission to
publish certain letters and documents which prove
the correctness of his statement, but that I have.
Also, I may add that, having now been graciously
rewarded, without application on my part, I can
appeal to public intelligence as to my proceedings
under very trying circumstances, without my inten-
tions being misrepresented.
" Moreover, although a man may nay, in this country
often must bear in silence the hasty comments of the
daily Press, it does not follow that he is called upon to
be equally reticent when he has reason to suspect that
certain transactions in which he was chiefly concerned,
and in which his conduct has been criticised, are about
to appear in a work which, from the known ability of
its author, is likely to descend to posterity.
" The reader will find, should he condescend to
peruse these few remarks, that I have carefully
COMMENTS. 223
avoided giving my own impressions and wishes, with-
out at the same time giving proof of their correctness ;
that I have likewise avoided entering into minute
details, or the description of individual actions,
knowing the almost utter impossibility in such cases
of doing justice to all parties.
" Difficult is it fairly to represent the quiet actions
of daily life more difficult far to detail with justice
those that happen in the excitement of a fight.
" I shall avail myself, however, of this opportunity,
not only to strongly recommend Colonel Adye's work
to those desirous of knowing the truth as to the
proceedings at Cawnpore, but also to explain why,
in my opinion, he was justified in selecting those
well-known lines of Addison for his motto :
'T is not for mortals to command success ;
But we '11 do more, Sempronius we '11 deserve it.
" In adopting this couplet, it might seem at first
sight as though the able statement which follows
had been drawn up by Adye with a view rather
of describing difficulties which excused a 'failure,'
than of recording measures and movements which,
despite all difficulties (and they were great and
many), led to a 'success.'
" That the latter is proved by his narrative will be
obvious to the reader, who shall bear in mind the
nature of the duties entrusted to me.
" These were twofold :
" i. The forwarding from day to day, as they
should arrive, troops, material, ammunition,
&c., to the main Army, under Lord Clyde,
at Lucknow.
224 GENERAL WINDHAM*S DIARY.
" 2. The defence of the entrenchments, hospital, and
bridge at Cawnpore, and the watching of the
Gwalior Contingent.
" The first of these duties, though involving no small
amount of labour and anxiety, was of routine character.
"That it was performed efficiently, and to the
satisfaction of His Excellency, is proved by the
testimony of the Chief of the Staff in the following
handsome letter :
"CAMP, ALUMBAGH,
"November itf/i, 1857.
"Mv DEAR WINDHAM, Your official and private letters
of yesterday have both just come to hand, and I lost no
time in reading them to the Chief. He desires me to thank
you warmly for all you are doing to support him. The
impulse you have given to everything is immense, and his
expression to me is, ' I cannot be too thankful for having
him at Cawnpore just now.' The troops you have sent on
will be of incalculable advantage to us, as we shall be
compelled to leave so many posts as we go along.
Crawford's guns will keep our batteries undiminished
after providing for the proper armament of those posts.
The trans-Goomtee scheme will not do, I am afraid (it
was followed next time) and we must proceed deliberately
with the big guns and the sappers, clearing our road as
we go along, and saving the troops from musketry fire as
much as we can. I think, with management, we shall
be able to accomplish this to a great extent. I under-
stand there are some troops just arrived into camp, which,
I suppose, is Colonel Welles' party.
" Yours truly,
"W. R. MANSFIELD.
" To Major-General Windham.
"P.S. You were quite right about the camels, and Sir
Colin entirely approves your decision."
THE GWALIOR CONTINGENT. 225
. " This letter, I think, proves that the first part of my
duty was satisfactorily performed up to that date ; and
I think I may add, without any fear of contradiction,
that it continued to be so performed to the end. The
other duty was of a far more serious and responsible
nature. As Colonel Adye has truly said, 'the safety
of the position at Cawnpore was at that time a matter
of the highest importance.' It is with no intention
of unduly enhancing the value of my own service that
I call attention to that remark ; for it is still my
opinion, taking into consideration all the circum-
stances of that time, whether as regarded the
condition of our own forces or those of the enemy,
that the one point in all India on which, at the
moment of the relief of Lucknow, the Queen's
supremacy in that country chiefly depended, was
the position I had been appointed to protect. Had
the enemy once carried the entrenchments, and
secured or destroyed the bridge over the Ganges
into Oude, it is difficult to over-estimate the con-
sequences that would have ensued.
" The hope was that he would not make the
attempt ; this also was the opinion of the Com-
mander-in-Chief, founded upon information that he
had received previous to his departure for Lucknow.
" The Gwalior Contingent was the force from which
alone an attack was to be apprehended.
" But though a maiden force, and better equipped,
organised, and commanded than any other body of
men in the rebel armies, yet it was considered that,
numbering, according to General Havelock's calcula-
tion, under 5000 men, it would be reluctant to hazard
an assault upon a fortified post defended by British
troops. I fancy its numbers were underrated, for I
Q
226 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
was subsequently informed by Major Grimes, who was
its paymaster when the mutiny broke out, that at that
time it was 8500 strong, and its ranks were after-
wards largely reinforced. In addition to this, it is
said that large numbers of men from Lucknow, who,
by a preconcerted arrangement, abandoned that city
after the arrival of the British Army there, crossed
the Ganges between Futtehpore - Choorassie and
Sheorajpore, and joined them. I think this was
the case. But be that as it might, the enemy
which threatened Cawnpore in the last week of
November, 1857, joined as it certainly was by the
Dinapore mutineers, was no longer of small account.
It had become a large and formidable army. Nor
did its intention of attacking us long remain proble-
matical. It advanced boldly with 700 scaling-ladders,
six or seven batteries of artillery, a large siege-train,
and 23,000 rounds of ammunition for guns. The very
attempt I was appointed to watch was now at hand.
How the attempt was made, and how it was resisted
under what disadvantages on the one hand, and
with what desperation on the other Colonel Adye's
pages graphically and truthfully describe. But that
it was resisted successfully, that the vital point
entrusted to the guardianship of my force was held
in security, that the all-important entrenchments and
bridge were saved, and the Commander - in - Chiefs
movements with his charge from Lucknow unmolested,
the same pages likewise show.
" Now, as this was the duty entrusted to us, it is clear
that we not only ' deserved ' success, but we obtained
it. But, judging from some criticisms, I am rather
called on to prove that, though I did obtain success,
I did not deserve it, because, forsooth, I myself
CRITICISMS. 227
created the very difficulties under which the contest
was waged !
" i. It is said that I took up a position outside the
town when I ought to have remained in the
entrenchment, and have kept the town between
myself and the enemy !
" 2. It is said that, having taken up that position,
I advanced to meet the enemy, when I should
rather have waited to receive his attack !
" These criticisms are somewhat singular. Had I
failed to accomplish the task assigned to me, they
might, perhaps, have been looked upon as plausible,
though even in that case they would have been far
from just or reasonable.
" But the issue being what it was, they hardly call for
an answer. .
" It may be fairly assumed that if a general gains
his object, his tactics could not have been very much
in fault. I am prepared, however, in the present
instance to go further, and to assert that, had I
adopted measures in accordance with the views of
my critics, I should most probably have lost the
position instead of holding it, and have brought on
the bombardment of the entrenchments and the de-
struction of the bridge, which it was my particular
duty to prevent.*
" Remain in the entrenchment, indeed ! Why, it had
been so hastily constructed, and was so weak and
unfinished, that it could not have resisted a bombard-
ment from even half the mortars the enemy had
brought with them. Crowded as it was with sick,
* Vide paragraph 9, Appendix.
228 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
powder, stores, and men, even if the troops under
me had been picked veterans, accustomed to act to-
gether, I question their standing the 'pounding' they
would have had in that confined but yet unprotected
space.
" Again, How preserve the bridge but by keeping the
enemy from getting within range of it? What better
evidence can be given of the inadequacy of the en-
trenchment to protect the bridge than the fact that as
soon as we entered it, on the night of the 28th, the
enemy planted his guns, and opened fire upon the
bridge at daylight next morning?
" Again, How could I keep the town between myself
and the enemy without holding the town ? The enemy
must have it, or I must. It must harbour one side or
the other. Hence the view I chose to take, and which,
moreover, was strictly in accordance with my instruc-
tions, as far as those instructions went.
" 2. Then in regard to my going out to meet the
enemy. How did this prejudice the defence ? I
attacked the centre of three parties that were sepa-
rately coming down to meet me. It had approached
to within three miles of my position on the canal, and
was still advancing. Surely a handsome thrashing
the loss of three guns and many men did not make
it advance quicker. I did not go to meet it until
it had absolutely started to meet me. I determined
to strike the first blow ; and in doing so, I do not
hesitate to say, contributed in no small degree to the
attainment of the end in view, having gained at least
twenty-four hours in time and three guns, to say
nothing of the prestige.
" Then if all this be so, why should Colonel Adye
have chosen such a motto ?
DEFENCES. 229.
" Simply because there is a sense in which its appli-
cation is both just and appropriate. ' The position '
(viz., the entrenchment and bridge,) could, in my
opinion, be better defended by holding the town and
its outskirts than in any other way. But I desired
not only to use the town as a cover to the entrench-
ment, but also to prevent the town itself from being
pillaged.
"To show that this was a long-cherished idea of
mine, I wrote on the loth November to the Chief
of the Staff, pointing out certain brick-kilns just
without the town as offering the best line of defence.
In his reply to me he says (extract of letter dated
nth November, 1857) 'Having not had a moment
of time to spare, when I was at Cawnpore, I am not
able to give an opinion on the military position there.
But it appears to me that if your retreat is secured,
it is a great advantage to prevent the pillage of the
city.'
"Although this was no order to undertake its defence,
it surely allowed me to do so if I thought I could do
it with safety.
" I had pointed out the same position to Colonel
Adye. I had had everything cleared away between
these brick-kilns and the advancing enemy, and had
fully made up my mind a fortnight before the enemy
arrived where I would meet them. This Colonel Adye
knew. He and others who, like him, ably supported me,
were, of course, grievously disappointed in not having
succeeded in gaining that, which, though not the main
point, was one that we wished much to gain. We
fought hard for it. Only those who have worked well
and fought bravely for a desired object, and with well-
grounded hopes of obtaining it, can appreciate the
230 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
disappointment caused by seeing that object frustrated.
Colonel Adye shared this disappointment, but he knew,
at the same time, that the result, which, in common
with myself, he deplored, was placed beyond my
control. Hence the motto on his title-page, which,
as referring to this part of our proceedings, was no
less happy in its selection than just in its application ;
for in this case, though we could not ' command '
success, we did ' deserve ' it.
" I now come to a criticism that I consider well
worthy of an answer. It is this ' Why did Windham
not send his baggage to the rear on the morning of the
2/th ? It was an error his not having done so.' It
is curious that, amongst the many accusations that
have appeared against me in print, this should never
have been amongst the number, to the best of my
recollection. It is still more curious that it should
never have been made to me in conversation ; for, in
my opinion, it is the weakest point of my case. The
question, as it stands above, was reported to me by
an old friend as having been asked by an officer
of high rank in England, shortly after the news of the
fighting at Cawnpore arrived here.
" My reply is very short and simple, namely- ' I
think it was an error.' It must not, however, be
supposed that I forgot to do this ; on the contrary,
I had, at three o'clock that very morning, issued an
order directing all the baggage and camp equipage
to be taken to the island in the Ganges, just abreast
the entrenchment. I deeply regret having rescinded
that order shortly after its issue. I discussed the order
at the time with several officers, and the following were
my reasons for rescinding it :
THE RESCINDED ORDER. 231
" I. I did not wish to alarm the friendly, or to
encourage the adverse, part of the population
of the town in my rear by showing any in-
tention of retiring.
" 2. Colonel Bruce's russeldar of police, a native
officer in whom he had much confidence, stated
through him to me, that if we only remained
quiet, the enemy, after the defeat he had
experienced the day before, would not advance
at all.
" 3. By my instructions (vide paragraph 8), I was
ordered to show a bold front, and to make
the most of myself, provided my retreat was
secure.
"4. I felt sure that I could, as soon as the enemy
was reported as crossing the canal, have my
baggage and camp equipage removed, and
cover its removal (so short a distance had it
to go), by holding the village of Sesamhow.
" I rescinded that order with much doubt and hesi-
tation ; and I deeply regret I did so. Had I not done
so, I should at once have posted my force, as I
originally intended, behind the before-mentioned brick-
kilns, and the misconduct that produced the confusion
of that day would probably never have occurred.
Having thus frankly admitted my own error of judg-
ment (as proved by the result), allow me to add, in
justice to myself, that I feel convinced I could, under
ordinary circumstances, have accomplished all I aimed
at namely, ' to show a bold front to deter the advance
of the enemy ; but should he cross the canal, then to
cover the removal of my baggage, and take up my
232 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
intended position. In this I was frustrated;* I hope
no other officer may ever meet with the same hard
fate.' I have said that we ' deserved ' success ; and this
assertion is not made without substantial evidence to
support it.
"By the kind permission of His Royal Highness
the Commander-in-Chief, I am enabled to refer to a
letter written to him by the late Lord Clyde, on the
subject of the proceedings in question, now published
for the first time, and which more than bears out
what I have said :
"CAMP, SHERAJPORE,
''December 2$tk, 1857.
"SiR, Your Royal Highness is aware that there was
much, at the time of my arrival in Cawnpore, to cause
me to think very gravely of the occurrences which had
previously taken place.
"In justice to Major-General Windham, C.B., I have the
honour to bring to the notice of your Royal Highness, that
certain facts have lately come to my knowledge, which
placed that officer in a most difficult and unfortunate
position.
"Lieutenant-Colonel .... misconducted himself on the
26th and 27th November in a manner which has rarely
been seen amongst the officers of Her Majesty's service ;
his conduct was pusillanimous and imbecile to the last
degree, and he actually gave orders for the retreat of his
own regiment, and a portion of another, in the very face
of the orders of his General, and when the troops were
not seriously pressed by the enemy.
"The consequence was, the men became excited, and
* The village of Sesamhow, in my immediate right front, was given up
without a struggle, the strength of the position lost, and endless confusion
created, by one man, who, by-the-bye, had no right to be there, as I had
displaced him from his command hours before the fight began, for his
misconduct on the a6th.
LORD CLYDE'S LETTER. 233
a state of things arose which Major-General Windham could
not control, though he used his best efforts to meet the
difficulty.
"Major-General Windham, while treating this officer with
remarkable forbearance, deprived him of the power of doing
further mischief.*
"After some correspondence, a Court of Enquiry was
held, and the facts above stated are in evidence.
" Painful as much that has occurred must have been to
the Major-General, it cannot but be now a matter of great
satisfaction to him that, without pressure on his part, these
facts have come to light, and now serve to explain so
much of what might otherwise have been injurious to his
reputation.
" I have further to remark that the troops at Cawnpore
consisted, for the most part, of detachments en route to
join their regiments, the headquarters of which were
employed elsewhere.
"This was another serious disadvantage to the Major-
General, which, ensuing as a consequence of the difficulty
of the times, was also beyond his control, there having
been no sufficient opportunity of organising the detachments
in battalions.
"Your Royal Highness will well appreciate how much
the moral strength of the garrison would be shaken by
such a contingency, and, I trust, will be pleased graciously
"* December 2nd, 1857.
" MY DEAR WINDHAM, Pray excuse me for not having answered
you sooner. With regard to Colonel 's case, I think no one
could deny that you have acted with the utmost propriety towards the
service, and great forbearance to a man whose conduct on a very trying
and difficult occasion, did you such terrible injury. I am confident
the Chief thinks as I do.
' ' Believe me, yours very truly,
"W. R. MANSFIELD."
234 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
to afford the full benefit of the circumstance to the
Major-General.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,
" The very humble and devoted servant of
" your Royal Highness,
(Signed) " C. CAMPBELL, General,
" Commander-in-Chief, East Indies."*
" The circumstances which occasioned that letter
are somewhat singular, and serve to illustrate, in a
remarkable manner, the chances attaching to the
fortune of an officer in command of a British force.
Lord Clyde reached Cawnpore from Lucknow on
November 28th ; on the 2nd December following he
sent home a despatch relating to the state of affairs
as he found them on his arrival there. In that
despatch he saw fit to omit all favourable mention
of my name, and of the names of those officers
who had served under my orders during the arduous
operations in which we had been engaged. Why
was this omission made ? It could not have been
by accident ; and, certainly, it was not because I had
failed to hold ' the position ' which had been entrusted
to my charge, for the entrenchment and its contents,
together with the bridge, were handed over in safety.
"*The above letter was forwarded to me by General Mansfield
with the following :
''December ztyh, 1857.
"Mv DEAR WINDHAM, I believe this is the best Christmas-box I
could send you. I conceive that the Court of Enquiry on Colonel
is one of the most happy circumstances of your life, and I very
sincerely congratulate you on its result. It explains everything in
official form, after careful investigation, which was quite unintelligible
before.
' ' Yours very truly,
" W. R. MANSFIELD."
THE SEQUEL. 235
Then, why was my name omitted ? I ask the question,
as the Commander-in-Chief never told me, and I do
not know to this day. I suppose it was because I
attempted to do more than was required, and that
my attempt had not succeeded ; that, having endea-
voured to protect the town from pillage, as well as
to protect the entrenchment and bridge, the town
had, nevertheless, been penetrated by the enemy ; in
one word, that British troops had, from whatever
cause or accident, retreated before the enemy. The
fact of this retreat, together with the loss of some
camp equipage, appeared, to the Commander-in-Chief,
' disastrous.' I do not complain of this view of the
case. Though I had been fighting with less than
2000 men (and these composed greatly of detach-
ments), against 25,000; with eight* light guns, drawn
by bullocks and manned by natives, against sixty or
seventy pieces of artillery, many of them well horsed ;
with no permanent staff (and the officers employed
by me on such duty new both to the work and the
ground), I quite allow that Lord Clyde had reason to
look gravely on the matter when he saw the smaller
force retiring before the larger on the evening of
the 28th. Such a view of the case is perhaps only
a necessary consequence of that prestige which the
British arms have earned in many a well-fought field,
and which it was especially essential to sustain in India
at that moment. The only question to be decided in
circumstances of that kind, so far as I was individually
concerned and it was not enquired into at the date of
His Excellency's first despatch of December 2nd was
" * The two 24-pounders, drawn by elephants, were only got into
action once, and, from the usual intractability of these animals, were
of more trouble than they were worth.
236 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
this: 'Was the result supposed to affect British prestige
owing to me as General in command?'
" It would seem, judging from certain expressions in
his private letter to His Royal Highness, as well as
in his supplementary public despatch to the Governor-
General of India, that this was Lord Clyde's first
impression on his arrival at Cawnpore, though I am
bound to admit that he neither then nor afterwards
ever uttered a syllable to me upon the subject.
" At the end, however, of seventeen days subsequent
to the date of his first despatch, after a painful and
patient enquiry, instituted, be it observed, not at my
instigation, but, in consequence of rumours that had
reached him, by desire of the Commander- in -Chief
himself, His Excellency then arrived at an opposite
conclusion.
" He then found that ' difficulties,' over and above
those necessary ' difficulties ' inseparable from the
inferiority and composition of the force under my
command, had so embarrassed the operations I con-
ducted as to hinder the attainment of that full measure
of success which might otherwise have been anticipated
from them. Of those difficulties I have no desire to
speak further. They have always been to me a most
painful subject, as the like of them must ever be to
a soldier who has his country's honour at heart. Lord
Clyde has characterised them, and the occasion of them,
in language which cannot be misunderstood, and will
not be deemed unmerited. He shall be my witness
whether, in the face of those difficulties of which he
makes mention, I claim too much when I say that
I deserved the success which they had so great a share
in rendering impossible.
" The reader may agree with me in thinking that the
GENERAL CART HEW. 237
great wonder was, not that the town, after a long
struggle, was penetrated by a daring enemy, but that
the vital point was not wrested from my grasp.
" I am told, indeed, that the question has been asked,
What if reinforcements had not arrived at the moment
they did, on which side would the victory have been
then?
" In reply to this let me ask If I risked losing the
entrenchment by entering it on the 28th, should I not
have been more likely to do so by entering it on the
25th? One thing is clear it took the enemy three
days and nights to get me into that which he came
to get me out of; and, as I never was got out of it, I
shall decline to argue the question.
" Lastly, I have heard it said that ' I was surprised at
Cawnpore ' ; that I had been ' careless, and took no
pains to prevent it' In answer to these assertions, I
have to remark that they are simply untrue. Had
they been true, I should have had to blame General
Carthew, as I requested him to look to this whilst
I remained in Cawnpore carrying on the telegraphic and
other correspondence between Lucknow and Calcutta.
I selected him for that duty, not only from his good
sense and ability, but from his knowledge of the
language ; and I had no reason ever to regret my
selection, as no one at Cawnpore did better service
than this officer. Let his letters speak for themselves :
" CAMP, NEAR CAWNPORE,
" November 22nd, 11.5 p.m.
"Mr DEAR SIR, Your order has just been received, and
arrangements are being made to carry it out.
" I have outlying pickets round the camp, furnishing a
complete chain of sentries all round; but I have no inlying
238 GENERAL WINDHAM>S DIARY.
pickets beyond the quarter-guards of regiments. Those
pickets are about 200 yards in front, and the chain of
sentries 100 yards in front of them. I will establish the
inlying pickets as desired.
"Yours faithfully,
"M. CARTHEW.
" CAMP ON CANAL, NEAR CAWNPORE.
"Mv DEAR SIR, I have just received your note (8 p.m.),
and will do all in my power to prevent the enemy coming
upon us unawares. I will patrol frequently, both with
Infantry and Cavalry. The bridge to the right is blocked
up with carts, and guns are mounted on the left bridge.
" I remain, yours faithfully,
"M. CARTHEW, Brigadier.
" November 2yd.
"MY DEAR SIR, Your orders shall be attended to imme-
diately ; some have already been carried out.
"The intelligence received to-day has induced me to
strengthen the bridge with the loose wood lying about.
The wood will not be destroyed.
" I remain, yours faithfully,
"M. CARTHEW, Brigadier.
"CAMP AT BRIDGE ON CALPEE ROAD,
NEAR CAWNPORE,
" November
"Mv DEAR SIR, The encampment has been completed.
All tents are up and pitched. Our right is near three-
quarters of a mile from the Baree Bridge. I have therefore
a picket of twelve hussars there now, and will have one con-
sisting of an officer and thirty men out immediately. I have
intelligence that a large body of the enemy, amounting to
LETTERS FROM THE OUTPOSTS. 239
2000, are at a place called Dhurmungulpoor, about three
coss from this. This information was given me by a man on
his way to Cawnpore, to report to Captain Bruce, having
his nose cut off, and made his escape from them this morning.
Captain Gordon, of 82nd, has been good enough to give his
services in erecting a log breastwork at the head of the bridge
on our left. I will also have the bridge further protected by
placing several empty carts across it ; and, with a picket well
to the front on the Calpee road, I hope we shall be well pre-
pared for the enemy if he should come this way. The officer
in charge of the Cavalry visited some of the neighbouring
villages this morning. At a place called Kulenpore, on the
Delhi road, he learnt that at Choukeypore twelve sowars and
a duffadar of the enemy are posted, and eight miles further
on, at Shuley, the main body of the enemy is stationed, being
sixteen miles from Kulenpore, and eighteen from this camp.
" I remain, yours faithfully,
"M. CARTHEW, Brigadier.
" To Major- General Wtndham, C.B.
"CAMP, NEAR CAWNPORE,
" November 2$th.
"Mv DEAR SIR, A scout, who was sent out early this
morning from the sowars' camp (but not a sowar), has just
come in, and reports as follows: A small advance picket
of the enemy is now at Punkee, 18 guns at Chichoundee, 18
at Dhurmungulpoor, and about 18 have gone off towards
Segounlee, with the view, I imagine, of coming on the Delhi
grand road. There are at Chichoundee 200 horsemen ; of
Infantry he can give no idea, but says the topes and gardens
are filled with them. The guns are large some drawn by six
and five pairs of bullocks.
" Their advance in this direction, I think, leaves no doubt
but that they intend their attack upon us and Cawnpore, and
probably the guns which have gone off to Segounlee are for
that purpose. Another scout is expected in at three o'clock.
240 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY.
I shall keep the whole force in camp ready accoutred
throughout the night, and patrol without ceasing, both Cavalry
and Infantry.
" I remain, yours faithfully,
" M. CARTHEW, Brigadier.
" It was this last letter that made me at once proceed
to the camp on the canal ready for the proceedings
of the morrow. I myself reconnoitred the enemy, and,
finding him absolutely advancing, determined to follow
the advice of the ' Great Duke,' and attack him on
the move.
" I remained immovable on the morning of the 2?th
from design, firmly believing that I could cover the
removal of my ' impedimenta ' should the enemy think
proper to cross the canal ; and I wish to reiterate that
it is still my opinion that I could have done so had
I not been met by conduct I little expected, and which
is explained in Lord Clyde's letter of December 23.
" I have little more to add, having answered, I hope,
temperately and fairly, the main drift of those criticisms
which have come under my observation.
" In conclusion, I beg to recommend Colonel Adye's
volume, together with these notes and documents, to
the impartial consideration of the public. His state-
ments are correct, and, if duly weighed, will vindicate
my professional reputation from the aspersions that
have been cast upon it by certain parties. Though
conscious that they were undeserved, I will not say
that those aspersions have caused me no pain. It
would be mere affectation to make any such assertion.
But I may truly say that they were not expected,
at least from the quarter whence they chiefly proceeded.
" My career in India was attended by much mortifi-
MISJUDGED A T HOME. 241
cation ; for having been sent to India, at no little
personal sacrifice and inconvenience, for the purpose,
as I believed, of taking the command of a Division in
the field, I had no sooner landed at Calcutta than
I was informed that this could not be, and that I was
destined, on the contrary, to the charge of the troops
stationed at Umballa (a few invalids), distant some
500 miles from the seat of operations. Yet this was
a mortification I had to endure in common with nearly
every other officer of my rank in India at the time ;
and, coming in the ordinary course of service, must,
I suppose, be reckoned as one of the varied mischances
of a soldier's fortune.
"The very last mortification I expected was being
misjudged by my countrymen at home during my
temporary employment. No doubt that this was so
is to be ascribed, in a great measure, to those facilities
of telegraphic communication to which many a false
impression owes its origin, as well as the sort of
necessity which is in a manner forced upon the public
Press of this country, in these impatient days, to
comment upon current events without the materials
necessary to form a correct judgment. But this does
not diminish the sense of injustice to a public man
who may happen to be the subject of it.
" However, I will say no more, but be content to
abide the issue of a calmer reflection than my case
possibly has hitherto received, recognising much truth
in the remark of a distinguished Foreign Minister long
resident amongst us a remark made in reference to
the very proceedings to which these notes relate that
' though this country is the hardest of any for a public
man to serve, in consequence of the habit which pre-
vails among its people of pronouncing judgment on
R
242 GENERAL WINDHAM 'S DIARY.
imperfect information, yet that in the end it is the
most just nation upon the face of the earth.'
" C. A. W."
The instructions issued to General Windham by the
Chief of Staff were as follows :
"BY ORDER OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.
" Memorandum by the Chief of the Staff, for the guidance
of Major-General Windham, C.B.
" HEADQUARTERS, CAWNPORE,
" November 6th, 1857.
" i. Major-General Windham, C.B., will assume command
of the Cawnpore Division, as a temporary arrangement, in
pursuance of the General Order issued this day.
" 2. His attention will be immediately directed towards the
improvement of the defences and of the entrenchment which
now covers the Commissariat, two of the hospitals, &c., &c.
"3. He will communicate daily with Captain Bruce, the
police magistrate, who will furnish all the intelligence to the
Major-General which it is in his power to collect.
"4. A careful watch must be maintained over the move-
ments of the Gwalior Force, which, it is supposed, will
arrive at Culpee on Monday, the Qth instant.
"5. If this force show a real disposition to cross the
Jumna, the garrison of Futtehpore* should be withdrawn
to Cawnpore, and execute the march in two days, bringing
their guns with them, and destroying the entrenchment.
" 6. A postt should be formed in such case at Lohunda,
the terminus of the railway, to consist of not less than (5)
five Companies of Infantry and (4) four guns.
"* Officer in command at Futtehpore must communicate this, but
quite confidentially, to the chief district authority.
" t To be furnished from Allahabad.
OFFICIAL INSTRUCTIONS. 243
" 7. Parties proceeding from Lohunda to Cawnpore should,
if the contingency alluded to take place, be of the strength
of a battalion. But the bullock-train parties are not to be
discontinued till positive information respecting the move-
ment of the Gwalior Contingent renders such precautions
absolutely necessary.
" 8. Supposing this to have taken place, General Windham
will make as great show as he can of what troops he
may have at Cawnpore, leaving a sufficient guard in the
entrenchment, by encamping them conspicuously and in
somewhat extended order, looking, however, well to his line
of retreat.
" 9. He will not move out to attack unless compelled to do
so by the force of circumstances, to save the bombardment
of the entrenchment.
" 10. For the present the garrison of Cawnpore will consist
of the detachments of H.M. 5th Fusiliers, 84th Regiment,
and recovered men of various corps, and of the Head-
quarters of H.M. 64th Regiment, amounting in all to
about 500 men.
" The British Infantry, which will be arriving from day to
day, will be sent forward into Oude by wings of Regiments,
unless General Windham should be seriously threatened.
But, of course, in such case he will have been able to
take the orders of the Commander-in-Chief.
"n. General Windham may retain the small Madras
Brigade under Brigadier Carthew for a few days, until the
intentions of the Gwalior Contingent are developed. This
force will arrive, with convoy, on the loth.
"12. He will direct Brigadier Campbell, commanding at
Allahabad, and the officers commanding at Futtehpore, to
report to him, and communicate so much of these in-
structions to those officers as affects them.
"By order,
" W. R. MANSFIELD, Major-General,
" Chief of the Staff."
244 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
"BY ORDER OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.
" Memorandum by the Chief of the Staff, for the guidance of
Major-General Windham, C.B.
" HEADQUARTERS, CAWNPORE,
" November SM, 1857.
"In continuation of former instructions, Major-General
Windham is requested to direct his attention to the general
position of the stations threatened or affected by the Gwalior
Contingent.
"Assuming that force to have arrived at Calpee, it is
apparent from the map that, besides the Jumna, there are,
between that place and Cawnpore, the Rind Nuddee, and the
Pandoo Nuddee.
"Supposing the enemy to contemplate an advance on the
line of the Ganges from Calpee, he would proceed either to
Akburpoor or Ghatimpoor.
"In either case, measures would be taken to destroy the
bridges on these streams.
" If the enemy proceed to Akburpoor, it is tolerably evident
that he would be bound either for Cawnpore or to Sheoraj-
poor; there would be ample time then to take urgent
measures at Cawnpore, supposing the bridges to have been
destroyed.
" If, on the contrary, he makes for Ghatimpoor, it may be
presumed that his aim is Futtehpoor.
"When he is at Ghatimpoor, it will be time enough to
think of abandoning the post of Futtehpoor, which is to be
avoided as long as possible, consistently with the military
safety of the garrison.
" Assuming that he is bound for Cawnpore, it will be for
General Windham to exercise his discretion in calling up the
Futtehpoor garrison as a reinforcement. This should only be
done as a last resource, government having been fully restored
in the Futtehpoor district, the interests of which would be
sacrificed by an abandonment of the post.
INSTRUCTIONS. 245
" General Windham will have at his disposal about 500 rank
and file British troops, including a detachment of the Naval
Brigade left to work his guns.
" The Madras force will give him 550 rank and file, with
six field guns.
" (2) 24-pounders have been added to his ordnance in the
last three days, making in all nine guns for the entrenchment,
besides the Madras guns above alluded to. There are in
addition (2) Q-pounders and (i) 24-pounder howitzer, with
ammunition in their waggons, available for movement, but for
which there are no gunners.
" There are now in course of arrival, at very early date, at
Cawnpore
i Company Reserve Artillery, R.A.
1 Horse Field Battalion, R.A.
Military Train.
5 Companies H.M. 23rd Foot.
Detachments H.M. 82nd do., and
2 Madras H.A. guns.
"The 23rd, and the Military Train, and the Royal Artillery
will pursue their march towards Lucknow without delay, with
convoys of ammunition, Engineers, Park and Commissariat
stores. The detachments of the 82nd will remain at Cawn-
pore till they reach the strength of a wing, when they will
make the distance to Alumbagh in two marches.
" Major-General Windham will have the goodness to send
due notice of the arrival and departure of every detachment
and convoy, to and from Cawnpore, to the officer in charge of
the Quartermaster-General's Department at Headquarters.
"By order,
"W. R. MANSFIELD, Major-General,
"Chief of the Staff."
246 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
"OFFICIAL DESPATCH.
" From Major-General C. A. Windham, C.B., io His Excellency
General Sir Colin Campbell, G.C.B., Commander-in- Chief.
" CAWNPORE,
30^ November, 1857.
"SiR,
" In giving an account of the proceedings of the force
under my command before Cawnpore during the operations of
the 26th, 27th, 28th, and 2Qth instant, I trust Your Excellency
will excuse the hasty manner in which it is necessarily drawn
up, owing to the constant demands upon me at the present
moment.
"Having received, through Captain H. Bruce, of the 5th
Punjaub Cavalry, information of the movements of the
Gwalior Contingent, but having received none whatever from
your Excellency for several days from Lucknow, in answer
to my letters to the Chief of the Staff, I was obliged to act for
myself.
"I therefore resolved to encamp my force on the canal,
ready to strike at any portion of the advancing enemy that
came within my reach, keeping at the same time my com-
munications safe with Cawnpore.
" Finding that the Contingent were determined to advance,
I resolved to meet their first Division on the Pandoo Nuddee.
My force consisted of about 1200 bayonets, and eight guns,
and 100 mounted Sowars. Having sent my camp equipage
and baggage to the rear, I advanced to the attack in the
following order :
"Four companies of the Rifle Brigade, under Colonel
R. Walpole ; followed by four companies of the 88th Con-
naught Rangers, under Lieutenant-Colonel E. H. Maxwell;
and four light 6-pounder Madras guns, under Lieutenant
Chamier; the whole under the command of Brigadier Carthew,
of the Madras Native Infantry.
THE DESPATCH. 247
"Following this force was the 34th Regiment, under
Lieutenant-Colonel R. Kelly, with four g-pounder guns;
the 82nd Regiment in reserve, with spare ammunition, &c.
" I had given directions, in the event of the enemy being
found directly in our front, and if the ground permitted, that
Brigadier Carthew should occupy the ground to the left of
the road, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, with the 34th
divided into wings, and supported by his artillery, should take
the right. It so happened, however, that this order, on our
coming into action, became exactly inverted by my directions,
in consequence of a sudden turn of the road. No confusion,
however, was caused. The advance was made with a com-
plete line of skirmishers along the whole front, with supports
on either side, and a reserve in the centre.
"The enemy, strongly posted on the other side of the dry
bed of the Pandoo Nuddee, opened a heavy fire of artillery
from siege and field guns; but such was the eagerness and
courage of the troops, and so well were they led by their
officers, that we carried the position with a rush, the men
cheering as they went; and the village, more than half-a-mile
in its rear, was rapidly cleared. The mutineers hastily took to
flight, leaving in our possession two eight-inch iron howitzers
and one 6-pounder gun.
"In this fight my loss was not severe; but I regret very
much that a very promising young officer, Captain H. H. Day,
88th Regiment, was killed.
" Observing from a height on the other side of the village,
that the enemy's main body was at hand, and that the one
just defeated was their leading Division, I at once decided
on retiring to protect Cawnpore, my entrenchments, and the
bridge over the Ganges. We accordingly fell back, followed,
however, by the enemy up to the bridge over the canal.
"On the morning of the 27th, the enemy commenced their
attack, with an overwhelming force of heavy artillery. My
position was in front of the city. I was threatened on all
sides, and very seriously attacked on my front and right flank.
The heavy fighting in front, at the point of junction of the
248 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
Calpee and Delhi roads, fell more especially upon the Rifle
Brigade, ably commanded by Colonel Walpole ; who was sup-
ported by the 88th Regiment and four guns (two p-pounders,
two 24-pounder howitzers), under Captain D. S. Greene,
R A., and two 24-pounder guns manned by seamen of the
Shannon, under Lieutenant Hay, R.N., who was twice wounded.
Lieutenant-Colonel John Adye, R.A., also afforded me marked
assistance with these guns.
"In spite of the heavy bombardment of the enemy, my
troops resisted the attack for five hours, and still held the
ground, until, on my proceeding personally to make sure of
the safety of the Fort, I found, from the number of men
bayonetted by the 88th Regiment, that the mutineers had fully
penetrated the town ; and having been told that they were
then attacking the Fort, I directed Major-General Dupuis,
R.A. (who, as my second-in-command, I had left with the
main body), to fall back the whole force into the Fort, with all
our stores and guns, shortly before dark.
"Owing to the flight of the camp-followers at the com-
mencement of the action, notwithstanding the long time we
held the ground, I regret to state that, in making this
retrograde movement, I was unable to carry off all my camp
equipage and some of the baggage. Had not an error
occurred in the conveyance of an order issued by me, I am
of opinion that I could have held my ground, at all events,
until dark.
"I must not omit, in this stage of the proceedings, to
report that the flank attack was well met, and resisted, for
a considerable time, by the 34th Regiment, under Lieutenant-
Colonel Kelly, and the Madras Battery, under Lieutenant
Chamier, together with that part of the 82nd Regiment which
was detached in this direction, under Lieutenant-Colonel D.
Watson.
"In retiring within the entrenchments, I followed the
general instructions issued to me by Your Excellency, con-
veyed through the Chief of the Staff; namely, to preserve the
safety of the bridge over the Ganges, and my communications
THE DESPATCH. 249
with your force, so severely engaged in the important operation
of the relief of Lucknow, as far as possible. I strictly
adhered to the defensive.
"After falling back to the Fort, I assembled the superior
officers on the evening of the 27th, and proposed a night
attack, should I be able to receive reliable information as
to where the enemy had assembled his artillery.
"As, however, I could obtain none (or, at all events, none
that was satisfactory), I decided
"Firstly. That on the following day Colonel Walpole,
Rifle Brigade, should have the defence of the advanced
portion of the town on the left side of the canal, standing
with your back to the Ganges. The details of the force upon
this point were as follows :
"Five companies Rifle Brigade, under Lieutenant-Colonel
C. Woodford.
"Two companies of the 32nd Regiment, under Lieutenant-
Colonel Watson.
" Four guns { Two 9-pounders ) Under Captain
I Two 24-pr. howitzers J Greene, R.A.
" (Two of these guns were manned by Madras Gunners,
and two by Seikhs.)
" Secondly. That Brigadier N. Wilson, with the 64th
Regiment, was to hold the Fort, and establish a strong picket
at the Baptist Chapel on the extreme right.
" Thirdly. That Brigadier Carthew, with the 34th Regi-
ment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, and four Madras guns,
should hold the Bithoor road in advance of the Baptist
Chapel, receiving support from the picket there if wanted.
"Fourthly. That, with the 88th Regiment, under Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Maxwell, I should defend the portion of the
town nearest the Ganges, on the left of the canal, and support
Colonel Walpole if required.
"The fighting on the 28th was very severe. On the left
advance, Colonel Walpole, with the Rifles, supported by
Captain Greene's Battery, and part of the 8 2nd Regiment,
250 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
achieved a complete victory over the enemy, and captured two
i8-pounder guns.
"The glory of this well-contested fight belongs entirely
to the above-named companies and Artillery.
"It was owing to the gallantry of the men and officers,
under the able leading of Colonel Walpole, and of my
lamented relation, Lieutenant-Colonel Woodford, of the Rifle
Brigade (who, I deeply regret to say, was killed), and of
Lieutenant-Colonel Watson, Sand, and of Captain Greene, R.A.,
that this hard-contested fight was won and brought to so profit-
able an end. I had nothing to do with it beyond sending
them supports, and at the end, of bringing some up myself.
" I repeat that the credit is entirely due to the above-
mentioned officers and men.
"Brigadier Wilson thought proper, prompted by zeal for
the service, to lead his regiment against four guns placed in
front of Brigadier Carthew. In this daring exploit, I regret to
say, he lost his life, together with several valuable and able
officers. Major T. Stirling, 64th Regiment, was killed in
spiking one of the guns ; as was also that fine, gallant young
man, Captain R. C. M'Crea, 64th Regiment, who acted as
Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster-General to the force here.
Captain W. Morphey, 64th Regiment (the Brigade Major),
also fell at the same time. Our numbers were not sufficient
to enable us to carry off the guns.
"Captain A. P. Bowlby, now the senior officer of the 64th
Regiment, distinguished himself, as did also Captain H. F.
Saunders, of the yoth Regiment, who was attached to the
64th, and is senior to Captain Bowlby, whose conduct he
describes as most devoted and gallant ; as was also that of the
men of the regiment.
"Brigadier Carthew, of the Madras Native Infantry, had
a most severe and strong contest with the enemy from
morning till night; but I regret to add, that he felt himself
obliged to retire at dark.
"During the night of the 28th instant, the enemy occupied
the town, and on the morning of the 2gth commenced
THE DESPATCH. 251
bombarding my entrenchments with a few guns, and struck
the bridge of boats several times.
" The guns mounted in the Fort were superior in number to
those of the enemy, and were well manned, throughout the
day, by the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men of
the Royal Artillery, seamen of the Shannon, Madras and
Bengal Gunners, and Seikhs.
"The chief out-work was occupied by the Rifle Brigade,
and in the course of the afternoon, by Your Excellency's
instructions, they were advanced, and gallantly drove the
mutineers out of that portion of the city nearest to our
works, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Fyers, who
was supported by Colonel Walpole.
"Throughout the short period I have had the temporary
command of this Division, I have received, both in the field
and elsewhere, the most important assistance from Captain
H. Bruce, 5th Punjaub Cavalry. Without him I should have
been at a great loss for reliable information, and although
I am aware that Your Excellency is not ignorant of his
abilities, courage, and assiduity, I think it my duty to make
this mention of his service to the country.
"Pressed as I am by the operations now going forward,
I am not able to specify the services of every individual who
has assisted me, where all have behaved so well. I have
no Staff of my own, except Captain Roger Swire, of the
1 7th Foot, my A.D.C., who has behaved with his usual zeal
and courage.
" I therefore hope I may be allowed to thank, through Your
Excellency, the under-mentioned officers for the great services
they have voluntarily rendered me during this trying time :
Major-General J. E. Dupuis, C.B., com-
manding Royal Artillery in India.
Lieu tenant -Colonel John Adye, C.B., Assis-
tant Adjutant-General, Royal Artillery.
Lieutenant-Colonel H. D. Harness, com-
manding Royal Engineers.
Major Norman M'Leod, Bengal Engineers. t
Specially.
252 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY.
Lieutenant-Colonel John Simpson, 34th Regiment.
Senior Surgeon R. C. Elliot, C.B., Royal Artillery.
Captain John Gordon, 82nd Regiment.
Captain Sarsfield Greene, Royal Artillery.
Captain Smyth, Bengal Artillery.
"There are several other officers in addition, who I for-
tunately found detained here en route to join Your Excellency's
force, and I beg to submit their names also, viz. :
Captain R. G. Brackenbury, 6ist Regiment.
Lieutenant Arthur Henley, 52nd Light Infantry.
Lieutenant Valentine Ryan, 64th Regiment.
Captain Ellis Cunliffe, ist Bengal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant E. H. Bugden, 82nd Regiment (to whom I
gave the command of the 100 mounted Sowars).
Captain C. E. Mansfield, 33rd Regiment.
Lieutenant P. Scratchley, Royal Engineers.
Lieutenant W. C. Milne, 74th Bengal Native Infantry.
" I beg to inform Your Excellency that I have called for
nominal returns of the killed and wounded, and I have also
directed all officers commanding corps, regiments, and
batteries, &c., to forward to me the names of any officers,
non-commissioned officers, or soldiers, who may have es-
pecially distinguished themselves by gallantry in the field,
which shall be forwarded to Your Excellency without delay.
" In conclusion, I hope I may be permitted to express my
sincere thanks to all the regimental officers, non-commissioned
officers, and men, for the zeal, gallantry, and courage with
which they have carried out my orders during the four days of
harassing actions, which have successively taken place in the
defence of this important strategic centre of present operations.
" I beg to forward the enclosed Despatch, which I have
received from Major-General Dupuis ; and I have called upon
the various officers commanding corps, &c., to forward me the
names of any officers they may wish to recommend, which
I will send to Your Excellency as soon as I receive them.
" I have, &c.,
"C. A. WINDHAM, Major-General.'' 1
THE END OF THE MUTINY. 253
General Windham's share of the troubles and trials
of the great Indian Campaign was now to come to an
abrupt end.
He had landed in India on the 6th October, and saw
no more of the enemy after the battle in which
exactly two months later Sir Colin Campbell defeated
the Gwalior Contingent.
In this battle Windham took but a minor part, for,
much to his distress, he was placed for the occasion
in command of the troops who occupied the entrench-
ment, which he had successfully defended against such
heavy odds.
Immediately afterwards he was ordered up-country
by the Commander-in-Chief, and was directed to assume
command of the Lahore Division.
From this uncongenial place of banishment he made
several attempts to return to active service, but with
no success.
The following passage in a letter from Sir Colin
Campbell gave him genuine pleasure :
"CAMP, CAWNPORE,
"February i$th, 1858.
"Mv DEAR GENERAL,
" I have been putting off from day to day answering
your last letter to me till I feel that it is almost too late to do so.
" Pray believe me when I say that my first feelings of pain
have been obliterated by that communication.
******
" Believe me,
" Very faithfully yours,
"C. CAMPBELL."
254 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY.
The following was Windham's reply, and with it we
will close this record of an unfortunate episode in the
life of a good soldier, an episode which shows on w r hat
a precarious basis the reputation of a commander may
sometimes rest :
"MEEAN MEER,
" 2 ist February, 1858.
"DEAR SIR COLIN,
" It is with unfeigned satisfaction that I acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the i5th from Cawnpore.
" I do not wish to trouble you or put myself in the way, but
should the Siege of Lucknow, from adverse circumstances,
drag on (God grant for all our sakes it may not), and
vacancies occur, I hope you will remember that I shall be
happy and proud to join the force under you.
" Believe me, dear Sir Colin,
" Yours faithfully,
"C. A. WlNDHAM."
It is much to be regretted that Sir Colin's " amende "
did not go beyond words, and that he was not disposed
to avail himself of the services so frankly offered.
Nothing short of again entrusting General Windham
with a command in the field would have atoned for the
wrong inflicted by Sir Colin's hasty condemnation of
the operations before Cawnpore. Words count for little,
particularly official words ; and ninety-nine men out of
a hundred remember that the successful soldier Lord
Clyde condemned Windham's operations before Cawn-
pore : the hundredth may be aware that the condemna-
tion was withdrawn.
On the termination of the operations near Cawnpore,
General Windham was directed by the Commander-in-
Chief to leave the Field Army and to proceed to
Lahore, and assume command there.
Windham retained command of the Lahore Division
THE CONCLUSION. 255
until March ist, 1861, when he returned to England, a
saddened and disappointed man.
In June of the same year he was appointed Colonel
of the 46th Regiment, and on February 5th, 1863, he
became a Lieutenant-General.
In 1865 the long-delayed Knighthood of the Bath
was bestowed upon him, and on the 3rd October, 1867,
he received command of the forces in Canada, which
appointment he held to the day of his death.
Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Ash Windham,
K.C.B., died at Jacksonville, in Florida, on February
4th, 1870.
APPENDIX
" December gth, 1895.
" MY DEAR CHARLIE,
"I return your printed cutting. You must not think
me lukewarm about the character of your gallant father
and my dear old friend.
" I have spoken to many old generals, and none of them
seem ever to have read the article to which you allude.
" Few people had a better opportunity than I had of
seeing the way in which your gallant father led the assault
on the Redan. We all knew the straits to which he was
reduced.
"Holding rank as Brigadier-General when in the Crimea,
I was present at the Council of War, held on the yth
September, the day before the attack. When it was announced
from the chair (Simpson sat in the chair, moved back and
did not speak) that two thousand men were told off for
the assault on the Redan, I exclaimed, ' ten thousand you
mean ! '
"I was at once checked by some general, and told I was
there only out of compliment.
" I had been four months attending the trenches daily.
"We were completely outwitted in the time selected by
the French; they knew that n a.m., the time selected for
their assault, was that when the Russians took their rest
" We were not to assault the Redan until the French flag
was hoisted on the Malakoff tower; in fact, when every
Russian was in his place to defend it.
" I was ordered on no account to leave our guns. I made
my men leave their arms behind them. I had a magazine
blown up in one battery, the men tore the stakes out of
the gabions, and it was as much as I could do to prevent
the men, so armed, rushing in to your father's assistance.
" Always your sincere old friend,
"HARRY KEPPEL.
"CAPTAIN CHARLES WIXDHAM, R.N."
260 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
11 DEAR CAPTAIN WINDHAM,
" I was much pleased to hear that you were engaged
collecting matter and correspondence relating to your father
with a view to publication.
" He was an old and early comrade and friend, staunch
in his attachments, and without, I believe, a foe in private
life. He was remarkable for his unruffled calmness and
complete disregard of danger, as the very charges trumped
up against him would serve to show. I rode a part of the
way down with him the day he led the attack upon the
Redan at Sebastopol.
" He was perhaps too out-spoken to please the Head-
quarter Staff, who ill-brooked censure or suggestions.
" He was beloved by all who served with him and appre-
ciated his frank and upright nature.
" I could write at great length, but must not trespass on
your spare time. His fault perhaps was, that he was too
sanguine of success, and thought no obstacle was too for-
midable, as his feat in riding ' Major A ' would serve to
show, with odds (I believe 100 to i) against him.
" I wish your publication that success which the subject
merits. As Cato says in Addison's representation of him :
' 'T is not in mortals to command success,
We will do more, Sempronius, we will deserve it.'
" Command me, if I can at any time help you further.
"Yours most truly,
"DORCHESTER.
"FOLKESTONE, loth February, 1896."
APPENDIX. 261
"27, WEST CROMWELL ROAD,
" SOUTH KENSINGTON, S.W.,
"2jth November, 1896.
"DEAR WINDHAM,
" It is a pleasure to me to know that in the forthcoming
volume on your father's career, you have quoted the opinion
I have recorded on the battle fought by him at Kauhpur
during the Indian Mutiny. I adhere to all I wrote in my
latest edition of that book (the Cabinet edition) regarding the
consequences the fatal consequences which would have
overtaken us had your father hesitated for a moment. His
decision saved India from a terrible disaster. There is one
thing, however, that I regret ; and that is, that I did not bring
more prominently forward the fact that the letters written by
your father to Lord Clyde, whilst every moment was of
importance, were withheld from that officer until it was too
late to take action on them. This neglect, whilst it damns
some one, only increases your father's merits; for left alone
in a position of great responsibility, and badly supported by
some, he yet saved the position. Your father's reputation
really required no vindication. No one out of India knew
half the difficulties he had to contend with: yet, if I may
quote Napoleon, 'he left a reputation without spot,' the best
inheritance he could leave to his children.
" Yours very truly,
"G. B, MALLESON.
"CAPT. C. WINDHAM, R.N."
FELBRIGG HALL
SUNSET is the hour of sadness, and the time of Nature's
mourning over the decline of the sun in his splendour, and
the advent of the chilly night. Sunset in autumn, when the
crimson of the western sky harmonizes with the reddening
leaves, and when the bare branches of the trees seem like
arms upstretched beseeching an inexorable Fate in an agony
of fear, is the time to visit Felbrigg, with its memories of an
ancient house whose sun has gone down in gloom, and whose
wide-spreading lawns now echo to the tread of the stranger.
Felbrigg is a lovely place, the park being a perfect picture
of sylvan beauty at all times, while near at hand is the wide
expanse of Aylmerton and Runton Heaths, and, beyond, the
long blue line of the ocean. The approaches from Cromer
are of a peculiarly picturesque character the road winding
through strips of woodland of surpassing beauty, the umbra-
geous foliage above and the wealth of green bracken and
the banks of wild flowers beneath making it a favourite walk
of the visitors at the seaside a mile or two away. It is not
often that the park is open to the public, but the church
stands within its borders, and thither the way is always free.
If the hall is not available, the church where its lords have
worshipped for ages is full of memorials of their departed
greatness. There lie the old Felbriggs. Simon, who died in
1351, is pictured in brass; with his wife Alice, who was buried
at Harling, in effigy at his side. Close by is the figure of
Roger de Felbrigg, who died abroad in 1380, and beside him
that of his wife Elizabeth. But the finest memorial of all
264 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
is that of the gallant Sir Simon de Felbrigg, Knight of the
Garter, and Standard-bearer to King Richard II., whose
great brass fills the whole width of the centre aisle. He is
in magnificent armour, with the standard in his hand, and the
garter upon his knee; and beside him, in a flowing cloak, is
his wife Margaret, daughter of Primeslaus, Duke of Teschen
in Bohemia, and domicella to the Queen of her spouse's Royal
master. She died in 1416, and her husband married again;
and both he and his second wife were buried, not at Felbrigg,
but at Norwich, in the chancel of the Church of the Black
Friars, now known as the Blackfriars' Hall. A glance at the
inscription below the figures will show that the date of the
knight's death has never been filled in. Then there are
memorials of the Windhams, one that to Thomas Windham,
who died in 1599 with the following quaint lines :
" Liv'st them, Thomas? Yes Where? with God on high.
Art thou not dead ? Yes, and here I lye :
I that with men on earth did live to die,
Dy'd for to live with Christ eternally."
Nollekyns did the bust which adorns the monument of the
statesman Windham, and which is on the south side of the
chancel.
Felbrigg Hall is a stately mansion in the style which pre-
vailed at the time of Henry VIII. It was several times
enlarged by the Windham family, for the most part in a style
corresponding with the ancient south front. This is in three
storeys, its chief characteristic being a stately solidity, from
which its large mullioned and transomed windows do not at
all detract. It shows three bays running up to the level of
the parapet of the roof, the outer two being irregularly
octagonal in plan, and the middle one, which contains the
entrance, square. The doorway is circular, and above is an
entablature, with a frieze enriched with carving, supported by
handsome columns on moulded pedestals. Over the doorway
are carved panels, above which are two three-light windows,
APPENDIX. 265
separated by a string course. The large windows are a
peculiar feature at Felbrigg, and might, with advantage, be
studied by those whose idea of "domestic Gothic" is a
multiplicity of corners and as little light as possible. The
upper storey is in the roof, the three gablets rising in the
plane of the main wall, and opening upon the roof of the
bays. In lieu of a balustrade proper, the pious aspiration,
" Gloria Deo in Excelsis," appears, each letter being pierced
quite through a somewhat novel arrangement. There are
two gables, one with a continuous bay to the level of those in
the front, at the end next the stables, &c. ; but at the other
end, adjacent to the more modern part of the building, only
one, with bays as before, the window in the ground floor
opening direct to the grounds, French casement fashion.
Heraldic animals serve as finials to both the main buildings
and the angles of the bays, while above the roof tall chimneys
rise in triple clusters. The fine effect of the building is
considerably enhanced by the eminence upon which it stands.
The stable quadrangle, in a similar style to the main building,
was erected in 1825 by Admiral Windham, and the entrance
gates to the park 600 acres were put up in 1841-2.
A quaint account of the interior, and the pictures with
which it was adorned, was given in the Norfolk Tour (1829):
"The house, built in the style of the period of Henry. VIII.,
contains some excellent pictures by Rembrandt, Bergham,
Vanderveldt, &c. The dining-room is decorated with good
portraits of the Windham family. In the drawing-room is a
Usurer, by Rembrandt ; and the portrait of an old woman, by
the same artist, supposed to be his mother, deserves particular
attention. There are also some good paintings of sea engage-
ments one in particular, by Vanderveldt, jun., with the effect
of smoke from the vessels in the foreground, which is made to
receive the light, is very masterly : the subject is the engage-
ment between the English and Van Tromp, in which Sir
Edward Spragg was killed. Its companion, by the elder
Vanderveldt, a sea-fight, is a confused and wholly un-
266 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
interesting performance. Over each of these pieces is a
Storm, by Vanderveldt, jun., in his usual style of ex-
cellence. At the other end of the room are two very fine
views of the River Thames one at Billingsgate Market, the
other before the alteration at London Bridge. Over one of
these pictures is a landscape, by Bergham ; and over the other
a small but highly-coloured picture the Finding of Achilles
at the Court of Lycomedes said to be by Rubens. From
the drawing-room you proceed to the cabinet, where the small
pictures are by much the best. Two or three Storms, by
Vanderveldt, jun., in his best manner; Cows Stalled, by
Sagtleven ; Scheveling Market, and a small landscape, by
Paul Brill, are excellent : the trees of the latter are very finely
touched. Some of the larger pictures are very good, par-
ticularly two views of the Cascade of Terni, by G. B. H.
Busuri. The rest of the collection in this room is chiefly
composed of Italian landscapes and small views of Italian
ruins, in opaque colours. One of the best pictures in this
house is an Italian seaport in a hazy morning, by Vernet,
every part of which is truly and delicately expressed. A
portrait of Rubens, and another of his wife, adorn one of
the bed-chambers whether by himself is doubtful. That of
Rubens is, however, very like one of him in the British
Museum.
" The library is fitted up with much elegance in the pointed
style, and admirably corresponds with the building of the
south front. Here is a collection of prints from the best
masters. The gloom thrown into the apartment by the deep
projecting munnions, the painted windows, and the sombre
hue of the wainscot, renders it a retirement truly adapted to
study."
In ancient times the Manor of Felbrigg was held by the
Bigods, prior to its occupation by the Felbriggs. By order
of Sir Simon Felbrigg it was sold after the death of his
wife Catherine, the purchaser being Lord Scales, one of the
knight's trustees. He sold it again to John Windham, who
APPENDIX.
had had a lease of it from Felbrigg. John Windham, who
had married the Lady Margery, relict of Sir Edward Hastings,
of Elsing, and daughter of Sir Robert Clifford, of Buckenham
Castle, made Felbrigg his seat ; but was considerably troubled
by the stand taken by Sir John Felbrigg, who claimed the
manor by hereditary right. In Windham's absence Sir John
made a forcible entry into the house, and when Mistress
Windham locked herself up in a room to keep some sort
of possession, he threatened to set the place on fire.
Finally, the lady was dragged out, tradition says by the
hair of her head, and the Felbrigg sat once more in his
ancestral hall. Windham, however, obtained the King's
order to the Sheriff, Thomas Montgomery, to be put into
possession again, and the upshot of the business was the
payment by Windham of two hundred marks to get rid of
Felbrigg's claim. The latter, on receipt of this sum, released
all his right and claim to the lordship, and conveyed it to
John Windham by fine. This was in the 39th year of Henry
VI., a time at which, teste the Paston letters, people who had
power at their back did practically as they pleased. The
Windhams came from Wymondham Town, where, in the
reign of Henry I., Alward de Wymondham was a witness
to William d'Albini's foundation charter of the Priory there.
Edric de Wymondham, who died in 1277, was Treasurer of
the King's Council and Baron of the Exchequer.
John Windham, son and heir to the first of the name, was
an unfortunate man. By his wife Margaret, daughter of Sir
John Felbrigg, he obtained the manors of Crownthorpe,
Banningham, Colby, and Ingworth; and, assisting Henry
VIII. at the battle of Stoke, in 1489, he was knighted for
his valour. Four years later, on the 6th May, 1503, he was
beheaded on Tower Hill, in company with Sir James Tyrrell,
having been condemned as a traitor to his sovereign for
joining a conspiracy in favour of Edmund de la Pole, Earl
of Suffolk. He was buried in the Church of the Austen Friars
in London, far away from his Norfolk home. His son and
268 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
heir, Sir Thomas, fell on better times. Knighted by Sir
Edward Howard, Admiral of the English Fleet, at Crowton
Bay, near Brest, he became Vice-Admiral, Knight of the
King's Body Guard, and a member of the Privy Council.
From his will, dated at Felbrigg, October 22nd, 1521, it
would appear that he then held the Manors of Crownthorpe,
Wicklewood, Hackford, Aylmerton, Runton, Barningham,
Ingworth, Tuttington, Colby, Briston, Wolterton, Melton,
Melton Cockfield, and Felbrigg. He was buried in Norwich
Cathedral. His brother, Sir Thomas, married Elizabeth,
daughter and co-heiress of Sir John Sydenham, of Orchard,
in Devonshire, and became the ancestor of the Earls of
Egremont. Sir Edmund Windham, by his wife Susan, a
daughter of Sir Roger Townshend, of Raynham, had three
sons and a daughter named Amy. Roger married one of
the Heydons of Baconsthorpe, and died without issue.
Francis, Judge of the Common Pleas, married Elizabeth,
daughter of Lord Keeper Sir Nicholas Bacon, died without
issue in 1592, and was honoured with a quaint monument
in the north chancel aisle of St. Peter Mancroft Church,
at Norwich. The tradition that he died of gaol fever has
no foundation in fact. The estates then went by entail to
Thomas Windham, the third son of Sir John Windham,
of Orchard. Thomas had two wives, and his son, John
Windham, four, and yet the line failed again for lack of
issue. William Windham, John's brother-in-law, took the
estate next, and died in 1689. His son, Ash Windham,
named after his grandfather, Sir Thomas Ash, of Twicken-
ham, was lord in 1740. William Windham, his son, was
a colonel in the Norfolk Militia, a great patron of manly
exercises, and an associate of the wits of his time. The
friend and admirer of Garrick, he left that distinguished actor
his executor when he died in 1761, his son William being a
minor.
William Windham, the statesman, was born in 1750 in
Golden Square, London, and educated at Eton, Glasgow,
APPENDIX. 269
and Oxford. He gave small promise then of his future
greatness, and took so little interest in public affairs that it
was a standing joke of one of his acquaintances that " Wind-
ham would never know who was Prime Minister"; while at
the age of twenty he refused the post of secretary to his
father's friend Townshend, who had just been appointed
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. In 1773 he joined Lord
Mulgrave in his voyage of discovery in Polar regions, but
he was attacked by an illness so severe that he was obliged
to be put ashore in Norway. His first essay as a public
speaker was at the Swan Inn, in Norwich, on the 28th
January, 1778, and it was occasioned by a call for a sub-
scription on behalf of the Government for the carrying on
of the American War. Windham favoured conciliation, not
from anything like cowardice, as he had amply vindicated
his courage before by quelling a mutiny of the West Norfolk
Militia, of which he was an officer, by seizing the leader, and
felling some of his supporters amidst a shower of stones from
the rabble. In 1780 he was a candidate for Norwich, but
was unsuccessful; in 1783 he won the seat, to be defeated in
1802. He took part in the impeachment of Warren Hastings,
held for seven years the office of Secretary for War under
Pitt, and was one of the leaders of the Opposition during
the Addington Administration. On his presenting himself
for re-election at Norwich, after appointment as Secretary
for War, he met with a rough reception, and at his " chairing "
a stone was thrown at him. Windham, undaunted, jumped
down from his elevation, collared his man, and handed him
over to the officers. Windham's animosity to the Peace of
Amiens lost him his seat in 1802 ; he tried for a Norfolk
seat, failed, and finally met with luck at St. Mawes. He
served another term from 1806 as Secretary for War, and
also for the Colonies in the "Administration of all the
Talents," which had only a twelvemonth's existence. In
1810 he died. Assisting to save the library of his friend
North, when the latter's mansion in Berkeley Square was
2/0 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
on fire, he sustained an injury to the hip, which subsequently
necessitated an operation. With a feeling of tenderness for
his wife, he sent her away, on a plea of business, and then
prepared for the worst, receiving the sacrament at the hands
of Dr. Fisher at the Charterhouse, and spending the rest of
his time as if his hours were numbered. At first the
symptoms were favourable, but a fever made its appearance,
and on the 4th June this amiable and talented man breathed
his last. On the evening of Sunday, the roth, his remains
reached Norwich on their way to their last resting-place at
Felbrigg, and a large concourse attended them to the Maid's
Head Hotel, where they lay in state for that night. On the
following morning the journey was resumed, and at four
o'clock, amid a great throng of county gentry and tenantry,
the coffin was deposited in the family vault. Windham was
generally regarded as a man of honour and liberal for his
age ; and he was not only temperate, but highly accomplished
at a time of intemperance and much ignorance even in high
places. He was opposed to Parliamentary reform, but he
was in favour of Catholic emancipation. He would not
support the war with America, but in readiness for the
projected invasion of England he would dare everything,
and raised a corps of Volunteers at Felbrigg on his own
account. His wife, the daughter of Commodore Forrest,
survived him, and erected to his memory the noble monument
in Felbrigg Church.
Upon William Windham's death the Felbrigg estate went
to his nephew, Vice-Admiral William Lukin, the son of Dr.
Lukin, Dean of Wells, and formerly Rector of Metton, a
living held conjointly with that of Felbrigg, his mother being
a Doughty of Hanworth Hall, Norfolk. The Admiral took
the name of Windham, in accordance with the provisions
of his uncle's will, and under his regime Felbrigg was well
cared for. He married Anne, a daughter of Peter Thel-
luson, and by her had thirteen children. And among his
many grandchildren occur many well-known names of the
APPENDIX, 271
present day Lords Revelstoke, Cromer, Listowel, Lady
Suffield, Colonel Hare, Lady Yarborough, Mr. Windham
Holly, &c.
Admiral Windham's daughter, Maria, married her relative,
George Wyndham (another branch of the family settled at
Cromer Hall, Norfolk), and of her children, only one, the
present Lady Alfred Paget, survives. Under his grandson,
William Frederick Windham, the son of William Howe Wind-
ham, by Sophia, fourth daughter of the Marquis of Bristol,
and the nephew of General Sir Charles Ash Windham, a
gallant Crimean warrior, and the hero of the Redan, Felbrigg
was sold to Mr. John Ketton, a Norwich merchant, who
made his fortune out of cotton-seed during the time of the
Russian War.
Over the career of the last of the Windhams, who fell
so low as to drive the Cromer coach at a pound a week,
we draw the veil Some day, perhaps in another gene-
ration, the story which was brought out at the famous trial
(by which the unjustly -aspersed General Sir Charles Wind-
ham practically beggared himself in endeavouring to save
the family property), and the recital of the prodigal's freaks,
will make a curious chapter of local history. At the present
there are those alive to whom it would mean nothing but
pain, albeit it was so long ago as the 8th February, 1866,
nearly four years after the sacrifice of Felbrigg, that he was
laid to rest in the last home of his race in the church in the
park attached to his ancestral home.
It may, however, be interesting to record the following
incident, that when he was dying the only member of his
family that he telegraphed for was his uncle, the General,
who arrived in hot haste, and being met by his friend,
Mr. P. E. Hansell, they proceeded to the hotel, to find
that life was already extinct. The General clasped the still
warm hand of the dead man, and, deeply affected, remarked,
" Poor boy, I tried to save you, and I tried to save the
property ; now both are gone."
32439
272 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY.
The present owner of Felbrigg, Mr. R. W. Ketton, is well
known and respected in the Cromer district; and has, ever
since his accession to the property, taken his due share in
county business as a County Councillor and as a Justice of
the Peace.
The above account of Felbrigg is taken from a series of papers on
"The Ancestral Halls of Norfolk," published in the autumn of 1895 in
the columns of the Norfolk Weekly Standard.
PLYMOUTH I
WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON, PRINTERS.
of Ca '"ornia
Hlard A. AL UBRARY FACILITY
Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388
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